CHILE AND THE UNITED STATES: (1800-1830) Thesis for the Dost» of M. A. MlCHIGAN STATE COLLEGE Josephine M. Spaniola 1954 ' I. ' £3 ' l".- I ‘ > '4'“... ‘4 ‘2 ‘ I ' ." 31 ' ‘53" X4? _..-"-':5:§‘n'1’.' d H ‘L L F'- F‘ _ — " "7 " 4* 3-376“? ‘ “A t :r . ‘1: . ,5 3:3 {'3 gm "m“; a? 3,3- at: (:3? $5512: ~ ' '5' 2; 3 "E i?" A" ""‘ E: ‘3 fl! CHILE AND ME UKIT‘SD STATES (1800-1830) 3! Joeephine I. Speni ole A TEES IS Sublitted to the School of Greduete Studiee of Michigan State College of Agriculture end Applied Science in pertiel fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Hilton-y Department 1954 ApprovedLizézgi::é§2§7gézg§7 jé%:;;ZZéQL‘;;; Acknowledgment. The gather wish“ to apron hor 01:00:. thanks to Dr. Enroll Bond Holds. under who” ill-pintion. cup-mum. and un- failing tutor-"t this “mung-11:10: no and-rub: cm! to who. the result. are hot-«1th donated. 8h. 10 the greatly initiated to the Michigu Stat. 0011.;- Ltbnry out: who no willingly loutod and obtain“ "book. from libnriu thrmghoufi the country. 3'{-"‘1;£"‘\’L! Ma pm if". , a I ”-1 r ?l‘. ’V‘ ’ .' 13.4. TE e" " . ‘ 'M‘fi “WI t . *igqfiti‘ 7‘3} )' I; ‘Y M; sé 3 AL 5 N 8 “(Sign OE f; BWHJK TABLE or CONTENTS I . hwu.t1n-..--..-.m----------O-------------0------O. -0---- A. Chilo ao a Spanioh oolony-o-o-oo------------------------ a. Polioy of Iaolatin-«.-«nu-«u-------..----..--- ‘ 0 P011 $10!]. antn-~“----”.¢O””OOOCOC ..... Ono-C--- . 0 cm "1‘1 P011oy-““----‘-C--O-COO-CODGO-CC-ouccooa d. Goography aido Chiloaa Ioolatioa-------------- ------ l. Diooovory of Chilo'o Eoononio Potoatiality and tho influx 0f Ulitod Statoo oitioono------------------------------ a. 3051111111: of ooaling induotq.nu---“..--..-..-..- ‘0 '0‘1Ilin‘ of ‘h‘ling 1nd“.tryb..--.---....-....g-..- .0 C0.*r.b“d *f‘d..-..-C.----------.---.----Duo-o-..- C. Ulitod Statoo oitioou oproad revolutionary idoao-------- D. Erroot of rovolutionary idoao------------—--------------- 11o P.1‘..t"' lilliOI------------------------------------- L. Atto-pt or Gallo to opu logotiationo with Unitod Stator-- I. Poanoott appointod oonoroial agont to South Anorioa-o-u- ‘ o P0133.“ ' I 1.. $1110“ on. ---o-o-uo----—------......----- b. Attitudo or Chiloan offioialo towardo Ppiaoottu-u-n- 0o P’in..tt.. r‘.."1°‘ 1. 8“t1‘8°.0000.----.------.--- c. oro'fih Of ‘IOTIOOI pr."1‘..--..----O------ou-O-OOCC-ocon ‘0 L‘ Auto?! ‘nd c‘l11:° Honriquos-o-ooo---------..---. b. 61... Taondohip of Carrora and Poiaoott-o-«o-uo-u °o A fourth 0' July OOIObr‘tiO‘O-ooocucco-oou-o-o----... 4. Arrival of Captain Portor and tho “hoof-«nun--- D. Partioipatioa of Poinoott and oflior Unitod Statoo oitioono in tho tight for Chiloan indomdonoo--------—------—- I. Dooroaoia; influoaoo of tho Unitod 8tatoa--------------- a. Carrora loooo hio pooition ao loador of Chilo-~----- 5. Growth of Britioh influonoo-==- ~ __:___: "— ho o-ooaoanr- IICDGJU\ 18 20 20 2‘ 25 28 80 88 28 80 81 35 89 40 o. Poinoott'o doparturo tron (Milo-«unu- --------- -- 43 iv III. Missions to Chite and the United States- ------------------ -- 45 IV. A. c‘"'fl'. fl.1t to th. unit“ Stat..-oee--.-----oocccooncoea- B. m..i0n or D” Hanna], ‘6“1".coumoo--obo“---ccannounce..- C. American increase of interest in the South American situation--- a. Appearance of numerous pamphlets. books, and news- paper articles dealing with soath Amsrica---~o--o--e- h. Interest displayed in Congreas--o~-------------- e. Appointment of three Commissioners to South America in 1 8 1 7-....oomoooooucaaococo-“ 0------”O“”---m De United States agents in Chi1e-----.-..--...-----..-----..- be "1111., as De Worthingtanoo-oocoo----—o------..---.. .0 mCMOflCk Bhad““-~...---””-”---------”Ococou Reeognition of Chilean Independenceo-ooo------------------.-- As ROPort. on South American .ff“"m“0ccdcoouuoncuomc a. Reports of the three commiseioners-o---------—---o b. Attitude of Henry yarie Brackenridgecu-a.....--...-..- .0 ”port of JOOI Re Pain..tt-”--”m--nwmncuuo 4. Reports of Provost and Worthington-----.---—.....-- B. Decline of American enthusiasm for Chilean recognitiono-vu- C. Dulin. at “dean pflfluW““omm-”m«-occoouc ‘e Afrinl of Lord COChMC.W““-“Onmocomnnouo b. Antagonisn.between Cochrane and Captain Biddle---—-- .0 .hOOCOMlI uf‘if.C”Om-Q”Oahu-ooupccucuonnauop- D. Appointment of Jose de Yrisarri as Chileaa.ninister------- E. Recognition of Chile and the appointnent of Hemaa‘AllenO-oo .9 R“.pfim Of How ‘11.‘commccauoocomooonau 47 64 59 59 59 61 ‘8 63 66 68 72 72 72 74 75 76 78 88 89 5. Problems that faced Hanan Allen----------------- 91 c. Acoonpliahmsnts of Henan Allen----------------- 95 0. John Baum and the signing of a commercial treatyb----o---- 98 H a 8m. ry-mucoooneua.ousocmnoamcan-””counouugo .8 I . cono 111.1 on--.----”----Q.COCO-DO-..”-O---”---”W--uuloo F1511omfiIy‘w:—:==—:————::__:: :ww‘___._ 2:-_.._.::__:..:_ :‘ 2:: : __101 Chapter I Introduction The conquest and settlement of Chile as a Spnish colony was begun in 1640 nndcr the leadership of Pedro de Valdivia. The colony was placed, fron the very first years of its existence, in a state of almost complete isolation from the rest of the world. The Spanish kings adopted this policy of isolation because they considered the colony as their own personal property and were unwilling to allow foreigners to establish themselves in the colony or to reap any eco- ncnic benefit from it. Realising that contact with strangers and fereigners would probably arouse discontent and restlessness anong the celonists, the Spanish king‘s decided to guard against this danger by doing everything in their power to keep foreigners from coming into contact with file colonists. ‘lhey even went so far as to place limitations on Spaniards who wished to enrich theuselves by explliting the colony. mess Spaniards were allowed. passage to Chile if they could 'give sufficient proof of their status, religion, honesty, and industry."1 After this proof was accepted by the ting. the applicants were granted a royal license which entitled then to a legal residence in the colony. ihe Spnish government maintained couplets Jurisdiction over its 1 Luis Galdanee (Translated by Isaac doslin Con), A History of cans (forth Carolina. 1941). p. s2. (2) colony by setting up a political system which enabled the king to remain in absolute control of the colony. Chile was placed wdthin the Jurisdiction of the Viecroynlty of Peru. The Viceroy was directly responsible to the king and the Council of the Indies. All other colonial officers such as the nonbcrs cf the gudicncias, the governors, cerrcgidcres, aleald§$,t etc. were subordinate to the Viceroy. With this political establishment in existence. the Spanish government endeavored to keep all foreigners from entering the colony and attempted to prevent the people fren receiving liberal ideas which night have led to a revolt against Spain. In order to accomplish this, the Viceroy was supplied with exceedingly detailed instructions. vany laws and restrictions were drawn up by the kings of Spain. the Spaniards, who had received the royal license from the king, were not able to escape the wntohful eye of the Spanish government once they had arrived in the colony. The local officials were given strict orders to wnteh their every move. These Spaniards were not pernitted ”to reside in any port or in.any place near the sea.‘ They were obliged to ”live apart in the interior under the surveillance of the civil magistrates” who were required to "keep them under strict and constant watch oven to the examination of their correspondence."2 If any stranger was found in the colony'withcut the royal license, he wns sent back to Spain by the first returning vessel under guard. ' A. Stuart I. Chisholm, The Independence of Chile (Boston, 1311], pe 11c (3) the Spanish commercial policy also provided for the establishment of Chilean isolation. The Spanish government organised an elaborate economic administration which, sinilar to the political organisation, provided that the final authority would rest with the king. A House of Trade (the Casa do Contrataeidn) was placed in complete charge of all eomnorce and navigation between the mother country and the Indies. The Casa do Contrataoio’n had the right to confer directly with the Crown, thouzh it was under the general jurisdiction of the Council of the Indies during most of its existence. Similar to the political adniaistration, the economic supplied its officials with detailed instructions and lawn. One of the laws stated that any person who did not,have a special license from the king was not to be allowed to trade in the colony. In another, the colonial authorities were specifically ordered to punish any person in the colonies who carried on any trade whatsoever with foreigners. This law promulgated by King Philip II on December 15, 1668, was frequently repeated by’his successors and clearly demonstrates the attitude of the Spanish government which endured for approximately two and a half centuries. It stated: we order and command that all persons who shall trade and traffic in the Indies, its provinces and harbors, with foreigners, of whatsoever nation, who shall buy or barter gold, silver, pearls, precious stones, fruit or any ether‘kind of merchandise; or shall buy or barter the spoils of battle or shall sell supplies, ammunition, arns er warlike stores and shall be found guilty of such sale, trade, barter or purchase, shall be punished with death and the-confiscation of their property; and we command the governors and captains general of our (4) provinces, islands, and harbors to proceed against such persons with all the rigor of the law and to punish them without fail and without remission. And we with- held from our Royal Audiences all power of dispensation or remission in the execution of the aforesaid penalties, since our royal will is that the provisions of this not be enforced and fulfilled without change or favor.3 ihns the officials in the colonies had to maintain a strict vigilance over all trading transacti.ns. For approximately two centuries, trade was restricted to the three ports of Veracrus in Mexico, Cartagena in Colombia, and Pucrto Sells on the Isthmus of Panama. Of all the Spanish colonies, Chile suffered the most because of this restriction. the nearest port of trade open to Chile was that of Puerto Belle on the Isthmus of Panama and the difficulty of'making this trip greatly influenced the majority of the Chileans to remain at hone, free from any contact with the outside world. Although the Spanish colonial syetem enforced its isolationist policy in all its colonies of South America, Chile was the colony in ‘whieh the policy of isolation met with the most success. It was not because the Spanish officials were more scalcus than those in the other colonies, it was because Chile was geographically suited to isolation. The Atacama Desert in the north, one of the driest deserts in the world, hindered the majority of people from making any Journey through it. The Andes on the eastern boundary effectively separated Chile from the Provinces of La Plate and to the west, the Pacific __‘7 3 Requcted from Chisholm, Independence of Chile, pp. 11-12. (5) Coast offered little contact with outsiders. Very few ships ventured through the straits of Hagellan and few people realised the economic possibilities which existed on the Pacific Coast. Most sailors preferred to exploit the waters of the Atlantic rather than risk a hasardous journey to the Pacific. Consequently Chile remained aloof having only occasional contacts with Puerte Belle and the provinces of La Plata. Although Chile had been kept in almost complete isolation for two and a half centuries, she was not destined to remain so forever. Her economic potentiality‘was soon to be discovered by the Europeans and North Americans. The trip which was to awaken intercourse with the Chilean Coast was that performed by the famous Captain Cock. In 1770, the British government sent Captain Cook on an expedition primarily for the purpose of settling the question of the northwest passage to Europe. He had been instructed to sail into the Pacific, go through the chain of newly discovered islands and after reaching as far north as the sixty fifth degree of latitude to endeavor to find a passage to the Atlantic. While making this voyage, many new facts were discovered about the Chilean Coast. flows of his voyage spread throughout Europe and lerth America. His two velumh book published in 1784, which was entitled A Vozggo to the Pacific Ocean in 1176, was widely read with increasing interest by'nany people. John Ledyard, ‘.Ncrth American adventurer, nho had accompanied Captain Cook on his voyage, returned to Baltimore after deserting the English navy and dedicated all his efforts to awakening (6) enthusiasm in his eonpatriots for far away and bold enterprises. iho un vdxoa he influenced the nest was Joseph Barrel an expert financier from Baltimore. Barrel believed that in the Pacific there existed a ”splendid harvest for the first one who would risk 1t.'4 In 1787 Barrol's dream of a profitable enterprise in the Pacific materialized and he formed a company with a capital of fifty thousand dollars. His company equipped the frigate “Columbia" and the sloop 'Lady‘laehingtonV which set sail for the Pacific Ocean with the expressed purpose of going to the north west coast in order. to investigate the possibilities of the fur trade. Shortly after the twe ships had passed through the Straits of flagellaa and entered into the Pacific Ocean. a storn arose which separated them. The 'Colunbia” was badly damaged and was in need of fresh water and fire wood. Therefore, in Hay 1788 because of the dosage wrought to it by the stern. the 'Celunbia' anchored off the island of Juan Fernandos and became the first north American chip over to visit the coast of Chile.6 It was the first contact which the Forth Americans had had with the Chileans and was to be the beginning of an increasing nunbor of American ships and sailors on the coasts of Chile. ‘ Eugenie Poreira Salas, Bquos norteanerioanos en Chile a fines do la cra colonial (1788-1810)_(Santiage do Chile, 1936), p. 7. 