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WHITE MYOPIA IN EDUCATION:
WHITE URBAN TEACHERS UNDERSTANDING
THEIR WHITENESS AND ITS IMPACT ON
THEIR ROLE AS EDUCATORS

presented by

Carol R. Baker

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WHITE MYOPIA IN EDUCATION:
WHITE URBAN TEACHERS UNDERSTANDING THEIR WHITENESS
AND ITS IMPACT ON THEIR ROLE AS EDUCATORS
By

Carol R. Baker

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to Michigan State University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
K-12 Educational Administration

2010

Copyright by
CAROL R. BAKER
2010

ABSTRACT
WHITE MYOPIA IN EDUCATION: WHITE URBAN TEACHERS
UNDERSTANDING THEIR WHITENESS AND ITS IMPACT
ON THEIR ROLE AS EDUCATORS
By

Carol R. Baker

The US. Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka
initiated educational reform through school racial desegregation. However, current
social trends demonstrate that public education has reverted to a resegregated status.
Demographic information indicates that urban schools are primarily attended by
students of color and that nationally approximately 85% of all elementary and
secondary teachers are white. Simultaneously, a racial academic achievement gap, as
indicated partially by standardized test scores, reading and math scones, graduation
rates and drop-out rates, has been widely documented. This achievement gap
indicates that whites and some Asians are prominent in the higher achievement
arenas, whereas Blacks, Hispanics and Native American students are prominent in the
lower achievement arenas.

Several areas have been identified that contribute to this racial academic
achievement gap, including: low public school financial support in urban areas, low
social economic status of students and their families, low parental involvement and
lack of pre-school opportunities. Additionally, racially based dissonance between
white teachers and students of color has been cited as a contributing factor in the

racial academic achievement gap.

This study looked at the impact of white privilege (whiteness), on white teachers
teaching capacity including relationships with students and parents of color, behavior
management and classroom practices. The study participants were practicing white
teachers in an urban setting. They were simultaneously involved in a broader
research initiative looking at aspects of academic achievement of boys of color, and
served as presenters and facilitators with colleagues in this capacity.

The five study participants were interviewed individually and in a group setting.
A cross case thematic analysis process was utilized to identify common themes
highlighting how the white teachers understood their whiteness and its impact on their
teaching capacity.

A primary theme that emerged from this data collection and analysis was that the
white teachers, although involved in multicultural training for over two years,
continued to struggle with identifying themselves as white and maintained a non-
raced self-perception. When confronted by race, they often felt shocked and
defensive. The study participants typically did not see themselves as racially
privileged and reflected beliefs in color-blindness, individualism and meritocracy.
They often did not acknowledge societal white privilege or a belief that they had
benefited from it. While they maintained an overt anti-racist ideology, they often
demonstrated racially privileged positioning within areas of their teaching practice.

This study underscores the impact that whiteness has on teaching capacity of white
teachers. This study indicates that multicultural training must be extended over time
and include a primary focus on whites understanding white societal positioning and

acknowledging societal and individual white privilege.

This dissertation is dedicated:

To the memory of my mother, Patricia R. Baker
Whose loving encouragement, direction and support brought me here

And

To the memory of my friend Annette Abrams
Whose brilliant intelligence, analysis, love and challenge brought me here

And

To my children, Hannah and Jesse
You are the future; and my hope for you, and that future, brought me here

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge and thank many people for their support and
encouragement during my time as a graduate student at Michigan State University.
Dr. Christopher Dunbar offered more support than he perhaps realizes; especially in
repeating to me that my research was important and needed to be told; I thank him.
Also, to my committee members, for their feedback and encouragement, I thank them
and appreciate them: Dr. Renn, Dr. Melnick, Dr. Mangin and, of course, Dr. Dunbar.

I am grateful and indebted to the broader Peace Community in Lansing. So many
of them have encouraged me, by continuing to search for peace and work for justice
and for their strength in the work they do. I am grateful and blessed to have known
them.

I want to thank my pastors. In loving memory and appreciation of Rev. Rich
Buckwalter; in thanks to Rev. Anita Smith Buckwalter and in thanks to Fr. Dick
Preston; they mentored and encouraged me and I am very humbled and grateful. For
the congregations at the Church of the Brethren and at Red Cedar Friends Meeting; I
am thankful. Their faith walk has encouraged me in countless ways over the years.

I am extremely grateful for the gifis of listening and intelligent analysis and
criticism given to me by many friends during this time. Thank you to Naomi Shelton,
Becky Schwarz, Peggy Judge, Joyce Piert, Robert Verdell, Rondy Murray and Cup
Porter. Their support and encouragement and intelligent analysis has meant so much
to me. I would have set this process aside numerous times if not for their

encouragement.

vi

I am grateful to my family. In memory of my Mom; she was such a supportive,
understanding and generous person. In gratitude for my Dad; for his encouragement
to actually finish the process when it could have been quite simple to not do so.
Thank you to my brothers, Bill and Brian, for being there on my life journey. Thank
you especially to my sister Susie. She has always been a steady source of
encouragement and inspiration and a living example of strength and fortitude.

I am grateful for my kids. They have endured many of my monologues with grace
and respect and I appreciate it. Also, their insight and support and encouragement has
meant so much to me. I hope that I can make a small contribution to bringing social
justice, and racial equity closer to their future reality. I think they are amazing,
intelligent, insightful and simply wonderful!

I cannot begin to put words to my gratitude for being alive and for the privilege of
knowing God, my Higher Power, Divine Intelligence, Divine Wisdom and

Inspiration. I sense direction and love. I am overwhelmingly blessed and grateful.

vii

Chapters

11

III

TABLE OF CONTENTS

viii

Page
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY ......................... 1
Statement of the Problem .............................. 4
Purpose of the Study .................................... 8
Theoretical Framework ................................. 9
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ........................... 10
Whiteness and Education .............................. 10
Summary of Historical White Impact on
African American Education ................. 12
Summary of Historical White Impact on
Native American Education .................. 16
Summary of Historical White Impact on
Hispanic Education ............................ 19
Whiteness and Education in the Jim Crow Era. . . .. 22
Whiteness and Education during the
Civil Rights Era ................................ 24
Post-Civil Rights Whiteness in Education ........... 27
Racist Ideology in the Post-Civil Rights Era. . . . . 3O
Color-Blind Ideology in the Post-Civil Rights Era. 38
What is Whiteness? ................................................. 42
White Identity Development ........................... 46
Pre-Service Teachers and Whiteness in Schools... 49
Practicing Teachers and Whiteness in Schools. 53
Conclusion ............................................... 58
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY. . . . 59
Introduction ............................................. 59
Rationale for Qualitative Case Studies
Research Design .............................. 6O
Significance of Study ................................. 62
Site Selection .......................................... 63
Data Collection Procedures .......................... 65
Data Analysis Procedure ............................. 66
Role of Researcher .................................... 68

IV PRESENTATION OF DATA .........................................
Introduction ............................................
Setting ..................................................
Lassiter School District ..............................
The Broader Study: The Anding Study ...........
Intervention/Study Elementary Schools ...........

V CASE STUDIES .......................................................
Introduction ...........................................
Ms. Wright ............................................
Ms. Durr ...............................................
Ms. Smith ..............................................
Ms. Braden ............................................
Ms. Tilly ..............................................

VI ANALYSIS .............................................................

Introduction
Seeing white: Awareness of white racial identity.
Living white: white privilege ........................
Relating white: white impacting relationships

with parents and colleagues .....................
Teaching white: white impacting classroom
lessons, behavior management and

relationships with students .......................

Personal Reflections and Conclusion ..............

VII IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION ............................
Implications ...........................................

Recommendations ....................................

Epilogue ................................................

APPENDICES .............................................................................
REFERENCES ...........................................................................

ix

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73
74
75
77
83

86
86
86
90
95
100
105

110
110
114
126

139

152
I63

166
166
169
172

173

185

CHAPTER I
WHITE MYOPIA IN EDUCATION:
WHITE URBAN TEACHERS UNDERSTANDING THEIR WHITENESS
AND ITS IMPACT ON THEIR ROLE AS EDUCATORS

To establish a new framework, we need to begin with a fi'ank acknowledgement of

the basic humanness and Americanness of each of us. And we must acknowledge

that as a people-E. Pluribus Unum-we are on a slippery slope toward economic
strife, social turmoil, and cultural chaos. If we go down, we go down together.

(West, 2001, p. 8)

The presidential election of 2008 was historically pivoting as the first ever Afi'ican
American, Barack Obama, was elected, by a virtual electoral mandate, to the
presidency of the United States. Race was fiequently featured in the full gamut of
media coverage as a hotly contested topic during his candidacy. In one instance, the
press featured snippets of a sermon given by Reverend Jeremiah Wright, President
Obama’s long-term pastor. The sermon gave searing examples of racism in the US.
as perpetrated by whites and the government as well (Martin, 2008). The controversy
surrounding Reverend Wright’s sermon was the precursor to President Obama’s now
famous speech on race entitled “A More Perfect Union” given at Constitution Center
in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on March 18, 2008 (Wall Street Journal, 2008).

In his speech, President Obama emphasized that race issues in the United States
are multi-layeredl and complicated, historical and current. As the President stated:

We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But

we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the

African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed

on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and
Jim Crow. (Wall Street Journal, 2008)

Obama continued by describing that past and present lack of economic
opportunity and legalized racial discrimination are under girded by an inadequate
school system that works against children of color. Obama stated that:

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven’t fixed them,

Fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they

provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between

today’s black and white students. (Wall Street Journal, 2008)

As President Obama reflects, today’s racial academic achievement gap is a
byproduct of generations of racial inequalities in our country, perpetrated primarily
by social institutions developed to favor whites over people of color (Wall Street
Journal, 2008). Additionally, many urban students of color are currently taught by
white teachers (Howard, 2010; Kunjufu, 2002). This study looks at questions
surrounding practicing white urban teachers and their understanding of their personal
racial identity and racially based privilege, and how this has impacted their role and
capacity as educators with students of color. The term ‘whiteness’ is used within this
study, and within the broader research community, to describe an intricate overt and
covert system that provides unearned privilege and advantage to individuals
perceived as white (Howard, 1999; Kivel, 2002; Lewis, 2003; Singleton & Linton,
2006; Wise, 2005).

The racial academic achievement gap is a multifaceted educational and societal
issue that has been studied and hotly contested and ultimately acknowledged by a
wide variety of scholars, academic and civic groups (Anyon, 2005; Kozol, 2005;
Noguera & Wing, 2006; Ogbu, 2003; Themstrom & Themstrom, 2003). The

National Center for Educational Statistics [N CES], (2009b) reports that SAT scores

are 100 points lower for African Americans in critical reading, mathematics and

writing as compared to whites on a scale ranging from 200 - 800 points. Hispanics
including Mexican American, Puerto Rican and other Hispanics, and Native
Americans scored from 72 to 78 points behind whites in critical reading, mathematics
and writing. According to NCES (2009c), drop-out rates for students of color
continue to be dramatically higher as compared to whites. NCES (2009c) reports that
in examining 15-24 year olds who dropped out of high school between grade levels
10 t012 in 2007, 2.2 % of white students enrolled dropped out as compared to 4.5%
of Black students enrolled and 6.0% of Hispanic students enrolled. According to
Themstrom and Themstrom (2003):

The racial gap in academic achievement is an educational crisis, but it is also the

main source of ongoing racial inequality. And racial inequality is America’s great

unfinished business, the wound that remains unhealed. Thus, this is a book about
education, but it also addresses the central civil rights issue of our time: our
failure to provide first-class education for Black and Hispanic students, in both

cities and suburbs.” (p. 1)

The Supreme Court decision of Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 initiated the
beginning of an era of attempted racial desegregation of schools. However, racial
resegregation within our school systems represents our current schooling trends
(Tatum, 2007; [(0201, 2005). According to the NCES (2006), in the 100 largest
school districts in the United States, 70% of the students are students of color. Racial
segregation in urban city centers is often coupled with increased urban decay and
urban economic decline (Anyon, 2005).

The US. trend of suburban growth populated with whites and increased economic
status is juxtaposed with higher numbers of people of color struggling economically

in urban areas (Anyon, 2005). Urban deterioration has resulted in an increase in high

poverty schools within urban areas (Kozol, 1991). These high poverty schools are

attended primarily by students of color (Anyon, 2005). According to the NCES
(2007c), 72% of African American students in cities attended a moderate to high
poverty school as compared to 27% of white students. Additionally, the NCES
(2007c) reports that 72% of Hispanic students, 52% of Native American students and
39% of Asian/Pacific Islander students attended moderate to high poverty schools in
cities. Not surprisingly, high poverty schools face challenges that well endowed
schools do not (Kozol, 1991). High poverty schools house run down facilities, lack
modern technology, have higher teacher turn over rates and pose multiple health
hazards for students (Kozol, 2005).

Economic disparity is oflen cited as the source of educational disparity leading to
the racial academic achievement gap (Howard, 2010). Clearly, high poverty school
systems struggle to offer educational opportunities similar to those found in well
financed school systems. However, researchers have determined that within similar
socioeconomic groupings, white students continue to academically outperform
students of color (Noguera & Wing, 2006; Ogbu, 2003; Tatum, 2007). If not based
solely on economic disparity, how, then, can the racial academic achievement gap be
explained, understood and ultimately addressed?

Statement of the Problem
Many white citizens believe that our society has reached a racially ‘equal’ plateau
and that racism is largely a thing that existed in the pre-civil rights era and has now
been primarily eradicated (Bonilla-Silva, 2001, 2006). In the current so called post-
civil rights era, many whites believe that opportunities within various arenas of

society, such as employment and education, are equally available to everyone

regardless of race (Brown et al., 2003). This paradigm then leads to the belief that the
racial academic achievement gap is the result of a racially based cultural deficit
(Brown et al., 2003; Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Howard, 2010) This sociopathological
model says that because the Civil Rights Movement removed legal barriers to
minority advancement, various social pathologies within the minority communities
must be responsible for the continued academic achievement gap (Bonilla-Silva,
2006; Howard, 2010; Louie, 2008). Lack of a strong work ethic has been cited as a
reason students do not matriculate fiom high school (Ogbu, 2003). Lack of parental
concern about academics is cited as a cultural deficit and justified by low numbers of
parents participating in school related activities. (Themstrom & Themstom, 2003;
Ogbu, 2003). These justifications reflect a lack of understanding or acceptance of
how racist institutional structures continue to undergird poverty and make graduation
a distant goal for many students (Anyon, 2005).

The paradigm of a post-civil rights eradication of racism is commonly held by
white teachers and is expressed through a belief in a color-blind philosophy (Tatum,
I997; Singleton & Linton, 2006). “I don’t see the color of my students”, “I am color-
blind” and “I don’t see race” are fiequently stated personal beliefs of white teachers
(Tatum, 1997, 2007 ; Ladson-Billings, 1994). White belief in the eradication of
societal and institutional racism embeds an unspoken discounting of any relevance of
long-term impacts of societal and institutional racism existing today (Singleton and
Linton, 2006). This belief makes authentic understanding of the struggles facing

students of color difficult by white teachers (Sleeter, 2008). This belief, in actuality,

is discounting of the student’s experience (Tatum, 1997). Singleton and Linton
(2006) describe the color-blind philosophy within education by stating that:

Educational leaders collectively view themselves and the schooling enterprise to

be inherently non-racist. In fact, their tightly held beliefs and understandings

regarding the significance of race make it difficult for teachers to comprehend,
examine, and rectify the very ways in which race dramatically impacts

achievement. (p. 15)

Unexplored white personal prejudice and unacknowledged institutional racism
impact the education of children of color by white teachers in a multitude of ways
(Kohl, 1994). Language differences of students of color may be seen as language
deficits by their white teachers (Baugh, 2008). Poverty levels and free lunch
designations may increase white teachers' assumptions that the student comes fi'om a
broken home or is uncared for (Kunjufu, 2002; Howard, 1999). Lack of telephones,
computers or transportation available to a poor family may increase the white
teacher’s stereotypic thoughts that the parents of the student of color don’t value
education (Tatum, 1997). White teachers may assume in an unconscious way that
children of color are not as smart, motivated or gifted as their white counterparts
(Sullivan, 2006). Research suggests that teacher expectations can predict changes in
student achievement and behavior.

The Pygrnalion effect describes the impact that expectations can have on
subsequent behavior and achievement (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1993). Expectations
can eventually lead to behavior and achievement that conform to those expectations
(Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1993). When a teacher believes that a student will not be able

to achieve academically due to language differences, socio-economic status, lack of

parental involvement or race, chances are increased that the teacher will treat the

student in ways that facilitate these negative expectations becoming reality (Green,
2000; Kuykendall, 2004). According to Delpit (1995) “The key here is not the kind
of instruction but the attitude underlying it. When teachers do not understand the
potential of the students they teach, they will under teach them no matter what the
methodology.” ( p.175)

The white paradigm of post-civil rights eradication of racism coupled with a belief
in a sociopathological model that blames minorities’ cultures for the racial academic
achievement gap coexist along side the resegregation of schools and the lack of
teachers of color (Anyon, 2005; Kozol, 2005). Since 1954 there has been a 66%
decline in African Americans pursuing teaching (Kunjufu, 2002). In the public
schools servicing our city centers, the teachers are primarily white. 83% of all
elementary school teachers are white females (Kunjufu, 2002). African American
teachers represent only 7.9% of public school teachers, whereas more than 83% are
white (NCES, 2004). The number of students of color continues to increase while the
number of teachers of color is actually dropping (Singleton & Linton, 2006).

The post-civil rights era color-blind paradigm that purports believing in the non-
existence of racism is one that many white teachers subscribe to. However, race is a
topic that is discussed in multiple settings in schools, often guised in safe and race
neutral types of discourse (Pollock, 2004). Whites talk differently with whites than
when talking with a colleague of color, and professional development sessions
dealing with racially explicit topics are often degraded and dismissed (Pollock, 2004).

How then are these white held paradigms, situated within the so-called post-civil

rights era and education, implicated, if at all, in the racial achievement gap? The

majority of students of color are being taught by white teachers (N CES, 2004). These
same teachers live, work and educate students using the unspoken and perhaps
unconscious concepts of color-blindness and racial cultural deficit (Derman-Sparks &
Phillips, 1997). White teachers do not want to be labeled racist, are hesitant to
discuss race and naively believe a color-blind philosophy is appropriate to express
this (Pollack, 2004). Singleton and Linton (2006) state that:
If White people are the primary guardians and recipients of racial privilege,
they also bear significant responsibility for the perpetuation of racial
inequality or racism. This is no insignificant prognosis for public education,
given that the overwhelming majority of teachers, principals, superintendents,
and board members are White. Despite the extraordinary and groundbreaking
efforts of civil rights leaders to bring about racial equality, sustainable reform
will occur only when White people individually and collectively embrace and
encourage change. At the very least, White educators must allow change to
happen. Without their active participation in this way, racial injustices will
continue to be viewed by White people as a primary concern only for people
of color. (pp. 27-28)
Purpose of the Study
The broad purpose of this study is to examine how practicing white urban teachers
understand their race and whiteness and how they understand their race and whiteness
impacting their role as educators. Within the broader question of how practicing
white urban teachers understand their race and whiteness and their understanding of
how it impacts their role as educators are the sub questions of whiteness and its
impact on:
0 developing and maintaining relationships with students of color;
0 academic expectations of their students of color;

0 behavioral expectations of their students of color;

0 developing and maintaining relationships with parents of color;

0 developing and maintaining a positive school climate;

0 developing a culturally relevant curriculum;

0 developing a culturally relevant lesson plan base;

0 developing and maintaining relationships with colleagues of color;

0 developing and maintaining relationships with administrators of color

The question examined in this study, then, is "How do white teachers understand
their racial identity and whiteness and how do they understand their racial identity
and whiteness impacting their role as educators?"

Theoretical Framework

Tatum (2007) has postulated that there is considerable need for whites to explore
and study whiteness and add to the anti-racist white on white research base. As a
current practicing white teacher myself, I have a unique position to operate from. I
not only approach the topic as a researcher, but also as a current participant and as an
insider. Working as a complete member of the organizational system being studied,
as an insider, offers many positive possibilities (Brannick & Coghlan, 2007).

A sense of professional autonomy has been traditional with classroom teachers.
Additionally, white teachers discuss classroom practices concerning students of color
differently with other white teachers than with colleagues of color, or those outside
the school system. Therefore, my insider status as both a classroom teacher and a

white teacher, coupled with my role as researcher, will enhance the data collection

process (Pollock, 2004).

CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW
Whiteness and Education
An all white jury hides the executioner '3 face,
See how we are, me and you?
Everyone here needs to know their place
Let ’3 keep this blackbird
Hidden in the flue.
Oh oh oh Jena
Take your nooses down
John Mellencarnp © 2007
In September, 2007, over 20,000 individuals converged on Jena, Louisiana, in

protest of a series of racially based conflicts leading to six Afiican American students
sustaining felony criminal charges up to murder (Jones, 2007). In a high school of
just over 500 students, the 50 Afi’ican American Jena High School students had been
the brunt of a series of racially based slurs, insults and threats escalating to the point
where nooses were found swinging from a school yard tree (N ossiter, 2007). When
the high school principal attempted to expel the white students responsible, the
superintendent Would not allow it and referred to the nooses as a prank. Six Afiican
American students subsequently assaulted a white student and ended up in jail facing
criminal charges of up to life in prison (Jones, 2007). White students involved in
previous fighting with African American students were issued misdemeanor charges
or not charged at all (Jones, 2007).

Jena has come to be a modern representation of how racism in the United States

continues to be embedded in our criminal justice system, our educational system and

10

our society as a whole. J ena’s Mayor McMillin, while publicly sympathizing with
the negative and possibly threatening impact of the symbolism of a noose, only issued
his first public statement in response to a song written by John Mellencamp about
Jena, referring to the song as inflammatory and derogatory (Louisiana Mayor Balks,
2007). Indeed, many white residents of Jena were quoted as being anxious for their
town to not be portrayed as racist, insisting that racism is not a problem there.

As Jena has played itself out in the courts and media, nooses have been sighted
swinging on other school campuses throughout the U.S.(Potok, Visconti, Frankel &
Nigel, 2007). Nooses have been hung publicly outside of the Nyumburu Cultural
Center at the University of Maryland, on an African American professor’s door at
Columbia University, and at Andrews High School in North Carolina (V itello, 2007).
The noose, a commonly recognized racial hate symbol, is indicative of current
underlying racism in our culture and especially in our educational system (Myers,
2008). Although hotly denied by white Jena residents, does the astonishing number
of people involved in protesting this situation point to the degree of racism still felt in
the US? Jena, Louisiana, illustrates a variety of continued and current issues
involving racism and its impact on multiple levels of our society. Examination of
issues related to race, racism and white domination and their subsequent impact on
our society, Specifically within educational systems, is the focus of this literature
review.

This literature review begins with an examination of how race, racism and white
domination have shaped education in the United States historically and how they

continue to be a pivotal influence on education today. This historical overview will

11

progress through the civil rights era to our presently understood post-civil rights era.
The development of the concept of whiteness as defined and understood currently
will be reviewed as well as how whiteness is entwined and embedded in our
educational system, particularly in our elementary and secondary educational
systems. How whites working within the educational system understand the
continued impact of whiteness on education today, and their individual level of
involvement, will be the final area reviewed and discussed.

I have used Tatum’s (1997) clarification of how she chose to identify groups while
writing about race to assist in my own definitions: When referring to European-
Americans I use the term white; I use the terms African-American and Black
interchangeably; when referring to groups in the US. that have been historically
targeted and impacted by racism, I use the term people of color. Whenever possible,
when referring to people of color, I attempt to use the term that the group itself uses.

Summary of Historical White Impact on African American Education
They heard about the gold, the teachings and everything sacred,
Africa was almost robbed naked.
Slavery was money, so they began making slave ships...
Still goes on today, you see?
Nas © 2004
White Justification of Slavery

The institution of slavery in the United States met a need for the intense labor
necessary to make southern land profitable with cotton production and other crops. In
order to justify the practice of slavery, white slave owners, and white society in

general, had to maintain an overarching and deeply entrenched belief in the

‘rightness’ of whiteness and the concept of the evil of ‘others’ (Bell, 1992; Franklin

12

& Moss, 2006). This belief had to be such that Afiican slaves were literally viewed,
and treated, as animals. This justified brutality, which has been broadly documented,
was a primary means of control (Akbar, 1984). In addition to brutality through
physical violence, starvation, etc, restricting the acquisition of literacy by slaves was
another primary way to contain and manage slaves (Bell, 1992).

White Control of Slave Literacy Acquisition.

Prohibiting literacy acquisition for slaves decreased their ability to understand
their owners and to communicate with each other. The education of Afiican slaves
was strictly prohibited and illegal. Not only could the slave student be brutally
beaten, virtually to death, but the teacher could be shunned, beaten and maimed and
imprisoned as well (Douglass, 1855).

In his life narrative, originally published in 1855, Frederick Douglass relates a
conversation he overheard between his brutal master and his mistress. His mistress
had been teaching him to read. Douglass’s master said that teaching any slave to read
would spoil the slave - the slave would become unmanageable and ‘there would be
no keeping him — it would forever unfit him to be a slave, it would make him
disconsolate and unhappy’(p. 146). Douglass (1855) stated:

From that moment, I understood the pathway from slavery to freedom. I now
understood what had been to me a most perplexing difficulty — to wit, the
white man’s power to enslave the black man. The very decided manner with
which he spoke, and strove to impress his wife with the evil consequences of
giving me instruction, served to convince me that he was deeply sensible of the
truths he was uttering. The argument which he so warmly urged, against my
learning to read, only served to inspire me with a desire and determination to
learn. (p. 147)

Literacy and formal education were viewed as a means to liberation and freedom

and, although the penalty for learning to read and write was severe, many slaves did

13

learn. This desire to learn resulted in a largely historically undocumented network of
underground slave schools.
Ex-slave Sabbath Schools

Due to these severe punishments slave schools were carefully hidden. There is
minimal documentation of slave schools that existed before the end of the Civil War.
However, during Reconstruction ex-slave schools became so prevalent, so quickly,
that there is a current assumption that an entire slave schooling system existed before
the war, but remains largely undocumented (Anderson, 1988).

Due to the coveted nature of formal education, after the Civil War ex-slaves
quickly developed a network of public Sabbath Schools and other organized public
schools that were highly attended (America's reconstruction, 2003). Ex-slaves put
high priority on formal education and literacy. John Alvord, the national
superintendent of schools for the F reedmen’s Bureau, was appointed inspector of
schools for the bureau in 1865 and documented the volume and range of ‘native
schools’ (Anderson, 1988). Alvord found that in 1866 there were at least 500 schools
of this description already in operation in the South. Alvord’s field representatives
reported in 1869 that there were over 1500 Sabbath schools with over 6,000 teachers
and over 100,000 students (Anderson, 1988). Historical documentation now shows
that the seed for our current publicly funded universal education system was planted
and nourished in the south by ex-slaves (Anderson, 198 8). However, many whites
remained opposed to ex-slave education and developed methods to derail this

educational movement (DuBois, 1901).

14

White Suppression of Ex-slave Education
Ex-slave’s demand for universal education and for formal education for

themselves and their children ran counter to the white land-owners continued desire
for cheap labor and control of the economy (Franklin & Moss, 2006). Many tactics
were used to keep ex-slaves tied to the land under the labor-repressive system run by
whites that had existed before the Civil War (Anderson, 1988). White planters
needed child labor, and as they regained control of the state governments, they kept
universal schooling weak through the use of low taxes, no compulsory education laws
and the refusal to pass laws that would support universal education. Anderson (198 8)
states that:

the South’s slow rate of educational development and the planters

opposition to black education sprang from their clear

economic and ideological interests in preserving the racially qualified

system of coercive agricultural labor. Both race and class conflict

existed between white planters and their black agricultural laborers. (p. 25)

Traditional white planters viewed the education of ex-slaves as detrimental to their

economy and culture and worked to stall universal education. Simultaneously, there
were white planters who understood that, with the right curriculum, universal
schooling could be a way to produce an efficient labor force and a way to instill an
acceptance of the southern racial caste hierarchy (Anderson, 198 8). Historically
whites used education as a method of forced assimilation and repression of other

groups in addition to Afiican Americans. Whites used education as an intentional and

historically documented method of also obliterating Native American societies.

15

Summary of Historical White Impact on Native American’s Education
Jesus tells me and I believe it ’s true
The Red Man is in the sunset too
Took all his land, now they won ’t give it back
And they sent Geronimo a Cadillac
Michael M. Murphy © 2000

Native Americans teaching white settler’s survival skills ending with a
thanksgiving feast is a story elementary students are very familiar with. The Trail of
Tears and other forced relocations of Native Americans coupled with countless
treaties between Native American tribes and the US. government subsequently
broken by the US. government are historical events less known to elementary
students (Adams, 1995). Typical current school curriculum that includes Native
American cultures focuses on those cultures as they were before white settlers and the
US. government violently diminished and virtually exterminated them (Bigelow,
1998; Fletcher, 2008).
White Puritan Values and Colonialism

The Puritans brought European ideas about education with them as settlers. In
Europe the wealthy were typically educated with tutors, and that practice developed
in the US. over time as well. A few schools were founded by religious groups as
charity for the poor. These schools taught lessons based on Puritan values including a
belief in land ownership, property ownership, individualism and competition. These
values were unknown to Native Americans who lived communally and cooperatively
and had for unknown thousands of years (Klug & Whitfield, 2003; Horse, 2001).

White settlers viewed themselves egocentrically as the correct and best and Native

Americans as ‘heathens’ and ‘pagans’. An entrenched belief in white superiority and

16

‘rightness’ allowed white settlers to dominate, through force and coercion, the Native
Americans and to attempt toalleviate their culture. This domination was facilitated
by establishing educational structures that supported the white culture and attempted
to eliminate the Native American culture (Klug & Whitfield, 2003).

White Values and Assimilation Methods Using Education

Many land treaties that were signed by the US. government included a clause for
free public education for Native American children. The education provided was
structured by the European belief system and included the belief that Native
Americans needed to be ‘civilized’ (Szasz, 1994). Gradually this education
encompassed policies to eliminate Native American languages and customs, and
came to include removal of Native American children fi'om their families to be
‘educated’ in mission and boarding schools. Schooling curriculum was developed
with the goal of total assimilation of Native Americans into white Culture (Szasz,
1994)

Boarding school staff members were often abusive to their students. Students who
spoke their mother language were harshly punished. Students were housed and
schooled far away from their families and were taught that their culture was inferior
to the white culture and language (Szasz, 1999).

Steve was sent to a mission school around Mt. Pleasant (Michigan) when he was

about 8 years old (in 1967). If he would say anything in Anishobewin they would

beat him on his back with a broom handle. He ran away so many times they

just let him stay home eventually. It kills me — the place was owned by a church.

-Susie Petoskey, nurse, firefighter, mother of 3, in reference to her deceased

husband and father of her children, Steven Petoskey, Grand Traverse Band of
Ottawa and Chippewa Indians (Personal Communication, January, 2000).

17

The right of US. citizenship was granted to Native Americans in 1924. This
citizenship, however, was not sufficient for Native Americans to become
‘Americanized’ or blended into the so-called melting pot of ethnicities (Banks, 1996).
In 1954, Brown v. Board of Education opened the door for Native American children
to attend predominately white schools near their communities. White educators at
these schools viewed Native children as ‘others’ who had lower intellectual and
academic capabilities. Public education, with reliance on standardized testing, and
riddled with cultural bias, continued to underscore a so-called intellectual deficiency
in Native American students (Klug & Whitfield, 2003).

The civil rights era coupled with the birth of the American Indian Movement,
began to challenge the educational perspectives of Native students as deficient and
began to open doors to view Native American students as capable and intelligent
(W ittstock & Salinas, n.d.). This societal movement was facilitated by legislation
including The National Advisory Council on Indian Education, the Indian Self-
Deterrnination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, The Tribally controlled
Community College Assistance Act of 1978 and Executive Order 13096 in 1998 that
supported research into effective educational practices for Native students (Reyhner,
2006). However, currently, Native Americans continue to have the highest high
school and post-secondary drop out rates in the United States and many continue to
live in extreme poverty on white established reservations (Faircloth & Tippeconnic,
2010)

Whites attempted forced acculturation of Native Americans has been virtually

genocidal. Noguera (2003) summarizes by stating that:

18

It should be remembered that the presumption that non-Whites generally -
and Blacks, Native Americans, Hawaiians, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans
specifically - were inferior peoples, served as the primary means through
which slavery, colonization, and more contemporary forms of
subordination and exploitation have been justified. While the influence

of the ideology of White supremacy may seem less relevant today in
post-civil rights America, there is considerable evidence that its legacy and
concomitant presumption of non-White inferiority are still very much

a part of the present. (p. 43)

Whites used education as a method to force acculturation and assimilation of
Native Americans. In addition to this white dominant view of superiority concerning
Native Americans, whites viewed Hispanics as ‘inferior others’ in need of civilizing
and controlling and used these values to justify western expansion.