5 ms. (7) The governor of the island received the Anericans hospitably and per-titted the distressed crew to repair damages, take in wood and water, and sail away. Then the Viceroy of Peru heard that the governor of Juan Fernandes had acted so hospitably to the Horth Americans, he became very indignant. This was a serious offense on the part of the governor because the Spanish policy of occlusion of the colonies was not to be treated as a matter of little importance. lho Viceroy inediately thundered a message upon the erring governor in which he critically reprimanded him. He reported in the state paper his handling of the natter as follows: In any answer to the governor, I expressed my displeasure for the bad service which he had rendered to the King, in allowing the strange chip to leave the port instead of taking possession of both her and the crew . . . . I expressed my surprise, that the governor of an island should not know that every strange vessel which anchors in these seas, without a license fron our court, ought to be treated as an enemy, even though the nation to which she belonged should be an ally of Spain . . . and I gave orders, that if the ship should appear again, she shoal: innediately be seized and the 0m imprisoned o e c e no Viceroy transmitted a eonplctc account of the wholo affair to the King. After reading this account, the King decided that the laws regarding foreign chips and traders should be re-enphacised. In order to strengthen the colonial officials' vigilance in regard to this nattcr, two oeduls’s were passed, one on December 29, 1788 ‘ Requctcd from Willian Henry Isobel, 35m“ Exploits in south diaries; a History of British Activities in Exploratianjfilita Adventure Di lonacyLBcience and Trade in Latin AmerieaT ew ork, I9I75, pp. [55-l36. (8) and another on July 13, 1789. Both of these specifically ordered the colonial officials to exert every means possible to stop the influx of foreign ships.7 Previous to the coning of the 'Colunbia“, the Chilean officials had had little actual need of enforcing the laws against foreign intrusion. Pew chips had over some to Chile except during the Elisabethan period of England when pirates such as Sir Ihcnss Cavendish and Sir Francis Drake had frequented the coast and landed in Valparaiso. But they had given no alarm to the Spanish government.8 How, however, the situation had changed. ihe Spanish officials were greatly concerned over due possibility of the future influx of North American and foreign ships. This concern was to be Justified because Chile was soon to encounter the ooning of norc chips which were to threaten and finally destroy the existence of the isolationist policy which Spain had adopted. the discovery of seals and sea lions gas: the first actual impetus which brought Berth Anerican sailors to the Chilean coast. They were first discovered by the crew of the "Lady Washington”, the ship which had been separated fron the "Cclunbia' during the stern of 1788. While the sailors of the 'Colunbia" had been recuperating on the island of Joan fernandes, Captain Grey and the crew of the "Lady Washington" had 7 John J. Johnson, "Early Relations of the United States with Chile,‘ Pacific Historical Review, 111141944” pa 262. . Galdanes, Hist. of Chile, p. 62. (9) gene ashore on the island of San Anbrosio. During their stay on chose, the boat's crow saw nunerouo seals and sea lions, a vast nunber of*whioh they‘killcd. When the "Lady Washington' returned to Boston with her supply of seal oil and skins, the news spread rapidly and nany business non began to realise {hat the hunting of seals in the Pacific would be an advantageous enterprise. There- fore, in 1792 and 1793 the scaling industry on the west coast of South Anerica began.9 In to years that followed, an increasing number of Berth American ships frequented the waters around the islands of San Anbrosic, San Folio, Mac a Fuera, Chiloe, La Hoaha, Santa Maria, and the.Arehipielago dc lcs Chcncs.1° Ihus the first influx of north Anerioans on a large scale cane about because of the seal- ing indwetry. The cotablishnent cf the whaling industry was the second incentive vhich encouraged Icrth Anericans to cone to the coast of Chile. The whales had been hunted cc nethodically in the Atlantic that the supply”was beconing depleted and now‘ fields of exploitation had to be found. Only the Pacific had not been exploited and the abundance of whales in the Pacific had been verified by the scientific expedition of Cook in 1778. A ’ Jansen, ”Karly Relations”, FEB, 1111, zoo. 10 Ibid. (10) further entice-cut was brought about by a London nerohant who adventured in the Pacific in 1789. When he returned to London approximately one year and seven nonths later, he brought with bin one hundred and thirty nine tons of spcrn on.“ Aftcr the news of this reached the New Englandors in 1791, six ships frcn lantuekot and one from New Bedford sailed for the Pacific.u The ”Beaver' cf Nantucket‘wns the first ship of North America to pursue whales in the Pacific.18 Before returning to New England, the 'Beaver' put into Callao for provisions. the Spanish officials were at that tine adhering strictly to to laws against foreign intrusion and therefore did not greet it in a cordial manner. Consequently, the "Beaver” heldc whatid. J. Johnson calls the 'dabious honor of being the first American vessel to be ordered out of a Spanish Pacific coastal pert."u Ihaling in the Pacific proved to be a very profitable enter- prise and as the years passed, the nunber of north Americans engaged in this enterprise increased. Between 1791 and 1809, one hundred and thirty three lorth.Aaorioan ships were engaged in dials fishing. the total number of North Aneriean ships on the 11 Poreira Salas, Bequcs nortcancrioancs, p. B. 13 Johnson, “Early Relations', PER, XIII, zcs. ll Poreira Salas, luqses norteenerioanoa, p. 9. 1‘ Johnson, “Early Relations', PER, 1111, 282. (11) Chilean coast engaged in either seal or whale fishing between 1788 and 1890 ancuntcd to two hundred and fifty we.” thus in a period of twenty one years, the influx of North Americans gren to an alarmingly large number as far as the Spanish were concerned. moy became greatly agitated over this influx and resented the infiltration of the Borth Americans, but were unable to put a stop to it. me French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars had resulted in the blockade of the Spanish ports and consequently Spain was unable to send any aid to the Pacific coast. The Vice. rcy of Porn didn't have enough ships or sailors available to put forth any substantial opposition that was strong enough to drive the Anoricans fro- the coast. He was in such an utterly desperate position that on one occasion he was forced to rely on one of the local businessmen to supply hin with a ship in order to pursue the Aneriean trespassers. Without o sufficient supply of ships or non, all such efforts to step foreign intrusion were fruitless as neither the ships nor the sailors which the Viceroy did have under his com-and were a match for the Americans.16 ihereforo, the Americans were able to continue their seal and whale fishing without any real trouble from the Spanish officials. Hany of these ships had occasion to land in the Chilean ports, thus 1. Poreira Salas, Hugues nortcancricanos, p. 9. 1' Diego Barres irana, Historic Jeneral do chile (Santiago, 18:30), "I. “‘0 (12) eoning in direct contact with the Chilean people. Sons ships were driven to the ports by stores, some cane because of the need for repairs on heir vessels, and still others cane in search of fresh water, fire wood, and other provisions. While in the ports, the sailors noticed that the Spanish colonists were in need of supplies, foodstuffs and other necessities. Because of the strife in Europe, Spain was unable to get even the bare necessities to Chile. For a period of four years (1796 to 1800), not one chip frcn.8pain had entered the port of Valparaiso.17 therefore, seeing Chile in such a state of need, those Forth Anerieaa sailors began to engage in contraband trade. Since the Ghilcans were in need of supplies, the goods snuggled ashore free inc Anorican ships were very nuch weleoncd by the Chileans who were glad to trade with the Americans. The enforcement t the laws against foreign intrusion was laxly executed. However, in the years 1799 to 1803, there existed a serious attenpt on the part of the Spanish authorities to curb these ’contrabandictas'. This proposed return to enforcement did not nect with success. Only twenty two ships were prosecuted for illicit trade and twelve condemned. In spite of the action taken by the Spanish authorities, the Americans had begun a large scale contraband trade with the Chileans.18 17 Johnson, “Early Relations”, 233, XIII, 264. 18 Poreira Salas, Buquec nortcanericancs, p. 23. (13) Once contraband trade proved profitable, the more enterprising of the Amerioan sailors made their homes in Chile and obtained their living by acting as intermediaries for smugglers. The number of sailors who actually settled in Chile was small, however. In a census taken in 1808, out of a population of four hundred thousand, only seventy nine were foreigners, nine or ten of whom were American citisens.19 The United states citizens, who cane to the chileen coast, were not only concerned with scaling, whaling, and trading, but also were inbucd with the idea of spreading revolutionary doctrines. Since the north Ancricans had won their independence only a few years previously, they felt that the Chilcnns should also be free and independent. The United btates citizens were proud of their new forn of govern-ant and extolled its merits to the highest. They’nado comparisons between the United States government and the Chilean, always pointing out that in the United stotes, the people had control of their own government. They referred to Spain as a tyrannous nation and proclaimed that the Chilcans‘were living under the terrible yoke of Spanish despotism. iho United States citizens living in Chile, although relatively few in number, were responsible for a large amount of this propaganda. 19 Willian Miller Collier and Guillermo Feliu Crus, La Primers meion do Loo Estados Unidos dc America en Chile (Santiago dc Chile, T913), pc ‘e (14) Melchior lartinos, a loyalist occlesiastic of Chile, became alarmed over their attack on Spain and their steady growth of influence upon certain portions of the Chilean population. He accused the 'Bostcnosc“ (the Chileans referred to all United States eitiscns as '3ostonosc') of coming into Chile as spies, seeking influence in the government in order to spread their revolutionary ideas. He claimed that they were so determined to seduce the inhabitants from their attachment to Spain that they were not even 'onbarrassed by the differences of religion' but even becane "nominally Catholics as a means of acquiring freedom and security“ in order to take an active prt in separating the colony frua the nether country.zo Although his view was exaggerated to a certain extent, he did show that the North Americans were prompting the colonists to revolt. Not only did these few north Americans who had settled in (bile advance the sentiment fer revolt, but those engaged in sealing, whaling, and contraband trade also introduced revolutionary doctrines and ideas. Melchior Hertincs recognised what the North Anericanc were doing and he wrote a letter of warning to the Spanish court in which he su-arised the situation as follows: no clandestine trade and the permission to fish for whales introduce traders and adventurers 3° Iornard loses, ‘Ihc Intellectual Back round of the Revolution in loath America. 1810-1554 New fork, l9“), p. 41. (15) fron the United States into all the coasts, ports, islands, and other Spanish possessions, giving them ppportunity to persuade the Spanish colonic ts of the flourishing state and advantageous situation of their country, decrying the Spanish colonial government and subjection to the mother country in Europe as ignoninious slavery. ihey nagnify the riches and extent of the provinces; proclain the injustice and tyranny with which has wealth is carried off to enrich Europe; describe the state of obscurity, abandon-cat, and civil nullity in which the colonists live, and offer with inpudenco all the aid of their great power to the people who may wish to ehakc off the yoke of l'egitinatc and Just government.81 he situation as seen by Martines was far from being wrong. 'Ihcse ncn engaged in contraband trade brought into 61:11. copies of the Declaration of Independence, newspapers which carried descriptions of the principles proclaincd in the Convention of Philadelphia and English verses which referred to the in- tcherablc evils of despotisn. They spoke to the creolcc telling then how wondeer it was to be living in a state of freedce without any foreign oppressor hovering over then. In 1801 Captain Killian Shaler, a contrabandis'i who had gone to Valparaiso in search of furs and had been prevented by the local authorities fron engaging in trade, spent two months in Valparaiso. During this time, he talked with nany discontented creelcs and fanned their discontent by pointing out the relation between independence and proppcrity, using the United States as 1- ’1 Ibid., pp. $9.41. (16) a specific example. He gave then a copy of the United States Constitution and also a Spanish translation of the Declaration of Independence.22 In 1808 Procopio Pclloc (Pollock), another contrabandist, arrived fron Baltincre and also caused nuch discontent among the colonists. He becane se influential that he wns forced to leave Chile because of his revolutionary teachings. llthough he did leeve Chile, his influence was still strongly felt because his propaganda for freedon continued. After he left Chile, he wont to Buenos Aires and proceeded to send panphlets regularly to his friends in Chile. His articles were taken largely fren.amcrican and English periodicals and were so popular and so widely read that they were known as the 'Gaoeta dc Prooepic'.23 the Ancricans continually urged the Chileans to breaK with the nothcr country and implied that they would be around to help if and when the Chileons should decide to fight against Spain. !b a certain extent, the spreading of pamphlets, of copies of the Declaration of Independence, of newspaper articles, and verses dealing with liberty was of little value. Enny ef the people couldn't read. Only a very few of the colonists could speak English. Realising this situation, the lcrth dnericans changed the fern of propaganda. Since nany people couldn't read 3! Arthur Preston Whitaker, The United States and the Independence of lntin luau-aggisoo-iaso (n.1n’uor..194i). pp.TS-I4. '3 larres Arena, Historic Joni-.1, vm. ns-nc. (17) either in English or Spanish, the universally understood medium of inagcry was put to use. 'l‘radc was utilised to play hand in hand with this new node of denocratic propaganda. Many purchaseable itens carried inagec which synbolically stood for frocdon. Pocket watches, snuff boxes, Jewelry. and other objects of frequent use bore symbols of liberty and independence, I'erdinnrily of a woman dressed in white with a flag in her hand“ upon which the inscription 'Libertad Americana” appeared on Another noans of spreading propaganda was by distributing picture cards referring to liberty and tyranny. ‘lhecc cards, which were sinilar to our ncdcrn day postcards, were manufactured in the United States and dranatically portrayed the desirability of liberty and the ugliness x tyranny. Willian Collier, one of the United States Ambassadors to Chile and Guillermo Crus, a nenbar cf the llational Historical Museun at Santiago have both seen two of these cards. Upon one, there is the figure of liberty breaking the chains mich oppress a degraded nan who synboliscs the populace. be degraded nan delivers the balance of Justice to liberty. the second card depicts a king wearing a bloody crown which is about ready to fall. His hands equally gush forth blood and he is etsnping strongly on a multitude of lanbs with human heads. The 3‘ Johnson, ”Early Relations", PER, XIII, 265. (18) favorite of the court is receiving a book from the king in which appears a list of the produce and property of the villagers which the king has omfiscatodfi5 This propaganda reached its greatest intensity during the years 1808, 1809, and mm. lore people were influenced by this type of propaganda than by his written and spoken propaganda. The language 6 pictures and images was understood by all, even the nest back- ward of peoples.28 ‘fhc French and English propaganda which similar to that of the United States also pprcad revolutionary ideas, the examples given to Chile by the setting up of Juntas in Argentina and Venesucla and the appearance of a Frenchman, Joseph Bonaparte, on the throne of Spain plus the influence of the United States oitiscnc led the Chileans to call an open cabildo,cn Ibptenber 18, 1810. At the nesting of the open cabildo, the resignation of the governor was accepted and a Junta composed of seven neubers was established as the governing body. Thus the Chileens began their nvvcnont to break away fron Spanish dcninetion and receive the privilege of governing themselves. Alfiough the Spanish were not to lose permanent control of Chile for another eight years, Chile was to begin to act as a 26 Collier y Crus, La Princra flicion, p. d. '5 ma. (1%") sovereign nation and to try to be accepted by the United States and other foreign countries as a nation which would soon be free from the shackles of Spain. The glinmcrings of on independent nation began to appear and the Chileans attempted to open commercial and diplcnntio relations with the United States. Chapter II Poinsett's Mission After the __Jg_n__t_a was established in 1810 and the struggle for independence began, his Chileans attempted for the first time to open negotiations with the United States.