Summary of Historical White Impact on Hispanic Education

That famed General Cortinas is quite sovereign and free,
The honor due him is greater for he saved a Mexican ’s life.

The American ’s made merry, they get drunk in the saloons,
Out of joy over the death of the famed General Cortinas.

Traditional ballad (corridor), written in the late 1850’s

Juan Nepomuceno Cortina was a Mexican from the Brownsville-Matamorous
area, who, according to Paredes (1976), “was the first man to organize a Texas-
Mexican protest against abuses on the part of the Anglos who controlled the border
power structure after 1848" (p. 22). AS a member of one of the old landholding
families on the Rio Grande, Cortina became resentful of the white newcomers and
defended a poor worker from the abuses of a white town marshal. This led to a war
of protest on his part, and his untimely death (Paredes, 1976).
Education Used to Force Acculturation and Subordination

White egocentric values of individualism and land ownership undergirded an era

of western expansion. This led to the conquering of Mexico and annexing of land

19

now known as Texas, Arizona, California and Colorado. The residents of these lands
suddenly found themselves part of a country that considered them foreigners and
inferior. Schools were established by whites with a pedagogy of white superiority of
language and culture to educate the residents of the new southwest - mainly
Mexicans and Native Americans — in white language and ways (Kloosterman, 2003).

White controlled Catholic, Protestant and public schools were established in the
early to mid 18008 with the focus of converting and obtaining conformity from the
‘foreigners’. According to San Miguel (2003), schools for Hispanics were
instruments of cultural conformity that tried to eliminate non-English languages,
cultures and communities. The purpose of white education for the Mexicans living in
the newly expanding United States was similar to the purpose of schools for Native
Americans — acculturation and domination. White ego-centric and non-inclusive
pedagogy reinforced the deficit model that was used to educate Hispanics (San
Miguel, 2003).

Education not only worked toward the elimination of language and culture, but
aided in reinforcing the subordinate role that Mexicans and Hispanics would have in
relationship to whites. Limon (1983) describes this subordination process as:

Between 1848 and 1890, an Anglo ranching society established itself
among the native (also ranching) Mexican population, living with them

in a rough equality. However, beginning in the 1890’s, a clear racial-
cultural stratification and subordination began to emerge, as a new

wave of Anglo—American entrepreneurs and farming interests

established a political and economic hegemony over the native population
as well as the thousands of Mexican immigrants entering the area after

1910. . .With few exceptions, this total population. . .became the victim
of class-racial exploitation and mistreatment. (pp.216-17)

20

During the late 18008 and the 19003 the Hispanic population in the United States
was diversifying with an increase in Puerto Rican residents and the increased
immigration of Cubans and Mexicans (Ferdman & Gallegos, 2001). Most Mexican
Americans and Puerto Ricans continued to live in extreme poverty. Highly
segregated communities provided a cheap labor source for white owned American
industry. Education that was available continued to reinforce dominant white values
and societal position (Kloosterman, 2003).

Current Educational Impact of Historical Subordination of Hispanics

Although the civil rights era opened the door for Hispanics for increased justice in
areas of employment and education, to date the record continues to be bleak.
According to the NESC (2009c) the Hispanic drop out rate in the year 2007 hovered
at three times that of whites. Hispanics have the highest dropout rate of any major
segment of the US. population (Flores-Gonzalez, 2002). Historic values of white
privilege and dominance expressed through colonialism and expansionism have
resulted in a deeply failed educational system for Hispanics and other students of
color (Noguera, 2003).

White Ideology Subordinating People of Color.

African Americans, Native Americans and Hispanics have all been suppressed by
white ideology, values and pedagogy in education. These three broad groups have
been highlighted here in an effort to illustrate in more detail the depth of the impact of
whiteness on the history of the US. and education. Highlighting Afiican Americans,
Native Americans and Hispanics in no way discounts the suffering incurred by all

groups of people of color who have been exploited and suppressed by whiteness. The

21

Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, Korean Americans, Laotian Americans,
Cuban Americans, Pacific Islanders, Alaska Natives, Native Hawaiians, Puerto
Ricans and many, many more have experienced exploitation and injustice. The
examples presented are sample representations of the impact of whiteness on the
history of the US. and education. The white dominant practices that historically
defined Native Americans, Hispanics and Afiican Americans as second class citizens
also negatively impacted scores of other groups of people of color during US.
history. This review will now turn from examining the impact of white ideology
expressed through the ‘white is right’ mindset on specific groups of people of color to
a historic review of the progression of whiteness through historical eras including the
Jim Crow era, the civil rights era and into the present day post-civil rights era.
Whiteness and Education in the Jim Crow Era

From Reconstruction to Jim Crow

Federal law provided civil rights protection for the fieed slaves during the
Reconstruction. At the end of Reconstruction each Southern state passed laws that
enforced the separation of the races. They mandated ‘separate but equal’ facilities for
African Americans and others determined to be non-white. These facilities included
all public schools, places and transportation. These 'separate but equal‘ facilities and
practices were referred to as Jim Crow laws. (Franklin & Moss, 2006; Wormser, n.d.)

Jim Crow laws criminalized mixed race relationships, governed who restaurants
could serve, who could play on baseball teams, who could go to what school, who
could rent which apartment, who could ride in which train car and who could use the

library (Pilgrim, 2000). Oklahoma had a law for separate telephone booths by race

22

and Georgia had legislation that determined a distance of two city blocks had to be
kept between the white and the Negro baseball diamonds (Pilgrim, 2000). Texas had
twenty-seven separate Jim Crow laws enacted between 1866 and 1958. The separate
but equal status of the Jim Crow laws only enforced the ‘separate’ piece - the ‘equal’
piece was typically unenforced and farcical. Personal, institutional and cultural white
racism led to the Jim Crow laws, which in turn immensely impacted education for
people of color. The repressive and unequal nature of the Jim Crow era for people of
color was enforced through threats, physical violence and fear (Schwartz & Disch,
1970)

The 14th Amendment to the US. Constitution (1868) provided citizenship to all
people born in the US. or previously held in slavery, and forbade denial of due legal
process to anyone in pursuit of life, liberty or happiness. In 1870, the 15th
Amendment gave African American men the right to vote. With the abrupt end of
Reconstruction in 1877, the actualization of the 15‘h amendment gave way to state
based Jim Crow laws that allowed ‘literacy tests’ and poll taxes to discourage African
American men from voting. The African American men who were literate were
discouraged from voting through intimidation and violence (Davis, 1998; Franklin &
Moss, 2006). As in slavery, literacy was a valued societal skill used to deny Afiican
Americans access to the civil and human rights represented in voting.

Jim Crow Method of Oppression

Jim Crow was an accepted way of life for whites that relegated African Americans

and other people of color to a second class status. People of color continued to be

seen as intellectually and spiritually inferior, and this was uncontested and supported

23

in virtually all aspects of white society (Davis, 1998). White privilege and
dominance initiated and supported the cultural, legal, religious and educational
practices that enabled colonialism, expansionism and slavery to flourish (Doane &
Bonilla-Silva, 2003). Unequal education based on racial status was supported by a
legally sanctioned ‘separate but equal’ stance. The Jim Crow era was challenged and
began to be legally dismantled with the 1954 Supreme Court decision of Brown v.
Board of Education of Topeka that outlawed school segregation, leading into the civil
rights era.
Whiteness and Education during the Civil Rights Era

The class action suit brought forward by the NAACP of Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka resulted in the landmark US. Supreme Court decision that
overturned Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) which had, until then, been the legal support for
racially segregated schools (NAACP, n.d.). As a result of this decision, de jure racial
segregation was ruled a violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment of the United States Constitution. Brown v. Board of Education of
Topeka was a pinnacle of other lawsuits and was an organized effort spearheaded by
the NAACP to address racial segregation (NAACP, n.d.). This unanimous Supreme
Court decision is typically looked at as a pivotal portal for racial integration and the
civil rights movement in the United States.
Racial Integration Legalized but Resisted

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka laid the legal path for racial integration in
education. This court decision did not produce integration overnight, and Jim Crow

practices continued to be prevalent (Schwartz & Disch, 1970). There were many

24

white officials who simply refused to comply and this noncompliance was
represented by officials throughout the legal and educational systems. For example, in
1957, Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus called out the Arkansas National Guard to
block African American students from entering Little Rock High School. President
Dwight Eisenhower deployed federal troops and federalized the Arkansas National
Guard to protect and allow the students entry (We Shall Overcome, n.d.). In New
Orleans, federal marshals were called in to protect the safety of Ruby Bridges as she
began kindergarten in a totally empty elementary school that was being boycotted by
white families (Coles, 1995).

Alabama Governor George Wallace personally physically blocked the entry of
two African American students to the University of Alabama and moved only when
confronted by federal marshals and the US. Deputy Attorney General (Elliott, 2003).
Later during his political career Wallace apologized for his actions and speeches
during this time. However, he was representative of white privilege and dominance
at that time. In his now infamous inaugural speech as Governor of Alabama (1963),
Wallace stated that:

it is very appropriate that from this cradle of the Confederacy, this very

heart of the great Anglo-Saxon Southland, that today we sound the drum for
freedom as have our generations of forebearers before us time and again down
through history. Let us rise to the call for freedom-loving blood that is in us
and send our answer to the tyranny that clanks its chains upon the South.

In the name of the greatest people that have ever trod this earth, I draw the
line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny, and I say

segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever. (Alabama
Department of Archives and History, n.d.)

25

Federal Legislation Enacted to Facilitate Civil Rights

Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka outlawed racial segregation in public
schools. Federal money funneled to cooperative state school districts through Title
money and bussing were governmental methods used that attempted to dismantle
school segregation (Graham, 1971). The Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlawed
segregation in public places and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 addressed the ways
individual states had prevented Afiican Americans from voting by outlawing literacy
tests, poll taxes and allowing Federal registration of voters in areas with less than 50
% of the eligible minority voters registered to vote (United States Department of
Justice, n.d.). This era was a tumultuous time during US. history with strides toward
dismantling the far reaching tentacles of whiteness that had been planted by slavery,
colonialism and expansionism.
From Civil Rights Era to Post-Civil Rights Era

Federal legislation legislated the end of legal segregation. The Voting Rights Act
accompanied by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Civil Rights Act of 1968 are
often heralded as the beginning of the end of the civil rights era (Simon, 2002). As
legislation has been reinforced through court decisions and societal practices have
changed to align with the Civil Rights Act of 1968, many whites believe that the
goals of the civil rights era have been accomplished and that our society is fi'ee of
racially based discrimination (Ditomaso, Parks-Yancy & Post, 2003; Wellman,
1993). How then, does education continue to be impacted by whiteness in the so

called post-civil rights era?

26

Post-Civil Rights Whiteness in Education

Resegregation of Schools

The social and civil rights movements that have brought the US. culture to the
present have been unsuccessful in equalizing educational opportunities and in
dismantling white dominance. Schools have not necessarily become racially
integrated. Many are, in fact, resegregated (Anyon, 1997; Kozol, 1991; Kohl, 1994;
Kuykendall, 2004). Over fifty years after the Supreme Court declared school
segregation illegal, most children of color, in reality, attend unequal and segregated
schools (Ladson-Billings, 1994; Kunjufu, 2002). Metropolitan areas are
characterized by extensive inequality and segregation, which is reflected
not only in the poverty level but also in the school systems (Kozol, 2005). According
to the United States Department of Education's The Condition of Education 2007
report, 69% of students who are in a low poverty category are enrolled in suburban
schools while only 10% of students who are in a low poverty category are enrolled in
a city schools. At the same time, 69% of students who are in a high poverty category
are enrolled in city schools, and 6 % of students who are in a high poverty category
are enrolled in suburban schools (p. 77). Additionally, there were as many people
Officially poor in 1993 (39.2 million) as there were in 1959 (39.4 million) before the
national ‘war on poverty’, and most of this poverty is localized in urban areas
(Anyon, 2005).
Poverty, Race and Schools

In 2005 the percentage of African American and Hispanic families with children

living in poverty were double to triple that of the percentage of white families with

27

children living in poverty (NCES, 2007b). In 2005, African American, Hispanic and
American Indian/Alaska Native students were more likely to be eligible for free and
reduced lunch programs than white and Asian/Pacific Islander students. Afiican
American and Hispanic students were also the most likely to attend high poverty
schools while Asian/Pacific Islander students were most likely to attend low poverty
schools (NCES, 2007c).

Socioeconomic status is highly correlated With academic achievement and poverty
has numerous negative effects on academic achievement (Rusk, 1999; Kahlenberg,
2003). In an in-depth look at five urban school districts, Jonathon Kozol (1991)
compared urban education in the US. to S. African apartheid and designated our
present educational era as ‘pre-Plessey’ and savagely unequal.

Poverty is a major social issue in the United States today, a major impact on
negating educational and academic achievement for poor children, and continues to
be stratified according to race in our post—civil rights era. Segregation by race is
strongly related to segregation by class and income. Racially segregated schools for
all groups except whites are consistently schools with high concentrations of poverty
(Anyon, 2005; Kozol, 2003).

Educational Disparities Reflected by Race

Students of color are disproportionately placed in special education classes, have
higher rates of disciplinary action and higher drop-out rates (Kunjufu, 2002; NCES,
2009c). Additionally, students of color lag behind their white counterparts in
achievement in terms of standardized test scores and graduation rates (N CES, 2009a).

Of all the teachers in public schools in the United States in 2004, 8% were Afiican

28

American, 6% were Hispanic and 83% were white. White teachers make up the
majority of teachers in large (61%), midsize (73%), and small cities (84%) (NCES,
2007c). How, then, do the white teachers prominently teaching children of color
understand and explain the academic achievement differences for students of color
versus white students within our current educational system?

Deficit and Difference Models Used to Explain Educational Disparities

One model that white teachers use to explain the disparity in academic
achievement is that of deficit. This deficit model revolves around the white teacher’s
belief that the culture and language of students of color is inherently less than that of
white students. The deficit model also addresses the often existing differences in
class and wealth between the white teacher and the student of color in urban schools
(Thomas, 1983).

A difference model describes the disparity resulting fi'om differences between the
student of color's language and culture and the white teacher's language and culture.
Boththe deficit model and the difference model incorporate covert whiteness by
‘othering’ students of color (Ladson-Billings, 1994). These ways of perceiving and
believing negatively impact the white teachers’ perspectives of their diverse students’
abilities. Negative beliefs and lowered expectations then lead to lowered academic
performance (Ladson-Billings, 1994).

White Teacher’s Ideology Reflects White Privilege
Few white teachers would use the word ‘racist’ to describe these negative beliefs.
However, the beliefs themselves originate in white racist ideology. As Tatum (1997)

describes, just as one cannot live in Los Angeles and escape being a ‘smog breather’,

29

a white person cannot live in the US. and escape being influenced by white privilege
and racist ideologies produced by white privilege. These embedded beliefs, then,
subtly, covertly and perhaps unconsciously support the continuation of practices that
lead to educational underachievement (Berlak, 2008; Sullivan, 2006). Relevant
multi-cultural curriculum and lessons, high expectations and parental involvement are
all practical areas that are negatively impacted by white teacher’s unexarnined
ideologies (Derman-Sparks & Phillips, 1997). How, then, is whiteness and racist
ideology embedded in the post-civil rights era, especially in education?
Racist Ideology in the Post-Civil Rights Era
Belief That Racial Differences are Scientifically Proven
Historically, race was considered a scientific and biologically known fact. This

‘knowledge’ led to the belief that non-white students would be less intelligent, and
that this was an inherited racial trait (Goodman, 2008). IQ scores were historically
used to support the idea that non-whites were less intelligent than whites. However,
standardized tests are embedded with biases that favor whites over people of color
(J encks & Phillips, 1998). Currently, race as a biological fact is a scientifically
unsupported concept, and is, rather, a socially and historically constructed category.
Bonilla-Silva (2001) states that:

Races, as most social scientists acknowledge, are not biologically but

socially determined categories of identity and group association.

In this regard, they are analogous to class and gender. Actors in

racial positions do not occupy those positions because they are of

X or Y race, but because X or Y has been socially defined as a race.

Actors’ phenotypic (i.e., biologically inherited) characteristics, such

as skin tone and hair color and texture, are usually, although not always

used to denote racial distinctions because races are socially constructed,

both the meaning and the position assigned to races in the racial
structure are always contested. Who is to be considered black or white or

30

Indian reflects and affects the social, political, ideological, and
economic struggles among the races. (p. 41)

Concept of Race is Socially Constructed
An individual’s race is not biologically determined but is rather socially

constructed based on history, politics and economics (Bonilla-Silva, 2001;
Mukhopadhyay, 2008). Historical research suggests that race has been constructed as
a way to develop an in-group, or dominant group, and an out-group, or subordinate
group. These social groupings, then, act as a way for the dominant group to maintain
dominance (Mukhopadhyay, 2008). Noel Ignatiev (1998) states that if privileges
associated with white skin did not exist, then the so called white race would not exist
and skin color would have no meaning. Ignatiev (1997) details that:

Race has meant various things in history. We use the term to mean a group

that includes all social classes, in a situation where the most degraded member

of a dominant group is exalted over any member of a subordinate group...

That formation was first successfully established in the 17m century. The

white race meant not only that no European-Americans were slaves,

but that all European-Americans, even laborers, were by definition

enforcers of slavery. . .That was the birth of “race” as we use the term. (p. 607)

The subordinate out-groups have been configured in different ways throughout

US. history, but have always included people of African decent (Ignatiev, 1997;
Roediger, 1994). The construction of racial categories has played an especially
significant role in the United States as demonstrated through expansionism,
colonialism and slavery.
Commonly Accepted Definition of Racism

Systems that perpetuate the continued concept of race coupled with white

dominance are racist systems. These systems exist in our culture on institutional,

31

societal and cultural levels (Scheurich & Young, 1997, Tatum, 1997, 2007; Kunjufu,
2002). However, whites often recognize racism only in terms of overt personal
prejudice. On this level, racism is recognized only in terms of individuals that are
blatantly and overtly prejudiced against people of another race based primarily on the
race of the ‘other’.

Overt Versus Covert Racism

A stereotype of another person or group based on a preconceived judgment or
opinion is a personal prejudice and may be expressed through overt racist acts and
language (Tatum, 1997). The mental picture of Police Chief Bull Connors ordering
peaceful civil rights demonstrators to be attacked by guard dogs or using fire hoses on
protesting African American teens are powerfirl examples of overt personal racism
(Baggett, n.d.). By using examples such as these, that are historically situated and
overt, many whites today are convinced that they themselves are not racist, but other
whites may be. Within this definition, the terms racist and racism are used by ‘good’
whites as labels to describe ‘bad’ whites that are personally overtly or covertly
prejudice based on racialized notions (Sullivan, 2006).

In the post-civil rights era, it has become generally socially unacceptable to many
whites to be considered overtly racist or to be referred to as racist. White racists,
within this description, are considered unintelligent and likely part of a reactionary
type of fiinge group in our culture. For example, racists are considered to be right
wing reactionaries such as Ku Klux Klan members. This understanding of racism,

within the parameters of overt racism, is one that many whites cling to. It is a surface

32

level understanding that takes them off the hook of any deeper look at racism in our
culture, and in this way supports white dominance (Kivel, 2002).

Covert prejudice is the underground version of overt prejudice. The reaction is the
same - it is personal prejudice from an individual directed toward another individual
or group based on a racialized stereotypic belief system. Pollock (2003) discusses
this in her ethnographic look at high school conversations between white teachers. In
a staff meeting where there are Afiican American teachers and white teachers, there
will be silence about many topics that reference African American students, such as
the proportion of Afiican Americans that are skipping class and in the halls during
class time. In a private setting where there are only white teachers and staff, the
teachers will talk about such issues by discussing ‘them’, in reference to Afiican
American students. It is a coded, covert language and method used to discuss
racialized issues. Coded phrases and language used to discuss issues that include race
and racism allow the white teacher to avoid using overt racist language and see
themselves as free of racial stereotyping. At the same time, coded language allows
white teachers to continue to engage in, and reinforce, racially prejudiced dialogue
(Pollock, 2008).

Overt and covert prejudices are the most obvious and commonly held
understandings by whites of racism in our culture. These practices only address
individual racism and actions. Tatum (1997) defines racism as “prejudice plus power”
(p. 7). Defining racism only in terms of overt and covert personal racism ignores the
broader, deeper impact of institutional, societal and cultural racism on our culture and

education (Welhnan, 1977; Tatum, 1997).

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Institutional Racism
Scheurich and Young (1997) define institutional racism as existing when:

institutions, including educational ones, have standard operating procedures

(intended or unintended) that hurt members of one or more races in relation

to members of the dominant race. . .If a schools’ standard pedagogical

method is culturally congruent with the culture of white students but not

with the cultures of students of color, this is institutional racism. (p. 5)

Institutional racism has been demonstrated in school systems by examining the
disproportionately high number of children of color who are referred for special
education services, labeled learning disabled, suspended and expelled as compared to
white students (Kunjufu, 2002).
Societal Racism

Scheurich (1997) describes societal racism as existing when “prevailing societal or
cultural assumptions, norms, concepts, habits, expectations, etc. favor one race over
one or more other races” (p. 6). These cultural beliefs, then, are considered ‘right’
and societal systems develop to favor them over the cultural beliefs of the oppressed
group. Jim Crow segregation laws and practices and the ‘separate but equal’ beliefs
encompassed in Plessy v. Ferguson are examples of societal racism in our culture.
Civilizational Racism

Scheurich (1997) describes a form of racism broader than societal racism that he
refers to as civilizational racism. Civilizational racism is the broadest and deepest
form of racism that exists over time and is foundational in supporting racist societal,
institutional and individual ideologies. Civilizational racism is deeply embedded in a

society's belief system. This civilizational racism can be viewed through the concepts

of expansionism, colonialism and slavery. The white Europeans viewed their

34

civilization as superior, and anyone not in their group was ‘othered’ into such groups
as ‘heathens’ and ‘slaves’. It was this civilizational racism that enabled white
Europeans to engage in the inhumane practices involved in territorial expansionism
and slavery (Frankenberg, 1993; West, 1993). Whites justified their genocidal
practices toward Native Americans by viewing Native Americans as ‘heathens’, and
inhuman. African slaves were also deemed inhuman. This viewpoint, understood
through civilizational racism, allowed the structure of slavery to blossom (Franklin &
Moss, 2006). Whites, over centuries, have made themselves the central and dominant
group. In referring to civilizational racism, Feagin (2000) writes that it is:

not just about the construction of racial images, attitudes, and identities. It

is even more centrally about the creation, development, and maintenance of

white privilege, economic wealth, and sociopolitical power over nearly

four centuries. (p. 21)

This dominance, then, leads to white dominance and privilege as being deeply
seen as the right and natural way of things. This deeply held sense of the ‘rightness
of whiteness’ is justified by the ideals of individualism and meritocracy.

Whiteness Embodied in the Concepts of Individualism and Meritocracy
People of color speak of racism as a “double consciousness” wherein they see
themselves through the eyes of whites. According to DuBois (1903/ 1 989):
The Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-
sight in this American world -— a world which yields him no true self-
consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes
of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in
amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his tvvoness, - an American,
a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring

ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being
torn asunder (p. 3).

35

Although written almost 100 years ago, this sentiment is still relevant for people of
color in the US. Because of collective mistreatment, based on skin color, people of
color are forced to learn to see themselves as a racialized group defined by that skin
color (Scheurich, 1993).

Whiteness reinforced by the ideology of individualism.

Whites, on the other hand, experience themselves as non-racialized individuals.
They do not have a more dominant group forcing their grouping based on skin color,
and typically do not view themselves as part of a racialized group (Landsman, 2001).
This sense of individualism is a privilege of whiteness in our culture and is the
foundation for a sense of individual meritocracy (McIntosh, 1989). Whites view their
accomplishments as strictly individual accomplishments separate from a racial group
or supportive cultural and societal structures. This perspective, then, focuses only on
individual will and intention, and does not acknowledge the impact of existing
structural inequities based on race (Scheurich, 1993).

Many white people refuse to acknowledge the existence of white dominance or of
white privilege. The concept that white people are given advantage based simply on
skin color threatens the strongly held belief that white people achieved their superior
societal status because they earned it through hard work (Giroux, 1997; Omi &
Winant, 1994). The beliefs of meritocracy and individualism are deeply embedded in
white racial culture and perspective (Singleton & Linton, 2006; Tatum, 1997).

Whiteness reinforced by the ideology of meritocracy.

The societal concept of meritocracy includes the belief that an individual achieves

based on how hard he or she works, their determination and their work ethic. If you

36

work hard, you merit what you get. This traditionally held white value is often
referred to as a ‘pull yourself up by your bootstraps’ mentality — that here in the
United States all advantages and possibilities are available for everyone; you just
have to try, try again to get what you want. If you don’t achieve, it is perceived as
your own fault (Barry, 2010).

The belief in individual meritocracy is an expression of societal racism. It does not
take into account the increased opportunities whites have over non-whites based
simply on whiteness. Wealth in the United States is typically related to land
ownership, home ownership, education and inheritance (Anyon, 1997). People of
color have been, through white Oppression, historically hindered in attaining
education, land and home ownership. Amassed wealth for people of color historically
has been, therefore, significantly less than that of whites, and has lessened the
opportunity for material gain through generational inheritance. There has never been
a time in the history of the US. when the majority of Afiican Americans were
middle-class but whites generally often believe that the playing field of material
increase and opportunity has been made equal among races (Bonilla-Silva, 2006).

Another expression of whiteness embedded in the concept of meritocracy is found
in “ethnicity theory” described by Omi and Winant (1994). The ethnicity theory,
according to Omi and Winant (1994) holds that “with hard work, patience, delayed
gratification, etc. Blacks could carve out their own rightful place in American
society” (p. 19). Whites espousing this theory remain color-blind to the historical
experiences of discrimination and to the current institutional and structural barriers

that make assimilation diffrcult for people of color.

37

DiTomaso, Parks-Yancy and Post (2003) point out that whites have access to
social and cultural capital and economic resources that insulate them from having to
face true “equal opportunity” — the forces that they so quickly see as the solution to
the disadvantage of people of color. Brown et a1. (2003) state that:

Historically, white Americans have accumulated advantages in housing, work,
education and security based solely on the color of their skin. Being white, as a
consequence, literally has value. Though race may be a cultural and biological
fiction, whiteness, like blackness, is a very real social and economic status.( p. 31)

"The belief that White people are accorded advantage just based on skin color is
foreign and threatening to their strongly held notion that White people achieved their
superior status because they 'eamed it' exclusively through hard work" (Singleton &
Linton, 2006, p. 202).

Peggy McIntosh (198 8) states that “. . .in facing [White privilege] I must give up
the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is not such a free country; one’s
life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through no virtues
Of their own” (p. 9).

Color-Blind Ideology in the Post-Civil Rights Era

Racism has played a pivotal part in the establishment and economic growth of the
United States, as discussed previously, throughout history with expansionism,
colonialism and slavery. Civilizational, societal, institutional racism along with
individual covert and overt racism are all parts of US. history, linked throughout the
legal, religious and educational systems and are easily pinpointed historically.
Understanding that these civilizational beliefs have undergirded our entire US.

society for centuries, that Slavery itself was only ended about 150 years ago and that

Governor Wallace was personally blocking the doors to the Alabama University to

38

African American students only 40 years ago, the question must be asked: What is
the position of racism now in the United States?
Color-Blind Ideology Viewed as Non-Racist by Whites

The Civil Rights Era spotlighted racism in its various forms. Through this
increased public acknowledgement of negative aspects of racism, the expression of
overt personal racism began to be shunned by whites in the US. It became unpopular
and shameful to be considered overtly racist in many white circles, whereas virtually
only a few years earlier it was considered normal and average. Whites gradually
grew to disassociate themselves from forms of overt racism, and it became culturally
accepted and preferred to be considered non-racist (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). This non-
racist position by whites is often expressed through a professed position of color-
blindness.

In the post-civil rights era, including the present, whites often refer to themselves
as color-blind. This concept goes hand-in-hand with the spoken belief that racism
was eradicated during the Civil Rights era and is no longer a societal issue. Those
who profess this position claim that racism is only seen now in our society in
incidences of individual discrimination and racism, not in wider societal systems.
These acts of individual's overt racism are not perceived within the context of US.
history or politics (Frankenberg, 1993).

Presently, many whites believe that racism is currently only perpetuated by 'bad
whites'. A profession of belief in 'color-blindness' is common in education. Many
white teachers believe that professing blindness to race, ending race-thinking and

race-talking will demonstrate that racism has been eliminated (Fine, 1997; Ladson-

39

Billings, 1994; Nieto, 1996). Color-blind ideology also undergirds arguments against
practical approaches to redress racism such as affirmative action.
Color-Blind Ideology Undergirds Belief in Reverse Discrimination

One tenant of color-blindness is the use of abstract liberalism by whites to build
arguments against practical approaches to end racism. Using abstract liberalism,
whites argue that affirmative action is ‘wrong’ because it gives preferential treatment
to some groups based on skin color and therefore is not aligned with the liberal
concept of ‘equal opportunity’. This argument denies the fact that people of color are
underrepresented in good jobs, schools and universities and ignores the historical
impact of discriminatory policies against people of color (Howard, 1999).

The use of abstract liberalism leads to a description of ‘reverse discrimination’ as
an explanation to favor the dismantling of affirmative action. In this way white
privilege is maintained under the guise of believing in the value of equality. Most
whites who use these arguments will claim to know a white person who has been
discriminated against due to affirmative action policies (Bonilla-Silva, 2006). Many
whites, although claiming to believe in the concept of equal opportunity, report that
they received special privilege such as a job interview, placement in a training
program, etc. because of ‘connections’ through family or fiiends (DiTomaso, Parks-
Yancy & Post, 2003; Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Anderson, 2003; Doane, 2003; Derman-
Sparks, Ramsey & Edwards, 2006).

Color-Blind Ideology Used to Justify Segregation
A second tenant of color-blindness is a belief in the truth of naturalization.

This is a belief that racialized groups of people want to be with their ‘own kind’

40

because it is biologically natural. Therefore, according to this piece of color-blind
thinking, people of color want to live in neighborhoods with people like them, attend
schools with people like them, etc. because it is natural. If people of color live in
segregated neighborhoods, even if the neighborhood is poverty stricken, it is because
they choose to. This then becomes an underlying argument for white segregated -
neighborhoods and schools (Brown et al., 2003).
Belief in Historical Elimination of Racism Part of Color-Blind Ideology

An additional tenant of color-blindness is that discrimination is no longer a central
factor impacting non-White's life Opportunities. Tatum (1997) states that in every
audience she addresses, there is inevitably one person who will insist that racism is a
thing of the past. This embodies a belief that the civil rights movement was a
success, that racial inequality has been ended and that racism has been eradicated.
(Brown et al., 2003). Using this color-blind tenant, whites can filter the many racially
based occurrences in our society and still claim that people of color are being too
sensitive, are using race as an excuse or are ‘playing the race card’(Doane & Bonilla-
Silva, 2003).

Color-blind rhetoric typically includes statement openers such as “I don’t see race
with my students, I just see kids, but. . .”, “I have a lot of black fiiends. . .” or “I am
not a racist, but...” or “My sister dated a Mexican last year, but. . .”, or “I am not
being racial about this, but. . .” etc. The rhetoric actually makes quite clear that race is
very apparent to the speaker. However, using such openers, the white speaker can

couch their comment in an ‘acceptable’ color-blind comment (Kivel, 2002).

41

Using color-blind talk, overt and covert racism can be attributed to other abstract
people rather than the speaker. The speaker can comment that those who deserve to
be rewarded are rewarded and that those who are qualified to be hired should be hired
without ‘sounding racist’. This directs the focus away fiom the larger picture of
societal racism and puts the responsibility for life outcomes on the people of color
themselves (DiTomaso, Parks-Yancy & Post, 2003).

As color-blind ideology illustrates, many in our society have come to believe that
overt racial prejudice is unacceptable. However, through analyzing societal outcomes
such as academic achievement, poverty levels and employment statistics, it is
apparent that racism and white dominance continue to exist in our post-civil rights
era. How, then, is whiteness understood, described and defined?

What is Whiteness?

There ain’t no white man in this room that will change places with me — and I’m
rich! That’s how good it is to be white. There’s a one-legged busboy in here right
now that’s going: “I don’t want to change. I’m gonna ride this white thing out
and see where it takes me. (Chris Rock, 1999)

Peggy McIntosh (1989) described her process of beginning to conceptualize
whiteness as the process of unpacking an invisible knapsack:

I think Whites are carefully taught not to recognize White privilege, as males
are taught not to recognize male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored
way to ask what it is like to have White privilege. I have come to see White
privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets that I can count on cashing
in each day, but about which I was “meant” to remain oblivious. White
privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions,
maps, passports, codebooks, visas, clothes, tools and blank checks. (p. 10)

White people need not worry if their achievements or failures will be seen as

happening because of their race, or used as a way to judge their race. Whiteness just

is; no individual white person is seen as representing white people as a group. Most

42

white people do not even think of themselves as raced. (McIntosh, 1989; Anderson,
2003).
White Privilege

Whiteness encapsulates and perpetuates the concepts of white privilege and
dominance as expressed in US. society through individual overt and covert racism
and institutional and societal racism. Whiteness is the powerful white lens that
‘others’ people of color (Dyer, 2005).

The body of literature in the area of white studies has grown substantially over the
past decade. Until the past two decades of increased study in the area Of whiteness,
whiteness was nearly invisible and was unacknowledged. White was a non-race; just
normal. Whiteness stood alone as “the unnamed, universal moral referent” (Giroux,
1997, p. 286), and was the standard by which all others were measured. White was
synonymous with “American” and stood for intelligence, morality and beauty
(Giroux, 1997; Fine, 1997; Scheurich, 1993; Winant, 1997). As a socially constructed
concept, the concept and characteristics of whiteness continue to change as it
encounters new contexts (Omi & Winant, 1994). These differing representations
continue to produce material outcomes that benefit the white race (Kincheloe &
Steinberg, 1998).

Frankenberg (1993), in her study of how white middle class women construct the
meaning of race, observed that the invisible whiteness became visible when the
experience of privilege was seen as being threatened. When the status quo was
questioned, whiteness worked to protect and re-establish itself while remaining on the

unconscious level of thinking of the participants.

43

Whiteness Supports Personal Irresponsibility

The topic of race is most often omitted at those times and places where it is most
relevant. White people use many techniques including humor, tears, or verbal denial
to take the spotlight off themselves and any implication they may have in
responsibility for furthering a racist system. These techniques serve to block further
dialogue (McIntyre, 1997; Pollock, 2004; Sleeter, 1996).

White distancing from racism is another hallmark of whiteness. While
acknowledging the realities of racism, whites can position themselves as personally
uninvolved. This is undergirded by linking inequity to socio-economic class rather
than race (Chubbuck, 2002). Another method of distancing can be achieved by
continuing to define racism as strictly overt or covert actions by individuals without
acknowledging the existence of an entire institutionalized system (Lawrence &
Tatum, 1997). By relying on this definition of racism, individual whites can point out
that they are not guilty of personally oppressing others and continue to deny the white
privilege they benefit from.

When facing threats of being disrupted, whiteness may re—establish a level of
solidarity with other whites. Sleeter (1996) described this strategy for building white
solidarity by the use of code words by whites to express racist comments without
appearing to do so. Color-blind rhetoric, as described previously, is useful here. This
practice assumes that all whites will be accepting of such conversation and
comments. This strategy reinforces an “us-them” mentality and a sense of belonging

on the part Of whites when whiteness is threatened. Omi & Winant (1994) describe

whiteness as a continually constructed racial category which is seldom the same thing
twice, but is never destroyed.
Whiteness Centers Whites as ‘Normal’

At its’ most basic level, whiteness has meaning through a process of negation.
Frankenberg (1996) describes that:

whiteness comes to self-name, invents itself, by means of its declaration that it is

not that which it projects as Other. And there is thus a level at which whiteness

has its own inbuilt complacency, a self—naming that functions simply through a

triumphant ‘I am not that.’ (p.7)

This negation includes a process of projecting fears and negative emotions onto
people of color. This is shown in the tendency of whites to view problems only
within groups of people of color and make these groups the site of needed change.
When the failure of people of color is scrutinized, whites don’t have to examine their
own failures in societal, educational or economic areas (Powell, 1997; Roediger,
1991). However, many scholars have expressed concern that the study of whiteness
may have negative and unexpected outcomes.

Possible Problems Resulting from Study of Whiteness

Study of whiteness may reinforce white privilege.

There are several proposed possible negative consequences that may arise with the
increase in the study of whiteness. One possible negative impact of furthering white
studies is that it will enable whites to feel overtly justified in their privilege and
power. Noel Ignatiev (1997) discusses the possibility of white conferences attracting

fiinge white supremacists and warns of this happening, which it subsequently has.

Ignatiev (1998) does not believe that whiteness can be ‘reconstructed’ as other

45

authors have suggested, and therefore supports the idea of eliminating the concept Of
‘white’ and disassociating the tie between white culture and privilege and dominance.

Another danger of white studies is the possibility that whites may become
progressively more situated in the center. In other words, instead of lessening
institutional and societal racism with whites construed as the central and most
privileged group, that the concept of ‘white’ as a dominant cultural group will
actually be fortified through these studies (Ignatiev, 1998). There is also concern that
the increased study of whiteness will reinforce a continued belief of whiteness in our
culture as a fixed racial category (Fine, 1997; Kincheloe & Steinberg, 1998).

Study of whiteness may increase white guilt.

Increased white guilt is a possible outcome of articulating and acknowledging the
power and oppression of whiteness. If a white remains in a stage of guilt, this guilt
can then lead to hostility and anger toward ‘others’ (Carter, 1995; Helms, 1990;
Howard, 1999). This white guilt can be understood through use of white identity
development models.

White Identity Development

There are several models of white identity development that have been articulated
in attempts to understand ways whites developmentally progress from color blind
naiveté to a broader understanding of white privilege and racism in our society and

how they, in turn, are able to own these privileges of racism.

46

Helms’ Model of White Racial Identity Development

Helrns’ model of white racial identity development is frequently discussed and
referenced in the literature (Helms, 1990). Other authors rename, consolidate or
overlap stages, or statuses, but the general progression is similar to the developmental
stages Helms presents. Helms utilizes seven ego statuses as a framework to
understand and categorize white identity development. Characteristics of different
statuses can exist simultaneously but one status may be more dominant than another
at that time.

Helms Identifies Seven Ego Statuses

With the contact status Helms suggests that whites perceive themselves as totally
free of all racial prejudice and with race considered as insignificant, they perceive
themselves as “just normal” and color blind. When this status is dominant in a white
person, she or he will react to racially based experiences with avoidance, denial or
total obliviousness.

In the second status of disintegration, as suggested by Helms, there is growing
awareness of the existence of racism and white privilege and a growing discomfort
with this knowledge. Guilt and anxiety appear as the white person begins to
understand the conflict between being unaware while treating or thinking of people of
color as inferior. The white person will resolve the anxiety displayed in the
disintegration status by entering the reintegration status, or will progress to the
pseudoindependence status.

The third status, reintegration, involves resolving the feelings of shame and guilt

initiated in the disintegration status by feeling anger and resentment toward people of

47

color. This individual will protect the concept of white privilege and the white racial
status quo. Negative conditions that may be associated with people of color, such as
poverty or the racial academic achievement gap, will be thought to be reflective, or
the fault of, the people of color's own lack of effort and failings. Societal racism will
not be considered in this evaluation.

The fourth status ofpseudo-independence is an intellectual understanding of
racism on an individual and societal level, often coupled with a frustration of not
knowing how to proceed with this knowledge. This white individual will tend to
point the finger at other ‘bad whites’ and not operate fi'om a sense of personal
responsibility based on their own racism.

The fifth status of immersion is marked by a search for more information about
race and racism and their own socialization as a white person in a racist society. This
individual, for example, might be involved in social action to fight racism.

The sixth status of emersion is a status where the white individual reflects more
comfort with the difficult progressions of racial identity and has found a community
of relationships with reeducated whites for continued anti-racist development.

The seventh and final status of autonomy is the most advanced status of racial
identity development for whites. This person will reflect openness and rely on
thoughtful and critical assessments of racism and oppression, and will experience
increased comfort and effectiveness in multiracial settings. This person is humanistic

and is involved in activism regarding various forms of oppression.

48

Tasks in Racial Identity Development

Helm’s model indicates that there are two main developmental tasks for whites
throughout the process. The first is to abandon individual racism and the second is to
recognize and oppose institutional and societal racism (Tatum, 1997). The ultimate
positive goal for whites is to develop a positive white identity based in reality, not on
assumed superiority. Whites must work through the process of their own racial
identity formation if they are to reach a point of rearticulation that includes an identity
as a white ally in the fight against racism (Tatum, 1997; 2007).

The preceding discussion has summarized how white dominance ideology has
undergirded the development of the US. society, specifically through colonialism,
expansionism and slavery. The historical eras of J irn Crow, civil rights and post-civil
rights have been discussed in addition to how whites navigate our present post-civil
rights era while maintaining white privilege. As described previously, racism and
white privilege continue to impact outcomes for children of color in our societal
systems, including education. I now move to further discussion of whiteness in
education and the relationship of white teachers to the educational system.

Pre-Service Teachers and Whiteness in Schools

Our educational system, our “great societal equalizer”, is fiaught with racial
segregation and inequity. Our current era has been referred to as one of racial
resegregation of our schools and is a reflection, in part, of our racially segregated
urban and suburban neighborhoods (Kozol, 2005; Tatum, 2007). These systems of
racial inequity reflect our continued centering of whiteness in our society. The

majority of urban teachers are white and the majority of urban students are students of

49

color and there are a plethora of problems (Kunjufu, 2002). Whiteness as reflected in
both overt and covert personal racism and institutional and societal racism continues
to exact a heavy toll. How, then, are these issues addressed with pre-service teachers,
and how do pre-service teachers integrate such information and subsequently use it to
increase their efficacy in teaching students of color?
Results of Cognitive Examination of Whiteness

Many white teachers and white teacher educators have never considered the extent
that racism is embedded in our school systems (Cochran-Smith, 1995). This, then,
continues to perpetuate systems that are not critically examined for racist ideology,
including teacher education programs and the school systems themselves. Cochran-
Smith (1995) worked with a homogeneous group of white pre-service students in an
attempt to prompt change in white racist beliefs. She provided support for her
students to facilitate them looking at issues related to systemic racism and encouraged
their critical analysis of their placement schools. However, the pre-service teachers
experienced conflict between her encouragement of their critical perspectives and
understandings and wanting to fit in and survive in their placement school. They
were unable to resolve this tension effectively. The student’s neophyte understanding
of systemic racism and racist ideology was no match for the entrenched system of
whiteness that they were being introduced to at their placement school.

In another study of white pre-service teachers involved in their student teaching,
Marx (2004) found similar difficulty. The pre-service teachers be studied articulated
good intentions of promoting equity with students of color within their placement

school, but were unable to follow through on these intentions. Again, the whiteness

50

they faced was too entrenched for them to confront as a student teacher, and their
racist ideology became more pronounced as they stayed within the system.

Working to address whiteness with pre-service teachers using a cognitive
approach was limited in its success. The pre-service teachers were not sufficiently
invested in an alternate ideology to confront the status quo of their placement school.
How useful, then, has a more affective approach been in impacting the decentering of
whiteness?

Results of Affective Examination of Whiteness

McIntyre (1997) worked with upper middle class white pre-service teachers in
consciousness raising group work focusing on their whiteness. McIntyre hoped to
facilitate an increase in their awareness of their own racial experience and identity
that would increase their white anti-racist teaching pedagogy and practices. McIntyre
reported that the pre-service teachers used white talk to insulate themselves from
examining their individual and group participation in racist systems. Over the course
of a semester, McIntyre reported that there was the appearance of minimal change
with the pre-service teacher participants.

Cognitive and affective approaches to facilitate decentering whiteness with pre-
service teachers have not been fully effective. Researchers have cited the difficulty
pre-service teachers have in maintaining an ideology that clashes with the system they
are entering. They have little support, and more is needed to develop and maintain a
non-racist ideology. What, then, is the impact of an approach that combines cognitive
study in addition to personal reflection to address racist ideology and whiteness with

pre-service teachers?

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Results of Combined Affective and Cognitive Examination of Whiteness

Using the medium of a multicultural education course, Picower (2007) conducted
a qualitative study of pre-service teachers examining the ways in which their
biographies, identities and life experiences influenced and defined their
understandings of race, difference and equity, and how they negotiated these
understandings. Picower found that the participants used, what she referred to as,
tools of whiteness to insulate themselves and their beliefs during a critical
multicultural course designed to address white privilege, racism and social justice
education. These tools of whiteness included defensiveness, denial and silence and
silencing. Picower concluded that more research is needed to understand how pre-
service teacher education can impact the understandings of white teachers that
perpetuate whiteness in education.

Utilizing both an affective and cognitive approach, Lawrence and Tatum (1997)
worked with white pre-service and practicing teachers using Helms’ theory of white
racial identity formation to help the teachers recognize and alter their personal
participation in racist beliefs and systems. Lawrence and Tatum used both racial
identity development work and critical analysis of social structures to facilitate this
process. Lawrence and Tatum combined affective and cognitive work including
journal writing and self-interviewing along with readings, films and discussions. This
combined effort of academic and experiential processes was successful in supporting

change.

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Decentering Whiteness with Pre-Service Teachers

White pre-service teachers used whiteness strategies such as defensiveness, denial
and silence to insulate themselves from difficult conversations that challenged their
beliefs embedded in whiteness (Picower, 2007). Good intentions were demonstrated
to not be sufficient to off-set racism in education. A format of racial identity
awareness coupled with a critical analysis of structural racism seemed to illicit the
most change and increase the decentering of whiteness (Lawrence & Tatum, 1997).
Combining academic approaches with experiential approaches was helpful and the
need for long term work was noted. Academic and experiential long term education
is needed to facilitate ideological change with pre-service teachers (Picower, 2007).
What is known, then, about decentering whiteness with practicing teachers?

Practicing Teachers and Whiteness in Schools.

Teachers as White Saviors

An ethnographic approach was used by Hyland (2005) to gather data concerning
embedded whiteness with four practicing teachers. This study gathered data before
the teachers participated in an anti-racist multicultural seminar, and after, in their
respective classrooms. All of these teachers self-identified as a ‘good teacher’, both
before and after the multicultural seminar, but their embedded racist ideology
continued to be perpetuated after their completion of the multicultural seminar.
Whiteness allowed the white teachers to view themselves as good people while
simultaneously situating themselves in a superior position and seeing students in an

inferior position.

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White practicing teachers continue to undergird whiteness by assuming a position
of compassionate superiority based on an underlying belief in the superiority of the
white culture and their merit as a white individual. Titone (1998) described her own
responses as an educator continuing to center whiteness as that of “White Savior”.
This position is described as a focus on helping ‘disadvantaged’ students of color
assimilate into white norms to assist in facilitating them to gaining a better life. The
“White Savior” teacher position is braided with the deficit model of assuming a
deficiency in the culture of students of color, and seeks to rescue them from this
culture (Blais, 2006).

Deficit Model Used to Perceive Students

In a year long qualitative study Marx (2008) gathered data on four white teachers
that students of color identified as popular. Marx identified that the teachers could
relate to the students based on personal experiences, but not on cultural or racial
experiences. The teacher’s views of the student’s family, culture and home life were
highly deficit, exhibiting an underlying white racist ideology.

The deficit model used to support whiteness in schools by practicing white
teachers was also identified by Kailin (1999) while using an open-ended survey with
over 200 white practicing teachers assessing how the teachers perceived racism in
their school. The survey data was reviewed and coded into the areas where racism
was attributed: whites; blacks; or institutional/cultural systems. The majority of
white teachers blamed the victims and attributed the cause of racism in their school to

black students. Kailin also documented that white teachers who witnessed an overtly

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racist action on the part of a colleague remained silent and did not confront the racist
actions.
White Educational Discourse Reinforces Whiteness

Haviland (2008) gathered data from a year long qualitative case study that
included observing the subject within a professional self-selected course on
multicultural teaching and within the subject’s classroom as she or he taught.
Haviland used the data gathered to explain how whiteness was activated and
displayed through a way of speaking, interacting and thinking that she labeled “white
educational discourse”. This white educational discourse was a method utilized to
gloss over the teacher's stated desire of addressing and decreasing racism. White
educational discourse actually facilitated reinforcing the status quo of whiteness in
the system.

White educational discourse also includes the use of silence to evade discussion
concerning race. Banks (2002) found that white practicing teachers, and educational
systems, utilized silencing when evading the issues of power and race. This evasion
was also evident with the types of multicultural education that focused exclusively on
accepting and increasing knowledge of ‘others’ and avoided increasing knowledge of
how whiteness is centered in educational systems and in US. society (Banks, 2002).

In her two year ethnography entitled Colormute: Race Talk Dilemmas in an
American School, Pollock (2004) has aptly captured how the color-blind notions of
the post-civil rights era display themselves in schools, and how whiteness dominates

in the ways educators talk, and don’t talk, about race:

55

Schools are key institutions where Americans make each other racial: not only
are schools central places for forming racial ‘identities’, but they are key places
where we rank, sort, order, and differently equip our children along “racial” lines
even as we hope for schooling to be the great societal equalizer. School race talk
is thus one key version of American race talk: for the way we talk in school both
reflects and helps shape our most basic racial orders.” (p. 4)

Pollock illustrates repeatedly the racial underpinning of how students of color are
viewed and discussed by white teachers, how racial talk is coded and used in whites
only circles and how colleagues of color are silenced. However, talking about race is
difficult. Pollock concludes that “school and district leaders need to be particularly
good, not only at making time to talk about race and racial orders, but also at leading
compassionate conversations about race in various kinds of settings” (pp.220-221).
Pollock also suggests in her conclusions that educators should be prepared to “ask
provocative questions, navigate predictable debates and talk more about talking” (p.
221)

Necessity of White Racial Identity Development

The ideology of individualism facilitates white people not thinking of themselves
in racial terms. White people tend to understand little about what it means to be
white, as understood in our society. However, based on a collective history and
experience of racism, people of color can describe many characteristics of white
culture quite easily. What is the result when the culture of students of color is
different from that of the white teacher, and the teacher is unaware of the distinct
differences and ways that these differences impact instruction, assessment and

relationships? “Racial conflict among educators and between educators and students

cannot be resolved when white educators are unaware of their racial culture and

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people of color feel unsafe to reveal the characteristics of Whiteness” (Singleton &
Linton, 2006, p 190).

Even when white teachers have a compassionate desire to address racism within
their schools, whiteness is difficult to disrupt. Chubbuck (2002) gathered data from a
qualitative case study that included two white literacy teachers who had the stated
goal of addressing racism within their instructional arenas. Chubbuck concluded
from her data that, although white teachers had the goal of disrupting whiteness, they
continued to enact whiteness within their classrooms. Chubbuck summarized that
there is needed a more complex psychological framework to address the white
interplay of personal identity, personal congruence and the cultural constraints of
whiteness that exist in educational institutions. “Educators cannot truly understand
the challenges faced by students of color-challenges that result in lowered
achievement-until we all develop a deeper understanding of what it means to be
White” (Singleton & Linton, 2006).

Schneidewind (2005) looked at five teachers over a long-term professional
development course on diversity in education. She gathered data concerning
development of racial consciousness, racism and whiteness and its impact on the
teacher’s work. The subjects looked at their own whiteness and its impact on their
relationships with students of color, addressing racial stereotypes and institutional
racism. Schneidewind concluded that her data supported an understanding that
whiteness can be changed over time and with support. She supports long-term
professional development that includes cognitive and affective methods as a way to

address these issues.

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Conclusion
In this post-civil rights era, our society continues to be plagued by overt and
covert personal racism and institutional, cultural and societal racism. There has been
increased study of whiteness with increased understanding of particular ways
whiteness continues to show itself in our so called post-civil rights color-blind
society. Within our educational institutions are multiple ways whiteness has been
shown to be operating. Many scholars, researchers and theorists point to this

whiteness as a cause of the racial academic achievement gap.

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Chapter III

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

Introduction

The racial academic achievement gap continues to plague our educational system
and negatively impact our society at large. Vestiges of societal, institutional and
individual racism have been identified as contributing to this racial academic
achievement gap. Educational researchers have approached this multifaceted
problem in a number of ways, including developing a body of theoretical and research
literature detailing ways whiteness and white privilege impact academic achievement
(Delpit, 1995; Dennan-Sparks & Phillips, 1997; Howard, 1999; Howard, 2010;
Kunjufu, 2002; Kuykendall, 2004; Ladson-Billings, 1994; McIntyre, 1997; Pollock,
2004). Research has been conducted looking at pre-service white teachers and their
understanding of how their whiteness impacts their learning, and potentially their
teaching (McIntyre, 1997; Picower, 2007). Research has been conducted examining
whiteness with practicing teachers (Chubbuck, 2002; Pollock, 2004). However, to
date, little research has been done with white urban teachers currently working within
the educational arena articulating their perception of their own whiteness and how it
impacts their role as educators, which is the focus of this study.
Paradigm Assumptions

A basic belief system that encompasses the primary worldviews of the holder is
that individual's paradigm. According to Guba and Lincoln (1994), "a paradigm is a
basic belief system based on ontological, epistemological and methodological

assumptions accepted on faith (no matter how well argued)"(p. 107). The

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ontological assumption contains beliefs about the form of reality and what can be
known about it. The epistemological assumption encompasses beliefs about the
nature of the relationship between the researcher and the researched. The
methodological assumption contains beliefs about how the researcher will go about
finding out whatever he or she believes can be known (Creswell, 1994; 1998; Guba &
Lincoln, 1994; Ponterotto, 2005).

I believe that an individual's life experiences, coupled with their thoughts and
feelings, shape their unique belief system. Their culture and family weave together
with their own individual thoughts, feelings, personality and experiences to form the
way they understand their world. I believe that the individual's belief system may be
consciously known to the individual, or may be unknown to them (Sullivan, 2006).
This particular way of understanding is best contained within a constructivist
paradigm. According to Glesne (2006):

Most qualitative researchers adhere to social contructivism or a constructivist

paradigm This paradigm maintains that human beings construct their per-

ceptions of the world, that no one perception is "ri t" or more "real" than
another, and that these realities must be seen as wholes rather than divided

into discrete variables that are analyzed separately. (p. 7)

Rationale for Qualitative Case Studies Research Design
This study was conducted using a qualitative case studies research design.
Qualitative research approaches knowledge acquisition with the assumption that all
people construct their own individual subjective perspective of each life experience.
According to Locke, Spirduso and Silverman (2000), “Those subjective constructions

are accepted as the realities of the social world. Thus, what is real is regarded as

invariably multiple and immutably relative to person and context" (p. 96). The social

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construction of knowledge is assumed within the qualitative perspective and is always
changing (Glesne, 1999). Understanding what meanings people attach to life events
and experiences and their individual understandings constructed from their personal
and cultural perspectives are primary areas of research within the qualitative research
design (Creswell, 1998).

The qualitative research design approach provides the researcher the venue to
explore, deeply, questions that have not been explored previously, seeking answers
and information concerning the how and what of a given experience (Creswell, 1998;
Denzin & Lincoln, 2000; Glesne, 1999). This approach is fitting to explore whiteness
and its impact on instructional capacity as perceived by white educators. Whiteness
is an arena that must be explored deeply to uncover, and discover, relevance
(Sullivan, 2006). Additionally, the understanding of whiteness is situated within each
individual, and a qualitative approach is appropriate to uncover this.

Conversations about race and whiteness with whites are often difficult
conversations that may engender defensiveness (Howard, 1999). Working with an
insider rather than an outsider assists in easing this defensiveness. This insider
position includes the researcher being a member of the organizational system being
studied (Brannick & Coghlan, 2007). Working with a white researcher who is also a
current practicing teacher, as in this study, assisted in facilitating trust and openness
and rapport, essential pieces of critically looking at whiteness (Mercer, 2007).
Developing a critical understanding of whiteness and the depth of its embedded

nature in educational structure is an essential first step in impacting whiteness.

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Significance of Study

The racial achievement gap is an on-going educational and societal crisis of deep
repercussions and grave consequences (Kozol, 2005). Studies have been conducted
focusing on a variety of possible factors impacting the racial academic achievement
gap such as SES, low school funding, low parental involvement and lack of pre-
school interventions. Researchers of color have written about the enormous negative
impact of societal racism and negative racial stereotyping on academic achievement.
Additionally, scholars of color have issued a call for white researchers to study the
impact of whiteness on academic achievement in relationship to the academic
achievement gap (Tatum, 2007; Ladson-Billings, 1994).

Studies have been conducted with pre-service teachers focusing on the issues of
whiteness and the impact on instructional capacity (McIntyre, 1997; Lawrence and
Tatum, 1998; Marx, 2004; Picower, 2007). Additionally, researchers have conducted
studies as outsiders observing and interviewing the practicing white teacher and the
intersection of whiteness on teaching practices (Banks, 2002; Pollock, 2004; Titone,
1998; Haviland, 2008; Marx, 2008).

As mentioned previously, situating the study focus within the white teacher’s
perceptions makes this study particularly significant. This study looks at the issue of
whiteness and its impact on the role of the educator, as viewed by the practicing
teacher. This study’s particular significance increased in part due to the fact that the
researcher is an ‘insider’ who is white and currently a practicing teacher. An ‘insider’

researcher may facilitate a sense of trust and openness approaching the topic of

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whiteness and its impact on instructional capacity which will in turn uncover data not
accessible to a researcher approaching from the ‘outside’(Mercer, 2007).
Site Selection

This study focused on 5 white elementary teachers in a mid-size urban school
district located in the mid-west. These white elementary classroom teachers also
were serving as lead teachers within their individual schools for a research project
studying academic success for boys of color. This broader research project was being
conducted by an out of state university The lead teacher’s preparation
responsibilities included attending professional development seminars and
conferences focusing on educational issues related to boys, and specifically boys of
color. The lead teachers were given curriculum modules from the university to
present to their colleagues at their local elementary schools. The lead teachers met
monthly with each other and the program coordinators to review progress and process
issues. The lead teachers had been working in this capacity for approximately two
years, with potentially two years to go until completion of the study initiative.

The lead teachers had a dual role of presenting professional development modules
to their colleagues focusing both on gender and race, in addition to continuing their
practice as classroom teachers. The professional development modules were focused
on themes related to classroom practices, improving teacher and family relationships,
and other issues of school partnerships and climate. The professional development
modules included information on increasing cultural sensitivity, increasing positive
role models in the classroom through literature and mentors and increasing

knowledge base concerning the racial academic achievement gap.

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These particular teachers brought a unique perspective to this study which
enhanced the findings of this study. Uniquely, they were white lead teachers
working with primarily students of color. They were working within a research
initiative that facilitated their learning about the racial academic achievement gap and
the multi-faceted factors influencing this gap. The professional development modules
touched on cultural relevance and pedagogy and its impact on instructional capacity.
These white lead teachers also were in the position of working with colleagues of
color on the topic of cultural competency and its impact on academic achievement.

The white lead teachers had been working within this research project for
approximately two years. They had all attended various professional development
meetings and conferences and had read a variety of professional development
modules that directed their subsequent professional development presentations with
their respective colleagues at their respective schools. The lead teachers had, then, a
retrospective understanding of where they had been as compared to where they were
at the time of this study in terms of their perception of whiteness and its impact on
their role as educators. However, it is significant to note that the modules did not
significantly address the issue of the teacher’s race or their understanding of how
their race situates them in their personal history or their culture, the privilege and
advantage it affords them and its impact on their role as educators. This study
incorporated looking at their perception of how whiteness is embedded in this
process, how they now perceived their past beliefs before the initiation of their role as

lead teacher and what their current perceptions and beliefs are.

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Data Collection Procedures
Creswell (1998) identifies four types of data collection methods: observations,
interviews, documents and audio-visual materials (p. 120). For this study I utilized
interviews and focus group discussions, coupled with audio taping, transcribing and
reviewing as the main data collection processes.
Interviews

Qualitative study interviews are conducted with the purpose Of gathering data, not
necessarily changing people (Creswell, 1998; Glesne, 1999). According to Gubrium
and Holstein (2002), the interviewing process is a social encounter in which
knowledge is constructed and the interviewer attempts to create a climate of mutual
disclosure. I conducted a semi-structured in-depth interview with each lead teacher to
gather data and to establish a relationship with the lead teachers. The in-depth face-to-
face interview was essential in this study because lead teachers were asked to reflect
on their personal process of being white lead teachers.

As a currently employed teacher myself, in addition to being the researcher, I was
able to approach the interview process as an ‘insider’ (Brannick & Coghlan, 2007;
Mercer, 2007). I approached these interviews as an ‘insider’ in order to clarify and
probe the sensitive areas of racial understanding, white advantage, whiteness and how
they understood it impacting their role as educators, both as classroom teachers and as

lead teachers in a project looking at the racial academic achievement gap.

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Focus Group Discussion

1 used focus group discussion to gain further understanding of the lead teachers
and their shared perceptions of the process they had undergone from the beginning Of
their training as lead teachers up until their current teaching practice. Additionally,
the focus group assisted in potentially deepening their awareness of whiteness, how
they perceived whiteness as embedded in their lead teacher roles and how they
perceived its impact on both their role as classroom educator and as lead teacher.

I audio taped all of the interviews conducted after Obtaining the participants
consent. This process facilitated maintaining the accuracy of the data gathered. As
Patton (2002) describes, “No matter what style of interviewing you use and no matter
how carefully you word your questions, it all comes to naught if you fail to capture
the actual words of the person being interviewed” (p. 380).

Data Analysis Procedure

In order to begin the data analysis procedure, I first transcribed, verbatim, all of
the interviews and focus group transactions. The analysis then began with a process
of coding the information for related categories of information. Creswell (2007)
refers to the process as one of coding and recoding until the information is ‘saturated’
or until no new categories of information present within the coding process. After this
saturation process, the coded information was sorted into relevant themes and
analyzed according to the themes that emerged (Glesne, 2006).

The emerging themes, or bins, were identified through the process of cross-case
analysis. According to Glesne,

When the instrumental case study involves looking at several cases it becomes
a 'collective case study' if several cases are studied, each is written up into a

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context-situated case study and then a cross-case analysis is carried out to
look for patterns across cases. (p. 13)

This emerging data was compared to data collected through artifacts and
documents the lead teachers have used in their instructional training process being
lead teachers. This comparing of data and data sources, or triangulation of data
sources, enhanced the accuracy of the data (Glesne, 2006). Glesne (2006) clarifies
that triangulation of data includes both the multiple data-collection methods but also
that “triangulation, in order to increase confidence in research findings, may also
involve the incorporation of multiple kinds of data sources (p. 36).

Comparing and contrasting the data obtained from the lead teacher's case studies
also lent credence and accuracy to the findings. Herriot and Firestone (1983) assert
that “evidence from multiple cases is Often considered more compelling and the
overall study is therefore regarded as being more robuSt” (cited in Yin, 2003, p. 46).

“Qualitative researchers use many techniques (such as coding, data displays, and
computer programs) to help organize, classify, and find themes in their data, but they
still must find ways to make connections that are ultimately meaningful to themselves
and the reader.”(Glesne, 2006, p.164). This analysis identified those meaningful
connections and factors within the data. The analysis of data led to deeper
understanding of the issues of whiteness and how white teachers understand its

impact on their instructional capacity.

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Role of Researcher
Tatum (2007), Ladson-Billings (1994), and Pollock (2004) emphasize the
importance of white researchers working with white participants on issues of race and
racism and how it impacts students of color and academic achievement. As a white
researcher I bring this perspective and belief to the research setting.