‘ On March 22nd of 1811, the nenbcrs of the Junta, finding themselves faced with the problem of equipping the Chilean troops, addressed a letter to President “icon and congress in which a plea for rifles, pistols, other war ntorials and for workmen who knew how to nice inplenents of war appeared. The letter also expressed the desire of has Chileans to establish unorcial relations with the United States, and pointed out the advantages which both countries would enjoy if such a stop were taken.1 In order to emphasise this desire for trade, the members of the Junta enclosed a decree in the official letter, which announced the opening of the ports of Valdivia, i‘alcshuano, Valparaiso and Coquinbo to free trode.‘ Both the decree and the official letter reached the United States enclosed in a letter from Matthew Arnold Hoevol (Havel), l Killian R. Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Concerning the Independence of the Tatin American fictions II “It. 9‘ 1. 96-896. ‘ Francisco Jose Urrutia, “2%51 nae dc Historic Diplomaticag los Estados Unidos deAne Anerica epfiblices Hippanoamericanas do 1810‘ a ogota, 1917;, p. 43.“ (21) a United States citisen living in Chile.3 He was one of the nnny North Anericans who had some to tie Pacific coast during Chile's colonial period in order to engage in whale fishing and comerce. In 1810, he established himself in Chile as a United States citisen .and proceeded to become so influential in Santiago society, that men the nonbers of the Junta decided to send the official letter to the United States, they commissioned hin with the task of transnitting it.‘ In the letter which Hoovel wrote to President Madison, he avowed that the continents expressed in to official letter truly represented the attitude of tie governing board and of the Chilean people. He further suggested that it would be worthwhile to "meet the wish of the board by soon appointing an agent" in Chile "with whoa they night treat on subjects highly interesting and advantageous to both muons." um. he first attempt of the Chileans to open negotiations with the United States began. hen the Junta's letter arrived in Washington D. 0., the United States governncnt, because 1‘ its uncertainty as to the successfulness of the revolt, was maintaining a policy of neutrality 3 flaming, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, 11, 895. V ‘ Henry Clay Evans, Chile and Its Relations With the United States (Berth Carolina, 1947), p. 18; Collier y Crus, fa- Frinera fission, pp. 82-34. 5 lhnning, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, II. ”a. (22) and therefore was unwilling to send any supplies or workmen to Chile. However, the portion of the letter which expressed a desire to establish comeroial relations and the decree which announced the opening of Chilean ports to free trade aroused great interest in the government authorities. They began to realise that the Chileans night be able to separate themselves permanently from Spanish control and in the event that this occurred, they wanted to share in the economic advantages which would be derived from establishing diploantic relations with Chile. It also seemed possibh that the other provisional governments of South America would win their independence and as they also were opening their parts to tree comerce, some of the government offieials in Washington began to think that the time had cone won the revelted colonies should be recognised as sovereign nations. President Madison also was one of hose non who deoned it advisable for Congress to deliberate on to question of recognition and in his third annual nessage to Congress on Hovenber 6th, 1811, expressed himself as follows: In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this nouentous epoch, and estimating their elains to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those developing themselves among the great eon- nunities which occupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere and extend into our neighborhood. in enlarged philanthropy and an enlightened toro- cast concur in imposing on the national councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their (23) destinies, to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will, to regard the progress of events, and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be eltinatcly established.6 Congress responded to Madison's address by appointing a ecuitteo at the House of Representatives to consider the subject of recognition. On Deeonbor 19, 1811, the cowaittee presented a resolution in the House of Representatives to recognise to rcvolted colonies 'as sovereign and independent states" and to establish 'anieable relations and oonncreial intercourse“, but no action was taken.’ Congress preferred not to recognise the rcvolted countries as sovereign nations until their revolts proved successful. However, the United States was very interested in negotiating es-oroial treaties with those countries and did not intend to lose its chance to establish commercial relations with than. heretere, regardless of the fact that the colonies had not as yet won their independence tron Spain, ecnncroial agents were appointed and sent to South incriea. he first attempt of the United States to negotiate a commercial treaty with Chile had occurred in 1798 with the appointment of Josiah Blakoly at low York as consul to Santiago. (rode, the Spanish ninister who United States, had protested that 'Spain recognised no consuls 3 Jones D. Richardson, A Compilation of the flessagos and Papers or the Presidents 1789-1897 Washington, 901?, T, 494. 7 Urrutia, 9.51:... p. 226. (24) in its Anerioan possessions, not even those of its French ally," and he had proceeded to warn the Spanish government that the 'United States was attempting to worn its way into the colony."8 he Spanish officials had succeeded in getting rid of Blakoly by inpriscning hin on a charge of cmggling and although a man by the none of Andrew Badfcg had acted in his place tron October 18, 1806 to September 8, 1808, all attempts to establish eon- nercial relations had t'ni1ed.9 Therefore, no further consular appointnonts to Chile were nude until the United States govern- neat decided in 1810 to send comorcial agents to South America. he nan selected in 1810 to act as connercial agent in hence tires and Chile was Joel Roberts Poinsctt of South Carolina. In 1808 he had returned tron a diplomatic nission in Dcropo and found the government at Washington as much concerned with Spanish Anorica as with the European war. He soon beeane faniliar ith the general situation in respect to Spanish Anorioa and synpathised with the revolutionary nove- ncnts against ncnarohy. His knowledge of South Anerican conditions, his diplonatio experience in Europe, his ability 8 Roy r. Nichols, ”Trade Relations and the Establichnnt or the United States Consulates in Spanish Anorica,‘ Hispanic Anerioan Historical licviogJ XIII (1933), 299. 9 Ibido. Po 30‘s (25) to speak Spanish fluently and to make friends easily were factors nhich prcnpted his appointment.10 On August 27, 1810 he received his first instructions which placed special onghasis on he commercial aspect of his nission. Robert Inith, the secretary of state, wrote to him as follows: . . . the real as well as the ostensible object of your niscion in to explain the mutual advantage of oonmercc with the United States, to promote liberal and stable regulations, and to transmit soasonablo infornation on the subject.11 Poinsett also was instructed to diffuse the inpression that the United States cherished ”the sincerest good will towards the people of Spanish inerica' and that ”in the event of a political separation tron the parent country, and of tie establishnent of an independent syctcn.of national government,‘l the United States would 'prcnoto the nest friendly relations, and the most liberal intercoursc.'m On October 18, 1810, Pcinsott left the United States and before going to Chile, spent several weeks in Brazil and approninately nine nenths in Buenos Aircs. During his stay in Buenos Aires, he was pronctod to the position of consul general for Buenos Aires, 1° Janos Fred Rippy, Joel Roberts Poinsett, Versatile American (North Carolina, 1985), ”TEST-'53. 11 Ibid., pp. 86, 583 ihnning, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin dnorican independence, 1, 6-7, dates this as June 28, 1810 but Rippy, who has seen the original, states that this .nust be an ."Cl’o l! hing, Dip. Corr. Concerning-L Latin Anerican Independence, I. .‘7. (26) Chile, and Fern.” He also received a letter on April 30, 1811 fron James Monroe, 1110 new secretary of state. Monroe emphasized the interest which the United States was taking in the South tunerican revolts but gave no decisive set of instructions for Poineott to follow. He wrote: the disposition shown by most of the Spanish provinces to separate from Europe and to erect ihcmeelves into independent States excitec great interest here. As inhabitants of the cane hcnisphere, as neighbors, the United States cannot be nnfoeling spectators of so inportant a movement. 11.. destiny of those provinces must depend on themselves. Should auch a revolution however take place, it can- not be doubted that our relation with then will be nore intimate and our friendship stronger than it can be while they are colonies of any European pour. Poinsett left for Chile on November 11 of 1811 and four days after his departure, Antonio Pinto, an agent d the Chilean Junta in Buenoc Aired, communicated to the governing board of Chile the message that Poinsott wae on his way. He described him as "a men of fine character“ who was very much in sympathy nith their cause and informed them that through his nediaticn, they could secure whatever was needed .1' 1’ Rippy, Joel Poinsett, pp. 37-39. 14 lhnning, Dip. Corr. Concerningiiatin American Independence, I. ll. 15 Collier y Crux, La Primers Minion, p. 23. (27) Once the news of Poinsett's eoning reached Santiago, nunerous discussions erosc ancng the Chileans concerning his nission. 'lho “tribunal dol ccnsuladc', an organisation with Jurisdiction over connorcial matters, was definitely opposed to his reception, and when Poinsett arrived in Santiago, he found this organisation unwilling to accept his credentials. The tribunal, in which a royalist'najority predominated, was not entirely p1eased with the length to which the new Chilean governncnt had gone in naking Chile virtually independent of Spain and did not care to have a United States consul officially received by'tho Junta. The nonbers of the tribunal attempted to prohibit his reception by arguing that his appointnont had never been con- fined by the United suu. Senate.“ They also declared that since Spain.had never*alloeed a consul to enter a colonial port, Chile had no right to receive a consul from the United Stntos.17 However, these arguments were ably refuted by Den Agustin Vial Santolieos, the secretary of the Junta, nhc pointed out to due nonbore of the tribunal that in 1795, Spain had passed an act . which allowed consuls to enter the South American ports. He also onunerated the advantages wild Chile would acquire from establishing free trade with the United States and stressed 1‘ Evans, Chile and the U. 8., p. 18; Rippy, Joel Poinsett, p. 42. 1" Collier y Cree, La Prinora Hisicn, p. 24. (28) the necessity of having a commercial agent in the country.18 Because the nenberc of the tribunal desired to profit fron the trade and ccnneroe which would be opened to then, they decided to accept his credentials. On februsry 24, 1812, Poinsett nae officially received in the presence of the Junta, the town council, and a large number of citizens and soldiers. Since he was the first accredited - agent of a foreign country to be officially received in Chile, Don Joe; Higuel Carrera, the President of the genie, had endeavored to mks the occasion as imposing as possible. An address of welccno wae delivered by Carrora who «aphasisod the sincere friendship of the Chilean people and their desire to establish oc-ereial relations with the United states. In reply to Carrora‘s welcome, Poinsott assured the Chileans of the lorth Anorican interest in the South Anorioan revolts and acknowledged his happiness of 'having been the first person' who had the 'honcreus duty of establiehing relations between the two countries."19 to Aurora dc Chile (the first Chilean revolutionary news- paper) carried an account of Poinsett's reception and connected 1° Ibid., p. 28-28. 1’ flannel n. Johnston, Diario a. un tipo rafo n ui on cn11. Li’s“: durante la pom do Ia independincia ifladrid, £195, pp. 31-62. (29) that “it was a day of great gratification for the true lovers of the country."20 During the period of La Aurora's existence (February 13, 1812 to April 1, 1813), it oonsiotently supported Poinsott and attempted to further the influence of the United States. News from the Boston newspapers appeared in every issue and excerpts from the Deelaretion of Independence, fron a fourth of July speech delivered in Washington, fron Jefferson's inaugural end fron'Raehington's fnrcwoll address ‘wcro often quoted.21 Le Aurora wns printed on a printing press brought from How York city by Katthcw'floovel, the United States citison.who‘had transnittod the Junta's letter to President Madison. The printers of the newopaper were Guillermo Burbidgo, Samuel B. Johnston, and Sinon Garrison, three United States citizens who'hed come to Chile in 1811 on board the frigcte 'Gallowny', the cane ship which bed brought the printing press.22 Canilo Henriquos, the editor of Le Aurore, was an ardent adnircr of the United States and consequently wrote nsny editorials in preiso of the North American Republic which he described as the 'sun of Anorioa' and the 'benoon"which the Chilean: should follow.23 3° Roquotod frcn Collier y Crus, Le Prinora Uision, p. 30. '1 loses, Intellectual Background, p. 101. 2' Johnston, Diario, p. 85. 25 Miguel Luis Anunategui, Cnnilo Henriquos (Santiago, 1911), p. 28. (30) On.April 30, 1812, the following article appeared in Le Aurora which was characteristic of the runner in which he extolled the merits of the United Itatee: The United States pcseoeses a great people who have been freed fran tyranny and are now offer- ing refuge to many of our peninsular brothers who flee fron French vandalisn. They leg behind in painting and sculpture but have abounded in natorial welfare, in farming and nanufacturing. Their greatest achievement is their marvelous advancement in schools. Their constitution hes node their land an asylum for the oppressed.