Freire (1993) emphasizes the importance of critical reflection; personally and
collectively. In terms of my own personal critical reflection, I was raised and
educated in a middle class and highly racially segregated mid-west town and later
was educated and trained as a social worker. Concern about social justice issues has
always been a driving force for me. The realization of social inequities took on
meaning for me during my high school years, especially when I began to develop a
spiritual outlook of myself and life. This understanding was grounded in a social
justice, simplicity of life and a peace orientation. I read voraciously about civil
conscientious objection, civil rights and simple living. The Catholic Workers
movement and teachers from it such as Phil Berrigan, Daniel Berri gan, Liz McAlister
and Dorothy Day were instrumental in my developing life philosophy. I studied Dr.
King and his philosophy of non-violence and the civil rights movement in the US.
Civil rights workers, both locally and internationally, were prominent in my
development. We hosted Philip Berri gan, Cesar Chavez, Laura Bonaparte from
Argentina and many Central American refugees fleeing to Canada in our home.
However, looking back, I see myself approaching social justice issues partially from

the perspective McIntyre (1997) refers to as "liberating the marginalized."(p. 23)

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At this time I was involved in a Gandhian study group that met for a weekend each
month over a period of years. Through this group I formed strong and enduring
relationships with many people who would become my support group over time. We
purchased our first home, a duplex, with another family involved in this study group,
and lived in intentional simplicity and community for many years. This included
forming a house church that met in our home, and many acts of civil disobedience at
Williams International which was manufacturing components of high tech weaponry.

Looking back on it now, although I knew that I was privileged, and was active in
what I saw as social justice issues, I saw my privilege more in terms Of socio-
economic privilege than specifically racial privilege. Additionally, looking back on it
now, the local peace and social justice movement was prominently, although not
exclusively, racially segregated. Although I knew intellectually of my racial privilege
and saw how racial injustice permeated our society, I somehow still did not fully own
my white race or whiteness. My personal white self-identity was unformed and
removed from how I saw myself.

An opportunity to live for a few months in Liberia, West Africa jump started my
internalization of my white racial identity development and my acknowledgement of
white privilege. Living in ‘the bush’ in a tiny village, I fulfilled the duties of a
traditional mother with my 16 month old daughter while my then husband did
medical training. Being one of only a handful of whites put me in an accentuated
outsider role. At the time I believed that this was due primarily to my race
interspersed with the fact that I was comparatively rich and fiom the US. The

uncomfortable anxiety I experienced daily, feeling on the spot, highlighted and

69

hugely visible, was a new one for me. As a white woman used to the privilege
afforded white people in the US. of not having to think about race daily, I was
shocked that being an outsider made me think about race and my wealth and social
standing constantly. This insight led me to ponder, with deeper awareness, the daily
lives of people of color in my own culture. I began to develop a deeper appreciation
and speculation about the amount of anxiety and energy likely spent, daily, navigating
race in the US. by people of color. Simultaneously, I understood, with relief, that I
would eventually be returning to an environment of relative racial ease. Even then, I
recognized the injustice and irony of the relief this gave me. I realized my relief
existed in knowing I'd be going back to a white centered culture where I was seen as
non-raced; the standard and norm. I also began to realize that people of color in the
US. are already 'home' and must live daily with the pain and anxiety that racial
oppression and injustice bring. I was beginning to more fully perceive, feel and own
the reality of white privilege and white advantage in the US. This experience was
the beginning of a paradigm shift for me.

While in West Africa, we traveled for several weeks as well. During this time I
contracted malaria. I had been taking the appropriate preventative medication, but
chloroquine-resistant mosquito strands were beginning to emerge in this location.
Although my then husband was a physician, we did not speak French or the local
language, and securing any medical assistance or medication was impossible. This
was the sickest I had ever been in my entire life. It is memorable to me that I was
shocked that nothing could be done to help me. I could hardly fathom that I could

not, in some way, get assistance and care. I was totally out of control of the situation.

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No amount of money or white privilege could change it. Over time I was able to
process my reaction; that I simply had very rarely in my life encountered a situation
that I could not, through my white privilege, family connections, money and
education, change to my advantage. This situation, and my reaction, exemplified to
me the depth of my life's reliance on my social positioning and racial privilege and
my sense of entitlement.

l have continued to be active in social justice issues over time. I have worked with
Central American refugees and have been closely involved in the workings of a local
homeless shelter over a few decades. My church communities - Church of the
Brethren and Quaker Friends Meeting - both traditional peace and justice
communities - have facilitated many peace and justice activities that I have been
active in. Through all of this, then, it continues to surprise me that I can still so easily
forget about my racial privilege and racial societal positioning.

The issue of whites working with whites on issues related to white privilege is one
that I have begun to understand and acknowledge over these years. Two years ago I
attended two weekend-long seminars entitled 'Doing Our Own Work' put on by a
group called Allies for Change (www.alliesforchange.org). These process oriented
seminars involved study, coupled with individual and group processing, with other
whites who wanted to consider themselves anti-racist; and I do want to be able to
consider myself anti-racist.

Dr. Tatum (1997) uses the metaphor of an airport's moving sidewalk to describe
racism in the US. She describes that if you walk on the belt in the direction the belt

is moving, you will get to the societal destination of racism quickly. If you stop

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walking, the moving sidewalk will continue to propel you forward to racism; without
your conscious effort you will eventually end up in the same place as if you had
walked quickly along with the belt. "Because racism is so ingrained in the fabric of
American institutions, it is easily self-perpetuating. All that is required to maintain it
is business as usual (Tatum, 1997, p. l 1).

In order to work and live against racism in the US, I believe that I have to turn
and run against traffic, working against the tide. I have to be relentless because if I
stop I will be propelled in the direction toward racism. "Unless they are walking
actively in the Opposite direction at a speed faster than the conveyor belt - unless they
are actively antiracist - they will find themselves canied along with the others"
(Tatum, 1997, p. 11).

As a researcher, I bring the fact that I am white to this research. Whites studying
other whites is needed. White teachers studying white teachers is needed. I want to
be able to consider myself an antiracist, and to do so I have to act. Dr. Tatum (1997)
states that:

The relevant question is not whether all whites are racist, but how we can move
more white people from a position of active or passive racism to one of active
antiracism? The task of interrupting racism is obviously not the task of whites
alone. But the fact of white privilege means that whites have greater access to the

societal institutions in need of transformation. To whom much is given, much is
required. (p. 12)

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CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION OF DATA
Introduction

My purpose in this study was to better understand how white teachers understand
their racial identity and its privileged positioning in the US. culture (whiteness) and
how white teachers understand this whiteness impacting their role as educators. In
this study I use the term whiteness to refer to the societal privileges given whites
based solely on their cultural identity as a white person. The role of educators
encompasses all aspects of the teaching profession including relationships with
students, parents, colleagues and administrators, the development of lessons and
curriculum and the development and maintenance of classroom climate and student
behavior management.

I used one grand tour question to guide this study: How do white teachers
understand their whiteness and its impact on their role as educators? I used semi-
structured individual interviews and a focus group to gather data for this study. My
question protocol focused on the participants' understanding of whiteness within their
family of origin; their educational experiences from elementary through university
and their understanding of whiteness woven through their life within their education;
and their understanding of whiteness and its impact on their professional life.

The study participants, referred to as lead teachers, were already trained and
presented with a significant amount of information concerning racism through The
Anding Study. The academic achievement gap, cultural competency, how an

individual’s worldview and values impacts their perceptions and their actions,

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individual overt and covert racism and how these negatively impact people of color
were all concepts that were woven into the professional development modules of The
Anding Study. This study, then, is a ‘middle of the middle’ look at how the white
lead teachers understood their whiteness and its impact on their role as educators both
before the training, and now.

As I have discussed previously, I am personally interested in a socially significant
and emancipatory process in this study; both for the lead teachers and for myself.
According to Herr and Anderson (2005):

An emancipatory interest orients the researcher toward the release of human
potential and the investigation of ideology and power within the organization and
society. The ultimate goal of this kind of research is that of the “emancipation
of participants from the dictates or compulsions of tradition, precedent, habit,
coercion or self-deception” (Carr & Kemmis, 1986). These are thought to be
subtle and deeply embedded into the belief structure Of the organization and,
through the process of critical self-reflection, they can be acceses and surfaced
for examination ultimately leading to transformation.” (p. 27)

Setting

March 24, 1961, in Jackson, Mississippi, 9 African American college students
from Tougaloo, Mississippi attempted to use the ‘whites only’ Jackson Public
Library. They entered the library and sat quietly reading books that were unavailable
in the ‘colored’ library until they were arrested for ‘disturbing the peace’. White
students in the neighboring segregated Jackson State College organized a prayer vigil
for the Tougaloo Nine and were subsequently beaten by local police and the
organizers were expelled. Myrlie Evers said later of the Tougaloo Nine “The change
of tide in Mississippi began with the Tougaloo Nine and the library sit-in”
(www.crmvet.org[timhisbl.htm#l 961t9). Honoring their courage in striving for equal

educational opportunities for all races, the names of the Tougaloo Nine have been

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intentionally utilized for this study to provide the pseudonyms of the city, the school
district, the broader study that the lead teachers worked within and the five
elementary schools represented in this study. The names of the Tougaloo Nine are:
Albert Lassiter, Meredith Anding, Jamie Jackson, Samuel Bradford, Evelyn Pierce,
Alfred Cook, Ethel Sawyer, Geraldine Edwards and Joseph Jackson.

Federal law requires universities and other organizations that conduct research to
meet specific stringent standards to protect research study participants. The
anonymity of human research subjects is strictly protected. The use of pseudonyms is
required by the IRB (Internal Review Board) to guard research subject’s anonymity.
Pseudonyrns are used in this study for all specific names in order to guard research
subject’s anonymity including names of individuals, school buildings, the school
district, city and state.

Lassiter School District

This study takes place in a public school district, in a mid-sized town in the mid-
west. Historically, Lassiter relied on the auto industry as its main employer. Lassiter
is a town hard hit by the 2009 recession and the related struggles of the auto industry.
The town’s population is approximately 120,000 with an unemployment rate of 12%
(US. Bureau of Labor Statistics, July, 2009). As of June, 2009, the number of homes
in foreclosure in Lassiter was 1,725, a stark reflection of how the auto industry’s
decline has impacted so many urban areas. As families have left the Lassiter area,
either through transfer or in search of employment elsewhere, the Lassiter school
district has steadily declined and downsized. This is reflected in the 2009 closure of

two elementary schools in Lassiter.

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The Lassiter School District currently has 14,482 students. The district has 2
alternative schools, 3 high schools, 4 middle schools and 24 elementary schools. The
school district reports that of their students: 33% are Caucasian; 45% are African
American; 16% are Hispanic/Latino; 5% are Asian and 1% are Native American
(personal communication, Office of Research and Technology, Lassiter School
District, 2009).

The teachers employed in the Lassiter School District are members of a teachers
union. The 2009 membership in the Lassiter School Education Association Union
was 1,090. Of this total: 2 are Native American; 15 are Asian/Asian Pacific; 43 are
Hispanic/Latino; 138 are African American and 892 are Caucasian. The racial
categories of the teachers in Lassiter in terms of a percentage breakdown are: Native
American - .0018%; Asian/Asian Pacific — 1%; Hispanic — 4%; Afiican American —
13%; Caucasian — 82% (personal communication, Lassiter School District Human
Resources Department, 2009).

The Lassiter School District is the recipient of Federal Magnet Schools monies.
The school district has been receiving the multi-million dollar magnet grant annually
for 9 years. The U. S. Department of Education threatened to sanction the Lassiter
School District in the late 19808 by withholding substantial Title Educational grant
monies due to racial segregation within the school district. At that time the NAACP
filed a motion requesting that the proposed sanctions be postponed in order to allow
the Lassiter School District to address the segregation issue within the district. The
magnet grants were applied for as a possible method of alleviating segregation within

the district. The undergirding theme of the magnet grants is to improve the identified

76

schools, using a specified theme, by increasing specialized staff and equipment and in
turn attract ‘majority students’ (white) to the school, thereby decreasing racial
isolation and segregation. Of the five teachers involved in this study, two of them
teach at magnet schools in the Lassiter School District.

The Broader Study: The Anding Study

This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the

future of Black children and White children and Asian children and Hispanic
children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the
cynicis that tells us that these kids can’t learn; that those kids who don’t look
like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of American are not those
kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21St century
economy. Not this time. (President Obama, March 18, 2008)

The five teachers interviewed for this study were involved in a broader research
project organized by an out-of-state university. This out-of-state university received a
multi million dollar grant to study boys of color, academic achievement and the
academic achievement gap. I have given this study a pseudonym, The Anding Study,
in order to guard the anonymity of the teachers and the study. The Anding Study
selected several urban school districts nationwide to work with over a four year
period. Each individual school district participating in The Anding Study identified
six elementary schools for intervention and six elementary schools to act as study
controls.

The purpose of The Anding Study is to help families, schools, and communities
promote the academic, social and emotional development of boys of color between 3-
and 8-years-old. The three major goals of The Anding Study are to l) mobilize and

support families, schools and communities to create partnerships that improve the

academic, emotional, and social development of boys of color, 2) implement

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programs that have been successful or that may be successful with boys of color, and
3) test to see if The Anding Study is effective in helping boys of color succeed
academically, socially, and emotionally (The Anding Study Teacher Training
Manual, 2008).

The intervention schools in The Anding Study are provided interventions focusing
on participating kindergarten and first grade boys of color. The interventions include
a summer school enrichment program, an after school mentoring and tutoring
program using primarily males of color to work with the boys of color, teacher
professional development and activities to increase parental involvement. These
interventions are organized by a local affiliated university working with The Anding
Study.

The Anding Study Teacher Training Manual states that:

there are currently gaps in the preparation of teachers to work with diverse
populations, especially boys of color. Too often teachers do not get a lot of
supervision and training to deal with active boys of color. Some behaviors of boys
of color (e. g. playing around or pretending to be tough and cold) may be
misinterpreted as signs of aggression and hostility. Also, there is often a lack of fit
between boys and the way schools are designed and organized. For example,
many boys excel at things that are not highly valued by elementary schools (e.g.,
rumring, jumping, strength moves) and lag behind in areas that these schools tend
to value (e.g., telling or writing long, logical stories). The goal of The Anding
Study teacher professional development is to help better prepare teachers to handle
the challenges of teaching boys of color. The Anding Study seeks to increase
preschool and elementary teachers’ knowledge and understanding of the
circumstances of boys of color, enhance teachers’capacities to handle related
challenges and improve academic achievement of boys of

color through more effective teaching (The Anding Study Teacher Training
Manual, 2008).

The Anding Study’s objectives for teachers include: providing specific strategies
to enhance teachers capacities to “1) develop supportive and trusting relationships

with boys of color; 2) develop effective partnerships with families of boys of color; 3)

78

create a positive and inclusive classroom environment that promotes success of all
students, 4) improve academic and social functioning of boys of color at school” (The
Anding Study Teacher Training Manual, 2008).

The classroom teacher professional development modules in the intervention
schools are being presented, led and facilitated primarily by the lead teachers. The
lead teachers have used modules developed by The Anding Study, contained in The
Anding Study Teacher Training Manual, when directing the professional
development with the classroom teachers. In preparation for leading the intervention
school classroom teacher professional development, the lead teachers have attended
two weekend seminars and a two day professional development session during the
school year. During these training times, the lead teachers were farniliarized with the
training modules and have practiced modules fiom the teacher training manual.

The Anding Study Teacher Training Manual includes basic information on group
process and group facilitation. It suggests that the lead teachers meet monthly or bi-
monthly with the building teachers to cover the module information and activities.
Each module begins with a background and purpose, the goals of the module and the
learning objectives. The module then contains several activities to do with the
teachers participating in the group.

The Anding Study’s Professional Development Handbook for Teachers of Boys of
Color lists areas of focus that need to be enhanced in order to increase academic
achievement for boys of color. This introduction to the handbook has areas focusing
on teachers, parents and mentors. The areas listed as The Anding Study outcomes for

teachers include: acknowledge the challenges and possibilities for boys of color;

79

support positive emotional development for boys in boys of color; develop strong
positive relationship with the families of boys of color; use instructional approaches
that motivate and engage boys of color; manage challenging behavior in the
classroom; help boys of color to affirrn their identities as boys and as young men of
color; and, teach boys of color to be caring, responsible and ethical (The Anding
Study Professional Development Handbook for Teachers of Boys of
Color/Facilitators Guide, 2008).

The lead teachers in each elementary building used the Professional Development
Handbook for Teachers of Boys of Color and did activities within each module with
the classroom teachers. The first module in the handbook includes several ice
breakers and team building activities and activities to increase personal awareness of
personal racial identity and personal culture. For example, one activity suggests that
participants draw a family tree and share it with a partner. One optional activity is
entitled “How can I resist stereotyping and examine my teaching for bias?” and
involves naming two students the teacher feels warmly about and two that the teacher
feels tense about. The teacher then identifies each of the student’s strengths and
weaknesses and studies the responses looking for patterns. In addition to the
introductory activities in module 1 is an article of information concerning the
academic achievement gap, an article concerning cultural identity and teaching and an
article on understanding culture.

Module 2 of the Professional Development Handbook for Teachers of Boys of
Color for The Anding Study focuses on supporting positive emotional development in

boys of color. It includes activities dealing with the importance of a positive

80

relationship with students, how that impacts academic achievement, and an article
detailing the importance of relational engagement, insistence and warmth.

Module 3 of the training materials for The Anding Study centers on developing
strong positive relationships with families of boys of color. The activities focus on
ways to increase conveying positive regard for families, coMunicating warmth and
respect to parents and how to deal with conflict with parents.

The training materials and activities in Module 4 of the Professional Development
Handbook for Teachers of Boys of Color Facilitator’s Guide center on altering and
improving instructional approaches to motivate and engage boys of color. The
activities include using brain based research to better understand how boys think,
increasing movement in the classroom, reading topics and genres that attract boys and
many web sites that contain lesson materials interesting to boys.

Module 5 focuses on the topic of how to manage challenging behavior in the
classroom. This module leads the teachers through the process of identifying the
challenging behavior in their classroom, sharing methods that have worked in the past
and brainstorming ways that could be effective to deal with the behavior. The
module learning objectives are to develop planned behavior management techniques
and to evaluate behavior management techniques in light of what is known about
behaviors of boys of color.

The last module in the Professional Development Handbook for Teachers of Boys
of Color is titled “Help Boys of Color to Affirm Their Identities a8 Boys and Men of
Color”. The goals of this module are listed as 1) exploring the teachers personal

beliefs about ethnic and gender differences and about boys of color; 2) identifying the

81

qualities needed to be a positive, competent man of color; 3) discussing some
approaches to teaching and classroom interactions that might promote the adoption of
a positive male role, and; 4) identifying and sharing strategies that teachers can use to
negate negative stereotypes about boys of color and to facilitate boys of color
identifying with competent men of color. This module also includes articles on
personal covert prejudice and racism.

The purpose of including the above detailed information included in the training
manual for The Anding Study is to illustrate the depth and type of information and
training that the lead teachers have experienced concerning personal racial identity
development and the impact of racism on expectations and academic achievement.
The detailed information about the handbook used in the broader study, The Anding
Study, also illustrates the depth of information the lead teachers have been expected
to lead their colleagues through.

Demographic information about the Lassiter School District, its students and
teachers, and information about The Anding Study that the Lassiter School District is
participating in are important to give a deeper understanding of the setting that the
five lead teachers, the participants in this study, work in. In addition, demographic
information about the five elementary schools where the five lead teachers work is a
part of understanding the setting for this study. The schools are referred to by

pseudonyms to guard anonymity, as previously mentioned.

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Intervention/Study Elementary Schools

Two of the Lassiter School District elementary schools involved in The Anding
Study as intervention schools are magnet schools. One of the magnet schools,
Bradford, is a Montessori school - the only one in the Lassiter School District.
Through special grants and magnet monies, all of the teaching staff at Bradford
Montessori School have been able to obtain their master’s degrees in Montessori
education. The teachers have developed much of their own teaching materials,
especially in kindergarten and 1St grade, which are the focus of The Anding Study.
Bradford Montessori School contains classrooms through the 6th level and has 322
students. The student’s ethnicity at Bradford Montessori are as follows: Native
American, 2%; Asian, 3%; Hispanic, 11%; Caucasian, 41%; African American, 43%
(Personal Interview, Lassiter School District, 2008). The principal is Middle Eastern
and has worked in the Lassiter School District for over 15 years, and at Bradford
since the magnet funding was given to it as a Montessori school 5 years ago. Of a
teaching staff of 15, Bradford Montessori has 2 African American teachers, 1 Middle
Eastern teacher, 1 Asian teacher and 11 white teachers.

Cook Elementary School was slated to be closed 4 years ago. The school closure
was decided by the Lassiter School Board in closed session and disclosed only one
month before the scheduled closure. The neighborhood came together and organized
a grassroots response to keep it open. Lassiter School District decided to honor the
neighborhood's request on a trial basis, and kept it open. It was designated a magnet
school the following year and additional staff and monies have been added to

improve the quality of Cook Elementary Magnet School. The district then added a 6th

83

grade to Cook and changed the name to Cook Magnet School. The principal of Cook
Magnet School is Afiican American. She has been working in the Lassiter School
District for over 20 years, the first 10 as a teacher and the last 10 as a principal. Of
the 265 students at Cook, the student’s ethnicities are as follows: Asian, 2%;
Hispanic, 7%; Caucasian, 13%; Afiican American, 77% (Personal Interview, Lassiter
School District, 2008). There is one Afiican American kindergarten teacher and 1
white kindergarten teacher along with 1 African American lSt grade teacher and 1
white lSt grade teacher at Cook Magnet School.

Pierce Elementary has a total of 229 students. Of these students 7% are Asian,
17% are Hispanic; 33% are Caucasian and 43% are Afiican American (Personal
Interview, Lassiter School District, 2008). The principal of Pierce Elementary has
worked in the Lassiter School District for over 20 years as a teacher and a principal
and is white. Pierce Elementary has classrooms for K-Sth grade and additional
classrooms for pre—school students. This pre-school program has been widely popular
in the Lassiter School District and has an extensive waiting list as other schools are
waiting for pre-school designation and funding. The pre-school program services
children who meet 2 or more of 25 designated potential risk categories that put the
children potentially at risk of being behind academically when they enter
kindergarten. Some of the risk categories include: a parent in the military, low birth
weight, low economic status or an incarcerated parent. At Pierce Elementary there is
one Afiican American teacher and the rest of the staff, including the principal, are

white.

84

Sawyer Elementary School has a total of 270 students whose ethnicity is as
follows: Native American, 1%; Asian, 3%; Hispanic, 13%; Caucasian, 36%; African
American, 47% (Personal Interview, Lassiter School District, 2008). The principal is
white and has been a principal in the school district for 5 years, all at Sawyer. Of the
teaching staff, two are Afiican American and the rest of the teaching staff is white.

The fifth elementary school participating in The Anding Study as an intervention
school is Jackson Elementary. Jackson elementary has 273 students in K-5 grade
classrooms. The students’ ethnicities at Jackson Elementary are: Native American,
2%; Asian, 7%; Caucasian, 16%; Hispanic, 23% and African American, 52%. The
principal of Jackson has been both a teacher and a principal in the Lassiter School
District for over 20 years and is African American. The staff at Jackson Elementary
is primarily white, with three Afiican American teachers (Personal Interview, Lassiter

School District, 2008).

85

CHAPTER V
CASE STUDIES
Introduction
This study focuses on five lead teachers and their understanding of their own
whiteness, as described previously, and how this understanding impacts their role as
educators. The five lead teachers are classroom teachers working in five different
elementary schools. Each of these schools is participating in a broader study, The
Anding Study, which is focusing on the academic achievement gap of boys of color.
The lead teachers are in charge of professional development with their respective
colleagues that looks at aspects of the academic achievement gap of boys of color.
All of the teachers interviewed for this study are white. Of the lead teachers
participating in The Anding Study in the Lassiter School District, five are white and
one is African American. The participating Afiican American teacher was displaced
to a 4th grade assignment for the 2008/2009 school year, and has been displaced again
due to his school closing at the end of the 2009 school year. Additionally, one of the
white lead teachers was displaced and has not been reassigned to another school. A
third lead teacher was displaced and laid off, meaning her continued employment in
the Lassiter School District is uncertain. These shifts in classroom assignments,
displacements and lay-offs are a continued and on-going sign of the down-sizing
being experienced in the Lassiter School District. As mentioned previously, the
pseudonyms for the teachers were drawn from the Tougaloo Civil Rights movement.
Ms. Wright

My dad, looking back, was what I would call really racist. Very, like, white
power. And I was always uncomfortable with that. . .I have a younger brother and

86

sister and they would start to saying those things and that was unacceptable. And

I would always tell them, ‘No, don’t say that’. It was just more that it was known

that people who weren’t white were not as important, they weren’t as smart, you

didn’t need to listen to them. . .It’s strange that in that environment I’ve always felt

like ‘this is not right'. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Raised in a highly racially segregated town in the mid west, Ms. Wright was not
aware of other races until she accompanied her parents to their favorite bowling alley
and was told to stay away from the Black bar across the street. “That’s what it was
called, people still call it that. But I was always just wondering, like, ‘Why? What’s
wrong with those people?’ Because in my mind they were people, and I was
confused.” Ms. Wright’s elementary school had no students or teachers of color and
her rrriddle school had a few Mexican American students. High school was a bit more
racially diverse within the student population, and Ms. Wright interacted with Afiican
Americans at parties and sports events.

As a sophomore in high school, Ms. Wright was elected to the homecoming court.
As is customary, M8. Wright was paired with the same grade level male who was
elected by the student body, and this male was African American. Ms. Wright was
highly anxious about the prospects of being with her Afiican American escort in
public at the parade and football game — she was afraid that her father or relatives
would say something racist to her escort.

Going into that public setting of having to walk and knowing that my family
was going to be there to see, I was really uncomfortable the whole time,
thinking ‘Gosh, I hope they don’t say anything to embarrass me.’ But I did
talk to my dad and say that I would be uncomfortable if he did say something
like that. And I am sure my mother had that conversation, too. It had to have
come from her to have made a difference, for him not to do something like
that. He did make comments in the home all the way up until then. And my

uncles had made comments also. I feel anxious just remembering it. (Personal
Interview, 2009)

87

Ms. Wright graduated from high school and attended the local community college
in her town. She remembers that the community college student body was a
reflection of her high school and was racially segregated. Leaving the community
college to attend an area university that was known as an agricultural school, Ms.
Wright also remembers that the student body was highly segregated. She has no
memories of any person of color at her university.

M8. Wright had one teacher of color during her university education. This
professor started the first class addressing race in a direct manner. Ms. Wright felt it
was done in a stark and aggressive manner. “You guys are all white people from the
Midwest. . .and if you are here thinking I am going to tell you how great America is
and how great you white people are then this isn’t the class for you.” Ms. Wright
recalls that she felt put off by this, and that she was never able to really connect to the
class. She completed it and passed it, but “I never really embraced that class after
that. For I don’t know what reason, it was just like off putting to have that thrown
right at you. But I’m sure that he had to have had experiences that got him to the
point where he was saying that.”

After graduating with her teaching certification, Ms. Wright taught for two years
in schools near her hometown. She then made the decision to move to Lassiter and
took a position at a Lassiter Elementary School, Beech Elementary.

Definitely moving to Lassiter was the bi ggest culture shock of my whole life.
Because before then it was just very random experiences with race and then
all of a sudden it was like ‘Wow, I’m a teacher of a lot of children and there
isn’t even a white kid in the whole room.’ When I was thrown in front of a
class at Beech with no white kids, that’s when it occurred to me ‘Whoa this is

different.’ I don’t know, I still struggle with that, but not as much. It’s not
right in the forefront for me anymore. (Personal Interview, 2009)

88

M8. Wright considers herself a very dedicated and professional teacher. She does
not hesitate to involve the parents of her kindergarten students when the students have
behavioral issues. Insisting, repeatedly, that a father come in to talk with her directly
about his son’s behavior in class led to a major new understanding for Ms. Wright.
After four insistent phone messages left for this particular father, he came to the
school and threw fistfuls of bills and money on the table in fi'ont of Ms. Wright. Ms.
Wright stated that:

And he said, ‘N0, M8. Wright, this is what’s important. It’s important that I
make money to feed my family, to pay my bills. Your job is to make sure Joe

is behaving at school and learning at school. I don’t have the energy to do your
job and my job.’ I was like — that’s big. It was something that hadn’t occurred to
me, mostly because I hadn’t worked with poor children before. And then, on top
of it, I didn’t understand the culture. . .that experience opened my eyes. I have
been a lot more understanding and I guess what changed from that is that I now
make sure I get to know each family. Had I known Joe’s dad, would I have talked
differently to him and maybe not sounded so high and mighty on the phone? If I
had realized the reason he was blowing me off was because he was working and
trying to make a living for his family? (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Wright has vowed to be certain to get to know the parents at the first of the
school year, in addition to the student, and has a new found appreciation for how vital
this relationship with the parent is.

Ms Wright took the assignment as the lead teacher for The Anding Study and the
first year of the program went really well. M8. Wright was pleased with the progress
made with the staff.

It was great that first year, amazing! I just thought ‘Wow! I am so glad this came

along because we were able to have conversation and were able to get that whole

race issue out on the table and acknowledge that we’re not all the same. And

everyone was able to share and I learned a lot about people that I would have
never known. (Personal Interview, 2009)

89

The second year did not go as smoothly for Ms. Wright as the lead teacher. There
were many conflicts with staff that occurred. Ms. Wright notes that, unfortunately, the
conflicts occurred between white staff and Black staff. The staff at Cook Elementary
is racially diverse and the principal is Afiican American. Ms. Wright believes that
the principal tends to protect and favor the Afiican American staff. For example, the
principal will not correct an Afiican American teacher who does not come prepared
for a meeting, but, Ms. Wright notes, will correct a white teacher. Many conflicts
have arisen during Black History Month and the negative feelings have not been
resolved. The principal refused to mediate a direct face-to-face interaction between
two teachers, and instead advised Ms. Wright to ‘let it go’.

The anxiety associated with the staff conflicts has been quite difficult for Ms.
Wright. In addition to the staff conflict, Ms. Wright’s students had many difficulties
this past year. Five of her students were living in foster homes and three of them
were homeless. Ms. Wright had to make numerous referrals to Child Protective
Services and always received notification back that there was insufficient evidence to
proceed with a case Ms. Wright found this very emotionally draining. She found
herself repeatedly wondering how many more years she would be able to continue to
do her job.

Feeling weird about my dad being the way he is, I probably didn’t talk about it.

I’d be interested to know more things I could do. I don’t know what they are,

though. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Durr
You have to better understand yourself before you can even begin to understand

others. . .I think what we have to do is, we have to stop being know-it-alls.
That’s our defense. (Personal Interview, 2009)

90

As a fi'eshman in the Department of International Affairs at a large mid-west
university, Ms. Durr took a basic required course on culture and racial awareness.
The professor of the course and many of her fellow students were Afiican Americans.
During her high school years, Ms. Durr’s mother married an African American man.
Ms. Durr felt that having an Afiican American step-father made her aware of race and
racial issues and made her feel competent to speak about race in her course. She
picked up on the fact that the Afiican American professor used the term ‘people of
color’ during dialogue in the class and realized that this was the most proper and least
offensive way to frame her conversation when referring to Afiican Americans. Ms.
Durr found herself trying to express a point during class and inadvertently said
‘colored people’ instead of ‘people of color’. This mistake made a huge and lasting
impression on her as she related,

Every single Black person jumped up and I thought. . .they were so livid at
me. . .I mean every Afiican American person in the class jumped up and
wanted to hurt me because I think of the way I came off and everything. And
I was like — ‘Oh, my God! ’ . . .I didn’t even realize what I had said. . .I didn’t
want to talk anymore in that class because I was afraid. . ..I don’t come from
that perspective anymore. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Raised as an only child, M8. Durr first had an Italian step-dad and then later an
African-American step-dad. This interaction with diverse ethnic males has been the
impetus for Ms. Durr’s belief that she is an open and non-judgmental person towards
others concerning race and culture. She credits her appreciation of other cultures to
her upbringing and to her mother. Ms. Durr’s Italian step-dad introduced her to a
cultural appreciation of Italian foods and practices. M8. Durr’s African American

step-dad gave her an opportunity to experience being ‘the minority’ herself by taking

her to her first all Afiican American family event.

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At her African American uncle’s wedding, Ms. Durr experienced her first feeling
of being the ‘other’ as one of only two whites at the wedding: her mother, and
herself. Although she does not remember any overt conversations about race, mixed
race marriages or racism concerning her mother’s interracial marriage, she does.
remember that many of her Afiican American aunts were ‘cool’ toward her mother, at
first. Now, after several years, according to Ms. Durr, she is close to her extended
Afiican American family.

Raised in an upscale suburb on the outskirts of the Lassiter School District, Ms.
Durr laments that she had very little interaction with people of color throughout her
schooling during her early years. Her elementary school, to her memory, was highly
segregated. She does recall fond memories of her only Afiican American teacher in
first grade — the only teacher of color she had until she went to college.

Ms. Durr credits her upbringing as the impetus for her desire to know more about
other cultures, and her willingness to travel. As a high school student she traveled to
Europe and as a sophomore at her university she spent a summer abroad as well
working as a teacher’s aid in a kindergarten classroom. Immediately after graduation
with a bachelor’s degree in education, and her teaching certification, Ms. Durr had an
opportunity to go overseas as a preschool teacher for two years, and she accepted.
This was another extended and memorable experience in being the ‘other’.

As a preschool teacher overseas, Ms. Durr worked with many international
children who were interracial and bi- or tri-lingual. She had the students for one half
of the day, and spoke to them exclusively in English. During their second half Of the

day her students were in a classroom speaking their home language. Ms. Durr’s

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traveling and working overseas concretized one of her primary internal
understandings about race and culture: everyone is different and we need to
appreciate differences. She states:
I used to think it was better to be color-blind in a sense. Now I’m to the
perspective where I’ve grown and it’s more, it’s not really good to be color-blind.
You need to see people’s cultures and who they are, and we’re not all the same.
When I was overseas, I wouldn’t want them to say 'I don’t even see you as a white
person’. I want them to see my culture and who I am. (Personal Interview, 2009)
Upon returning to the US, Ms. Durr started working as a preschool teacher in the
Lassiter School District. The Lassiter School District has a federally firnded
preschool program and has instituted 7 all-day preschools throughout the district.
Eligibility requirements are that the family meets a minimum of two criteria out of a
possible 25 including such factors as 1 parent in the military, a single parent
household, low SES, 1 parent incarcerated, low birth weight, or other health issues.
Ms. Durr enjoys her job, is dedicated to working with kids ‘who need me’ and
considers herself a hard worker.
The Anding Study has been a positive process for Ms. Durr in that it has provided
a platform to continue to be self-reflective about her race, culture and racial identity.
Ms. Durr appreciates the opportunity to continue to process and learn and grow in the
area of racial awareness and reflects that “I enjoy talking about this sort of thing, and
I feel like when I talk about this sort of thing it helps me to process my thoughts and
helps me to grow.” This attitude of appreciation for personal reflection and
increasing racial awareness is something that Ms. Durr believes has assisted her in

working with her students. Ms. Durr stated that she attempts in concrete ways to

blend racial and cultural appreciation into her curriculum and lessons like making

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sure that there are authentic Afiican American hair care products represented in her
play area for her preschoolers.

Ms. Durr applied to graduate school upon her return from China to pursue a
Masters in Education degree. The capstone project of her educational program was to
develop a portfolio of past teaching work highlighting a main theme that was
embedded within her teaching. As Ms. Durr reflected on her past lessons and what
her continued underlying theme was, she realized that cultural competency and
appreciation was truly her heartfelt theme. As she reviewed her past work, the theme
continued to present itself: cultural competency and appreciation. Her upbringing
and her family experiences, her traveling and her teaching experience in China all
contributed to her passion for this as a theme in her professional life.

Ms. Durr took, as her last elective class in her masters program, a course entitled
“Afiican American F arnilies”. As the only white person in the class, Ms. Durr was
proud of her change in perspective as compared to her freshman year in college.

I felt comfortable having discussions in that class because I took down that guard

and I came from that ‘I don’t know everything — teach me’ perspective. And I

think it really shows how I have grown in being able to talk about race. Now I

know how to approach things better, I have a better understanding of where people

of color are coming from. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Durr’s school has one Afiican American teacher and one African American
teacher’s aid. The rest of the staff is white. Ms. Durr is the lead teacher for The
Anding Study, primarily because none of the senior teachers would take the

assignment, and Ms. Durr really wanted The Anding Study interventions provided at

her school. So, she volunteered.

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The sole Afiican American teaching colleague at her school encouraged Ms. Durr
to take the lead teacher assignment — “cause I think she didn’t want anyone else to do
it. So I felt better since she suggested that I be the lead teacher. . .I kinda ask her
questions and go to her for help.” Ms. Durr, the youngest and least senior teacher on
staff, approaches the white teachers by saying “you guys have to help me out. I’m '
learning with you guys”. However, Ms. Durr felt the white teachers’ negativity and
resentment about The Anding Study. “The teachers seem to think ‘we don’t really
need that’. They are like ‘well, this is stuff we’ve already heard before; we don’t
need this. But, no, you need to dig deeper than that! They think that they got it all,
but that’s just something that you never fully get — you have to continuously learn.”
Ms. Durr’s observations are that the white teachers in her school are defensive about
The Anding Study, and she frames this attitude as “it’s because they aren’t taking the
time to deep down self-reflect”.

I hate it when people say — and I used to be like thisz‘Well, I can’t be racist, I have

fiiends that are Black or some of my best fiiends are Black’. And me, just because

my step-family is African American, doesn’t mean that I understand Afiican

American people. I’m not Afiican American, I haven’t lived that. I don’t know

that. So, I think we need to first, we need to get rid of that whole. . .your guard, the

whole ‘I can’t be racist because. . .we’ve got to get rid of that. (Personal Interview,

2009)

Ms. Smith
When I was 16 or 17 my Dad sat us down and was like ‘Well, I’ve got something
to tell you kids. I’m an Indian’, and we were like ‘OK — like you thought you
were fooling us?’. . .then, we figured ‘Great! School will be free! And he said

‘I’m not taking no government handout’, and he wouldn’t register. He’s a very

proud man and he liked passing. He did not want to trade on being Indian. . .he

wouldn’t register, he was too proud to take a government handout, plus he was
very proud just to be an American. (Personal Interview, 2009)

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Ms. Smith’s upbringing was interwoven with many contradictions springing from
race and social class. Her mother’s grandparents were Irish, and her mother was
raised in a southern state. Ms. Smith’s mother worked all her life to rid herself of her
southern accent, thinking that it identified her as a ‘hillbilly’. A ‘country hillbilly’
was something that Ms. Smith’s mother did not want to be associated with. So much
so that she took on an affected accent that subsequently made Ms. Smith’s childhood
fiiends questions if her mother was ‘Canadian or English’. “I learned very early to be
sensitive to the ‘dumb hillbilly’ . . .if it was the Beverly Hillbillies, my parents would
turn that off. They were real sensitive because they weren’t just hillbillies.”

Ms. Smith’s father was full Cherokee Indian. At age 16 he had his sister sign
consent forms for him and he joined the army. Put into a sharp-shooter group of all
Native Americans, he was considered a scout and was sent ahead of his company in
many missions. Ms. Smith’s father was very proud of his service to his country and
frequently repeated war stories to Ms. Smith and her brother. He was raised in a
small ‘holler’ down south, and came north to the mid west to work. It was at that
time that he met and married M8. Smith’s mother.

Ms. Smith was raised in a lower middle class neighborhood in the mid west that
was primarily supported by the auto industry. Her neighborhood and town were red-
lined and there were no Afiican Americans living in their town at all. In terms of her
father living in an all white, red-lined neighborhood and town she says “I didn’t really
know that we were passing or that my dad was anything other than what he was, and
nobody every questioned him.” As a child she spent all of her summers with her

grandparents down south, in the ‘holler’. She was aware at that time of accent and

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language differences because she had difficulty being understood by the locals due to
her mid western accent. She loved the culture and the foods that typically were part
of her summers down south and is proud of this part of her heritage. “I’m very proud
of being southern and that’s not easy. Cause whether it’s the food or the people,
they’re being made fun of. They have a pride there that’s very hard to explain to
other people.”

Elementary school for Ms. Smith was racially segregated, but she moved to a large
middle school that was somewhat racially diverse, and had a best fiiend who was
Afiican American. Ms. Smith’s fiiend, Janet, was from down south and they shared a
lot in common. “I became very good fiiends with her, and looking back now, she
was southern, and we had the same sense of humor, told the same stories, talked the
same way - she seemed and looked familiar, her parents were very nice to me and I
liked the food they cooked.” Ms. Smith’s mother was very angry that Janet was Ms.
Smith’s chosen best fiiend and gave her a very hard time for it. Ms. Smith recalls
that “I think looking back that’s why I liked Janet, cause she was southern. . .my mom
didn’t like her for the same reason — it reminded her of her poor country life.”

Ms. Smith went to university to become a librarian, and left with a teaching
certification. She moved to Florida for two years to live near her mother, who had
divorced her father and remarried. In Florida, Ms. Smith remembers the segregated
neighborhoods as “there were the Afiican Americans living pretty tough lives south
of 22nd Avenue. And that still is there. You wouldn’t see them downtown. I didn’t
know what restaurants they went to or where they shopped. But it wasn’t where we

were.”

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Ms. Smith moved to Lassiter, married, had two children and began teaching once
her youngest was in school. Her first principal was a white woman who was
dedicated to diversity and celebrating culture. The principal encouraged the
celebration of all cultures but not, necessarily, the dominant white culture. Her
philosophy was that the dominant culture was already on TV and being celebrated
everywhere else, and at Kent, they were doing something different. “At Kent
Elementary we did not do the traditional American; we did Kwanzaa, but we didn’t
do Christmas. How many kids at that school, whether they were Hispanic or Afiican
American or Native American or even Vietnamese, for whatever reason their families
had chosen to celebrate Christmas. I am not saying we should or we shouldn’t, but to
leave that one out I think is ridiculous. And I saw such pretense in that.”

Ms. Smith has worked in the Lassiter School District for 15 years as a
kindergarten and first grade teacher. Two years ago she was offered The Anding
Study lead teacher position. Working as the lead teacher has created stress and
conflict for Ms. Smith, primarily from her principal. Ms. Smith’s principal, M8.
Craig, is Afiican American and considers herself a tough disciplinarian, particularly
with Afiican American boys. In Ms. Smith’s opinion, this toughness is more like
bullying. Ms. Craig’s philosophy is that the boys ‘don’t need to be coddled — that’s
not what they need.” In Ms. Smith's opinion, Ms. Craig sees the interventions
provided by The Anding Study as being a form of coddling.

Ms. Srrrith reported that her white colleagues have been resistant to doing even the

most basic of The Anding Study modules. The white teachers responded defensively

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with comments such as ‘I already know this’, and questions about why they have to
review materials that they already know.
But, you talked about race; it was a hard conversation at my school. They didn’t
want to do any of the encounter things where you write down how you identify
your ethnicity; five things that are important about yourself. They didn’t want to
do any of the practices to get in touch with racial things.” Although the teachers
have found the information on gender and ways to alter lessons to accommodate
more movement and hands on learning for boys, the information on racial identity
and cultural competency has not been well received. (Personal Interview, 2009)
Ms. Smith has found The Anding Study to be useful for her personally, in
increasing awareness of cultural issues and potential areas of conflict. The on-going
conversations with other lead teachers has allowed Ms. Smith to reflect on cultural
and racial issues and has changed some of her practices and literature choices based
on this. For example, Ms. Smith is constantly looking for age appropriate literature
that portrays the moral hero of a book as an Afiican American boy. Additionally, Ms.
Smith has weeded out her literature to exclude stereotypic racial representations. “If
we really are going to address how Afiican American boys wind up feeling 80 de-
valued, then messages have to start coming about how they are valued and I don’t see
them yet.”
Ms. Smith is dismissive of white people who are judgmental or negative
concerning their own heritage, race and culture. She is suspicious of whites who try
to take on a new culture or alter their racial identity because it seems ‘cool’.

Although Ms. Smith knows that in some circles she could claim her Cherokee

heritage and ‘be considered better than white’, she ‘won’t play that game’.

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But the person in that culture, whether it is Christian, or Cherokee, or whatever,
is going to say ‘Wait a minute, it’s not that it’s cool or not cool, it’s just my
identity, my customs, my heritage’. It’s just as valid or invalid as any other.
There are expectations that you run into and you kind of feel like ‘I’m letting you
down because I’ve just told you I’m Cherokee.’ And so you want me to be a
certain way, but I’m not, I’m just a person getting along. (Personal Interview,
2009)
Ms. Braden
There were some crazy white people in my neighborhood. It wasn’t like it
was always this race or this race that was acting crazy or running down the street
shooting a gun, it was everybody... but I always felt a certain amount of safety,
but then it got to the point where I did not feel safe anymore. And I was like,
I don’t know these people who are standing on the comer anymore, these are
like somebody else’s little brothers and sisters that are grown, and I had to
go. I couldn’t drive through the neighborhood and feel safe anymore and was
like, I can’t live like that, and I left. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden was raised in Lassiter, in a lower class, racially diverse neighborhood
that has a reputation of being ‘rough’ with a high crime rate. Ms. Braden refers to her
home neighborhood as ‘a little bit seedy and ghetto’. Her older brother, and only
sibling, struggled in school, and was labeled ‘special ed’ before federal legislation
was established to enhance the rights of students receiving special education services.
Ms. Braden’s mom and dad struggled financially to the point where the electricity
would have frequently been shut off if the church members hadn’t paid it. Their
Pentecostal church community would frequently assist them with food and some
cash, as well.

Ms. Braden comes from a large extended family that reflects the racial diversity of
her home neighborhood. “I have cousins that are mixed — both Hispanic and white,
and Black and white.” It was through the close relationship with one of her

interracial cousins that Ms. Braden had her first memorable experience of white

privilege and racial discrimination.

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Ms. Braden was close in age to her cousin, LeeAnn, and their mothers were close
and spent a lot of time together. At age 8, Ms. Braden was aware that LeeAnn was
biracial, and that felt normal and unremarkable to her, having grown up with LeeAnn.
Ms. Braden’s mother and aunt were in the habit of dressing the girls like twins. On a
shopping excursion to K-Mart, Ms. Braden and LeeAnn had a cart full of clothing to
try on, and went ahead of the adults to the dressing rooms.

The [sales clerk] lady said, looking at me, ‘Oh, are you going to try some clothes

on?’ and I was like, ‘yea’. And she opened the door and said to go ahead but she

wouldn’t let my cousin come in, and she was like ‘you’re going to have to wait for
an adult’. I was so mad and felt so flushed. I was like ‘come on, we’ll just wait

together'. It always stood out to me, and it enraged me and I was only like 7 or 8.

(Personal Interview, 2009)

Although there were many interracial couples and biracial children within Ms.
Braden's extended family, many members were overtly racist. Several of Ms.
Braden’s uncles would refer to other races using racist slurs and Ms. Braden recounts
that she always felt shame about that. These family conversations were so overtly
racist that Ms. Braden was afraid to bring friends of color to her house for fear of
which family members would be there and what types of conversations would be
taking place. She felt disloyal to her fiiends of color even being within earshot of
these conversations.

Ms. Braden’s mother was fearful of her dating outside of her race, and told her
frequently that she would have children ‘with spots’. Ms. Braden would counter with
‘but he’s firnny; and polite!” Ms. Braden would argue with her mom, pointing out
the biracial children in the extended family —— but her mom was adamant. When Ms.

Braden did bring boyfiiends home who were of color, her mom was friendly and

welcoming and the boyfriends often continued to come ever even after they had

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broken up with Ms. Braden. Within a family interwoven with many interracial
marriages and biracial children, M8. Braden discovered early on that she was white
and also that she was fiercely opposed to overt racism.

Educationally, M8. Braden’s experience from kindergarten through university
level was racially diverse, as well. Ms. Braden believes that her racially diverse life
experiences helped her excel in her university classes and assisted in bringing a
realistic perspective to her education classes. Ms. Braden went to the local
community college, and graduated from the local university with a bachelor’s degree
in education and a teaching certification. Several years after graduation, M8. Braden
Obtained her first teaching position in Lassiter and has been working in the Lassiter
School District since then.

Ms. Braden currently teaches in a Montessori magnet school within the Lassiter
School District. Ms. Braden and the rest of the 15 teaching staff all received grant
monies to pay their expenses to complete a Masters degree in Montessori education.
Ms. Braden is proud of her accomplishment and reflects that “I am the only one in my
family with a Masters degree. They are like. . .wow. . .how did that happen?”

Ms. Braden’s classroom at Bradford Montessori School is racially diverse and she
feels a strong comfort level with this. Ms. Braden loves the Montessori philosophy
and curriculum materials. She states that Montessori education places a high value on
respecting all races and cultures. Her preschool students have ‘continental folders’ as
part of their classroom materials that contain pictures representing the wants and
needs and religion, dance and transportation methods of that particular continent.

“So, it’s very broad and open, but it gives the child a taste of like everything in the

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world around them. In the concept of Montessori you start from the whole and go
down to the smaller parts as the student gets older.”

Ms. Braden has used her upbringing and appreciation of diversity to assist her in
understanding and addressing issues with students. “I don’t know, I guess I grew up
with a lot of Black children so it was always normal to me, but this little kid was
sitting next to her and he was like ‘I don’t want to sit by her, she smells funny.’ And
I told him that sometimes moms put stuff in our hair to make it be soft. But I started
to notice that it was all of the little girls of color that he was like ‘I don’t want to sit
by her’. So I did say something to the mom.” Her conversation with this mother,
Mrs. Troy, focused on identifying exactly what Jack was saying, and Mrs. Troy
responded that she had heard him say something similar, and she was embarrassed by
it. Mrs. Troy said that their family is a ‘biker family’ and that Jack has heard many
racist comments, but that she did not want him to be racist. “So, I think she genuinely
doesn’t want her son to be racist, she wants him to be respectful of everyone.” Ms.
Braden’s appreciation of diversity prompted her to address this situation with Mrs.
Troy. Ms. Braden worked with Jack on the issue of accepting differences in others,
as well. “We worked on it and we talked a lot about how everybody’s different and
he was fine after that. I think it will help him in his life.”

Ms. Braden was asked by her principal to be the lead teacher for The Anding
Study. Ms. Braden was enthusiastic about the study and welcomed this opportunity.
She identifies the teaching staff as “one Afiican American, one mixed, we have a
Middle Eastern teacher and an Asian teacher. We have a staff of 15 and it’s a pretty

young staff.” There have been two teachers that have been particularly resistant and

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negative about the modules in The Anding Study: one white teacher and the Afiican
American teacher. The Afiican American teacher attended the first meeting and has
not returned, stating that she does not like the materials. The white teacher is very
stressed out and negative about the modules, and simply does not believe in the
content.

The highlight this past year of working with the teachers on the modules for The
Anding Study was the very positive change Ms. Braden saw in one of the
instructional specialists. The principal sent the specialist to Ms. Braden, saying “She
needs you. She needs the program”. Ms. Braden initially did not think it was
appropriate that she was “put in charge of this senior teacher’s diversity training”.
However, the results were worth it. The specialist came to Ms. Braden at the end of
the year saying that “her relationship with one of her troubling Black kids was really
improved and that they were getting along better. “And she was like ‘I am really
learning about him and respecting where he comes from. It’s really been helpful for
me, thank you.”

Ms. Braden believes the challenge for white teachers lies in being self reflective
and analytical, and being passionate about improving themselves for the sake of the
students.

I think it’s more important for the teachers to learn how to deal with their own

Issues and the issues of cultural diversity and all of these things. It’s not just about

the kid and his poor behavior; you have to figure out what you are going to need to

do yourself to be able to provide for this child. It always seems like it comes back
to that relationship between you and the child. (Personal Interview, 2009)

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Ms. Tilly
I’ve had more exposure to minorities, in a way, than I did with other [white] men
besides my father. Because I didn’t have any real relationships with his family;
my mom didn’t have any brothers or sisters. I don’t know, then it just kinda
continued. I dated Black men, my children are Black, my husband was Black, 80
I’ve never had a relationship with a white man except for my father. (Personal
Interview, 2009)

Born in Lassiter in a lower class white neighborhood, MS. Tilly was the
youngest of three daughters. Her father was Polish and the first generation in his
family born a US. citizen. Her mother was Irish. They were devout Catholics, and
the church played an important role in Ms. Tilly’s upbringing. Her family assisted
many people through the church, including a Mexican American family whose house
had burned down. Ms. Tilly’s family stayed close to this Mexican American family
and she has fond memories of many family get-togethers. “I always liked their
traditions that they had, I liked seeing that. Probably just the big family and the
closeness that they had. Cause we lived here in Lassiter but my Dad’s family all
lived in the Westing area, and my Dad was the only one who lived here.”

Geographical distance was not the only thing separating Ms. Tilly from her
extended family. Through the church they took in an African American foster child.
Ms. Tilly’s extended family refused to let the foster child visit in their home and used
very derogatory racial slurs to describe the child. Ms. Tilly’s father was furious, and
cutoff all connections with his extended family over this situation.

I wonder if because of the way that my extended family acted, did that turn me off
to white people, too? I have two children that they have never seen, and I have
cousins and such that my children have never seen. I would have never taken my

children over to family things. I just never went. I stopped going. (Personal
Interview, 2009)

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Ms. Tilly’s mother was an only child, so this break with her paternal side of the
family caused almost total extended family isolation for Ms. Tilly. “So, I wasn’t
around a lot of white people.”

Ms. Tilly attended Catholic schools through the 9th grade. During this time Ms.
Tilly remembers a few children of color as classmates, and she remembers being
fiiends with them. Her years at Catholic school were uneventful until her parents
divorced when she was around 10. At that time, for financial reasons, her mother
started to take in more foster children, and these foster children were Afiican
American. Ms. Tilly remembers four Afiican American foster daughters who lived
with her mother until her mother passed away at age 62. The foster children were
cognitively impaired, and Ms. Tilly played a big hand in helping her mother care for
them.

10‘11 and 11th grade were tumultuous times for Ms. Tilly. Her mother transferred
her to a local high school, Central High School. Racial unrest was prominent in the
news, and there were race riots in major cities throughout the mid-west. Ms. Tilly
recalls herself as a quiet and shy teenager, and was fiightened of the Black girls going
to Central High School.

I was afraid of the Black girls and of being in a bathroom alone with them. I did

get my purse stolen fiom them. My mom signed me up in such a way that I didn’t

have a lunch period. I went through all my classes and left school an hour early
and came home. So somewhere in there Black people became not the same as the

Black people who were in the Catholic Church and the ones that we knew. There

was a different set of Black people that I was afraid of. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Tilly remembers everything within the halls of Central High School being

very tense and racially segregated. “It was just a really bad time where the whites

and Blacks, it was just a time of conflict there.” One of Ms. Tilly’s favorite teachers

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at Central was an Afiican American English teacher; one of the few Afiican
American teachers Ms. Tilly remembers working at Central at the time. Ms. Tilly
recalls that this particular teacher was her favorite because “she was real young and I
felt really comfortable in her class; I wasn’t afraid to talk, because, of course, I was
very quiet. I just remember being comfortable with her.”

Ms. Tilly worked in an elementary school during her senior high school year. It
was there that she determined to be a teacher. At that school she made a close fiiend,
who was Afiican American, and she states that “I never had any close white fiiends,
but as a teacher I have.” She dated and began living with an African American man,
whom she later married, had two children with, and then divorced. During this time
she was attending Lassiter Community College and gradually began attending the
local university, working towards her bachelors in education with a teaching
certification.

Ms Tilly was the only one in her family to attend college. Because she was
working and putting herself through school, Ms. Tilly was typically older than her
classmates. “So I was older, the young women that I went through the program with
were predominately white, usually more upper middle class. That was my first,
really, exposure to being around white girls of a different economic status than me.”
Ms. Tilly remembers being in an interracial relationship was “not an oddity, I don’t
want to say that, but I was different: I had a Black boyfriend. I mean it was common
to be in a racially mixed couple, but not as common as it is now. It set me apart.”

After graduating, Ms. Tilly eventually got a job in the Lassiter School District.

She worked as a first and second grade teacher in the same elementary building for

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over 15 years. During this time her administrator was an African American man,
whom she found to be extremely fair and wonderful with the parents. This
neighborhood school was located in a lower class, racially diverse neighborhood not
to far fiom Ms. Tilly’s childhood home. Ms. Tilly had collegial fiiends and a busy
life, and was enjoying her work there until the school was closed 5 years ago. At that
time Ms. Tilly transferred to Sawyer Elementary School, first as a reading teacher,
then as a first grade teacher. The white principal asked Ms. Tilly to be the lead
teacher for The Anding Study and Ms. Tilly accepted “because this issue is near and
dear to my heart.”

Sawyer Elementary School is in a middle and upper middle class neighborhood
and Ms. Tilly states that she does observe several differences. Ms. Tilly has observed
that the school is more racially diverse than her previous neighborhood school, and
that the children segregate themselves by race during recess and at lunch. She finds
this surprising and something that she did not see at her previous school.

As the lead teacher for The Anding Study, Ms. Tilly has encountered a few set-
backs with one teacher in particular. This teacher was a colleague, and fiiend, of Ms.
Tilly’s at her former school. She presented a storm of criticism about The Anding
Study and the interventions for boys of color. This colleague could not understand
why boys of color should be getting things that other students were not getting.

There was one teacher in particular who just did not want to participate, did not

think it was right to have something separate for boys of color. Somebody who

grew up in a suburb of Lassiter, and who is very racist. So that first year I dealt

with a lot of things of just what is best for boys, I just had to drop the whole
‘of color’ thing. (Personal Interview, 2009)

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The other teachers at Sawyer Elementary were more open to working through the
modules presented in The Anding Study. However, for the first year, Ms. Tilly
observed that they continuously came back to blaming the parents. “We kept trying
to get back to ‘we aren’t going to be able to change that. We have to get beyond that,
so what do we do?‘ We had good discussions that year.” The year following Ms.
Tilly was out of school for 3 months due to a health issue, and the teachers did not
meet. When she returned later that year, Ms. Tilly observed that “we really aren’t
addressing the real issue of ‘we have to change’. The other teachers still just aren’t
there. They are still just going to do their own thing. Because you have to be
consciously aware of what it is you need to do different.”

I want to learn more about myself. I want to know, what do I bring to the

classroom that might hinder relationships with parents? My kids really do love

me because they know I care about them. . .This study has just brought a lot of
awareness. And I am always willing to change and do what needs to be done to
help the kids and to build relationships with the parents. And that might not ever
happen in my time, I might just have to be able to do what I can with the kids

while I’m there and be grateful for some of the relationships I do build with the
parents. (Personal Interview, 2009)

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Chapter VI
ANALYSIS
Introduction
The ways of white folks,
I mean some white folks...
Berry, from Langston Hughes (1933)

In this chapter I present a thematic cross case analysis of the case studies of
five white lead teachers involved in The Anding Study. The Anding Study is a multi-
faceted urriversity based study looking at the academic achievement gap of boys of
color. One facet of The Anding Study includes training lead teachers to work within
their respective schools with other teacher educators on issues related to the racial
academic achievement gap. The lead teacher training includes the topics of race,
personal racial identity of teachers, systemic and institutional racism, and how boys
of color and their academic achieverrrent are impacted by these issues. The analysis
presented here focuses on the white lead teachers, how they understand their own
racial identity and whiteness, and how they understand this whiteness impacting their
role as educators.

This chapter describes the analysis and findings gathered from the data. The
analysis process was completed using thematic cross case analysis and triangulation
of data. Thematic cross case analysis was conducted by coding data within the case
studies, refining the emerging themes and comparing data and themes between case

studies and the focus group data. Triangulation was completed using the thematic

cross case analysis process (Glesne, 2006, p. 36).

110

The question framing this study is "How do practicing white teachers understand
their whiteness and its impact on their role as educators?" This study includes five
teachers who are currently practicing teachers with teaching experience ranging fiom
three years to over thirty years. The term white includes European Americans
(Tatum, 1997). Whiteness refers to the intricate and vast system of generational and
institutionalized unearned privilege existing in the United States for those positioned
as white (Teel & Obidah, 2008). For this study, the role of educators encompasses a
variety of aspects of professional teaching such as relationship building with
students, parents, colleagues and administrators, overt and covert teacher
expectations, capacity to develop curriculum and lesson plans, classroom
management and student discipline.

The data that emerged fi'om this study was sorted into four bins, or themes, for the
purpose of analysis. These bins were pervasively represented within all of the data
sources. The bins include:

0 Seeing White: Awareness of white racial identity
0 Living White: White privilege
o Relating White: White impacting relationships with parents and colleagues
0 Teaching White: White impacting classroom lessons, student relationships
and behavior management
The following discussion will present the analysis and findings emerging from the
main study question of ‘How do white teachers understand their whiteness and its

impact on their role as educators’.

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In review of the literature related to how white teachers experience whiteness and
understand its impact on their teaching capacity, studies have been completed looking
at how whiteness is situated in relationship to preservice white students (Cochran-
Smitlr, 1995; Lawrence & Tatum, 1998; Marx, 2004; McIntyre, 1997; Picower,
2007). Studies have also been completed looking at how aspects of whiteness are
shown with practicing teachers (Chubbuck, 2004; Haviland, 2008; Hyland, 2005;
Kailin, 1999; Marx, 2008; Pollock, 2004). How white practicing teachers understand
their own whiteness and how they understand its impact on their instructional
capacity is an area less specifically studied and is the focus of this study.

The racial academic achievement gap is one that has been widely studied over
many years. The racial academic achievement gap refers to differences in
educational outcomes between various groups typically referred to as racial groups.
For the purposes of this study, the term race is used to designate groups of people that
are typically referenced as racial groups within the United States, using a cultural,
sociological and historical lens, and is not intended as a biological or scientific term
(Bonilla—Silva, 2001 ). The notion that 'race' describes human biological variation has
been officially rejected by the American Anthropological Association
(Mukhopadhyay, 2008). Additionally, The Human Genome Project has stated:

DNA studies do not indicate that separate classifiable subspecies (races) exist

within modern humans. While different genes for physical traits such as skin and

hair color can be identified between individuals, no consistent patterns of genes
across the human genome exist to distinguish one race from the other. There is

also no genetic basis for divisions of human ethnicity.(n.d.)

The term race, then, is referring to a sociohistorical, rather than biological, meaning.

112

In describing the racial academic achievement gap, on the low end of the
academic performance scale, using standardized test scores and matriculation rates,
are primarily African American, Native American, some Asian American and Latino
students (Howard, 2010). On the higher end of the academic performance scale are
primarily white and some Asian American students (Howard, 2010). Factors
affiliated with social class, including parental education, family income, home
resources, school quality, teacher experience and preschool preparation, are cited as
impacting academic achievement. However, when these are taken into account and
held constant, there continues to be gaps between racial groups (J encks & Phillips,
1998; Ogbu, 2003).

Most teachers now in classrooms, including both urban and suburban, are likely to
have students from diverse ethnic, racial, linguistic, and religious groups (Banks,
2009). At the same time, in 2000, approximately 84% of US. public school
teachers were white and almost exclusively middle class (N CES, 2006). Many
educators and researchers link issues related solely to race with the racial academic
achievement gap. "There are certain areas that remain largely under theorized and
frequently overlooked in analyses of student's school performance - namely, the
importance of race and culture in the schooling experiences of today's youth."
(Howard, 2010, p.1) How, then, do white teachers understand their whiteness and its
impact on their instructional capacity? Specifically, how do white teachers

understand their white racial identity?

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Seeing White: Awareness of White Racial Identity

Ms. Wright

"I looked up and saw all Black faces and realized I was the only white person in
the room!" (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Wright was raised in a highly segregated white community and attended
totally segregated schools until high school. Her post high school education at a
community college and university were, again, almost exclusively white. Although
raised by a strongly racially prejudiced father, even as a child, Ms. Wright always felt
uncomfortable with racial slurs and comments. "It was just known that people who
weren't white were not as important, they weren't as smart, you didn't need to listen to
them. I've always felt like this was not right." However, within her segregated
upbringing, there was little need for her to spend time reflecting on her own race. A
few years after graduating with her degree in education and working as a teacher, Ms.
Wright took a teaching assignment in Lassiter. She describes her shock in realizing,
upon beginning teaching in Lassiter, that she was the only white person in the room.
Ms. Wright is a highly intelligent woman, a hard worker and resourcefirl. How could
it be that she took a job in Lassiter, a highly diverse community, without realizing .
that she would be working with children of color and might be the only white person
in the room? How could it be that this thought did not cross her mind? In this
moment of surprise, Ms. Wright really felt her whiteness.