“ By writing other articles sinilar to this, Henriquos attempted to persuade the Chilean people that the United Utntes wns a country to admire and respect. lhilo Canilc Honriquee'was promoting friendship between to United States and Chile, Poinsctt wee successfully beginning to raise the prestige and influence of the United States. He not only won the support of the Junta but received the worn friendship of its president, Don Jose Miguel Carrors. Poinsott and Carrera had much in cannon. They were of Latin lineage, were deeply interested in nilitary affairs, had a certain passionate intensity, and each accepted the principles of the French Revolution‘with onthusiasn. Consequently a nutual friend- ship developod alncst at first sight, and Carrsra admired Pcinsott so mach that the letter began to acquire a powerful influence in 24 Requcted frcn Evans, Chile and the u. 3., p. 11. (51) the affairs of the country.25 lhon Poinsctt first arrived in chilo, ho had discovered that nany lorth Anerican ships had been seized and their cargoes confiscated by'the Peruvian privateers. The privateers had been sent by the Viceroy of Peru, who resented the action of the Chileans in ridding themselves of the Spanish officials. The Viceroy had declared the Chilean lawe regarding free commerce null and void and had attempted to enforce the colonial laws against foreign intrusion. The Junta had done little nore than protest and Pcinsott, soon after'his reception, boldly urged the authorities at Santiago to protest the ocnneroe of the United States by closing the ports of Chile to Peru. But the Chileans were not strong enough to enforce such a policy and therefore Poinsett's suggestion was not followed.“ Seen after this occurrence, the nonbors of the Junta, who were aware of Poinsett's onthusiasn for the revolutionary cause, asked hin to aid then in obtaining nilitary supplies. He consented and not only did he furnish then with the names and addresses of certain dealers in the United States but also sent for supplies hinsolf. On February 26, 1812, La Aurora announced that "Mr. Pcinsett had sent to the United States for six thousand nuskets, '3 Rippy, Joel Poinsett, p. 42; Collier y Crus, La Prinera "1.103. pp. 3354c Id Collier y Crus, La Prinora Hision, pp. 39-48. (32) one thousand pistols and some light field pieces, besides uniforms, saddles and trunpcts."z7 Although a. no. this effort to obtain these supplies, ho was unable to get then because the United States was engaged in the War d 1812 and needed all available supplies at hone. On July dth, 1812, an elaborate celebration took place in Santiago which advanced the cause of independence and furthered the favorable attitude of the Chileans towards the United States. The United Staten citisens living in Santiago had planned the occasion in order to celebrate the fourth of July and the Lbiloan patriots employed the sane day to adopt officially a national flag of blue, white, and yellow and a ocokade of the same color. Carrera, because of the persistent encouragement of Poinsett, had entertained the idea of solemnly making a declaration of independence, but abandoned the plan at the last ninute.2a 'lho celebration strengthened the ties of friendship between the United States and Chile and placed an emphasis on the nutual love 1‘ these two countries for freedom and independence. Samuel 2. Johnstm (one of the North America printers of La Aurora) described the festivities as follows: At sunrise, the stars and stripes of our action were hoisted in nany public places(a thing which was done for the first time in this city) entwined with the tri-eolorod banner of Chile. In the '7 Chisholn, Independence of Chile, p. 211. 28 Collier y Crus, La Princra lieicn, p. 60. (33) afternoon our compatriots, in company with some Chilean gentlemen of distinction, celebrated a banquet at which the liberty and independence of both nations were mutually commemorated in happy toasts. At night a magnificent ball was given by our consul-general at which were present the Junta and nearly three hungged persons of both sexes of the beat society. Caniloilenriques, the editor of La.durora, took advantage of this occasion to read the patriotic hymn ho had composed which sang of the "illustrious country of washingtcn extending her arns to the vigorous south."5° After reading this, he demanded that the Chileans declare flieir independence and draw up a constitution.31 ‘Lnidst these festivities an unfortunate incident occurred. Mitthcw'Hcevel (when Poinsott had appointed as vice consul) and the lorth.Anerican printers cane to the palace where the banquet was being held. They drank too freely of liqucr'and became guilty of vulgarity and disorder which finally led than to attack cone Chilean soldiers. A few casultics resulted, and consequently the printers were inprisoned. Hoevel was deprived cf’his position of vice consul and Poinsctt notified the authorities in Washington that his forner assistant had been working secretly against the United States. However, the incident did not cause the Chilean people to harbor any bad feelings towards the United States 29 Johnston, Diario, pp. 95-98. 3° Collier y Crus, La Princra vision, hp. 62. 51 Ibl‘o. ppe 66-69. (34) because Poinsott tactfully handled the situation and it was soon forgotten.32 Once the settling of this incident was achieved, Pcinsott busiod himself with another matter. Qhe Chilean government had become preoccupied with Henriquos's suggestion of drafting a new constitution and a commission consisting of Benriques and six others had been appointed to perforn.thic task. Carrcra notified Poinsott of the government's intentions and asked hin.tc help in this project. ‘Poinsett gladly acquiesod and the commission not regularly in Poinaett's hone in order to form the fundamental ideas which would be included in the new constitution.33 . On July 11, 1812, Pcinsett presented a constitution to the ccnnissicn which he had drawn up himself. His draft was very sinilar to the United Stotes constitution except for certain features which were designed especially for the particular conditions that existed in Chile. It stressed the importance of the legislative body, of the desirability of division of powers, assorted Chilo'c clain to ecclesiastical patronage and contained a bill of rights. But the connission did not adopt it because they believed it to be too bold: it had failed to mention Ferdinand VII and had taken too advanced a position with regard to the question of patronage. Although Poinsett's constitution 33 Ibid., pp. 63-65. 38 Ibidc. ppo 70‘71o (35) was rejected, nany of its basic principles were incorporated into the Chilean constitution which was completed on the 22nd of October.“ During the first year of Poinsett's mission, the United States reached an unparalleled height of prestige and influence in Chile. Captain Porter of the Unit ed States Navy, who had been sent to the Pacific to protect American shipping, arrived in valparaiso on larch 16, 1813 and attested mat he and his crew were offered ”every civility, assistance and acconodation that Valparaiso could afford.‘I He further acknowledged that +he Chileans “looked up to the United States of America for example and protection.'" The prestige of the United States was strengthened by Captain Porter's arrival. The Chilean people had assumed from Poinsett's actions and sentiments that the United States would soon sake an effort to participate in the revolt, and iron the news of Porter's arrival became known the Chileans became overwhelmingly happy. ‘ihey believed that the United States had decided to negotiate for a eordial alliance and was ready to support the Chilean cause by force of ares. Porter node no effort to infora the Chileans ef iheir errer and noted the situation in his diary as follows: . . . as I had not, since ay arrival, given any hints of my object in this sea, I found it not tee late to encourage a belief that suited ny 3‘ hide. pp. 70-110e ’5 Captaia David Porter, Journal of a Cruise me. to the Pacific Ocean in he United States Frigate Essex in the Years 535,, l5“, and W 0 e e s 0 (35) views and accorded with their‘wishes. I had prepared my officers and crew to secrecy before my arrival and had now no objection tint the good people of this place should put the nest favorggle construction on our arrival among than. Consequently wen Porter left Valparaiso, the Chilean people still listskenly believed that he had been sent by the United states govemnt to negotiate a cordial al lianoe and to assist the patriots in fieir fight for freedoms. In em. months which follcaved, Poinsett, disregarding the neutrality policy of the United states, participated in the military campaigns against the royalist forces. He beoans Carrera's chief nilitary adviser, organised and disciplined the army'whieh was being formed in Concepcion, and accepted a position as commander of a division in the Chilean any. While he was serving in this position, news arrived from Tileahuane that eleven American whalers had been.eaptured by the Peruvian privateers and that the Spanish comder was threaten- ing to send the.dnerican sailors to Lina in chains. Poinsett immediately set out fer inleahuano, led an attack against the royalist treops and succeeded in freeing the sailors. After this attaek was ever, he neturned to Concepcion and participated in the Battle of Chillan in which the patriots failed to drive out the reyaliste .37 35 mm, 1). 98. 3" Collier y Crus, La Prinera lision, pp. 145-161; Rippy, Joel P.1”.tt. p. w. (37) Pcinsett was not the only United States citiscn who participated in the chilesn war of independence. Many of the North Anerioans living in Chile and those engaged as sailors aboard the North American merchant ships also took an active part in the military and naval campaigns. The Chilean navy was first established in April of 1815 and was composed of the 'Perla' and the 'Potrillc', two Earth American aerchant ships. Carrera had purchased these ships from American merchants after the numbers of the Junta had expressed their desire to establish a any which would protect Chilean ccmaerce tron the Peruvian privateers and aid the nilitary operations of the patriots.38 llany of the former sailors of the “Perla“ and the ‘Potrillo' (all United States oitisens) were incorporated into the Chilean navy. One of these Americans, a Mr. Edvard Barnevall, was pissed in command of the 'Potrillo' and Samel B. Johnston, the former printer of La Aurora, served as his lieutenant.89 A[he navy was in existence for only two weeks. The patriots, underestimating the naval power of the Peruvian forces, attempted on Hay the 3rd to destroy the Spanish frigate ”Warren". Because sf a traitor on board the 'Perla' and because the Chilean navy was very weak, the entire crews of both the 'Perla' and the 'Potrillo" 33 .m6 Higuel Carrera to Bernardo O'Higgins, April 1:, 1813 and April 15, 1813, Archive de Don Bernardo O'Higzgins (Santiago de Chile, 19"), I, 230, 253." 39 Johnston, Diario, p. 124. (38) were captured and imprisoned in Cases Hat-as, a Jail located in c.11.ee"h 'Dze United States oitisens solicited help from I‘oinaett and tT-z-e Chilean Junta, but received no aid. Finally after these United States citisens had been imprisoned for a period of six months, a Hr. Curscn ( a North American residing in Peru) succeeded in persuad- ing the Viceroy of Peru to release them on the condition that they promise to go directly to the United States and never return to Chile. However, once they had embarked on the frigate 'Hcpe', the captain of the ship pretended that it needed repairs and went to Valparaiso where he left the American citizens .‘1 Despite the fact that Poinsett and the United States citisens were fighting for Chilean independence, the prestige and influence of the United States began to decrease towards the end of 1813. he factors were instrumental in this decline. First of all, the Chilean people were beginning to lose faith in the United States. Nearly a year had passed since Porter had raised their hopes that a cordial alliance would be formed and still no effort had been ends by the United States government to negotiate one.- Secondly, the people were becoming dis-satisfied with Carrera's rule and because Poinsett was such a close friend of Carrera and had been *0 Ibid., pp. 125-129. ‘1 Ibid., pp. 162-166. (39) so active in government affairs, the Chilean peeple blamed bin as well as Carrera for the unfavorable conditions that existed in the country. All patriot losses were said to be due to his influence. During the last months of 1813, Poinsett began to feel tint all his efforts to help the Chileans win their independence were unappreoiated and he became completely discouraged. On September 2, 1813 he wrote Joseph Johnson (a friend who lived in Charleston, South Carolina) that he found himself "shut out from the world and all intercourse" with his friends.“ He became so despondent that he left the battle field and retired to Carrera's country estate in order to recover his health. On Novenber 27, 1813, Don Joaé Miguel Carrera lost his position as leader of the revolutionary forces and lion Bernardo O'Higgins, a creole of Irish-Spanish blood who was later to bees-e Chile's first executive, was appointed general in chief of the any. no. change of leadership hastened the decline of Uorth Anerioan influence in Chile. There had always existed nuoh antagonism and resentment between O'Eiggins and Carrera and because Poinsett was Carrera's very close friend, O'liggins continually suspected hin of scheming to pla oe Carrera back in ‘3 Requctsd frcn Rippy, Joel Poinsett, p. 52. (40) power. Therefore, Poinsett was unable to revive the prestige of the United stemtes. The British took advantage of this situation. They had frequented the coast of Chile ever since Cook's expedition in 1776, but had been unable to exert any influence on the Chilean revolutionary government. The reason for this was that after the Frenchman, Joseph Bonaparte, had ascended the Spanish throne in 1808, the British ferned an alliance with the Spanish insurgent government.and aided the royalists in attempting to stop all revolutionary'novenents against Spain. Consequently the United States had secured a strong foothold in Chile and British commerce had suffered. But now the British realised that they had a ehance to strengthen their prestige and they energetically made an effort to accomplish this. Two frigates, the 'Phoebe' and the ”Cherub”, under connand of Captain Hillyar of the British Havy, were despatohed to the Pacific to encourage British con-arcs, counteract the influence of Poinsett, and to endeavor to destroy the frigate 'Essex" Ihieh had worked considerable damage to the British ihale fishery in the southern seas. Billyar first proceeded to Callae where be‘was authorised by the Viceroy of Peru to effer the Chileans certain peace proposals .‘3 ‘3 Archive mailman. n, as, 139. (41) When he arrived in Valparaiso February 8, 1814, he found the 'Essex' and the “Essen Junior" (a ship which had been taken from the British) safely anchored in the harbor. Although he had orders to destroy the “Essex”, he did not wish to violate Chile's neutrality and therefore decided to wait until the ship sailed out of Chilean waters before attacking it. Porter, realising that his gun power was very inferior to that of Billyar, waited for a favorable time to elude the any and set out b sea. In the meantime the crews of the lnglish and Anerican ships amased the Chilean people by their antics towards one another. 'Ihe American sailors sang “Yankee Deedle' while the English responded by singing “God Save The King“. Perter raised a flag which read, I'Il‘rec trade and sailors' rights“, and Hillyar in turn displayed a flag on which the words “tied and country, British sailers’ rights; traitors offend both' appeared.“ On larch 28, 1814, Porter tried to escape. 'Ihs English had withdrawn to the char side of the bay and a favorable wind had arisen. merefere, taking advantage of the situation, he headed west but Just before he readied the open Pacific, a heavy squall struck his frigate and severely injured the rigging. Be attcnpted to get back to shore but was unable to because the 0‘ Porter, Journal, 11. 1.1.1.3. (42) "Phoebe”, "Cherub", and an armed British transport of war began firing on.hin. Porter resisted the attack for nearly three hours but was eonpblled to surrender after heavy losses.“5 While this combat was in progress, Pcinsett, who had come to valparaiso on the 20th of March, called the governor and asked bin to turn the guns of the port on the British, but the governor refused. Poinsett later wrote secretary of state Honroe that the "Essex‘I was only ”within a cable length of the shere“ when the British ads this attlmclr.‘6 With this victory over the 'Essex', British influence increased. Captain Poster noted this increase and stated that Chilean friendship was not worth having because the Chilean people gave their support to the country that possessed a superior naval force. He was quite indignant over the whole affair and marked: When I commanded the most powerful force in the Pacific, all were willing to serve ne, but when Captain Hillyar appeared with one still stronger, it became the great object to ccneiliate his friendship by evincing hostility to R's ‘5 Ibid., 168-173. ‘5 Manning, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, I. 336. ‘7 Porter, Journal, II, 173. (43) Porter, because of his bias, failed to recognise that American prestige had already been on the decline before this incident occurred. Poinsett, however, had witnessed the increasing hostility cf the Chileans towards the United states and had decided to leave chile, but before departing he attempted to secure the release of Don Jose Miguel Carrera and his brofimer who had been inprisoned shortly after O'Higgins took charge of the govern-mt. On April ll, 1814, Poinsett wrote O'Hignins ask- ing that the Carreras be released and stated: This is the only thing tut detains me here; the hostility which has been manifested against my person has extended to my nation and it could produce the most fatal results. li'he honor w my representation obliges no to leave and I already have my passports but I wait with the desire of ocntribgting to the liberation of my friends.‘ ‘ O'Biggins, however, refused to grant his supplioation. A few days later Peinsett received notice fron the govern-ct but he should inediately make use of his pass- parts and leave the country. He had been aggravating the British by trying to persuade the Chileans not to sign the peace treaty which Hillyar had brought from the Viceroy of Peru. Consequently Billyar and a Lord Strangfcrd had “ Archive O'Higgins, I, 223. (‘4) written a letter to the Chilean government which insisted that Poinsett be ends to leave.99 ‘Iherefore, Poinsett departed for Buenos Aires on April 28, lBld. The prestige of the United states hgd completely collapsed and all the efforts of Poinsett to prevent.fiillyar fron mediating a truce between the rcyalists and the patriots failed. lhe peace treaty (the Treaty of Lircay) was signed, Kay 6th, 181‘. It provided that Chile should recognise the sovereignty of Ferdinand VII, dissolve the Junta, and re-establish the forn.cf governasnt finish it had before the revolt. It also stressed that the troops of Lies would evacuate the territory of Chile and authorised Chile to open her ports to English commerce.so Before Pcinsett left her the United States, the Carrerae escaped free prison and Don Jose Miguel once more took control of the Chilean government. me Treaty of Lircay was repudiated and Carrera sent Poinsett a letter of appreciation for his services to Chile. he wrote that it would be a "happy day“ when Poinsett would decide to return but Poinsett had no intention of returning te Chile. He left Buencs Aires for the United States on September as, 1814.51 ‘9 Joel Poinsett to June hoarse, secretary of state, June it, 181d, handing, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, I. 33'. 5° Archive O'Bi gins, II, 139. 51 Collier y Crus, La Fri-era Hision, p. 184. Chapter III Xiseions to Chile and the United States Once Don Jos‘ Higuel Carrer renssuned the presidency of the lungs and the canned of the patriot foroee, the fight for freedom continued. Bernardo O'Higgins refused to rcoOgnize Cerrera as Chile's nilitnry leader and consequently the country was faced not only with the problem of fighting against Spain but also that of a civil o'er. However, men O'Higgins lecrned that the Viceroy of Peru was preparing to send a new contingent of troops to Chile, he decid ed to change his policy and wrote Carrera proposing thet they forget all that had passed and unite their two armies in order to repel the new invasion. Carrera accepted. In October 1814, the revolutionary forces under the command of O'Biggins net the royaliets at Raneagua. ihs troops were badly in need of supplies and O'Higgins sent a nessage to Carrcre asking that munitions be sent. Carrera did not send the munitions and eonsequently O'Eiggine' forces were defeated. This defect spelled the dean of the attempt to drive out the royaliete and the patriots were obliged to flee the country. they crossed the Andes and proceeded to Hendosa where San liertin, who had recently been appointed governor of Cuyc, wee organising an army and designing a campaign against the royaltsts in'Chile and Peru. When the patriots arrived in hendcse, they (~26) began quarreling as to who'wne to blnns for the defeat at Eencagua. The old aninosity which existed between Carrern and O'Higgins once again areas. the patriots divided into two groups, the Cerreristae and fine O'Higginiatns. Trouble and dis-satisfaction were caused by Cnrrcrn who a’t tenpted to maintain the same ron'k and pre-eninence in Hendcea that he had enjoyed in Chile. Fe treated San Eartin arrogantly and haughtily tried to take control of die organisation of the army. San hortin did not tolerate this inpudent attitude and sent Carrere and his care influential partisans to Buenos Aircs. While Carrcra wee in Buenoe hires, he realised that he had many ensnies who were trying to keep hin from gaining any influenee is.a future attack against the Spanish in Chile. Therefore he decided to go to the United States in order to obtain non and equipment‘with*which he could detect the Spanish and become once again the leader of Chile. This was not the first tins that he had considered going to the United States for help. On more than one occasion during the period when Pcinsett was in Chile, this idea had crossed his aim! and now he believed diet the tinc‘had cone when‘he should take it upon himself to obtain aid fro- the United States. He, fierefore, boarded the frigate ”Expedition“ and set out her the United States on a self appointed nissicn to obtain supplies and non. (47) January 17th, 1816. Corrers arrived in Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, and inmediately*erote Poinsett giving him an account of his arrival. of his future plans. and asking Poinsett's aid in order that his project might be fulfilled. Pcinsett replied three dcye later. He encouraged Carrera to continue in his plaa'but earned him to use the greatect discretion.1 Be enclosed a letter of introduction to be sent to Commodore Forter. the former commander of the frigate ”Eosex' which had been attached by the British in the bay of Valparaiso in march of 1814. The letter expressed the desirability of aiding Csrrerc end road as follows: Dear Porter: 1 have received a letter from Jos‘ Eiguel Carrera ehe ens president of Chile ahen you first arrived in Valparaiso. You may recollect that he was our earnest and most steady friend. He is on his way to Washington and you will oblige as by showing‘hin some attention. It must occur to you that this gentleman fren‘his extensive influence and connections in Chile slay be of influential use in the colonisation of the Islands. when you are at leisure, I should be glad to know if the expedition goes well. On the same day that Carrera hed‘eritten Poinsett, he had ales addressed a letter to Porter informing hie of his arrival and die object that he pursued for Chile. Therefore ehen Poinsett's letter of introduetion reoehed Porter. he was already 1 Collier y Crus, La Priaera hisicn. pp. 188-191. 3 Ibid.. p. 192, where a photostatio copy appears. (48) infomd o! Cnrrern'l nrriul nnd purpose for coming to the United fitatoo. Porter needed no urging tron Poinoott to oid corrorn beoouoo ho no oonplotely oymrntFetie to Correro'e ooueo. Ho otill role-borod the nnvillingneee of the O'Higginiote government to protoot tho 'Eooex' in tho bay of anpnroioo in 181‘ nnd roeenting teso nuthoritieo u ho did, no thoroughly in favor of helping Cox-ran who bod ohovn bin eo mob roopoot and hoopitolity then ho tint orrivod in Chilo in 1018. Even boforo roooiving; Poineott'e letter. he wrote Corroro thot he no heppy to heu- ot bio orrivnl end nould nid bin in ony my thnt he ocmloi.a Onoe Corrern Ina oseured or the support of Poinoott end Porter, no loft Annopolio ond traveled to‘findhington 9. C.. Boltinore, Philodolphie. and Re! York ohoro ho bogon noting oontnote with chip buildoro and mnut'noturerl of gun powder nnd II! omnnnition. With the bolp of Poinsett, Porter, end John Bond-ll Shun; n non iho bod eorvod under Porter on the frigate “RI-ex”. Corrern unocoodod in negotiating ‘dth B. I. Dupont for gun powder, tho Bultiuoro firm or Darcy and ”idler for ohlpo and John Jhoob Aetor flor'wmr erun.‘ Although Corroro‘rao ouoooonful inblnking oontrnoto for the nooeoonry implement; of nor, his problem of obtaining; these 3 lbid., pp. Ian-19‘. ‘ mm. pp. 191-200. Rippy, Jool Poineott, p. 62. (453) goode did not end with theae negotiatirne. he had only eeventy five dollore which one not enough to cover eufficiently the expense of paying for the ehipe and ammunition for thth he had negotiated. Therefore. it wee neoeeeary for his to obtain more money. Beoauea the government of finance Airee and he Chilenn rovolutionary leodore {O’Higgine and San Martin) were not favorably diepoeed towerde him, he wae unable to obtain money tron hie oountryjen and ooneequently he tamed to hie friend Poineett for help. However, Poinsett gave no may to hi- and for a time, Cari-era we deproeeed by hie failure to obtain financial aid. Finally he enooeedod in obtaining a loan of four thousand dollere from John S. Skinner. a Baltimore newepepemnn who profeeaed an ardent admiration for Chile. with thia nonoy, he purohneed four ehipe from the Darcy and Didier firs.a By loone from eoverel other Amer-loan oitieone who had become very friendly tinl'de him, he we able to puruhsee gun powdor. rifloe, pietole. and other war ammunition. He managed to at hineelf eo far in debt over theee traneootione that he nevor did repay the loane which he had received. Later on these debte beeane the eauee of moh dieeeneion het'een the United Statee oitieene (those he owed) and me govern-ant of Chile. 6 Bartolone Edit". liietoria do San hartin Sndenerionna (Buenoe Airee, de la Ennnoi pccion (50) Althourh he encountered much trouble in reiaing money to puroheee ever equipment, the problem of recruiting soon for hie expedition nee very eeeily eclved. Voluntecre were to be had for the eaking and acne United Staten oitieene even wrote hie inquiring if they oculd he pernit‘1ed to Join hie expedition. Among thoee oitieene were 'mnrlme heed (later the owner and director of the Albany Evening Journal and one of the moat eminent politicena of dze Eepuhlioen party). eeven etudenta of the United Stetee Iiilitery Academy at West Point, and cone United Stetee navel officere.8 Cerrera'e negotiatione and treneectime were kept a eecret fro: the United Staten government. Although Commodore Porter brought Carrera to fieehincton and introduced him to Preeident ladieon who diaplayed a eympethetic attitude towerde the Chilean canoe, Porter did not infora Endieon 0f the reeeon for Cerrera’e vieit to the United Staten. The United States government In! etill maintaining ite policy of neutrality in regard to the fight between Spain and ite South dnerican colonieeand ee the Spenieh ninieter to fine United Statee (Don Luie Onie) had been complaining that United States citieene were aiding the South 6 l'hurlon Weed to Carrera, September 18. 18163 ihcnee Paglend, John D. Orr. John Earleeton. Jenee 1". Newton. A. Walker, George h“. Cotton, and horeee Eebetar to Carrera, Septeaber 22, 18163 Commodore Porter to Carrera, haroh l2. 1815. Collier y Crux. _I:a_ ignore hieion. pp. 228-229. 230-231, 21‘. (51) Lnerioen revolutionariee. it we not edvieeble that die government know of Carrere'e trenaactione with the United statee firee. In December 1816, Carrera completed hie nerotietima and eat eeil fro. Baltimore with four ahipe. acne munitione and area-ante. and a enell bend d‘ North American volunteera. There eleo were acne Pranchnen aho had Joined the expedition in law York. When he arrived in Buenoa Airea, hie plane not with an abrupt check. Pueyrredon (the Suprae Director of Buenoe Airea) detained Carrere'e ahipa and took over the euppliee for hie own ueo. A fee deye later Carrere wee inprieoned. The Buence Airea govern-at favored theb'lligginiete party and believed that if Cerrere were allowed to return to Chile. he would only oeuae die-eatiefeotion and civil etrife which would be detrimental to fine patriot fight for freedom.’ flu“ Carrara'e plan to noon the leaderahip of Chile failed. but hie etay in the United Statee wee important became of ita effect on public opinion. He pereiatently apreed atoriee that he and hie brothare were the true leedere of Chilean Independence and that San Bertie and O'higgine were nothing but a 'peel: of eooundrele' who were going to place Chile under the eubjeotion of finance Airee. Frequently, he inglied to the 7 mcaae LLoyd Eeleey, United Stetea Coneui at Buenoe Airee, to Janee Monroe. eeoretary of etete. lurch 3. 1817. leaning. Dig. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence. I, 350. (52) United statee oitiaene with dice he one in contact that hie party who friendly to one United Stetea mile that of O'liiggina wee inclined towarde an. enema.” 3. even wrote an article which appeared February lat, 1816. in the National Intelligencer ef beehingtca D. C. that placed an exaggerated emphaaia on the part be (Carrera) had played in the fight againat Spain. Re nentiun cf O'EirginS‘ aotivitiea in the eanpaigne appeared. Carrera eleo node on of thie article to etreee the fact that he (Carrera) wee an ardent admirer of the United Statea. ' Carrera eueeeeded in eating nany friendeand innued the thought in their’ninde that O'Higgine wee hcetile to the United Btatee. Theae people,‘whcnfihe influenced. epread their eentinenta to cthere and Carrera'e newapaper friende. in particular. were very inetruwental in diaeaninating propaganda favorable to Carrara. The two who exerted the neat effort on Carrera'e behalf were John 8. Skinner, a Baltinore newepapennan, and Baptia Irvine, can» at the 3.. York Colombian.