Helms (1994) white identity development paradigm describes the initial stage
whites go through in developing a racial identity as the contact stage. Through
encounter with the 'other', white people are initiated into the process of racial identity

development. Not being overtly cognizant of our own individual race is commonly

114

associated with being white in our society (Sullivan, 2006). The analysis of what it
means to be white has traditionally been done only in contrast to what it means to be
'of color' (Singleton & Linton, 2006). Ms. Wright stated that "definitely moving to
Lassiter was the bi ggest culture shock of my whole life. Because before then it was
just like very random experiences with race, then all of a sudden it was like "Wow!
I'm a teacher of a lot of children and there isn't even a white kid in the whole room."
According to Parrna and Steinberg (2008)
Educators are often afraid of racial differences and fearful of naming them.
Because Whiteness is so often treated as invisible, as if only non-Whites are
racially and ethnically positioned. White teachers often are particularly afraid to
name their own positionality. (p. 285)

Dr. Beverly Tatum (1997) likens this invisibility of whiteness to being a resident
of Los Angeles and daily breathing smog. As an LA. resident you are so used to the
smog, and it is such a common experience, that it is not even consciously noticeable.
However, the smog is still there. Likewise, if white teachers are not consciously
thinking about their race and its impact on their teaching, it does not mean that it is
simply not there and impacting their teaching. Ms. Wright comments on the shock
and continued stress of beginning to recognize her white racial identity by stating:

A whole lot of my years were different than this. Like my family and my school

were, and where I taught to begin with, it was just white; and I understood that,

and I embraced that. l didn't have to do a lot of thinking, I guess. You just are.

It may not be easier, teaching there, it just seems like if I could just go and be

me and not have to be always proving myself, as the white teacher. (Personal

Interview, 2009)

Through participation in The Anding Study and working in the Lassiter School

District, Ms. Wright has had some of her previously unexplored beliefs about her own

race uncovered. What she has known and felt comfortable with in terms of her white

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racial identity has been uprooted. According to Howard (1999) using Helm's (1990;
1994) white identity development model, this is referred to as disintegration. This
disintegration process produces "considerable dissonance regarding our whiteness"
(p. 90). Without support and encouragement facilitating further growth in
constructive white racial identity development, whites may consciously return to
earlier beliefs, termed reintegration. Ms. Wright expresses this anxiety and also leans
toward a possible racial reintegration by wishing she could return to a time 'I didn't
have to do a lot of thinking'. This reintegration stage is one "wherein individuals
consciously embrace the notion of white superiority" (Howard, 1999, p. 91).
Although being raised in a segregated home and community, and being exposed
early on to racially prejudiced adults, the thought of being white was only on Ms.
Wright's mind when she encountered someone of another race. Dyer (2005) states
that "Other people are raced, we are just people"(p. 10). He continues that:
Research repeatedly shows that in Western representation whites are
overwhelmingly and disproportionately predominant, have the central and
elaborated roles, and above all are placed as the norm, the ordinary, the standard.
Whites are everywhere in representation. Yet precisely because of this and their
placing as norm they seem not to be represented to themselves as whites but as
people who are variously gendered, classed, sexualized and abled. At the level of
racial representation, in other words, whites are not of a certain race, they're just
the human race. (p.1 1)
Ms. Durr

"I don't remember the first time that I realized I was white, you know, I just don't! "
(Personal Interview, 2009)

Like Ms. Wright, M8. Durr was raised in a racially segregated city and attended
racially segregated schools.’ Although she speaks fondly of an Afiican American

teacher she had in lower elementary, other people of color were rare. During her high

116

school years Ms. Durr's mother dated and married an African American man and M8.
Durr inherited, through this marriage, an extended Afiican American step-family.
She states that she is close to her step-family now, but at the time it was a 'culture
shock'.

During college Ms. Durr took an Afiican American vernacular course that helped
to refine her understanding of her own race as well. During the course discussion she
inadvertently refered to Afiican Americans as 'colored people' instead of 'people of
color'. She was confused by the reaction of the African American students and
instructor, and horrified.

A few years later, during another college course looking at Afiican American
genealogy, Ms. Durr vacillated between doing her final course project, a family
genealogy, on her white biological family or her African American step-family. Ms.
Durr ultimately chose to do her research project on her white biological family. She
felt that her Afiican American classmates were appreciative of her choice and she
recollects telling the class:

I don't feel Irish, I'm not Irish. Even though I'm trying to identify with that Irish

ethnicity. I'm not Irish, I'm American. Why is it that Caucasian people feel that

they have to or want to identify with a different ethnicity? I don't really feel
connected, that's just what my family blood is. But I am really American.

(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Durr is proud of the progress She has made in understanding whiteness. She
identifies personal progress occurring between the two college classes she took over

the course of her studies: from the inadvertent misspeak of 'colored people' to

owning that she is not 'less white' because of her Afiican American step-family. At

117

the same time, it is still difficult to voice that she is white, and to articulate exactly
what that means. Dyer (2005) writes that:
In studying whiteness attention is sometimes paid to 'white ethnicity' (e. g.

Alba 1990), but this always means an identity based on cultural origins such as

British, Italian or Polish, or Catholic or Jewish, or Polish-American, Irish-

American, Catholic-American and so on. These, however, are variations on white

ethnicity (though some are more securely white than others), and the examination
of them tends to lead away from a consideration of whiteness itself. John Ibson
(1981), in a discussion of research on white U.S. ethnicity, concludes that being,
say, Polish, Catholic or Irish may not be as important to white Americans as some

might wish. But being white is. (p. 12)

Although attempting to consciously acknowledge and disclose her genealogy and
race, her conclusion was not that she was white, but rather 'American'. Singleton and
Linton (2006) describe the phenomenon that once a group of people has become
white in the US. culture, they are seen as being white regardless of what their
national or ethnic origin might be. They are then identified as white before they are
acknowledged as Jewish, Italian, Irish or Scandinavian. "In terms of nationality, white
Americans often feel a unique sense of entitlement to "Americanism" (Singleton &
Linton, 2006).

Ms. Durr's early schooling and community were comparable to Ms. Wrights -
racially segregated. However, Ms. Durr's mother raised her with an appreciation of
racial difference, whereas Ms. Wright's family raised her with a suspicion and dislike
of racial difference. Ms. Durr sees progress within her personal growth in developing
an authentic racial identity for herself and is happy with that growth. Ms. Wright is
beginning to see her race and how it is situated in our culture, and is overwhelmed

and feels like retreating. However, after two years working as lead teachers with The

Anding Study, neither teacher is able to easily articulate what white means to them

118

and to feel comfortable owning it: Ms. Wright's white racial identity has been
exposed and jarred off-center through contact with people of color; Ms. Durr is not
yet fully able to own being white, and does not see the white privilege associated with
claiming to be 'American'.

Ms. Smith

"I didn't really know that we were passing or that my dad was anything other
than what he was and nobody ever questioned him" (Personal Interview, 2009).

Ms. Smith was born into a southern family living in the north. Her father was
Cherokee and her mother was white. Her mother worked very hard not to have a
southern accent and to avoid being stereotyped as a 'hillbilly'. Her parents strove to
remove themselves from the poor and country way of life they had left behind down
south.

Her father was a sharp shooter in WWII, and was extremely proud to be a medal
decorated American veteran. He had 'the long wavy black hair, like Elvis Presley' but
as far as Ms. Smith recalls the family experienced no overtly racist repercussions for
him passing. He was very proud of his Americanness and refused to register on the
tribal roles. "He's a very proud man and he liked passing. He did not want to trade
on being Indian ...He worked very hard to fit into the culture and just be an
American."

Ms. Smith has no patience for fiiends who are 'wowed' by her Native American
heritage. She explains that:

there are expectations that you run into and you kind of feel like 'I'm letting you

down because I've just told you I'm Cherokee'. And so you want me to be a certain

way, but I'm not. I'm just a person getting along ...My father's wishes are just that
I'm an American. (Personal Interview, 2009)

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The Trail of Tears, a US. government forced 'relocation' of the Cherokee nation to
Oklahoma in 1839, in which thousands of Cherokee Indians died, was a point when
many Cherokee decided to attempt to pass in order to avoid relocation (Jenkins,
1996). Those that survived the Trail of Tears and made it to the reservation in
Oklahoma were 'Offered land ownership' but only those who were officially listed on
the tribal roles could qualify. Many Cherokees refused to participate in signing the
tribal roles to consciously object to the US. government's regulations. Many others
refused to sign in order to avoid being identified or designated as Cherokee. Of those
Cherokees refusing to sign the tribal roles, many made their way off the reservation
and attempted to pass as white (Moore, RE, n.d..). Passing, then, became a matter of
life and death to many Cherokees. Working hard to fit in, and become American, or
white, was a matter of survival to many (Moore, n.d.). It is not surprising, then, that
Ms. Smith's father was adamant about himself, and her, passing.

Wander, Martin and Nakayarna describe that:

the law, pressured by the leaky nature of racial categories, devised a "one drop"

theory - if you had one drop of "non-white blood" in your veins, you could not

qualify as white. Not qualifying as white had, as the history of slavery and the
exploitation of Indians shows, tremendous implications for the ways people lived

and even in for their right to earn a living. (p. 33)

Courts, laws and social opinions shifted over time defining who was white and
who was 'non-white'. Rothenberg (2005) explains that whiteness is socially
constructed, and that "who counts as white and what it means to be white changes

over time and from place to place"(p. 3). Historically to present day, an individual

who appeared 'white' could opt to 'pass' or 'jump the colored line'. Living as white

120

could garner multiple benefits of whiteness including increased job, housing and
educational Opportunities (Gaudin, n.d.).

For Ms. Smith, her father's wish for her to be 'just American' equated to being 'just
white'. Ms. Smith sums up her thoughts on 'passing as white' by saying:

Well, I was raised - you're not! It means more to me than just learning a language

Or putting on the beads or burning tobacco. The beads don't make you in the

group. You can't just learn the language and know the life. My father really is

and wants me to be like this! (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Smith and Ms. Durr both stake a claim to being 'just American'. Ms. Durr
claims her Americanness because she seems unable to articulate her racial identity
any other way, and thereby, perhaps unwittingly, stakes a claim to whiteness. Ms.
Smith claims her Americanness in order to cling to that same whiteness and thereby,
at her Cherokee father's request, overshadow her Indian heritage.

Ms. Braden
I think people look at me and they see somebody that's white. I never really felt
like I fit, though. I was picked on and teased a lot. I always felt like I was a little

bit different. (Personal Communication, 2009)

Ms. Braden was raised in a poor neighborhood that was racially diverse. She
remembers race often being a topic of conversation within her extended family,
which was racially diverse as well. Some family members were overtly racist and not
shy about voicing it while other members were supportive of racial integration and
racial diversity. Ms. Braden recalls that she has always felt angry when other family
members would express racial prejudices. Because she was raised poor and in a

racially diverse environment, Ms. Braden believes that she has never really identified

with being white or with the privilege accompanying being seen as white.

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Ms. Braden prides herself on being able to 'code switch' and go from being "very
prim and proper, and then I can be very ghetto if I need to be." She described a visit
she took during her teacher training to a suburban school that was middle class with
primarily white students. She told her classmates:

I could not do this. And they were like, "what's wrong?" And I was like, "I can't

breathe in here, all these white people. And they were like, Ms. Braden, you're
white ...it was just really uncomfortable for me, I felt really out of my element.

(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden's 'element', or comfort level, is in a more diverse setting and perhaps a
lower socioeconomic setting as well. She affiliates being white with being prim and
proper, and oppressive. Howard (1999) describes the problem with equating
whiteness solely with oppression as:

No matter how unbecoming my whiteness may be made to appear, I carmot 'un-

become' white. Given the common use of language and the real politics of race,

I am both white and European American. I cannot separate 'whiteness' from 'being

white' from 'being of European ancestry'. Any attempt to do so is merely a word

game. (p. 1 1 1)

Being associated with the negative aspects of whiteness and racism are a strong
motivator for some whites to want to distance themselves fiom whiteness and 'bad
whites'. This 'less-white-than-thou' attitude can be viewed as being situated typically
in the pseudo-independence racial identity stage (Helms, 1990). According to
Sullivan, (2006)

White people cannot and should not attempt to think of themselves as ceasing to
be white and the realization that this insistence does not have to mean that
acknowledging oneself as white dooms one to total complicity with racism ...

White people can and need to find ways of transacting with the world as white that
undermine white racism. (p. 161)

M8. Braden feels uncomfortable with the oppression and racism often associated

with being white. In order to distance herself from that, she focuses on being

122

'different' from other whites, as someone who has never fit in, and stresses her poor
'ghetto' background. Kivel (2002) explains that "some of us are quick to disavow our
whiteness or to claim some other identity that will give us legitimate victim status.
We certainly don't want to be seen as somehow responsible for or complicit in
racism" (p. 9).

Ms. Tilly

Race, it doesn't seem like it was. . .it wasn't ever an issue. I don't remember seeing

like black people or whatever. My parents were the type of people that really

would reach out and help others. And so I was exposed to different minorities

There was a Mexican family whose house burned down and my parents were

very instrumental in helping them and we became very, very close And then

my parents took in a foster child, a Black child, a girl. . .and my dad was a gardener

and one of his assistants was a black man. So I was exposed to different races.

(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Tilly's family of origin were second generation Catholic immigrants from
Poland and Ireland. Ms. Tilly attended a primarily segregated Catholic school through
middle school, although she remembers that there were some Black kids in the
neighborhood and at her school. "At school I had Black friends, and that wasn't
anything odd to me. They were just people - like all people."

When her family took in an Afiican American foster child, it caused a permanent
break in relations with her extended family. Her grandparents refused to allow the
foster child into their home, so Ms. Tilly's parents stopped communicating with them.
Ms. Tilly saw, first hand, the social positioning of the 'almost white' Polish and Irish
immigrants distancing themselves from the 'non-whites' (Rothenberg, 2005). Ms.

Tilly's parents continued to care for the Black foster child, and took in other Black

foster children over time.

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After completing Catholic middle school, Ms. Tilly transferred to the local high
school. According to Ms. Tilly it was a scary experience.

I was afraid of the Black girls and of being in the bathroom alone with them. I
did get my purse stolen from them That was during the time where there were
more riots going on, so I am sure I heard that in the news. The Black people
would all congregate outside in front of the high school so somewhere in there
Black people became not the same as the Black people who were in the Catholic
Church and the ones that we knew. There was a different set of Black people that

I was afraid of. .. It's not that I just had a fear, it really would happen, you would

be harassed. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Because of this, Ms. Tilly's mother scheduled Ms. Tilly's classes straight through

the day so that she could skip the lunch period and leave school early. She started a
work-study pro gram at a racially diverse neighborhood elementary school and was
befiiended by a woman working there who was Afiican American. Ms. Tilly
socialized outside of work with her and they became personal fiiends. The woman's
son was Ms. Tilly's first boyfiiend.

Ms. Tilly went on to marry an Afiican American man and to have two children
with him. Ms. Tilly says that during her life she "wasn't around a lot of white people
...from there it's always been, I've been around minorities. So I never had any close
white fiiends; as a teacher I have."

Ms. Tilly's life is an example of racial extremes that exist in the US. culture and in
US. recent past. Although she remembers 'being around minorities' all her life, her
examples are few: her father's Afiican American assistant, her family's African
American foster daughters and a Mexican family from the church. She remembers

students of color from her school and neighborhood, but recollects them in a color-

blind way: 'they were just like all people'. She was harassed by Afiican American

124

girls at the high school and scared to the point that her mother put her on an alternate
class schedule to be able to avoid them. At the same time, she dated Afiican
American men, whom she met through a trusted and esteemed Afiican American co-
worker, and ultimately married an Afiican American man and had two children with
him.

Ms. Tilly's family of origin, immigrants just two generations back, had likely been
the brunt of racism themselves. Rothenberg (2005) points out that:

At one time in the not too distant past in the United States, Italians, Greeks, Jews,

the Irish, and other "white" ethnic groups were not considered to be white. Over

time and through an identifiable process the category of "white" was reshaped
to include them. The changing meanings of whiteness and who was allowed to

claim it, are at the heart of the claim that whiteness is a social construct. (p. 3)

This same extended family was so overtly racist that they chose to break all ties
with Ms. Tilly's family rather than welcome Ms. Tilly's Afiican American foster
sister into their home, a person they considered 'non-white'. At the same time, they
were probably considered 'non—white' when coming to the US. as first generation
Polish and Irish immigrants and experienced Similar overt racism.

Ms. Tilly is aware of her whiteness, primarily in juxtaposition to 'others'. Like Ms.
Braden, those 'others' include not only people of color, but also overtly racist whites.
Ms. Tilly continued to maintain the distance from her extended family, even after
both her parents passed away. Her children have never met their first cousins, and
Ms. Tilly wants to maintain that distance due to the racism she witnessed as a child

with her extended family. She positions herself as 'less-white-than-thou' (Howard,

1999) when speaking of her extended family.

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Like Ms. Braden, Ms. Tilly sees herself as 'different' than most whites. This
difference, then, provides distance and the ability to say "I'm not racist". Kivel
(2002) states that:

White people, individually and collectively, have done and continue to do some

very brutal things in the name of whiteness. We may want to separate ourselves

fiom the white people who commit these acts by claiming that they are racist and
we are not. But because racism operates institutionally, to the benefit of all white

people, we are connected to the acts of other white people. (p. 13)

Conclusion

After over two years of participation in The Anding Study, how do the lead
teachers understand their white racial identity? The lead teachers vary widely in their
life experiences and how they understand their race. However, there are several
common threads within their stories. Distancing themselves from whites they
consider overtly racist is a common thread (Howard, 1999; Howard, 201 O; Kivel,
2002; Singleton & Linton, 2006). Their white identity continues to be known and
recognized primarily when compared to people of color (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Kivel,
2002; Rothenberg, 2005). When struggling to articulate their whiteness, they rely on
the concept of rugged individualism, and the title 'American' (Dalton, 2005; Kivel,
2002). Finally, the struggle to articulate what their white racial identity actually is
continues to be illusive and difficult. Dalton (2005) states that "for most whites, race -
or more precisely their own race — is simply part of the unseen, unproblematic
background" (p. 17).

Living White: White Privilege
The absence of a fully developed and conscious white racial identity, as

demonstrated with the lead teachers, is common for whites in the US, in part due to

126

the privilege of not having to develop a conscious racial identity (Kivel, 2002).
Without a racial consciousness, whites see themselves as "just norma ", not as
belonging to a race (Rothenberg, 2005). It is possible to live as a white in the US.
without seeing ones own race (Howard, 1999). As part of the dominant culture, the
invisibility whites have is a privilege that allows them to choose if and when to focus
on race (Rothenberg, 2005). Whites can choose to attend to racism as a priority, or
not (McIntyre, 1997).

The privilege of the invisibility of white as a race is part of the white culture of
power (Rothenberg, 2005). Derman-Sparks and Phillips (1997) state that this
privilege of not consciously seeing white as a race allows whites to believe that white
is 'nonnal, natural and universal' and to juxtapose 'others' in comparison to 'the norm'.
(p. 52) This invisible white ethnocentrism leads whites to refuse to acknowledge that
their white privilege of being seen and known as white impacts how they live and
their perspectives on the world. "Most consider it racist for someone to consider their
whiteness as having any impact on their perceptions of others." (Derman-Sparks &
Phillips, 1997, p. 53)

Not seeing themselves as raced, then, promotes and underscores the sense of white
individualism (Howard, 1999). Whites continue to believe that they are solely and
individually responsible for their success and do not consciously acknowledge the
racially based uneven playing field that exists throughout the US. favoring whites.
This belief in individualism discounts the existence of institutionalized racism
(Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Kivel, 2002). However, whites continue to be treated

preferentially. Preferential treatment for whites occurs in the criminal justice system,

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with employment, eanring power, housing opportunities, mortgage loans, auto loans,
educational options and predominant media portrayal (Anyon, 1997; 2005). These are
only a few of the concrete ways that whites are allocated privilege due to their race in
the US. (Anyon, 1997; 2005).

Seeing oneself as 'non-raced', not recognizing institutionalized and systemic white
privilege, and a belief in individualism are aspects of white privilege. These
ideologies also undergird the belief in meritocracy (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Howard,
1999). By not recognizing white privilege, whites can cling to the concept that they
have earned, on their own, their life benefits.

The concepts individualism and meritocracy, of being non-raced and disavowal of
institutionalized and systemic white privilege are core normative beliefs for many
whites in the US. today (Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Kivel, 2002; Rothenberg, 2005;
Sullivan, 2006). How, then, do the lead white teachers conceptualize and understand
their whiteness and the privilege it embodies?

Ms. Wright

I only know white farmers. I am sure that there are other ones, you know, other

races that farm, I just don't know of any. And at the time it didn't occur to me that

there would be any. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Wright was raised in a racially segregated city in the mid- west that included
almost exclusively racially segregated neighborhoods and schools. In addition, Ms.
Wright's post secondary education was racially segregated as well. She attended a
university in the mid-west that was an agricultural university, and had very little

diversity with students or professors. This seemed quite normal to Ms. Wright. "It

was pretty segregated. Everybody was just the same." This educational experience

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reflects the white dominant culture in the US, reinforcing for Ms. Wright the sense
that an all white environment is the standard; the norm (Howard, 1999; Kivel, 2002;
Tatum, 2007).

While attending university Ms. Wright did have one professor who was not white.
Ms. Wright recalled him vividly, but struggled to identify his race. "Another time
that I was introduced to another race I guess would be the. . .what are they called?"
With prompting she was able to identify, and say, 'Middle Eastem'. Through this
lapse in memory M8. Wright demonstrates the lack of importance 'others' have in her
mental processing and the privilege of the centering of her own norm of whiteness
(Bell, 1992; Howard, 1999).

Ms. Wright recalls the professor‘s introduction to the course containing his
personal introduction as well. Her memory of his introduction included him saying
"You guys are all white people from the Midwest and if you are here thinking I am
going to tell you how great America is and how great you white people are then this
isn't the class for you."

Ms. Wright was surprised and offended by this statement highlighting whiteness in
a negative manner. "It was just like off putting to have that thrown right at you. But
I'm sure that he had to have had experiences that got him to the point where he was
saying that." Ms. Wright is able to distance herself from appearing to be overtly
racist by adding a minimizing statement that indicates her understanding of and.
empathizing with the professor's statement- Bonilla-Silva, (2006) refers to this as a

"New Racism" practice, or racism lite, where whites "otherize softly ('these people

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are human, too')" (p. 3). In this way Ms. Wright, and whites, are able to express their
raced sentiments without appearing racist.

When questioned about other students in the class and their possible reactions, M8.
Wright responded "I don't remember. It was just a huge auditorium class. And I guess
I just assumed that we were all white because he said that. And the people around me
were all white."

Ms. Durr

"All of us have a different background, and we have different challenges and I
realize that. . .because of my appearance in this society, I am privileged, to an extent."
(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Durr's mother raised her to value inclusion, justice and openness. Ms. Durr
attributes much of her world outlook of attempting to embrace non-racist ideology on
this upbringing. Her mother's husband is Afiican American and her previous husband
was Italian American. Ms. Durr was initially exposed to, and grew comfortable with,
other cultures through these close family ties. Simultaneously, Ms. Durr's
educational experience and commrmity were highly racially segregated. The
philosophy and practice of Ms. Durr's upbringing embodied the white privilege of
being able to choose whether or not to attend to racism (Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Howard,
1999; McIntyre, 1997). Whites in the US, as part of the dominant and privileged
culture, can choose if and when to attend to race. As whites, they continue to see
themselves, typically, as non-raced. As Ms. Durr exemplifies, whites become raced
in comparison to non-whites (Doane & Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Sullivan, 2006).

Ms. Durr was raised to be respectful of all cultures and races, and stated that she

embraces that ideology as her own. However, Ms. Durr continued to be surprised

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when her whiteness was exemplified. Ms. Durr was surprised, shocked, offended and
fearfirl when African Americans saw her as raced, and racist, in an African American
Vernacular English class. After she had inadvertently referred to Afiican Americans
as 'colored people' Ms. Durr stated that:

every single Black person jumped up and I thought. . .they were so livid at me.

And I was like, 'Oh, my God! I didn't even realize what I had said that really

Opened my eyes. I mean, I actually got pretty oflended in that class even the

teacher seemed to be racist. I mean, she was Afiican American, but being racist

towards me. But looking back I'm glad I had that experience because it's helped
change me and I can see why maybe I was offending them without even knowing

it. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Durr is surprised and affronted to be suddenly visible as a raced, and moist,
person, by the 'others' in her class. This visibility, in contrast to the white privilege of
racial invisibility within the dominant cultural group, is distressing and interpreted as
racial discrimination against her (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Howard, 1999; Kivel, 2002).
In addition to her reaction of distress with becoming visibly white, including the
sense that she is being racially discriminated against, is her need to justify and
minimize her racially offensive comment by saying that "maybe I was offending them
without even [mowing it." This minimization of her comment provides distance
between the racially offensive comment and her seeing herself as a 'racist white'
(Kivel, 2002). This justification is typical in the post civil-rights era of covert racist
talk. This "New Racism" uses subtle, covert and coded language to keep whites
centered, as the norm (Bonilla—Silva, 2006). Ms. Wright and Ms. Durr both are
surprised and offended when their whiteness is highlighted. The white privilege of

being the normative standard has allowed them to not see themselves as raced.

When, in comparison to 'others', they become raced, they both react with

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defensiveness and shock. They distance themselves from their reaction by using an
understanding statement that demonstrates empathy for the 'other', and allows them to
see themselves as non-racist (Bonilla-Silva, 2006).

Ms Smith

"I think down south there was an attitude about Indians." (Personal
Communication, 2009)

Ms. Smith's father, who was Cherokee, entered the army at age 16, and was
classified as an 'Indian sharp-shooter'. When he returned home after the war, he
decided to 'pass' and wanted his children to do the same. Ms. Smith refers to her
father as 'dark, with thick black hair' but she herself does not carry these outer
phenotypes. According to her father's wishes, Ms. Smith has proceeded in her life
with minimal social emphasis on her Cherokee ancestry. Her 'white' phenotypes
allow her to be viewed as white and to view her life through a 'white' lens. "In our
US. racial landscape skin color is the inescapable marker ...the 'floating signifier'
that we utilize to reduce individuals to racial/ethnic categories" (Fergus, 2008, p. 33).

When Ms. Smith was a child, her family moved north to a mid-sized city,
Westdale, that Ms. Srrrith described as 'redlined'. Redlining is a racially
discriminatory practice that maintains racial segregation by denying or increasing the
cost of home mortgages, small business loans, banking and insurance to those seen as
non-white (Anyon, 1997, p. 63). Ms. Smith was quite aware of the redline policies
and the resulting racial segregation of those times, and spoke knowledgeably about
them. She was aware that her neighborhood, city and schools were virtually totally
white. At the same time, she was only conscious of 'seeing race' when she visited her

mother's relatives down south. "I only saw Afiican Americans when we went down

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south. And they worked at the gas stations Then there was nobody [Afiican
Americans] living in Westdale. That was because they had those redlines."

Simultaneously, fi'om her white lens, Ms. Smith does not consciously remember
any racial discrimination that resulted in the exclusion of Native Americans. She
does not personally associate or acknowledge growing up in a redlined city - with her
Cherokee father having to choose to 'pass' in order to live there - as racial
discrimination. However, if her father had been unable to pass, and was seen as 'non-
white', she could not have been raised in an 'all white' city that was redlined to keep
out people of color. He, and his wife and children, would have been excluded. His
choice and ability to pass made it possible for Ms. Smith to assume the position of
'white' and live in a segregated white city and access the privileges of being white.
According to Brown, et a1. (2003),

Exclusion, as is evident in the case of residential segregation, is a cardinal

principle of white identity. Those who possess whiteness have, until recently,

been granted the legal right to exclude others from the advantages inherent in
whiteness; they have accumulated wealth, power and opportunity at the expense

of the people who have been designated as not white. (p. 44)

Ms. Smith related that at Thanksgiving her father would state that his family (of
origin) didn't have anything to be thankful for. "So he had kind of a grudge." But,
again through her white lens, she did not believe that there was any racial
discrimination against Native Americans, at least in the north. "I guess there is
prejudice down south against Native Americans - but I don't think there was up north.
I never ran into it."

Ms. Braden

"I think over time it's gotten better I feel like it's regional, it's not like that
everywhere." (Personal Communication, 2009)

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Ms. Braden was raised in a poor and racially diverse neighborhood, and sees
herself as not succumbing to whiteness, and not feeling white, due to this. Although
she acknowledges that others likely see her as white, she believes that this is because
they don't know how she was raised, or who she really is. This personal conclusion
of distancing herself from 'being white' is, at the same time, a reflection of white
privilege. It is undergirded by the belief in individualism; that she should be judged
based on her own individual merits, not that of a group. "For those who embrace the
rugged individualist ideal with a vengeance and who have no countervailing
experience of community, the idea that a person's sense of self could be tied to that of
a group is well-nigh incomprehensible." (Dalton, 2005, p. 15)

During her childhood, Ms. Braden came to the conclusion that she did not want to
live in poverty as her parents did:

Growing up we went to church a lot so I had my religion and I knew right fi'om

wrong and I could see what people in my neighborhood were doing, and I could

see what my own family was doing and I learned that life is about making choices
We all make choices I saw both sides of the fence. I had a lot of fiiends
that lived in the nicer neighborhoods and I had friends from the neighborhood.
My mom always said "you can do anything you want; you just have to do it."
(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden did not believe that she had to stay in poverty, but believed that she
could leave simply by making the right choices. As a member of the dominant racial
group, Ms. Braden did not perceive that she might be held back solely by being a
member of a racial group. Being part of the privileged dominant group provides an

invisible backdrop for advancement for whites (Bell, 1992; Doane & Bonilla-Silva,

2003)

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Ms. Braden has advanced economically and educationally out of the 'ghetto'
neighborhood of her childhood. She laments that, unfortunately, her only sibling, her
brother, has not. She traces this partially to the consequences of him enduring a
rough school year with a teacher who constantly belittled him. Due to this teacher, he
was ultimately put in special education, during an era when that was an especially
negative label. Ms. Braden says that to this day he will never ask for help with
reading or understanding something. This is very difficult for Ms. Braden. She
stated that "he was labeled 'special ed' in like third or fourth grade by a Black teacher
who did not like him."

Although adamantly anti-racist in her conscious ideology, Ms. Braden reverts to a
primary tenant of whiteness in this statement; that of 'othering', and perceiving "the-
Other-as deficient"(McIntyre, 1997, p. 87). Throughout her interviews, Ms. Braden
did not refer to people with a racial descriptor unless the interview question
specifically requested it. However, she did here - easily and perhaps unconsciously
(Sullivan, 2006).

Ms. Braden is very proud that she had the vision and courage to get her education
and move away from her childhood neighborhood. She has received an advanced
degree; the first person in her family to do 80. Ms. Braden is especially proud "cause
I got here on my own. I didn’t have help fi'om anyone." Although she did not have
monetary assistance from her immediate family, she did have her dominant racial

position to facilitate her advancement. According to Wildman and Davis (2005):

135

The economic power system is not invisible - everyone knows that money brings
privilege. But the myth persists that all have access to that power through
individual resourcefulness. This myth of potential economic equality supports
the invisibility of the other power systems that prevent fulfillment of that ideal.

(p. 97)
Ms. Tilly

"Being white doesn't necessarily mean you've grown up privileged" (Personal
Interview, 2009)

Ms. Tilly attended Catholic schools for her elementary and middle school years.
She describes her schooling experiences as somewhat racially diverse. She
remembers playing with all of the students, regardless of race, and states "that wasn't
anything odd to me." She transferred to a public high school, where race relations
were turbulent. Ms. Tilly attributes that to the era - the 1970's. She recalls hearing
about race riots, and civil rights issues, and believes the high school climate of racial
unrest was due to that. After graduating from high school Ms. Tilly worked in a
racially diverse school as an aid, attended a community college and eventually was
able to transfer to an intern teacher education program at the local university. "I
ended up getting into the university intern program for education ... I ended up
getting in because somebody knew somebody and made phone calls and I got in."