“ Beeauae of the verbal and written propaganda apread by 9 Henry Eerie Breckenridge. Vo e to South America Performed Order of the American Government n t e aura l j“in . fla‘t. 60:15:58. www.18205. I. E 30 ° Collier y Crna. La 33-1.... Minion. pp. 235-2“. Charlee Carroll Griffin. The United Stat 08 and the Dicrugtion of the 8 uniah ngire lBl5-1522. A Study of the lelationa oi‘ the United We hith Spain and hith thiwhebal Snanieh Coloniea (New York, {3275. PO 460. (53) Carrera and hie friende, nany United Statee oi tiaene. unaware of O’Biggine’ aide d” the etory. tended to favor the party of Carrera. llotahle cam; theee people were Theodoricl: Bland and Killian G. D. Worthina-ton who later were te became United Shtee agenta to Chile. While Cerrera had been buey eoliciting help and epreadin; propaganda in the United Stetee. the organieation and training of the Arny of the Andee under the direction of San Martin and O'Hirgine had been completed. In January. 1817, the Army ereeaed the Lndee by eeparating into five divieicne in order to confuae the royaliat easy. The plan worked and when O'Higgina net the royaliata in Chaoabueo. the royeliet any had been eeattered ao far along the Andea that only a fragment of the anay wee left te fight againet the patricta. On February 12, 1811. file patriota defected the royaliete and two daye later entered Santiago where they were Joyouely received by the Chilean people. O'Higgina waa elected Suprena Director of Chile. Once the erganiaation of a Chilean rational any we begun. San the-tin traveled to Bueaoe Airee to plan with Di root. Pueyrredcn the beat method to begin the campaigne which were to follow. While he waa there, he learned that Pneyrredcn we going to aend an agent (Don Manuel de Aguirre) (54) to on. United Statea to negotiate for the recognition of Buenoe Airea ae a eovereign atate and to attupt to acquire war eateriale. Beoauae the Chilean national army (which wae being erxanieed in Santiago) waa badly in need of war auppliea and equipment. San Hertin decided to take advantage of Aguirre'a niaeion in order te attempt to elicit aid free the United Statee. After receiving pernieaion from Pueyrredon, he caedeeioned Aguirre to act aa a private Chilean agent to the United Statee. Aguirre wee inetrueted to enter into all euoh mtctiaticna aa were ”relative to the purchaee cf veeeele of war. including a frigate. completely arned and equipped; eleo, for the purphaee of all deecriptione of area. warlike etcrea. and euppliea ueeful to the arny.“° Ban liartin wrote Preeident Monroe April 1. 1812 informing hie of Aguirre'a eieaion end of the reetorati-n of the patriot rule in Chile under the leaderahip of O'Biggine. lie expreaeed the hope that Honroe weuld extend te Aguirre euch protection ae wee compatible with the actual relatione of the United Statea governeent towerde Ghile.n 1° Co-aiaaion of Don ifanuel de Aguirre free Bernardo O'Higgina. Supreme Director of Chile. Itaroh 8. 1811, Manning. Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independencej II, 898. 11 11:14.. I. 552-353. Urrutia. Fagin“, p. 48. (55) On the cane day, O'Biggina alac wrote Prceidcnt Monroe concerning; ihe re-eetabliahnqnt of the patriot rule in Chile and enphaaiaed that beeauae the patriot governnent wee atable and durable. it would rennin free fro-.8paniah control. He etreeeod that he wee very "deeircua of pronoting the oomeroial and friendly relationa of the tee countriea, and of renoving every ebetacle to the eatabliahnent of the'noat perfect her-any and good underatanding.'13 Don flannel de Aguirre arrived in the United Staten in July, 1817, eceoepanied by’hie aeeietant, JoeJ'Gregcric Genoa. Since Preaident lenroe wee abaent free Beehingten and John Q. Adana had not yet arrived to take hie pceition in the State Department, Aguirre had te content hineelf with an interview with the acting eeeretary of etate. Richard Ruah. aguirre interned Rueh of hie reeeane fer coninr, to the United Statee and ateted that he believed ther'Preaident had a dieoreticnary power to euepend the lava againet the fitting out. equipping and arning' of war veeeele in United Stetee pcrta for the belligerent purpcaoa of other powere. Ruah explained to hie that the policy of neutrality obliged due United Stetee to take no each action which would pronote hoatilitiee againat the nationa that were —.a-— ll leaning. Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin Anericen Independence. II, 0993 Archive Whig‘ina. Vii. [TI-“3. (56) at peace with the United States.13 However. Aguirre dieregcrded Fueh'e ltatencnt and began negotiating for chipe and war euppliee. Hie first attempt. to procure flheee provieione were begun undcr*unfavornble con- ditiohe. lhe United Staten government refueed to cell him any of iheee goode because ct ita neutrality policy and privato individuale under the new neutrality act of Heroh 3. 1817 were forbiddentte eupply use rcvolted coloniete with war chipe and supplied. But Aguirre found a loop hole in the law hy’whioh he planned to cirounvent the reetriotion pinced on private individuale. There we nothing in the neutrality act which prohibited private individuale fro: eelling ahipe not armed for war. iguirre‘had heard of the eucceee of the 'iraucnnc' (a warehip which we deetined for the Chilean navy). Thie chip had cleared the American pcrte, unarmed, for Gibraltar and after reaching the three nile linit. hed been aupplied with gune by'a enall boat. Since it had eucccedod in proceeding to Chile fully arned. he decided that he alec would nuke uee of thie mac to purchaae ehipe. ht firet he encountered some difficulty in obtaining 13 John Q. Adana, eeoretary of etate, to Hanuel de Aguirre. Argentine agent at Waehington, Auguet 27. 1818, Kenning, Dip. Ccrr. ConcerninLLatin American Independence, I, 76-78. (fl) ncney with which to purcheee theee ehipe. The adninietraticn at Iaehingtcn had dieavowed an agreement concluded with the govern-nit of finance Airee by two United Statee agente, Colonel John Devereux, and Coneul 1'. L. Baleey, whereby the United Statee govern-amt woe obligated to guarantee a loan to be need by Aguirre in hie purchaee of ehipe end arne. Alec funde prcnieed hin by the Chilean governaent failed to arrive. However. he finally wee able to obtain the needed funde fro- the governnnt of Euenee Airee. a Joeeph Skinner of Baltimore and latthew L. Davie. a In York nor-hut.“ Once he had obtained thie noney. Aguirre eigned a contract with a flew York fire for three ehipe at a coat of $00,000 each.“ Two ehipe were built, but at thie point the Spaniel: eoneul enepeeting Aguirre cf purchaeing theee ehipe for one againet spain. procured the eeieure of the ehipe and the arreet and inprieennent of Aguirre. It wee not eurprieing that the Spaniel: ocneul had detected em for the Spanieh ninieter and hie eoneule, who were in every port of the United Stctee. were extremely vigilant in preventing any infraction of the it Uiguel Zanartu to Iathaniel Strong and Joeeph Skinner. flarch 14. 1819, Archive 0'31 ine, V, 66-67; Whitaker, U. S. and Independence. pp. iii-235. l5 Baeloeure of Document 1086. Banning, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin Anerioan Independence, Ill, 1976-1971. (58) law in favor of the Spaniel: Anerieana. If they found any chip that wae arned or even appeared to be aueoeptibile cf arning, fliey ineieted upon being told of ita doatinntion.1° Mien Aguirre wae arroetod, he appealed to Weahington for diplaaatic protection. but becauao he one only a private agent and had neidiplonetic character; hie appeal wae refueed. How- ever. he one acquitted, becaueo no proof wee proaented to chow that hie ahipa had been arned." The delay'eauoed by the trial eo attained Aguirre'a finanooe that he doepairod of being able to clear the veedee. He wrote Adana complaining d“ the unfairneee of the neutrality act and propcaed to cell the veaaela for which he had contract to the United Statee. Adana rofuaed the offer. Aguirre'wao finally able to leave with hie two wipe but only one of theeo chipe reached nuance Airoe. The other chip wae converted into a privataer by ita captain while on route to South America.18 flannel do Aguirre reached Buenoe Airaa feeling very hoetilo towarde the United Staten and onproeeod hie opinion of United Steteo citieona by atating, “I believe that if they .nuu-p ‘6 Gregorio Gonoa to Director Pueyrroden, November 1:. 1817, ibid., pp. 1971-1971. 17 Griffin, U. 8. and Dieruption of the Spaniel: Empire, p. l". 13 imiteker, U. 8. and Independence, p. 255. (59) do anything in our favor even indirectly. it will be for the purpoee of enriching their nerchantc. . . .‘19 In the United Staten. the finite of both Carrora and Aguirre produced an increaeing interact in the South American eituation. luneroue penphlote. bookc, and newcpnper ertlclec appeared which dealt with Spaniel: l-nerican affaire. The acct popular of thece were a book publichod anonymouely by Ianuel Palacie 'aJardo called An Outline of the Revolution in Sfanieh Aneriee and a panphlet by Henry flarie Breckenridge entitled A Letter to Janec Monroe Upon 91o Pracent State of South Aneriea. Both of thcce received widecpread circulation. ‘lhe newepapere ixioh were oepecially active in ”pounding the South American cauee were the lilec' leeleRosictcr, the laehingtcn fictional Intelligenccr. the lachington _C_i__tz Gaaette, and the New York Cclmnbian. The "awakening of intereet in the South Anerican cituction wee aloe detected in Congrecc. During 1818 and 1817 nuncrcue dieeuceione arcee concerning the deeirability ct recornicing the rcvolted ccuntriec ac eoverciezn naticnc. Such quectionc no the following were diceueeod and debatodc Should the United Btatec be the tirct to recogniae thece countriee ac 19 Aguirre to Pucyrredon, Auguet l7. 1817, requotod tron Ibido. Fe 236. (60) independent? Should 61o United Staten receive a diplcnct frcn these rcvolted South Anerican.nntionc? Would the recognition of theee ccuntriec oauee the United Stctec to loco the friend- chip of Spain? would ouch a ctep increaee the ccnncrcial profite of the United Staten? lany'ccngreecnen preferred to continue the policy of “watchful weiting' before coming to any deoieicn on the natter. Henry Clay; the fanouc oongreecnan and orator. one one cf'thc few who ardently advocated the recognition of the rcvolted Spaniel! American countriec. a. believed that the United Staten one being unfair to the “outh American oountriec become the United Statue govern-ant rvoeived diplomate from Spain but not fro-.Scuth America. In December. 1817, he made a very eloquent plea on behalf of South Anericnn recognition. He ctatedo No3 their unfortunate once one what cure had been in.the yoare 1778 and 1779, their ninictcre. like our Frankline and Jaye at that day; were ekulking about RurOpo, inplcring in- exorable legitimacy for one kind look--ecne aid to terminate a wnr afflicting to humanity. Hay, their cituation wee worco than cure: for we had one great and.nngnnninouc ally to roccgniee no, but no nation had etepped forward to acknowledge any of those provincee. 30 Calvin Colton, The Lifo and Times of Pom-y Clay Often York, 1846). l. 216. (61) Other einilar place were node by Clay. but acct of the oongroec- non objected to recognicin; the South American countriee until all further poeeibility of Spain'c re-ectnbliching control over then*wac gone. While Congreec wac diccucein; and debating the advicability cf recognicing die rcvolted South Iuncricnn eountriee. Preeidont wonreo. whe‘wac cympathetie to the South Aneriean cauee. decided to obtain cone eubctantial information concerning the actual ctato cf affnire in South America. He'wrote Joel Pcincett. telling him of bio objectivee and eayin; that cince no one had better qualificatione than Potneett for pcrfcnning thie tack. he would approoiate it if Pcineett would ccncidcr making a Journey to South Anerica in order to obtain the deeired i'mi‘crtnnation.2l Beowuce Pcineett declined the offer. Preeident Ucnrce cclceted a eon-iceicn of three men (Cceear.A. Rodney. John Graham. an! Theodor-ink Bland) which no inetruoted to rennin in South Aaerioa for a period of eaten or eight nonthe. The ccnniccionere held no diplomatic ran? but were to corve merely ac cpocial agente of the United Statec. Henry unrie areckenridge wac eclectod eeoretary cf the comiceion. 21 Janoc Monroe. President of the United Statoe. to Joel R. Poinectt of Charlecton, South Carolina, April 23, 1817, Fanning, Dip. Corr. Concerning¢hatin American Independence, l, 59-d0. (oz) The nemborc of the oomiccion were inetructod to incur-o the governnontc of South incrica of the friendly diepooition that the United Statee held towarde then. to ccoure proper reopect for United Btotee ooaeaoroe in every port. end ct obtain the boot and neat complete information of the character and reeourooc of the South American gorernnente. Such thin“ co the fare of gevernacnt, anount of population and pecuniary reecuroee. extent and organication of the nilitary forcce on each eide. nanee and oharaotere of the leading civil and military non. attitudce toward the United Stetee and great naticne of Europe. the commercial poocibilitioe and the probable durability of the eetebliched governmente were to be carefully obeervcd and noted.” The comieeion woe to go to Rio do Janoiro and Buenoe Liree in order to obtain thin infatuation. However, they were told that if txoy 'chould find it expedient. or uoei‘ul with reference to the public cervioo that one or nore" of then 'ohould proceed over land to Chile.‘ they were authoriced to act accordingly and would be expected to cc-operate Jointly with hr. John B. Provoet 22 Richard Roch, cocrotary cf etate ad interim. to Caeear A. Rodney and John Graham, Special Comicaioncre E. the United Stetec to south Anorica, July 18, 1817, Ibid.‘; l, «345; Henry Marie Breckenridge. Voyage to South AnerioaLPerfomed by Order of the Anericnn Government in thejeare 187? and 1819, in the Frigate Con‘roco TLondon. 15255. I. “-75. who wne already in Chile.23 John B. Provost, the man with when these connieeionere were to oo-Operate, had been.appointcd privnte agent to Chile on July 7, 1817 by Preeident Honroe for ihe purpoee of obeerving the political and military etate of affaire in Chile, the extent of the plane formed more, the manna of their execution and force and power oppcaed to than. mu- the connieeion of Graham. Rodney and Bland wne appointed. Prewcet wne inetruoted to in- veetigate the comieeica'e proceeding in relation to Chile. He aleo had the added reeponcibility of ceiling to the Iorth weet cocet of Horth America in order to take control of Aetoria, the Euglieh eettlenent situated on the Columbia river, which the United Statce had acquired by the Treaty of Ghent." Premct had left the United Statee early in September. 1817, on board the 'Ontaric’. an American eloop of war commanded by Captain Biddle of the United Statue Envy. When the “Ontario” reached the coact of Valparaieo, January 24. 