One privilege of whiteness is that of increased educational and employment
opportunities for whites due to the systemic favoring of whiteness. Positions of
power within the educational systems and the work force are often held by whites.
The established word-of-mouth referral system is based on white privilege and is
dominated by whites (Anyon, 2005). Often opportunities are obtained in this manner,

instead of through a level and equal playing field (Bonilla-Silva, 2001).

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Ms. Tilly married an Afiican American man and eventually had two children with
him. Her husband would occasionally relay 3 negative incident that he felt happened
to him based on race, but they did not have conversations about how race affected
their relationship. She did feel that he was resistant to be out in public With her due to
the racial stigma. Ms. Tilly was aware that being part of an interracial couple was
different, but she did not perceive any negative consequences. "I mean, it was
common to be a racially mixed couple, but not as common as it is now. Not an
oddity, I don't want to say that, but I was different but I don't remember having
any confrontations with anybody or anything over race."

Ms. Tilly has had numerous long-term relationships with Afiican Americans. Her
family of origin broke ties with the extended family due to overt racism and
maintained a close relationship with a Mexican-American family Ms. Tilly
remembers during her childhood that she "wasn't around a lot of white people. I
didn't have a white fiiend until I was a teacher." Although her neighborhood and
elementary schooling was primarily racially segregated, her early adult employment
and post-secondary education training was racially diverse. She maintained personal
and long-term fiiendships with Afiican American colleagues. She married an Afiican
American man and had children with him.

Simultaneously, Ms. Tilly continues to not acknowledge broader institutional and
systemic white privilege. She continues to associate white privilege only with
economic status; therefore if you are white, but of a lower economic status, you are
not accessing white privilege. Ms. Tilly stated that:

Even though I'm white, I've lived a hard life and I had to go through a lot. And
where there could be a Black teacher, just because she's Black she might not be

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able to identify with anything the way that ... if she grew up very privileged.

Being white doesn 't necessarily mean you've grown up privileged. (Personal

Interview, 2009)
Jensen (2005) states that "in a white supremacist culture, all white people have
privilege, whether or not they are overtly racist themselves." ( p. l 15)
Conclusion

White privilege can be seen, then, embedded in how the lead teachers view
themselves and their world, how they have lived their lives and continue to live.
Woven into each of the white teacher's stories is the theme of increased life
opportunities and advantages due to being white, juxtaposed with the personal denial
of the existence of these advantages (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Sullivan, 2006). The lead
teachers each present examples of times when their race was made visible, when
compared to 'others'. Consistently, their response was one of shock and defensiveness
when confionted with this removal of invisibility (Singleton & Linton, 2006). The
lead teachers all subscribe to a covert anti-racist ideology. They all present examples
within their stories that attempt to distance themselves from whites they perceive to
be overtly racist (Howard, 1999). Simultaneously, they exhibit belief in the
privileged personal concepts of individualism and meritocracy, and struggle with
perceiving themselves as raced (Doane, 2003). "Far and away the most troublesome
consequence of race obliviousness is the failure of many to recognize the privileges
our society confers on them because they have white skin" (Dalton, 2005. p. 18).

A primary privilege of whiteness is being situated within what society considers

the 'racial norm'. Being part of the 'racial norm' perpetuates a personal lens of being

non-raced. From this non-raced position, whites often only identify their own

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whiteness when compared to non-whites. Although the white teachers in this study
have been addressing issues related to race through their participation in The Anding
Study, they continue to struggle with seeing themselves as white and the privileges
this entails. How then do they understand their whiteness impacting their
relationships with parents and Colleagues?
Relating White:
Whiteness Impacting Relationships with Parents and Colleagues

The relationship between home and school has emerged as an important
contributor to children's academic achievement. Research supports that parental
involvement increases academic achievement. For example, a stipulation of receiving
federal Title 1 funds is a parent/school compact that promotes parental involvement
and communication. According to Title 1 Parental Involvement, Part A "A synthesis
of the research concluded that the evidence is consistent, positive and convincing:
Families have a major influence on their children's achievement in school and
through life" (p. 3).

The National Education Association (N EA), the National Parent Teacher
Association (PTA), the US. federal government through No Child Left Behind
legislation and Title 1 requirements and various state governments all promote
parental involvement as one critical route to higher academic success. Parental
involvement is facilitated by positive communication between families and schools.
According to the State Department of Education of one mid-west state that has
schools participating in The Anding Study, the three major factors of parental

involvement in the education of children include: 1) Parents beliefs about what is

139

important, necessary and permissible for them to do with and on behalf of their
children; 2) Extent to which parents believe that they can have a positive influence on
the children's education and 3) Parents perception that their children and school want
them to be involved.

Embedded within all of these prominent organization's mission statements for
parental involvement is the emphasis on positive communication between the home
and the school. For the purposes of this study I use the term parent and family to
include any guardian participating in raising the student. The home and school
relationship often refers to the parent/teacher relationship. How then do the white
lead teachers understand whiteness and its impact on this component of academic
achievement - relationship with families of color and with parents of color?

Collegial relationships are a second area where whiteness may be visible within
school environments. Staff cooperation, communication and support may be
negatively impacted by vestiges of whiteness that result in staff tension, anxiety and
uncooperativeness. This may be reflected between white staff and staff of color, and
within white staff relationships as well. This unease and tension negatively impacts a
positive school climate (Kunjufu, 2002; Howard, 1999; Pollock, 2004; Tatum, 2007).
How, then, do the white lead teachers understand their whiteness and its impact on
relationships with colleagues in addition to their relationship with parents of color?
Ms. Wright

Had I known the student's dad, would I have talked differently to him and maybe

not sounded so high and mighty on the phone? If had realized the reason he

was blowing me off was because he was working and trying to make a living for
his family? (Personal Interview, 2009)

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Ms. Wright had an experience with a parent that she believes shifted some of her
preconceived notions about parents of color. She had telephoned a student's father,
insisting that he come to the school to meet with her due to his son's misbehavior in
class. The father had already missed one scheduled appointment, and Ms. Wright
remembers that she was quite insistent in the telephone messages she left. The father
came into the school that afternoon and threw a stack of bills and cash on the table in
front of Ms. Wright. He told her in no uncertain terms that it was important for him
to make money to feed his family and that was his job. And that her job was to teach
his son. She recalls him saying "I don't have enough energy to do your job and my
job, too."

Ms. Wright stated that:

I was like - that's big! It was something that hadn't occurred to me, mostly

because I hadn't worked with poor children before. And then, on top of it, I didn't

understand the culture. I don't know, that experience was fiightening, but yet, it
opened my eyes. I have been more understanding and I guess what changed fi'om

that is that I now make sure I get to know each family. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Wright was able to apologize and communicate with this father and improve
her relationship with him. She was able to understand and appreciate his effort to
provide for his family. His work ethic was something she could relate to and this is
what they connected on.

At the same time, Ms. Wright states that her initial lack of empathy was because
"It was something that hadn't occurred to me, mostly because I hadn 't worked with
poor children before. And then, on top of it, I didn't understand the culture."

However, she has worked with poor children before. This teaching year was her

fourth in the Lassiter District, and each year she had taught primarily students who

141

met the federal qualifications of poverty by qualifying for free or reduced fee meals.
Additionally, the majority of her students have been students of color since working
in Lassiter. Being situated as a white person within the white majority societal norm
allows white teachers the privilege of not seeing and not knowing. The white
privilege of this position allows the individual the choice to decide if seeing race and
understanding 'others' is important or not (Dalton, 2005).

Ms. Wright's teaching assignment for the past two years has been in an elementary
school in Lassiter whose teaching staff was racially diverse. One fourth of the
teaching staff were Afiican American, there was one Latina classroom teacher and
the principal was African American. According to Ms. Wright, "This is the first time
I've worked in a racially diverse school. Like, most teachers were just white where I
taught before." M8. Wright believes that there are many staff issues and conflict that
are divided along race lines, and that the principal favors the Afiican American staff.
"It seems like, and I don't know why it is, any disagreement seems to be white
teachers versus Black teachers. That's uncomfortable for me and I don't know how to
change it." Upon closer analysis, Ms. Wright is uncomfortable with the conflict that
she sees arising based on racial differences. This uncomfortable anxiety results from
conflict that highlights her racial positioning and makes her visible in her whiteness
(Bonilla-Silva, 2006; Singleton & Linton, 2006).

Ms. Wright believes that the African American staff "are being protected by her
[African American principal] because of the racial issue." The literature on the
subject of whiteness underscores the propensity of whites to cite 'reverse

discrimination' when their whiteness is exposed. Adhering to a color-blind position

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allows whites to maintain racial invisibility and to not acknowledge white privilege.
However, in a situation where the white power base is shifted, even slightly, reverse
discrimination is often cited as a cause (Bonilla Silva, 2006; Howard, 1999; Kivel,
2002)
Ms. Durr

"They are like, well, this is stuff we've already heard before, we don't need

this. . .Just give me some answers; what do you want us to do? What you want

them to do is self-reflect, but they're stuck in their ways." (Personal Interview,
2009)

Ms. Durr appreciates the opportunity being a lead teacher for The Anding Study
gives her to self-reflect and challenge herself and her colleagues. She works in a
school with a primarily white teaching staff; a classroom teacher and a teaching
assistant are the only two collegial adults of color in the building. Ms. Durr
appreciates The Anding Study modules, and is excited about being able to apply some
of the information in her teaching practice.

One example Ms. Durr related of applying the Anding Study module lessons in
her teaching practice concerned a boy in her class who was having behavior issues.
Ms. Durr described these issues as 'acting tough'. Ms. Durr believed this behavior
was the result of low self-esteem due to the student's lack of Afiican American role
models and relationships. The student's father is Afiican American and living out of
state; the student's mother is white. Ms. Durr had noticed that the student was
particularly attached to an African American male classroom aide who worked in a
different classroom. The student knew this classroom aide as a sports coach for an
older sibling. However, Ms. Durr believed the attachment was due to race and

gender. Ms. Durr believed that the student needed more contact with Afiican

143

American males. She made a plan to discuss this with the student's mother, and did
80. Ms. Durr was satisfied with the conversation and believed that the mother
understood her. However, at the conclusion of the conversation, the mother was only
able to voice comprehension of her son needing more male input, not more African
American male input. Ms. Durr realized the gap at the time, but, for some reason, felt
unable to address it further. Ms. Durr stated:

And she was saying 'Well, my dad. . .', but he's a white man! But he needs a Black

man in his life, he needed it so bad. But there is only so much you can do, but I

should have given her maybe more resources or maybe I could have found

someone. (Personal Interview, 2009)

In looking more closely at Ms. Durr's statement to this mother, within this
scenario, Ms. Durr exhibited two examples of whiteness. When confronted with a
situation where she believed race was a critical component, but it was not being
accepted as such, she lapsed into silence. This silence, then, negated an opportunity
to address the needs of the student. Ms. Durr felt strongly about the student's need but
the mother did not immediately understand Ms. Durr's perception. Instead of
pursuing the conversation with the mother when she realized the gap in
communication and understanding, Ms. Durr fell silent. Silence is an easy position
for whites to retreat to when confronted with an uncomfortable situation that involves
race. Whites are able to make a choice to not dialogue about race or confront covert
racism, even when they are aware of it, by remaining silent. The ability to choose to
pay attention to race or not in any given situation, and the response of silence, are
reflections of white privilege (Kivel, 2002; McIntyre, 1997; Pollock, 2004).

Within Ms. Durr's school building there was only one Afiican American male

working in classrooms; a teaching assistant in a self-contained special education

144

classroom. This teaching assistant's position was specialized and focused on working
with the students in that program. However, Ms. Durr stated that many of the
teachers, herself included, used him to deal with behavior problems with the boys of
color. She stated that "he actually does, a lot of the teachers will be like 'Hey - can
you help me with this behavior problem?' because he's really a better fit with those
students." Conversely, if he is a 'better fit with those students" it would seem that
Ms. Durr is implying that she and other white teachers are not such a good fit with the
boys of color. White teachers may rely on colleagues of color to deal with behavior
issues if the opportunity presents itself, instead of thinking more broadly about ways
they can deal with the issues (Tatum, 2007). According to Moyenda (2008):
The only time most white people want my advice is when they can't deal with
faithless children the other teachers consider these students to be 'the defiant
Black children." They want me to be the 'overseer' of our children ...of course,
they foolishly believe that I get this kind of cooperation because I am Black.
They want to avoid taking on any Of the responsibility for the poor relationship
they have with the students. They aren't interested in getting their hands dirty, so
they want me to "fix" the kid and make him "act" right so they can remain the
friendly, kind and benevolent teachers. (p. 157)
Ms. Smith
Yea, I have real snippy mothers over there ...They have their kids at 13, 14, 15
...All the moms over there are very young. Grandma, Great-Grandma coming to
get the kids and the moms come in in their pajamas to pick up the kids, on their
cell phones.( Personal Interview, 2009)
Ms. Smith had concerns about a student's behavior, an Afiican American boy
named Ja'shaw. She approached the mother and asked her if they could talk and
stated that she was having a difficult time getting the student to talk or to sit down.

Ms. Smith stated that the mother responded with "My sons' name is not (and at

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that time I was saying Jay-Shawn) My son's name is Ja'shaw. You white people
don't seem to know how to pronounce it." Ms. Smith continued by explaining:
It's not that I'm white; you just tell the teacher how to pronounce your child's
name. But instead of just telling me and explaining his behavior, she just latches
onto this 'you white people'. It is so disrespectful to be talked to like that by these
recently out of school young women they will be disrespectful, very aggressive,
very challenging in front of their Afiican American sons ... it sure isn't the way to
treat your sons teacher. (Personal Interview, 2009)
Ms. Smith's concerns about this students behavior issues were overshadowed in
this exchange by the mother's reaction to the rrrispronunciation of her son's name.
Ms. Smith felt defensive, surprised, shocked and angered at the mother's response.
Seeing herself as part of the centered norm, Ms. Smith was jarred off center by this
mother's response to her whiteness and responded defensively. Later in the interview,
Ms. Smith expressed understanding of some of the racial based power issues
contained within white dominant institutions. "[It is] disrespect, and it's to have power
in a place where, if it wasn't racial, I don't think the parents would be needing to have
that kind of power. " Ms. Smith is aware that many of the mothers of her students are
very young, one way to be seen as less powerfirl, and that being 'non-white' in a white
based educational institution could also make them feel less powerful. However, at
the same time, she was unable to carry this understanding into her analysis of and
feelings in response to her personal interactions with some of the mothers of her
students.
Tatum (2008) states that:
Black parent's distrust of white-run schools is rooted in generations of
institutionalized policies and practices that have denied equal access to quality

education, and resulted in the over-referral of black children for special education
and the under-identification of black children as gifted and talented. The distrust

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must be acknowledged and then countered with explicit efforts to build trust.
Before a teacher can help a child, she must gain the parents' trust. Parents must be
partners with teachers in developing and implementing an appropriate educational
plan. Otherwise, an overt or covert battle between parents and teachers is likely to
ensue. Parental distrust can easily degenerate into disrespect, which inevitably
contaminates the relationship between teacher and student. (p. 311)

Previous to her current teaching assignment, Ms. Smith worked with a white
principal who was dedicated to affirming multi-cultural diversity. Ms. Smith thought
that this principal:

took it to far. She was very differential to the point where she had a Hessian

teacher there that didn’t have a teaching certificate. But she just thought it was

so cool to have someone from Haiti or somebody from Dominican Republic, like

just because they were fi'om the Dominican Republic that put them higher. SO I
have kind of felt that I was just white. (Personal Interview, 2009)

 

Ms. Smith felt offended by this stance; as if she was devalued, being just white. "I
saw such pre-tense in tha ." While working at this school, the winter and religious
holidays of many cultures were celebrated, but not Christmas. Ms. Smith reflected
that the principal felt that:

every other holiday is cool but the American ones are not. Every religion except

for Christian is cool and fascinating and interesting and beautiful, but Christian is

not, we aren't going to touch that one. And in a way I think that is just as racist
and just as judgrrrental. I'm not saying 'what about mine?' I'm just saying it's one
of them, because you really are not being diverse when you exclude.(Personal

Interview, 2009)

Ms. Smith stated that she was not saying 'what about mine?' At the same time, she
felt while working there that she was 'just white'; that her status had been lowered
because she was white. This sense of being discriminated against, due to race, for
whites, occurs when non-whites are perceived to have taken an elevated status. Ms.

Smith referred to this as "just because they were from the Dominican Republic, that

put them higher." She believed this is 'just as racist', or is actually reverse

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discrimination. When whites perceive their privileged position is being challenged
and that they are being moved away from the privileged position, the norm, the
response is often a defensive stance that is framed as 'reverse discrimination'. (Doane
& Bonilla-Silva, 2003; Pollock, 2004; Singleton & Linton, 2006 ).

Ms. Braden

"I try not to speculate like that on the race line, because I saw so much of it
growing up." (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden was surprised when an Afiican American parent approached her
principal and requested a classroom change for her son. The parent told the principal
she would feel more comfortable with a teacher who 'looked more like the teachers
when she was in school'. 'Too young and too cute' was how the parent described Ms.
Braden to a teacher colleague. Ms. Braden was taken aback and stated "I'm ten years
Older than most of the teachers at the school and I don't dress crazy at school; I wear a
lot of turtlenecks." When asked if she thought race could play a part in the parent's
anxiety, Ms. Braden responded with "I never know cause I never think about stufi' like
that. "

Ms. Braden indicated in her interviews for this study that she values her anti-racist
ideology highly. At the same time, she slipped into post-civil rights color-blind
verbiage easily. This color-blind stance distanced her from analyzing this situation
from a broader perspective. Her statement that she 'never thinks about stuff like that'
reflects the white privilege of not having to think about race or analyze situations
from that lens due to the centered white position. White privilege allows whites to
decide if and when to recognize race (Rothenberg, 2005). Singleton & Linton (2006)

state that:

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given that so many white people have trouble seeing themselves as part Of a

dominating racial group endowed with privilege and power, they also tend not

to see how this context of Whiteness has connections to events and outcomes at

home and abroad. (p. 195)

M8. Braden volunteered to be the lead teacher for The Anding Study at her
elementary school because it felt like a natural fit for her. She believed the teaching
staff at her school were supportive of the study and she had support from the principal
and most of the teachers. M8. Braden described one teacher having difficulty with
student's behavior in her classroom sympathetically by saying "I think it's just, she's
from like Maryland and she's very inexperienced. I think that's her problem, she
doesn't know what she's doing. And I don't think she expected what she's been up
against."

When questioned during the interview for clarity and further details about how
race was possibly woven into this and what exactly this entailed, Ms. Braden
responded that:

I think the whole thing in general just frustrates her. I don't know. And I am

trying to think of the kids that she sends to me when she is having a hard time.

Now that I think about it, I think they all are, (kids of color) except for one; there

is one little white boy. But there are some days when I have three of her kids in

my class. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden again reflected the privilege of a color-blind lens as she grappled to
remember if the students this particular teacher was sending to her classroom were
kids of color (Howard, 1999). Additionally, Ms. Braden alluded to the possibility that
this teacher, in addition to being inexperienced in general, was inexperienced in being
around people of color. She expressed these beliefs without ever mentioning race.

Maintaining 'non-raced' conversations concerning race reflects the white privilege of

attending to race only when choosing to (Rothenberg, 2005). This also exemplified

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ways whites can talk about race euphemistically, in a coded fashion, without really
talking about race directly (Pollock, 2004).
Ms. Tilly

"I would always laugh when they would say I was racist. Like, I wasn't picking on
their child because they were Black!" (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Tilly sees herself as a teacher who does not mince words with parents. If she
believes a parent needs to be spoken to concerning their child, she does not hesitate to
contact the parent. In reflecting on the parental responses she has received she stated:

I still had Black parents, when they would get mad at me, would say I was racist,

that I was picking on their child because of their color. Then there would be

other parents that I just had such a close relationship with. (Personal Interview,

2009)

One particular Afiican American mother believed Ms. Tilly was picking on her
son, and wanted him moved out of Ms. Tilly's classroom. Even though there were
only two months left in the school year, the principal was going to place the student
in another classroom. Ms. Tilly was strongly opposed to this move. "Cause to me
you don't just pull a kid out, you don't do that to a child at the end of the school year."

Ms. Tilly had a conference with the mother who eventually agreed that it was in
the student's best interest to not be moved. Ms. Tilly believed that it was because she
was able to connect with the mother about the possible difficulties and disruption for
her son, that she agreed to not move him. Although Ms. Tilly denied that she picks on
kids due to their race, she understands that parents of color may perceive this to be
the case. Tatum (2008) describes that:

a trusting relationship between the teacher and the parents will certainly strengthen

her effectiveness with the child and increase the possibility of a successful

educational intervention ... Working proactively to cultivate a trusting relationship
before such a situation arises is essential. . .some white teachers are nervous about

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sharing critical feedback about a black student's performance with the student's
parents for fear that they may be accused of racial bias. (p. 31 1)

Ms. Tilly believes that some African American parents will choose a teacher
simply because that teacher is also African American. Ms. Tilly expressed
defensiveness that Black parents may accept behavior from a Black teacher that they
will not accept fi'om her. "I know that the Black parents will accept her speaking to
their kids a certain way, but they won't take it from me if I said that exact same
thing, they'd be down in the office." Delpit (1995) questions:

Does the liberal perspective of the negatively authoritarian Black teacher really

hold up? I suggest that although all "explicit" Black teachers are not also good

teachers, there are different attitudes in different cultural groups about which
characteristics make for a good teacher. Thus, it is impossible to create a model
for the good teacher without taking issues of culture and community context into

account. (p. 37)

Implied within Ms. Tilly's reaction is a sense of injustice - that it is not fair or
reasonable that an Afiican American parent would want a teacher based on race and
would "request her because she's Black." Although Ms. Tilly understands that "the
Black parents just have that comfort with the Black teacher" at the same time she
perceived it as unfair that she was being judged simply because she is white. This
highlights the white privilege of racial invisibility that results in defensiveness when
the invisible is made visible (Howard, 1999; Kivel, 2002).

Conclusion

The Anding Study white lead teachers continue to exhibit whiteness in several

ways that are repeatedly demonstrated in their interviews for this study. As white

teachers, this whiteness then continues to impact their teaching capacity, in overt and

covert ways, and impact their relationships with parents and colleagues.

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The white lead teachers continue to be shocked and surprised, and then defensive,
when they are 'raced' (Pollock, 2004). Whites have the privilege of living as racially
invisible, or non-raced (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Howard, 1999; McIntyre, 1997). When
this non-raced position is challenged, or shifts, surprise and defensiveness result
(Singleton & Linton, 2006). This presents itself when a parent believes and accuses
them in some way of being racist, when parents exhibit more comfort with colleagues
of color than with them, and when parents request a classroom taught by a non-white
teacher, seemingly based solely on race. This feeling of defensiveness causes a breech
in trust and communication with parents and colleagues.

The privilege of a non-raced societal position also includes the privilege to choose
to think about and analyze events and situations through a lens of race, or not
(Rothenberg, 2005). Not analyzing events through a lens of race leaves the white
lead teachers surprised and short-sighted in their analysis of situations when
addressing race. This, then, results in a propensity to feel defensive and take
situations personally, instead of seeing them through a broader sociohistorical and
political lens (Tatum, 2008).

Teaching White:
White Impacting Classroom Lessons, Behavior Management and Student
Relationships
The Anding Study, with a focus on studying the academic achievement gap for
boys of color, has several modules that address classroom lessons, student discipline
and behavior management, and relationships with students. The Anding Study

teacher's manual states that "classroom instruction and routines as well as the

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relationship of the teacher to the child are critical in how boys [of color] come to
evaluate and involve themselves in schooling" (p. 37).

The broader literature base concerning the racial academic achievement gap
contains many well-known writings addressing the importance of the 'cultural
competence' of the teacher within the classroom (Banks, 1996 & 2002; Davis, 2007;
Delpit, 1995; Derman-Sparks & Phillips, 1997; Howard, 1999; Howard, 2010; Kohl,
1994; Kunjufu, 2002; Kuykendall, 2004; Ladson-Billings, 1994; Landsman, 2001;
Lewis, 2006; Nieto, 1996; Noguera, 2003; Noguera & Wing, 2006; Sleeter, 1996 &
2001; Tatum, 1997 & 2007). Teel and Obidah (2008) address the importance of
cultural competence and its ramifications by stating that:

the way of being that manifests itself in what we are calling racial and

cultural competence is at the heart of successful teaching in urban settings. From

this perspective, as individual teachers transform their own racial and cultural

understanding and attitudes, becoming racially and culturally competent, their
teaching strategies will become more effective, their students' performance will
improve, the institutions of schooling themselves will change, and the

achievement gap will close. (p.7)

How then, do the white lead teachers understand their whiteness as it impacts their
classroom lessons, behavior management and relationships with their students?

Ms. Wright

These are the kids who deserve to have someone who wants to do right by them.

And not just want to show up and get a paycheck. So I feel really dedicated for

that reason, but I do think it could be easier. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Wright has taught in the Lassiter School District for four years. She reflected
that working in a racially diverse environment had been an adjustment for her that

was difficult at times. Situations that have highlighted her whiteness continued to

provoke stress and anxiety and she often felt inadequate to work through the issues

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related to race, both with students and parents and with colleagues. She commented
that she perceived The Anding Study was addressing the issues related to student's
gender differences more completely and adequately than those issues related to racial
differences. She reflected that:

Based on my own experience, I might not have said a lot of the things I felt.

Feeling weird about my dad being the say that he is, I probably didn't talk

about it. I'd be interested to know more things I could do. I don't know

what they are, though. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Upon closer inspection of Ms. Wright's thoughts and reflections, the white
privilege of not having to deal with racial issues unless choosing to is prominent. Ms.
Wright perceives herself as a dedicated teacher. She has been a lead teacher in The
Anding Study, and through this is consciously aware that race plays a role in
education. She has had numerous conversations with the other lead teachers about
race and its impact on education. Additionally, she is aware that her personal
upbringing has been one that has taught personal racism and she has feelings of
embarrassment about that. She consistently states that she wishes she knew more
about race.

However, at the same time, she never mentioned within the scope of her
interviews any steps she has taken to resolve her lack of knowledge about race. She
did not mention any literature she was studying, any courses she was taking or had
taken or any conversations she was having with colleagues on this topic of concern.
She appears to have taken no steps to resolve her feelings of confusion and anxiety.
As part of the dominant racial group, she can choose to address these issues, or not.

This privilege of whiteness is reflected in Peggy Mclntyre's (1988) reflections of her

own process as she worked on listing, daily, areas in her life that reflected racial

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privilege. "I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I wrote it
down. For me white privilege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject.
The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of
meritocracy." (p. 3)

Ms. Wright's continued feelings of anxiety and confusion about issues related to
race are left unattended to and unresolved until a situation in her classroom or school
reminds her, again, of her whiteness. When her white racial invisibility is jarred or
confronted, Ms. Wright repeatedly feels anxiety and confusion, but she continues to
choose to not resolve these feelings. She states:

It seems like. . .do you acknowledge it? We do, sort of do that with the 'All About

Me' Unit. Like, how are we different, how are we the same, so skin color does

come up. But because the kids, they probably know more than they can say. Like,

race doesn't come up other than the color of their skin. (Personal Interview, 2009)
Ms. Durr

And a lot of the parents of color wanted their child in the more stern teacher's

classroom. And they wanted it because she yelled, they were like 'yea, I like

that; that teacher's on those kids, she doesn't let them get away with anything.’

...So, I've had parents of color specifically tell me I'm just too tolerant and they

want me to be more stern. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Durr states that she has had parents of color specifically say to her that she is
too tolerant of student's misbehavior. She equates this with the parents not
understanding the classroom dynamics, or individual student's needs. She feels
strongly that she will not yell at her students and equates being stem with yelling. "I
understand that maybe it's different, culturally, but, um, I think that I have high

expectations for their students. It just might come across differently ... I 'm not gonna

change how I am. "

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Ms. Durr believes that many parents misjudge her discipline and behavior
management based on only a small window of classroom observation and she
discounts their comments, in part, due to this. However, she did have one regular
parent volunteer, whom she highly valued, also tell her she was too tolerant. "I had
an Afiican American dad, who was great, he's awesome. And he was really involved
in the classroom, and he knows what he's doing when he's in there, he's a great
volunteer." This father would direct a student to 'straighten up' or 'stop it' and they
immediately would. The father brought this specifically to Ms. Durr's attention: that
the students did not listen to her in this way. Ms. Durr interpreted what the father was
saying as "almost like he was saying I was incompetent." She attributed his impact
on student's behavior to him being male.

Ms. Durr stated that "my discipline is completely different." She talked about
giving her students choices and if they then misbehaved they received a consequence.
She went on to describe her method of discipline as "being respectful" in comparison
to "other" methods that parents may use at home:

But parents see that but it's hard if parents, I know it's different cultures and

How you raise your kids in different cultures. But if parents talk to their students

at home in a more respectful manner and listen to them then their kids would learn

from modeling how to talk that way. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Upon closer inspection, M8. Durr's comments about discipline reflect an
assumption of a white positioning of rightness and negative assumptions about the
home life of her student's of color. She repeatedly stated that she believed the
parent's comments about her being too tolerant were based in 'cultural differences'

and equated parent's comments about being stem with yelling and being disrespectful.

"So we have these kids in the class that have not had those experiences at home.

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They've just had parents yelling at them. So then it's really deep down instilled. You
can't. . .it's really hard to change tha ." Through this positioning of the blame for
misbehavior on the parents and students Ms. Durr was able to justify not thinking
more broadly about altering any of her methods for discipline (Delpit, 1995; Ladson-
Billings, 1994; Moyenda, 2008).

Ms. Durr discounts parent feedback because they are not in the classroom enough.
She discounts the feedback of a parent who is a respected regular classroom volunteer
because of his gender. She equates that the remedy for 'being too tolerant' as 'yelling'.
Through her lens, undergirded by whiteness, Ms. Durr sees herself as right with no
need to change or revise. Ms. Durr believes that:

teachers sometimes resort to that because the kids seem to listen more when you

do that, because that's how people talk to them at home. I guess it is a cultural

thing and maybe I should respect it more or think about it more. (Personal
Interview, 2009)

According to Lewis (2006) "When white, middle-class styles of interaction are
considered the acceptable mode of school interaction, many students lose out." (p. 69)
Ms. Smith
I worry about the agenda of saying white female teachers, middle class teachers,
are letting these boys down. I think that probably white middle class female
teachers, let's say at least 50 percent, their hearts are completely in the right
place and they are caring, sensitive and respectful. I think, with the parents,
with the culture, how others are making these boys feel like they are
disenfranchised or they don't matter or they aren't valuable in our culture.
(Personal Interview, 2009)
Based on The Anding Study's emphasis on the positive academic results of

increased student movement in the classroom, Ms. Smith has increased the movement

within her lessons in her kindergarten class. One example is a hip hop music CD she

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purchased that contains many songs the students love to dance to. One of these songs
MS. Smith referred to as 'The Cowboy Song'.

At the end of the school year the students were working with Ms. Smith on
deciding what to include in the end of the year class program for the parents. When
Ms. Smith suggested 'The Cowboy Song', some of the students yelled out 'No!‘

And I said - why? And he said 'My mom would be mad if she saw me do that

cowboy dance.‘ And I said - why? And the music teacher was in the room at the

time, and he [the student] said 'Because my mom don't want me to dance like no
cowboy.’ And I was like, ' there it is right there - the parent.‘ SO, I said 'OK; we
won't do the cowboy dance', but they loved it. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Smith went to considerable effort to plan the class program. She personally
invited as many parents and guardians as she could, and stated that there were about
80 adults in attendance that evening. Although some of the students had expressed
directly to her that they did not want to perform 'The Cowboy Song', and were able to
articulate why, Ms. Smith thought it best to include it on the program regardless.
When it came time in the program for the students to perform 'The Cowboy Song',
Ms. Smith prefaced the student's performance by asking them if they still wanted to
perform it, and then by addressing the audience with:

The kids were a little nervous about doing this one. But it's a song they absolutely

love, and love to dance to, but it is about cowboys. We've all got something about

cowboys. And that’s all I said. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Smith described that she understood that 'The Cowboy Song' could be racially
Offensive. She believed that in her earlier years of teaching she would have simply
gone ahead with the song, without understanding that there could be issues. "But I

did, I backed off it and let them choose". However, how much choice did her

students actually have? She gave her kindergarten students 'the choice' to voice their

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negative opinion about performing something already on the program while they
were standing in front of 80 adults. This seems like a precarious option for a
kindergartener.