1818. it en- countered a Spanieh equadron which wee trying to maintain a blockade of the Chilean porte. The "Ontario“ wae etopped by 18 Richard Roch. eecretary of etate ad interin, to Caecar A. Rodney and John Graham. Special Conieeionere of the United States to South America. July 18, 1817, flaming. Dip. Corr. Concerning, Latin American Independence, I, 40-46. 1‘ Don Ihonae Guido to the government of Buenoe Airce, September 25. 1'19. “1". II. a". (64) one of the Spanish chip: and Captain Biddle was informed by the Sonniah captain of due Vicercy'c decree which hnd closed the porte of Chile to international conmnroe. Biddle answered the Spanish captain arrogantly by etating that he did not recognize a blockade which wae not in force and that he would continue hie route even at the coat of a battle. when Captain Biddle arrived in valparaiao on the following day, the peOplc, having‘heard of hie arrogant rcprical to the Spanieh captain, niatnkcnly believed that he had come to old then in their fight against Spain. Beoauce of thie belief. Captain Biddle and Prcvoct were joyoucly received by tic Chilean patricte.26 Once again, cinilcr to the tine when Porter arrived in Valparaico in 1813, the Chilean hope for Mcrioan aid aroce. Prevoct furthered thic hope by openly dieplayinr hie ardor for the revolutionary novenmt and by chewing weiC‘fiilecne that he wac “well dicpoccd to prepare the.knericen government to adopt a courcc favorable to the happy conclucion' of the revolution. Be furniehcd war cuppliee and eleo rendered personal aid toithe Chilean patriota. then fine independence of Chile wac declared on February 12, 1818, he jubilantly Joined in the celebration. acting; no if he himself were a Chilean patriot. Became Prevent '5 Eugenie Pereira Solac. La aotueoion dc lce oficialee navalee nerte-anerieanoe en nucctrac eeetac Hols-1R0) (Santiago. $9355, 1). i‘e (65) dieplayed euch arset enthueieen toenrée the patriot cause, he won the earn friendehip and reepect cf the Chilean people.26 Hot only did he nnke friende with the Chilean people but he eleo eon the were friendehip of O'Higgine. the Supreme Director. Prevoet beceme eo friendly with hie that when O'Higgine decided to nuke e propoeal to the Viceroy of Peru concerning die exchange of ear priecnere. O'Higgine eeked Prevoet to deliver thie prepoeal. Provost, aleaye eager to old the patricte in.any'eny that he could, agreed to contact the Viceroy of Fern. He left Valpareieo in Enron. 1318.27 During Prevoet'e abeence from Valpareieo, Killian G. D. Worthington, a United Statee agent eho had cone to Chile for commercial notivee. remained in Valpareieo end gathered inforb netion concerning the Chilean eituation. “hen he firet arrived in Chile. he had been treated very kindly becauee of the preetige ehioh Captein Biddle end Prevoet hed gained. But Worthington. ineteed of nerely trying to uee thie preetige in order to cbtein conneroial edventagee. ineieted upon interfering in the affeire of the Chileen government. thue cauein; friction between bin and the Chileen officiale. 3‘ Don Thcnee Guide to the govarnment of Buenoe Airee. September 26, lel9, manning, P19. Corr. Concerninfifgatin Anericen Independence. I, eo-ea. '7 Pereire Selae. Actuaeicn do efieialee nevalee. p. 26. I i . 6) ('7‘ After the decieive bottle of fining (April 6, 1818}, do cabildo abier+o in Santiago decided to drew up-e new constitution. fiorthington, inepired by'the knowledge that Foinnett had written e conetitution for Clilo in 1813; eleo wanted to compose one end devoted hinoelf to thie test. fie drel'up e constitution which, exoegt for e few rertetione, ere a mere adaptation of the United States Constitution.28 0n why 5. 1818, he cent a letter to Q'Higgine informing hin that he had finiehed writing e eonetituticn for Chile. He urged O'Hizgine to edopt it. expleinin; that it provided for e well organised republioen fora of government ehich would insure pence and eeeurity to can. both .1: home and abroad.” n. .1» nde . draft of e Ianifecto for O'Higgine to eign. Ehie manifesto urged the Chileene to adapt Worthington'e conetitution.3° O'Biggine very diplomatically declined Worthington'e constitution and nenifeeto. He explained to Worthington that a republicen fore of government would not work in Chile at that particular time because the Chilean people were not ae yet prepared for a republtcen form of government. ficrthington, 23 Eugenio Poreira Salee, La Mieion Worthington en Chile (1818- 1813! (Santiago, 1956). p. 11. 25 William G. D. Vorthingion to Bernerdc O'Bingine. May 5. 1818, Banning, Dip. Corr. Concerning_Letin American Independence, Ii,824. 3° Manifesto of hie Excellency Don Bernardo O'Higgine. Supreme Direeter cf the State of Chile. Ibid.. p. 926. (87) however, continued trying to convince ()‘i‘figgine of the necessity of adopting; hie conetituticn. Not only did he mice a no! concern of himself by continually arguing that O'iiigsjine should adept a republican tom of govern- meat but he also aroueed the eueyioione of mm; ine by identify- ing himself with dead itiguel Carr-ere. In April 1818, the Carrera brothere had formed an army in iiondoaa for the purpooe of even- throwing; O'Eiggin‘e government. Their purpose we not realized because the people in Mendoza who supported O'liigrjine captured Joed'e two brothere and inprieoned them Jose, Miguel Carrera, relying on the preetige that he had gained while in the United Statee, wrote Worthington and acted that he use his influence to obtain the liberation or hie two brothers.” Because Worthington had been one of the non who had eympothieed with Carrere during hie vieit to the United States. he obtained an interview eith O'flizgine and etreeeed that the Carrera "brothere were nuch eeteemod in the United Stain, and not only would any favor ehoen than be appreciated generally where they eere knoen in the United Etotee' but ”would be particularly pleaeing to Colonel Poineett end Commodore Porter.” He further added that the United Staten esteemed the Barrera brothere '1 Joee’Xiguel Barrera to 5‘5. G. D. Worthington, September 12, 1818. Ibide' pe Q‘Oe (68) beeauee they lacked upon thee ae petriote.32 O'Higgine anewered Worthington'e plea by eteting. ”that the Carrerae night he patriote for ought he knew but that they eeelaed to coneider Chile ae their patrimony, and rather than eee her*liberated by may comer pereone than theeeelvee would prefer to win her.“3 Icrthingten, in thie interview. eade a blunder diplomatically because if there wae any pereon thou O'Hicgine hated woree than any cue elae. it wee Joae higuel Carrera. Another United Statee agent who made a eieilar eietake wae Ibeodoriok Bland. one or the neibere of the connieeion that.had been eent to Rio de Janetio end Buenoe Airoe, December d. 1818. The oommieeioe'e inetruotione had etated that if they found “it expedient or*ueerul with reference to the public eervioe that one or nore' of then 'ehould proceed over land to Chile.‘ they'were authorised to act accordingly. Bland believed that the rate of Chile wee very important in deter-in; whether c not the South Aeeriean eountriea wo~,:ld remain free from Spain and ineietod upon going to Chile.“ Therefore. he left Buenoe 3‘ Worthington“ note on General Carrera'e letter (undated), Iiid" pp. 9‘0'9‘1e ’3 Ibid.. p. 941. 34 Eugenio Poreira 3.1... La Mieion Bland en Chile (Santiago, 1336). p. 130 (69) Airee. April 16. 1818. and arrived in Santiago on may 6th. Il'hree daye later he obtained an interview with O'Higgine. He congratulated him on the victory of fieipu and told O'Eiggine that the United Stetee did not expect a ccnnorcial treaty. but wanted to be friendly and be the tiret to rocegniae Chile aa a ecvereign nation. He etreeeed mat the United Statee hoped that Chile would eetablieh a ooneti tutional govern-eat.86 During the next two nonthe. £1 and had nany interview with D'Higqine. Be aaked bin for intonation on the Chilean eituetiun which would include the political. economic. and eocial conditions of the country. Similar to Worthington. bland continually stroeeed that a republican fora of govemnont ehculd he eetabliahed. However. O'Higgine did not believe that thie torn wee the heat for hie country. During one d hie interviewe with Bland. he etatedt we have aeen that our people are not like your” they are not need to oongreaeea; and. therefore. congroeaee have often loat the country. The liexieen Gangrene lat that country: the Gangrene or Veneeuela had once hat that country; and the Gangrene of finance Airee had endangered that country. until now or late it had learned to act more in concert and with greater propriety. 35 Report of lheodcriok Bland to John Q. Adana. eecretary of etate d the United Statee. on the conditiwne or South America. Icvenber 8. 1816. Kenning. Dip. Corr. Concernini Latin American Independence, II. 947. w 3‘ 11:14.. p. 952. (70) Beeidee trying to encourage O'Biggine to adopt a republican government. Bland eleo tried to proaote bed feelinfie towarde Great Britain. Mien John I. Prevoet returned from Peru where he had been) negotiating for an exchange of war prieonere. he and Bland beeaae involved in a diepute. Prevoet agreed with O'fiiggine that a republican govern-eat would not be euitable for Chile at that tin. He eleo thwght that Bland no wrong in attempt- in; to bring about a deoliu in Britieh preetige. He believed that the beat way to eettle the rivalry with Great Britain we to get Great Britain and the United Statee to co-oPerate with one another. Prevoet and Bland aggeed continually over theee pointlos' to a reeult c! theee arguemente. Prevoet etrengthened hie triendahip with O'Figgine. wile Bland cane to be looked upon by the Chilean people an a trozble maker. Ee aleo eucceeded in arouein; the aninoeity ct O'Biggine by attempting to obtain noney tron the Chilean government in order to repay the debt which Joe‘ Higuel Cerrera owed to John Skinner. a United Statue Oiti.’|e3. 37 Pereira Salae. La fiieion Bland. pp. 18-19. so Ibi‘e' pe 20e' (71) Bland left Chile. July 15. 1818. He had obtained the deeired information on the etate of affaire in Chile and had written up hie report which T’reeident Monroe and Congress were patiently waiting I'm back in the United Staten. Graham. Rodney. Prevoet. and Worthington alec were preparing their reporte. The United Statee government officiale realieed that the fate cd‘ he revolted South American countriee depended upon the ccntente of theee reporte. If they were favorable. the South American countriee would be recogniaed ae eorereizn natione by the United 8““. e Chapter IV Recognition of Chilean Independence While Congreee wee awaiting the arrival of the commeeioner'e reporte. Iadieon wrote Preeident Monroe ae follow“ Perhape the moat delicate point to be decided awaite the return of your oomieaionere. Their reporte nay call for a formal and full acknowledgnent cf the independence of Buenoa Airee. and the etep be threatened with the active resentment of all Europe. Eadieon in writing the preceding etctenmt cxprceeed the continent nhioh nany Congreeenen held during thie period of Anerican Hietory. However. the “active reeentmcnt of all Europe” wee not to be en, countered at thie time because the newly born South American countrice were not deetined to be recognized aa covereign notione for another five yearn. lhe reperte concerning the etate of South American affaire proved to be extremely uneatiefactory. Although the primary purpoce of the United Statee government ineecnding the comieeion to South America wae to obtain firet hand intonation beeed upon a ccnpletcly objective eeerch for the 110m, the three cmieeionere failed to perfona thie teak. Inetead of carefully cbeerving the actual conditione that existed during their rceidence in South F. 1 Janee Hadiecn. Lettere and Other Writing of Janea lhadieon (73) dnerica. they obtained meat of their infomtion fron booke available in Buence Airce which enunerated hietorical. geographical. and etatietical material dealing prinarily with pact evente. The neagcr firet hand infornation relating to contcnpcrary occurrenoee in South America which they included in their repor‘tc wee very partial and uneatiefactcry. Grahan and Rodney. who had been cynpethetic to the revolutionary novenent before arriving in South America. dieplnyed a tone of dieillueionnent. They gave no dccieive intonation concerning the adviaability of recognieing the newly eetcbliehed natione but did etreee the fact that the patriot governmente faced nany difficultiee. Bland. the only ccnnieeicner to crcec the Andee. pointedly acecrtcd that recognition of Buenoe Airee wae inadvieable. Although in regard to the recognition of Chile. he cemented that it would be preeumptueue for bin “to point to the neaeuree which the govern- nent ought to pureue'. hie report dicplayed very clearly that he oppoeed recognition. Hie report einilar to thcee of Rodney and Grahan. contained fundamentally hietorlcal and etatietical infornation. He recognieed the eonercial advantagec which Chile hadtc effer but chewed little cnthueiacn for the need of encouraging ’ Reperte of Cacaar 1.. Rodney and John Graham to John Q. Adena. eeeretery ef etnte of the United Statee. on the conditionc of South America. November 5. 1818. Manning. Dip. Corr. Concerning; Latin herican Indppcndenoe. I. ecu-509. (74) trade. He commented on the inctability of the Chilean government which he attributed to the trouble that exicted between the O'Higginictae (the government in power) and the Carrerietae (the followere of Joe; Miguel Carrera).a The fact that Bland eynpnthieed with the eecond group partly becauee of his admiration for Carrcra which he acquired during the latter'e vicit to the United States and partly’beoauce O'Higgine refueed tc ectablich a republican tern of government. wuc very inctrnnental in influencing Bland to acquire a negative pocition ac tar ac Chilean recognition wee concerned. The only percan connected with the oonndecicn who urged recognition wee itc eccrctery. Henry Eerie Braokenridgc. He had been cynpathetic to the revolutionary cauce before leaving the United statee and unlike Rodney. Graham. and Bland. continued to believe that the 3outh Anerican eountriec ehould be recognized an levereign natione. He publiehed a two volume book in 1880 entitled a Me to South America Performed By Order of the Anerican Government in the learn 1817 and 1818. In thic beck. he pointed out the purpoce of the nieeion and alec gave a detailed account at hie ctay in South America. In file appendix or thic book on page 21%. he wrote the following wordc which enphacieed ‘ Report of Theodorick Bland to J. Q. Adana. eecretary of etate. on the conditionc of south America. Hovember 2. 1818. Ibid.. II. 9d7-- 1005. . (75) hie opinion in regard to recognition. ' What would be the advantagee to the United Statec from the independence of the Spanieh colonies? I defy any one to point out a dicadvantage. Have we not already found nuoh benefit eince the oomencenent of our revolution. from the vicinity of the Spanish provinoee. nothwithctonding the narrow. Jealoue. and rectricted intercource with that And whence hac thic proceeded? Fran our commerce with than; fron the market we found there for nuoh of our curpluc agricultural produce. Thuc he voiced hie sincere opinion. Anether percan who wae asked to indicate what type of conditione exicted in south America woe Joel Roberta Poincett. Becauec he (Poincett) had reneined in South Anerioa for approxinctely three and one half yearn. John Quincy Adena had been inetruoted‘by Preeidcnt lcnroe to write Poinectt and requeet ouch information ac Pcincett'c recidenoe in that country had enabled bin to acguire. When Poineett wrote hie account of South Anerican affnirc. he wee even nore forceful than Bland in.hic advice againct recognition. Hie reeentncnt towardc O'Eigginc and bio oloee friendchip with Carrere influenced hie reply. He wrote Adana that cinee the people had no part in their government. recognition would only etrengthen the faction nonentarily in power. which he elained wnc exeroieing nothing but low cunning tricke and artificec.