Upon closer analysis of this classroom lesson and situation, the white privilege of
perceiving oneself as being centered and right and the white privilege of choosing to
attend to race, or not, continues to be demonstrated by Ms. Smith (Bonilla-
Silva,2006; Howard, 1999; Kivel, 2002; McIntyre, 1997). The students previously
expressed concern about this particular song; Ms. Smith stated that she understood
their concern; but she put it on the program anyway. She choose to put it on the
program knowing that some parents might find it racially offensive and then justified
her choice by acknowledging to the parents that it might be offensive. "And so, when
they did it, the kids were real happy. Maybe they paid for it later, I don't know."

Ms. Braden

"You have to learn to roll with the punches or they will eat you up."
(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden's first teaching assignment in the Lassiter School District began in
October of her first year instead of September. The class had been with a long-term
substitute teacher throughout the first part of the school year, and they were
misbehaving. Ms. Braden went in and described that she immediately began to take
control of the class. She remembers that:

I was like 'Excuse me! You sit down!', and he was like 'Who are you?‘ and I was

like, 'I'm your new teacher and I said sit down!' I rearranged that classroom and

put them in rows. I was like 'There will be no groups until you can show me that
you know how to sit down and be quiet. Don't talk to me like that!’ And right

there, was me going back to my upbringing. (Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Braden used a strongly authoritarian approach with this particular teaching

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assignment to get the class organized and to regain control of the students. She does
not hesitate to be authoritarian when she believes the situation calls for it. Having
control of a class, and being authoritative, is one way to begin to form a relationship
with the students. Delpit (1995) states that "in many African-American communities,
teachers are expected to show that they care about their students by controlling the
class and exhibiting personal power." (p. 142)

In addition to controlling a class, Ms. Braden believes that establishing a trusting
bond with the students is critically important for academic achievement. The topics
of classroom management and developing trusting relationships with students are .
topics that have been highlighted within The Anding Study professional development
modules. The area of student trust and relationships is an area where Ms. Braden has
seen both success and struggle with her white colleagues.

A white colleague was asked to attend The Anding Study professional
development modules by Ms. Braden's principal. The principal specifically requested
Ms. Braden to allow her to participate in the trainings, even though she was not part
of The Anding Study. Ms. Braden recalled that she questioned the principal, who
responded with "No, she needs to come to the program; she needs to learn how to
work with children of color." After attending the teacher trainings, this colleague was
very positive in her feedback to Ms. Braden concerning her relationship with an
African American student she had had behavioral difficulties with. The colleague told
Ms. Braden that "I am really learning about him and respecting where he comes from.

It's really been helpful for me."

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Ms. Braden related a response fiom another white colleague wherein the colleague
seemed unable to integrate The Anding Study module information about relationships
with students of color. Ms. Braden stated that:

Some people just don't get it. I had one teacher, she was like 'I just don't know

how you do that.‘ And I was just like, 'You need to be patient with them and talk

to tlrem' and she said 'Well, I just can't do that'. I just got so irritated. I was like,

'Well, then, you are going to have a really rough year I'm telling you what you

need to do and you're just choosing not to build a relationship with these kids.

You are just perpetuating your negativity on them. It's so fi'ustrating. (Personal

Interview, 2009)
Ms. Braden was unable to work with this teacher to get through the defensiveness
that was engendered around the topic of white teachers establishing trusting
relationships with students of color. According to Teel and Obidah (2008):
... teachers' unconscious biases often undermine our consciously espoused
intentions. Thus, good intentions are not enough to counter the racism and racial
and cultural inequities in American society. Because of their powerful potential
to influence students' lives, all teachers, especially the largest group - middle-class
White teachers — need to learn how to recognize the subtle biases in their own

behavior, such as decisions they might make based on white privilege. They also
need to help their students recognize their own racial and cultural biases (p. 7)

Ms. Tilly

"It was the socio-economic thing; I mean all of those kids were poor and needy

regardless of what color they were. We didn't have a lot of race issues."

(Personal Interview, 2009)

Ms. Tilly worked her first 20 plus years as a teacher in an urban elementary school
located in an economically depressed area of Lassiter. The majority of students were
students of color. Ms. Tilly does not remember there being many 'race issues'. Ms.
Tilly has been the lead teacher for The Anding Study for two years. However, she

still does not perceive the issue of her, as a white teacher, teaching primarily students

of color as a 'race issue'. Singleton and Linton (2006) state that:

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Given that so many white people have trouble seeing themselves as part of a
dominating racial group endowed with privilege and power, they also tend not to
see how this context of whiteness has connections to events and outcomes at
home and abroad. The moment-to-moment impact and influence that white
thinking has on the lives of people of color create a web of racial cause and effect
that is invisible to many white people. Because of this virtual invisibility, white
people tend to focus on only one part of the event and forgo analysis of a larger
historical racial dimension or its present impact and future implications.(p. 195)
As the lead teacher, Ms. Tilly is responsible for facilitating her colleague's
movement through The Anding Study modules concerning academic achievement
and boys of color. Ms. Tilly says the issue is "so dear to my heart, and I was really
excited when this all came about." However, according to Ms. Tilly, the movement
has been impeded by a few teachers, one in particular "who is very racist and I don't
know if she realizes it, but is." This white colleague, who Ms. Tilly has been quite
close fiiends with over the years, "just did not want to participate; did not think it was
right to have something separate for boys of color".

Ms. Tilly believes that, through The Anding Study, she has become more aware of
the importance of 'building self-esteem' within her students. "Starting at that young
age so they do feel good about themselves so that they have something to hold onto
when they go on into the further grades." She is knowledgeable about the racial
academic achievement gap, believes white teachers have to change themselves in
order to address the gap and increase student's self-esteem, and, at the same time,
personally believes that her teaching colleague is overtly racist. Taking all of these
factors into account, it is notable that Ms. Tilly avoided covering The Anding Study's
modules on race due to her colleague's resistance. Given the objections her white

colleague voiced to The Anding Study, Ms. Tilly stated that "and so that first year I

dealt with a lot of things of just what is best for boys. I just had to drop the whole 'of

162

color' thing". This lack of action and silence concerning "the whole 'of color' thing"
illustrates the white privilege of the choice of attending to race, or not (Bonilla-Silva,
2001 & 2006). According to Wildman and Davis (2005) "when there is silence, no
criticism is expressed. What we do not say, what we do not talk about, allows the
status quo to continue" (p. 95).

Personal Reflections and Conclusion

The analysis of the data gathered from this study project has deeply underscored
for me the depth and breadth of white privilege still in place in our culture and
exhibiting itself in our schools. As a white teacher studying whiteness and its impact
on education I am surprised that I am still surprised. I resonate with Peggy
McIntosh's (1989) personal reflection that she perpetually 'forgot' items she thought
of to include on her 'white privilege list' until she actually wrote them down. It is so
easy to slip into forgetfulness as a white person and a white teacher.

This privilege of forgetting, of paying attention to race only when I, and we,
choose to, of living in the zone that we see as non-raced and standard in our culture,
is tenacious. I believe this privilege of not seeing race and its implications, and of
forgetting even after I do see, especially when it is uncomfortable or difficult or
tiring, is the deepest and most insidious of white privileges. Living in this perceived
non-raced zone, then, allows me to believe in individualism and meritocracy and puts
the issue of race, and racial injustice, and its multiple tendrils, out of sight and out of
mind.

How often it is comfortable and easy for me to not think about race and racial

injustice. As a white person, and a white educator, this is what I have always known

163

in our culture, to one degree or another. Of course, there are variations on the degree
of not thinking and not seeing, but it is still the general place where I, and many white
folks, grew up and are beckoned by our culture to continue to reside. I actually have
the privilege of setting aside my concerns about racial injustice and how white
privilege impacts children and students of color in arenas where I work, if I choose to
do so. I can do this for a few hours, days or months or longer, if I choose to. Without
conscious thought and analysis, entropy will propel me back to where I started; in the
'non-raced and not seeing zone' of whiteness.

The white lead teachers of The Anding Study volunteered to participate in the
study for a variety of reasons but were all interested in the topic of race and its impact
on academic achievement and were willing to work on it. However, in my opinion,
they all displayed whiteness and its impact on education in a variety of ways. Even
though these attitudes and behaviors were not necessarily consciously known to them,
they continue to persist.

Although they were involved in The Anding Study looking at academic
achievement of boys of color, in my opinion within this study there was insufficient
time and professional development dedicated to actually addressing whiteness and
how white privilege and white ways of knowing impacts academic achievement. For
example, professional development segments within the study identified that parental
involvement is essential for academic achievement for students of color.

Additionally, the study's professional development and training identified that a
'culturally responsive' [white] teacher would welcome parents and guardians of color

and make them feel at home in the classroom and school environment. However, in

164

my opinion, white teachers can attempt to welcome parents, and believe that they are
being welcoming, but still exude attitudes that are unwelcoming and infer negative
judgment. These attitudes may be unknown to the white teacher, but still perceived
by the parent of color. Without a broadly developed and personally incorporated
understanding of how whiteness has excluded parents and people of color from
education in the past, and continues to exclude them, a white teacher may express
judgmental attitudes or respond to a parent with defensiveness that excludes parents
without the teacher even realizing it. Without a conscious and committed and on-
going dedication to unearthing and perceiving our own white racial identity and
whiteness and challenging it, we can so easily and comfortably forget about it.

In my opinion, this study highlights the factor that a major part of working on the
racial academic achievement gap must be that of increasing white teachers personal
understanding and acknowledgement of their white racial identity and broad
understanding and acknowledgement of white privilege and its impact on education
and how it impacts their personal teaching practice. Additionally, I believe that this
study highlights that without addressing whiteness with white teachers, professional
development focusing on 'cultural competence' may be ineffective. What, then, might
be the implications of this study and possible recommendations for further

professional development and studies?

165

Chapter VII
IMPLICATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Words like 'freedom', 'justice' and 'democracy' are not common concepts; on the

contrary, they are rare. People are not born knowing what these are. It takes

enormous, and above all, individual effort to arrive at the respect for other

people that these words imply. (Baldwin, 1956)

But the other teachers still just aren't there. They are still just going to do their
own thing. Because you have to be consciously aware of what it is you need to do
different. We really aren't addressing the real issue of 'we have to change'.

(M8. Durr, Personal Interview, 2009)

Implications

In this study I sought to understand how white teachers view their own white
racial identity and whiteness, and its impact on their role as educators. Continued
evidence of a racial academic achievement gap has been widely documented. Many
researchers have attempted to deconstruct the issue and identify various factors
impacting the continuing racial academic achievement gap. One factor theorists and
researchers continue to identify is a racially based dissonance occurring within
educational systems originating with white teachers and between white teachers and
their students and parents of color.

Educators and researchers have identified factors that are reported to address and
lessen the racial academic achievement gap. Depending on the researcher and study,
these factors tend to be similar and overlapping. For example, Howard (2010)
recently conducted an extensive study of effective educational programs that showed

success in decreasing the racial academic achievement gap. This study was

conducted over two academic years and included individual interviews with teachers

166

 

and administrators, group interviews, classroom observations and staff meeting
observations.

Howard's study results indicated that there were five primary criteria or elements
existing in the academic programs that were achieving increased academic
achievement for their students of color. Howard (2010) reported that:

these characteristics, which do not offer new or radically different approaches to

school success, are: (l) visionary leadership, (2) teachers' effective practices,

(3) intensive academic intervention, (4) the explicit acknowledgement of race,

and (5) engagement of parents and community. (p. 134)

As Howard states, these five characteristics are not radically new or different, and
have been previously discussed in the literature. In my opinion, Howard's findings
are relevant to this study in that at least three of the five characteristics he cites I
believe are intrinsically and overtly related to the racial identity development of white
teachers and the teacher's acknowledgement of whiteness and white privilege. Those
characteristics are: teachers' effective practices; explicit acknowledgement of race;
and, engagement of parents and community. I believe that white teachers will be
unable to provide truly effective teaching practices; will be unable to explicitly
acknowledge race; and will be unable to effectively engage parents and community
partners of color without first acknowledging their own white race and developing a
broad and personal understanding and acknowledgement of whiteness and white
privilege.

Howard's study illustrates elements of what has been defined over time as the
importance of culturally relevant educational practices for decreasing the racial

academic achievement gap. Other authors and researchers have coined and used

different phrases to describe a similar philosophy and practice. Ladson-Billings

167

 

(1994) refers to practices needed to reduce the racial academic achievement gap as
culturally relevant teaching. Ladson-Billings includes within her paradigm an
emphasis on the positive relationship with the student and parents and use of a
structured and positive discipline model. Paley's (1979) paradigm of culturally
relevant teaching emphasizes the necessity of acknowledging race and white teachers
not using a color-blind lens. Delpit (1995) discusses a cultural clash and emphasizes
the vital importance of the positive relationship between the teacher and the student.
Kivel (2002) uses the term multicultural competence and emphasizes the necessity of
positive relationships. Teel and Obidah (2008) use the term cultural competence and
emphasize the relationship between teacher and student in decreasing the academic
achievement gap. The authors and models cited above are not intended to be
exhaustive. However, these examples do illustrate that many researchers and authors
believe the teacher's relationships with students and parents and culturally relevant
teaching are imperative elements in closing the racial academic achievement gap.

The Anding Study refers to these practices as cultural responsivity. According to
the professional development modules within The Anding Study, the primary factors
white teachers need to attend to in order to develop cultural responsivity include:
develop cultural self-awareness; appreciate the value of diverse views; avoid
imposing self values; resist stereotyping; self-examine teaching bias; build on student
strengths; discover student's primary cultural roles and incorporate culture into
teaching and learn about other cultures (p. 69).

This listing fi'om The Anding Study teacher training modules incorporates the

concepts of white racial identity development and acknowledgement of white

168

privilege and whiteness. However, in my opinion, one module skimming over such
broad issues is hardly sufficient to begin to address the issues. Additionally, I believe
that not attending to these issues in an in-depth manner will hinder progress in
incorporating other culturally competent practices. The data and analysis gleaned
fiom this study of white lead teachers I believe indicates that white racial identity
development and acknowledgement of whiteness and white privilege by white
teachers is an issue that is essential in progressing toward authentic multicultural
competency.
' Recommendations
I believe this study highlights the need for continued multi-cultural professional

development and training for white teachers, particularly when it emphasizes and
incorporates time for and emphasis on continuing conversation about white racial
identity and whiteness and white privilege. Traditional one-day teacher trainings are
not sufficient to address this issue. I believe we need to look toward teacher
professional development opportunities that are on-gOing, structured and process
oriented.

Mica Pollock, in her book Colormute (2004) states that:

Given our racialized society and the mutually harmful consequences of

colormuteness, it seems we actually have no choice but to rally the strength to

keep talking. Race talk will continue to be full of pitfalls both social and analytic;

but armed with a knowledge of these pitfalls and with compassion for those who

traverse them with us, we can together muddle through the project of figuring out

when and how to talk as if race matters. As we struggle through this joint

analysis, finally, we must remember one thing above all; together, we are already
making race matter every day. (p. 219)

169

Talking about race is essential. However, it must be made clear that white teachers

need to talk about their own white racial identity, whiteness and white privilege, not
simply 'other' races and cultures.

There are concrete models and resources available currently to offer just such
structure. One possible model for structured group dialogue that could incorporate
extended multi-cultural training along with processing about white racial identity
development and whiteness is recommended by Dr. Tatum, in her book Can We Talk
About Race? (2007). She discusses the availability of Study Circles Resource Center
and the staff and materials available to structure and facilitate conversations about
race, white racial identity and whiteness. This non-partisan organization offers
neutral, trained facilitators to facilitate small groups in democratic and collaborative
ways in a non-debate deliberative process (www.8tudycircles.org).

A second possible model for white teacher professional development that
addresses the issue of white racial identity development, whiteness and white
privilege was researched and developed by Glenn Singleton and Curtis Linton. This
guide, entitled Courageous Conversations About Race: A Field Guide for Achieving
Equity in Schools (2006) contains multiple short chapters and practices designed to
facilitate a detailed and in-depth on-going conversation about race and the racial
academic achievement gap. This guide includes agreements participants make that
will help manage the conversation, and is focused on discussing race in education;
including significant information and process about white race, privilege and

whiteness.

170

Doing Our Own Work (www.alliesforchange.org/) is an intensive two weekend
seminar that focuses exclusively on whites developing their white racial identity,
acknowledging white privilege and recognizing whiteness, and developing a personal
accountability and anti-racist action plan. This is achieved through reading,
discussion and personal processing through writing and reflecting. The DOOW
model also includes pairing up with another participant for on-going conversation and
accountability.

These models are examples of resources available that educators can access to
assist in facilitating a dialogue about the racial academic achievement gap, race, white
racial identity and white privilege and whiteness. I personally have attended several
'diversity workshops' within my school district. These have occurred typically as
either a presentation by a speaker lasting perhaps an hour, up to a half day workshop
with presenters and discussion. Although compelling at the time, there is no follow
through, no personal accountability and certainly not enough time allotted to even
begin to process the information and make the information personally meaningful.
White teachers need structured opportunities to facilitate our white racial identity and
acknowledgement of whiteness and white privilege; I believe that if this is not
provided and encouraged, other 'diversity training' will be ineffective in producing
increased academic achievement for students of color.

In closing, I support and fully agree with Teel and Obidah (2008) in their
theoretical underpinnings for their book Building Racial and Cultural Competence in
the Classroom: Strategies from Urban Educators when they state:

We believe that the way of being that manifests itself in what we are calling racial
and cultural competence is at the heart of successful teaching in urban settings

171

fiom this perspective, as individual teachers transform their own racial and

cultural understanding and attitudes, becoming racially and culturally competent,

their teaching strategies will become more effective, their students' performance
will improve, the institutions of schooling themselves will change, and the
achievement gap will close.

EPILOGUE

I was challenged to take my implications and conclusions to a deeper level. One
way to do so is to include an epilogue to my writing to address my feelings and
reactions in a perhaps less academically formal way. And the personal feelings and
reactions I have had to this study have been overwhelming to me so often. In
particular, the questions embedded in my own personal lapses and white forgetfulness
and of the question "What now? "

First, I feel compelled to say that I really liked the study participants. My need to
say so is related to my concern that anyone would imagine that I have sat in judgrrrent
of the study participants. That I am pointing the finger and saying, in essence "those
bad white teachers". I know that I can't judge because I can see myself in so much of
what they shared about themselves. And I continue to see myself there, even after
spending over two intense years working on this dissertation. Of course, that is a
typical white response - to distance whites that we don’t want to be affiliated with; as
'those bad white people; those racists!‘ At the same time, I adrrrit to discouragement
and disappointment.

The lead teachers perceived themselves as anti-racist. Most good whites do.
However, the disappointment I had while deconstructing their interviews was

overwhelming and shocking. Some things that were discussed were apparent and

surface obvious - however, some things only made themselves clearly apparent

172

 

during the deconstructing and sorting process. Once they were apparent, I was
surprised that I hadn’t seen them as obvious in the first place. This is a reflection of
my own process of understand, or lack of understanding, of how whiteness is
displayed daily in schools. Of how devious and underhanded it is because it is so
normal and ingrained it is often difficult for a white person to identify.

Another disappointing piece for me was the lack of motivation shown by the lead
teachers. Although they were all participating in The Anding Study, and said they
wanted to know more, none of them mentioned anything specific and concrete that
they were doing, outside of the Anding Study, to further their understanding of white
privilege. Or of cultural competency. This just seemed to me to point to a lack of
interest - yet another hidden white privilege: 'don't have to (pay attention to race or
make it a priority) if I don't want to'.

Another piece of my reaction to my own writing, and the challenge to reveal more
of myself in the implications, is that of silence. That is a place where I find myself,
often, both as a white person and as a woman, residing. The silence is easier than the
uncomfortable feeling of confronting someone and receiving, in turn, their surprise,
hurt and anger. But, I know that the silence is not a place where a white anti-racist
can reside. So much of our time, as teachers and educators working with kids and
parents, is in trying to 'find the peace', so to speak. However, silence really cannot be
tolerated in anti-racist work. In order for me to combat my polite white upbringing, I
have believe I have to work and fight against silence, with other whites in particular -

that is an implication for me.

173

 

A major disappointment for me was in the structure of the broader Anding Study.
1 was disappointed with the training modules; with the lack of time spent in focusing
on 'whiteness' and white privilege impacting instruction and teaching capacity of
white teachers. Perhaps the study originators did not realize how many of the lead
teachers would actually be white. However, why wouldn't they, as most teachers are
white. The Anding Study seems like such a wonderfirl opportunity to really address
the issues at hand. Although it is addressing many 'cultural issues', to me, whiteness
and white privilege is such a huge area, this study could have been a perfect moment
to delve into that and see some results. But I believe it has missed much of its mark
by not doing so.

I realized through this study that the majority of focus on addressing the racial
academic achievement gap is in white teachers learning 'cultural competency'. I
understand that this is essential. It is vital for white teachers to have working
knowledge and love of ways that many people, different from themselves, live At the
same time, isn't this simply continuing to put the mirror on 'others'? The cultural
competency piece can so easily lead to 'parental involvernent' and 'socio-economic
status' discussions among white teachers. There is virtually no conversation about
white privilege and how that skews perceptions and social opportunities, both
currently and generationally. I believe we white teachers have to turn the mirrors on
ourselves and look at how we approach our role as educators due to our history of
white privilege.

A broader implication is contained in the conundrum of preservice teachers and

their training. How can it be that we still have not figure out a way to address racism

174

 

with preservice teachers? How is it that the racial academic achievement gap
continues to persist, that most graduating teachers are white, but whiteness is not
resoundingly addressed on the post-secondary level? The tenacity of whiteness,
institutionally and generationally, shows itself again.

In my personal work as an educator for nine years I have experienced two
mandated professional development 'episodes' - both keynote addresses presented to
an audience. First, absolutely not 'best practice' style given in a totally lecture format.
Secondly, no discussion or follow—up. Thirdly, the entire lens of both professional
development sessions was that of white teachers developing a 'cultural competency'
with 'others'. This type of professional development, in my opinion, has little to no
value whatsoever. I am convinced, in part by my study, that this is the case.

The multitude of 'prograrns' to address the racial academic achievement gap, in my
opinion, will be minimally effective until the issue of whiteness and white privilege
with white educators is addressed. This cannot be addressed in a one-time keynote
address. It has to be addressed in small groups with discussion and information; both
informal but structured. I believe it can be done - Dr. Tatum discussed Lemon Grove
School District in California using such a format and significantly decreasing their
academic achievement gap. But, it was initiated by several like-minded district
leaders who worked together to build a coalition of white teachers who were on
board; and they carried the rest of their colleagues. It can be done with strong willed

leadership that is educated and informed and has the will to do so.

175

 

APPENDICES

176

 

Appendix A
UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON
RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS

CONSENT FORM

177

Research Participant Information and Consent Form

You are being asked to participate in a research project. Researchers are required to provide
a consent form to inform you about the study, to convey that participation is voluntary, to
explain risks and benefits of participation, and to empower you to make an informed
decision. You should feel free to ask the researchers any questions you may have.

Study Title: White Teachers: Racial Identity, Advantages and Impacts

Researcher and Title: Dr. Christopher Dunbar, Associate Professor

Department and Institution: Education Administration, Michigan State University
Address and Contact Information: 404 Erickson Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824: 517-353-

9017

1. PURPOSE OF RESEARCH:

O
0.0

You are being asked to participate in a research study of practicing white classroom
teachers and their perceptions of their racial identity, their perceptions of how this
identity lends them social advantage and privilege and their perceptions of impacts
this may have on their classroom and instructional capacity.
You have been selected as a possible participant in this study because of your
training during and your participation

0 in the Promoting Academic Success research study.
From this study, the researchers hope to learn how white teachers perceive their
racial positioning and advantage and how they perceive this as impacting their
instructional capacity
In the entire study, 5 to 8 people are being asked to participate.
Your participation in this study will take about 4 hours: 2 hours in individual
interviews and 2 hours in focus

groups.

2. WHAT YOU WILL DO:

0
0.0

O
0..

You will be asked to participate in 1-2 individual interviews that will last
approximately 1 to 2 hours each.
You will be asked to participate in 1-2 focus groups with the other study participants.
Each focus group
0 Will last 1 to 2 hours. These interviews and focus groups will occur in
Erickson Hall, Kellogg Center or a local library depending on convenience to
the participant.
You will be offered the option to review the transcripts from the interviews and focus
groups and offer
0 Input into the analysis of these interviews and focus groups.
You will receive a full electronic copy of the final manuscript.

178

3. POTENTIAL BENEFITS:

O

0..

O
6..

The potential benefits to you for taking part in this study are increased awareness of
your perceptions of
0 Your racial identity and its advantages and privileges and how that may
impact your classroom
0 Practices and instructional capacity.
Participation in this study may contribute to the understanding of how white teacher’s
racial identity and
o Perceptions impact academic achievement for students of color. This study
may inform future deveIOpment of professional development in related
research studies

4. POTENTIAL RISKS:

O
0.0

O
0.0

A feeling of exposure concerning your feelings about your racial group membership
and its impact on your classroom and potential embarrassment regarding this.
Potential breach of confidentiality by others failing to keep the confidence of the
focus groups. Focus group members will sign a confidentiality clause to maintain
confidentiality of the group to minimize such a potential breach.

5. PRIVACY AND CONFIDENTIALITY:

O
0.0

The data for this project will be kept confidential. Data, including audio, electronic

and hard copies, will be stored in room 407 Erickson Hall, MSU, in a locked file

drawer for 3 years after the initial interviews and focus groups. Only the

investigators and the IRB will have access to this locked file drawer. After 3 years

the audio, electronic and hard copies of the data will be shredded and placed in the

trash. Only fully deidentified copies of data will be taken off campus.

All data collected during individual interviews will be confidential. Information

about you will be kept confidential

to the maximum extent allowable by law unless there is a danger to yourself or

others.

All data collected during focus groups will be kept confidential and as a focus group

participant you agree to

maintain confidentiality of all focus group members _ Yes _No

Initials

Only researchers will have access to the research data.

The results of this study may be published or presented at professional meetings, but

the identities of all research

participants will remain anonymous.

I agree to allow audiotaping of the interviews.
[j Yes I] No Initials

 

6. YOUR RIGHTS TO PARTICIPATE, SAY NO, OR WITHDRAW

O
0.0

O
9.0

O
0..

Participation in this research project is completely voluntary. You have the right to
say no.

You may change your mind at any time and withdraw.

You may choose not to answer specific questions or to stop participating at any time.

179

 

4° Choosing not to participate or withdrawmg from this study will have no known
consequences.

02° You will be told of any significant findings that develop during the course of the
study that may influence your willingness to continue to participate in the research.

7. COSTS AND COMPENSATION FOR BEING IN THE STUDY:
°2° There is no cost for participation in this study.
°3° All materials will be provided without cost.

8. CONTACT INFORMATION FOR QUESTIONS AND CONCERNS

If you have concerns or questions about this study, please contact the researcher Dr.
Christopher Dunbar, Associate Professor, Education Administration, MSU, 404 Erickson
Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824, 517-353-9017.

If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would
like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this
study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University’s Human
Research Protection Program at 517-355-2180, Fax 517-432-4503, or e-mail irb@,msu.edu or
regular mail at 202 Olds Hall, MSU, East Lansing, MI 48824.

12. DOCUMENTATION OF INFORMED CONSENT.

Your signature below means that you voluntarily agree to participate in this research study.
You will be given a copy of this form to keep.

 

 

Signature Date

180

Appendix B

INTERVIEW PROTOCOLS

 

181

Questions for Individual Interview(8):

Describe for me your childhood and teenage background:
Tell me about your earliest memory of the existence of race
Describe the situation. What were you feeling?

Tell me about your earliest memory of knowing you were white, and
someone else wasn’t. How was that communicated to you? How
did you feel about it?

Tell me how race was discussed or ‘known’ in your family of origin

Tell me about your neighborhood — how did it reflect race?

Tell me about your town — how did it reflect race?

Tell me about your ethnicity and the ethnicity of your family. Did
Your Family have customs/beliefs/rituals/religious practices that

Were different from your neighbors or that you viewed as
‘different’?

Describe for me your childhood/teenage educational background:

How do you remember race in terms of your elementary education?
What were your relationships like with your classmates of color?
What were your relationships like with your teachers of color?

How do you remember race in terms of your middle and high school
education?
What were your relationships like with your classmates of color?
What were your relationships like with your teachers of color?
What memories do you have of race being communicated as an

issue? How was it communicated? How did you feel about it?

Describe for me your post high school education:

Tell me about your decision to go into education as a profession-what
eere your dreams/aspirations/ goals

Tell me about your earliest memory of race in college-how was race
‘known’ in your living situation? In your classes? How did you

feel about it?

Tell me about your classwork in relationship to race - what is your
memory of race being a topic in class in relationship to teaching/
education? What is your memory of cultural competence being
a topic in any classwork?

Tell me about any other situations that you remember that evoked

182

 

issues related to race — employment/living situations/classmates/
professors

Employment History in Education:

Tell me about the type of school you dreamed of working in as a
college student. How does that compare to where you work now?
Were issues related to race embedded in your dream job?
Tell me about your employment history as an educator and related
jobs

How is your current job different from your dream job?

If you could work somewhere else, and wanted to, what would that
other job look like?

Current Educational Position
Describe your current position in education
What is the racial composition of the group of students you work
with?
What is the racial composition of your colleagues?
What is the racial composition of your administrators?

Race in the classroom

Describe situations in your classroom when race has been an issue
between students/brought up as a topic by a student —- how did
you respond to the situation? How did you feel about the
situation and your response?

Describe how your students of color relate to you as a white teacher
Has the issue of your race been brought up directly by students?
How did you feel about that? How did you respond?

Race and Parents

Describe any situations where you were cognizant of race being an

issue with parents.

How do you feel about your parents of color? What differences do
you notice, if any, between the parents of color and their
relationship with you in comparison to the white parents and their
relationship with you

Has a parent of color ever mentioned race, or your race, or a related
issue? How did you feel about that? How did you respond? How
did you feel about your response?

183

 

Race and Curriculum
Describe any curriculum or curriculum materials that you were aware
Of that had racial bias
Describe any curriculum/lessons that you were uncomfortable
working with due to embedded racial content
Tell me about any lessons that you have developed/used purposefully
due to the racially related content

Race and Colleagues _

Tell me about your relationships with colleagues of color

Tell me about your relationships with administrators of color

Describe how your relationships with colleagues of color differ from
your relationships with white colleagues

Describe how your relationships with administrators of color
differ from your relationships with white administrators

Tell me about ways you understand your race impacts these
relationships

184

 

Focus Group Lead Questions

You have all been involved in a lengthy process increasing your

capacity around the issues Of boys of color and academic achievement.
Prior to your involvement in PAS, how do you recall whiteness, white
privilege, your knowledge of race or racially related issues being
involved in your teaching practice? Reflect and share on:

Times that race was mentioned as a topic/issue between students?
What were your thoughts? How did it make you feel? How was it
resolved? F

Times that race was brought up as an issue between you and parents?
What were your thoughts? How did it make you feel? How was it
resolved?

Times that race was an issue between you and colleagues? What were
your thoughts? How did it make you feel? How was it resolved?

 

During the past year you have been involved in teaching others about
issues related to whiteness. In reflecting on how this process was, what
were some of your experiences and how did they change the way you
think about whiteness?

During your most recent teaching experience these past few months
and this past year, how has your increased knowledge about whiteness
and cultural competency changed your teaching practice?

Relate times that whiteness was an issue and your felt competent to
deal with it

Relate times that whiteness was an issue and you felt inadequate to
deal with the situation.

Times that you felt lessons/curriculum bias needed to be challenged

Times that race was an issue in the classroom and you felt competent

to address/or inadequate to address it

Where do you see your practice in relationship to whiteness and racial
issues? Are there areas that you want to increase your capacity in? Are
you willing to work on this? What types of projects would increase your
capacity?

185

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