‘ it the tine that the rcporte of Poineett and the three conniccionere arrived in Faehington D. C.. the reportc cl cpecial ‘ Ibid.. 1. ac. (76) agente Prevent and Worthington alce were received by necretary of etate. John Q. Adana. Prevent and Worthington were very much in favor of recognizing Chile an an independent nation. They both agreed that the people of Chile appeared to have a natural and inntinotive partiality for citizens of the United 8taten and that even the neat uninformed were gratefully aware of the aid and am which they had acquired fran the North Americana. Worthington aleo obnerved that the Chilean governnent viewed alncet every citincn of the United Staten with peculiar Jealouny becaune it euppcced that the North Ancricann were more or lean attached to the party of the Carreran. He noted further that becaune of thin pernonal ill will towardc certain United Staten oitieenc. the Chilean government began to view the United statec governnent in an odiouc light. It wan hie contention that if ' the United Staten governnent would acknowledge Chile'e independence. the Chilean government would develop a more friendly attitude tweardc no and that eventually Chile would adopt a government cinilar to the United Staten. He made the following plea forrooognition: I hope. however. the United Staten will have nuffioient intonation before then to adopt cone ponitive course of conduct towarde thece countriee. My own opinion in. what eort of government they have now or who may be at the head of affairc. in not of such ocncequcncc becaunc thingc are very unnettled and very frequently changing. lhey will neoencerily become more permanent and decided in their gevernnent and rulcc. «. . . I think the (7'?) United Staten for their own interest both commercially and politically ought to acknowledge their independence. John I. Provost, the only United States agent who had not aroused the ire of O'Higgina by synpathiaing with Carrera, fully encouraged the recOgnition of Chile and called attention to the 'incalculable sources of wealth which an ascendancy in ii'te commerce of' cnn. would offer to the United soon-.5 The reports of Worthington and Prevoat were not presented in Congress. Only those of Poineett and the three comieeionere were introduced and diceueeod. The prceentaticn of these reports greatly discouraged the mthueiasn for recomition which had arisen anong cone of the Congressmen. Even Henry Clay, the nest ardent advocate of recognition, noticed the disillusioning effect of the reporte. Clay attributed the failure of the nissinn to the ahnouncemnnt in the newspapers of the appointment and the intentione of the eon-iosionere months before their departure. lie aurnieed that eineo the South Amorieans had learned about the niesion prior to ito arrival. both the reyaliate and the republicene had prepared to my the judgmente of the three omniasionere. He proclaimed that the President ohm id have sent 'en individual unknown to all parties) 5 Worthington to John Q. Adana. July 4. 1818, lbid., n. 939. 5 John Prevoet to John Q. Adamo, April 9. 1313. mo” p. 920. (78) an intelligent. keen. ailent. and observing men of pleaaing addreea and insinuating teal-mere, who, concealing the object of hie visit. would see and hear everything and report if faithfully.‘7 Hie auggeaticn wee a very valid one and if the President would have handled the aituation in this manner, perhaps much more accurate intonation regarding contemporary affairs would" have been obtained. Beginning in January 1319 and continuing on through April. the newepapere of the United States published serially the reporte of Graham, Rodney end Bland tagether with Joel R. Pcineett'e report to Adana. The effect of theae diverse but generally unfavorable reporte was to dampen public enthusiasm for the Spanish American cause and to create the wideepread conviction that none of the new governmenta was yet entitled to recognition. In Chile. the preetige and influence of the United States declined. m. Chilean government harbored a feeling of dietruet toearde North Americana prinerily because the special agenta of the United States had exihibited an admiration for Jose Miguel Carrera and had tried to obtain payment of Carrera'e debte from the Chilean government. About the time that this feeling of diatruat towarde North 7 Income Hart Benton (ed.), Abridgment oi‘ the Debetee of Congreee, from 1789 to 1856 (new W, 134. (72») Americans nae reaching its intensity, Lord Cochrene, a British navel officer, came to Chile in order to take charge of the Chilean Navy mich was being organized for th a purpose of defeating the royalists in Peru. The employment of Lord Cochrane served as a further blow to American prestige. ‘U. G. D. Worthington voiced his opinion of the effect Cochrane would have upon Chile as follows: I doubt if Lord Coehrene's coming to Chile ‘will be of benefit to the United States. He seems to have taken up the idea. met our govern- nent views the advancement of the prosperity of South Anerica as detrimental to the growth and aggrendisenent cf the United 3tstes. therefore he will infuse a spirit of Jealousy into the cabinet of Chile nhieh.eill lake then act cautiously and Jeelouely towards us.8 Worthington“ analysis of Lord Coohrane was correct. Shortly after Cochrane took command of the Chilean Navy, a quarrel occurred between Ccehrane and Captain Biddle cf the United states ”Ontario” ever questions of precedence and etiquette. Coohrane demanded that Biddle salute the Chilean flag. Biddle refused to do this not because he didn't nent to salute the Chilean flag but because he didn't went to pay respect to Lord Cochrane nhich he felt he would be doing by firing a salute. Coehrane used this situation to his advantage. making it appear as American disrespect for the Chilean aWorthington to John.Q. Adana, January 28. 1819, Innning, Dig. Cerr. Concerning Latin American Indegendence, II, 1028. (80) flag. Besides accusing Biddle of displaying arrozanoe teearde the Chilean flag, he also accused him of snuggling rcyaliets and Spanish property from Lima to Rio de Janeirc. The circumstances that directly followed Cochrane's accusation are somewhat obscure but shortly afterwards, the United States "Ontario“ abruptly left the port of Yelpareiac without making any explanation to anyone. Cochrane made a big Joke of the situation and told Worthington that the wind seemed to blow pretty strongly off the land against United States ships of war in the port of Yalparaisc. ‘hcrthington replied earcastically that he did not I'recollect whether it was a land or sea breese which.had disabled the 'Eeeex' (in the year 1813) inther attempt to leave this port, but (he) understood that Captain Biddle had put to sea in a very superior style."9 Because of the shroud of mystery surrounding Captain Biddle's hasty departure, Worthington tried to find out exactly'what happened. When.he questioned Lord Cochrane, the latter replied that only Captain Biddle could tell him chat he wanted to know. ?orthington also wrote the Chilean officials asking that they explain the whole situation to him. Joaquin de Eeheverrfa, the minister plenipotentiary ef‘Chile. replied that the government did not know'the motive of the hasty departure of the United States corbett 'Ontaric'. He explained 9 nu. (81) that there were certain disagreements between Biddle and Cochrane but that these ought not to have caused diffidence on the part of Captain Biddle. He went on to state that the government knew very well that there were European passengers and enemy preperties on board tie "Ontario", but the Chilean government never intended to force the ”Ontario" or any other neutral boat to register. He further remarked that if that apprehension influenced Biddle to sail so hastily from Valparaiso, i die certainly formed a very mistaken idea of the natural justice which the Chilean government had preposed to adopt.10 This was the first of a series of unpleasant controversies growing out of tie activities of Coohranc'e fleet. During 1819. Chile had declared a blockade of the Peruvian coast and proceeded to seise a number of American ships for infraction of it. The United States government protested against this action as it had done previously to Spain. Although the Chilean government did not persist in upholding the legality of the blockade, Coohrane did very much as he pleased, and incidents continued to occur. One of the incidents that happened in 1819 was the "Macedonian Affair." The American brig 'haoedcnia', owned by John S. Ellery and commanded by Captain Bliphalet Smith, had sailed from Boston 1° Joaquin de Boheverrfe, Chilean plenipotentiary; to worthington, January 9, 1819, Archive O'Higgins, V; 6‘. (82) with s vslusble cargo, the prcperty of Ellery, Perkins, and other citisens of the United States. It visited various places on the asset of Chile. Yarn. and Callao share the last of the cargo was sold for 6146.000. Captain Smith sent $60.0o0 of this in specie by an agent of his to Gusney where the 'Hsoedonia‘ had proceeded. Later Smith left for Saucy with 3.30.000 in specie but was ssised by a party or Chilean sailors and taken on board the Chilean warship 'O'nggins" under the command of Lord cochrsne. He'vss held there for several days and was forced to sign a paper giving up all rights to the money. In the meantime, his agent, hearing of his capture, took refuge on the French brig "fiasell”. He feared that if he returned to ex. "Macedonian", Cochran. would seiss the money which he had in his possession. Cochrane, hearing about this. seized the "Gesell" and compelled the captain to sign a paper giving up the money as a condition or his release. The owners took the matter up with the state department in 1820 and from that time on pursued efforts to obtain redress.n Coohrane Justified his actions to the Chilean goveranent by stating that Smith's cargo belonged to a Spanish nerosntile house 11 Rillian Roderick Sherman, the Di lonatie and Connereial Islaticns of the United States and 35110, [555 to 151; (Boston, m. p. 640 (83) (the partnerehip cf Abadia and Ariomcndi) and that the agent of thin houeo (Irolau) had been on board the 'Maoodcnia' in order to cell the cargo. Since enemy goode oculd not be protected by a neutral flag, he concluded that it one hie duty to ooiae the cargo.12 In thio lancer, he eucceeded in dieorediting American norchant ahipo in the Pacific and cauaed rooon‘baent tcaardo lcrth Americana. Aninooity between the Chilean naval tor-coo and the United Stetee Iarohipo home on eericuo that the United Steteo fiery Department oont inetrueticno to ita oomendere in the Pacific etating that although a paper blockade could not be rooogniaod no legal, the :reatoot care ehould to need to avoid antagonizing the Chilean euthoritieo. Deopite the fact that thin precaution no taken. thoeo incidente continued to occur and accounted for the increasing ccelnoee between the United Staten and Chile. Although the Chilean govemont officialo ouepocted the Unitod Steteo of being oynpothetio towardo Jcoo’ Eiguol Carrorn and of aiding the Spaniel: by transporting royalioto and enemy oupplioo. they dieplayed no hcatility towarda North Americana. do a matter of fact. the opeoial agento of the United Statoo were treated very ecrdially. O'Higgine nay have roeented North 1* llnnuol Camllc. Chilean ninioter, to mum- L. Marcy, oecretary of etate. November 12, 1863, Willie: R. Manning, Di lcmatio corroogcndence of the United Statoo. Inter American Affairs 15310 achington,1956), a. [9902 o (84) American admiration for Carrora but he realised that if the United Stateo did recognize Chile no on independent notion, oocn the European countrioo would eleo recogniao chilo and coneequently Chile eould officially take her place an one of the natione oi‘ the world. During the latter part of 18l8 and the beginning of 1813. O'Higgina continually urged Prevcot and Uortbingtcn to convinco Prooident Ecnroo of the>nocooeity of recognising Chilonn independence. Thio they proceeded to do but encountered little eucceee. The roporte of Grahon, Rodney; Bland. and Poinoett had dampened all onthueiaan for rocczniticn. Therefore. O'Higgine decided to eond an envoy to the United “tatee for the purpceo of oolicitin; the acknowledgment of the independence of Chile. Antonio Joe; do Yriearri nno the nan choeen to perform thie tack. Ho one told to :c firet to London, England where he abould attenpt to obtain Britioh recognition and then proceed to the United sun-.13 Once in London. however, he lacked the money to pay'hie peeeage to America anibeoauce ho oouldn't poeaibly reach the United Statea before ccngreoa convened, he asked Richard Euah, the United States 1‘ Ccnnioeion of Antonio Joe; do Yriaarri ao ninietor envoy of Chilo to tho United 5hteo, Manning, Dip. Corr. Concernini Latin Anorican Independence, II, 1042-1023. (85) ninistor to Great Britain, to manage the situation for him.“ Rueh consented and Antonio Joe; do Yrioarri presented him with an official document signed by OiHiggine and also a letter to the secretary of state. In this letter, Yrisarri told of his authorization to solicit the acknowledgment of Chile's independence which he stressed wns being well secured by the decioive Chilean victorieo. He wrote that his government had 'alwayo flattered itoolf with the hope diet the United 5tnteo 'wculd be the first to recognise Chile“ because the interests of the now'world seemed to require it from the similarity of the Chilean and American Revolutions. He also explained that he was authorised to neke any treaties that Washington believed to be necessary and ocnveniont.15 Rush sent this letter end a oopy of Irisarri's credentiale to secretary of state, thn Q. Adana. When this letter arrived in weshington D. 6., public Continent towardo South Anoricnn recognition.had once noro arisen. The newly born South American Republics appeared to be per-enently separated from spain. Ihoyhad fought againot Spain for approximately ten years and throughout 1‘ Archivo O'Ei‘gins. III, 87, 101. 1‘ Inn-1:5,12ip. Corr. ConcerningALetin.American Independence, II, 10‘1-1043. (86) that period, Spain.had not been able to reconquer its rovclted territories. Also the planned drive against.tho roynlisto in Porn aroused Inch interest. The officials in'fiaehington were quite certain that the fall of Line would be the consunaticn of south American independence which would definitely ensure the liberty of Buencs Aires and 0bile. Worthington recognized this and declared that the right of recognition could not with Justioe be long denied.16 Other factors played an important part in fine revival of‘intereot in 8cofih.dnerican recognition. The united States officials knew that once Lin, Peru was captured, European ocuntrios. England in particular. would realize that the South Anerican countries were per-anently free of Spaniah control and would proceed to recognise then. If thin occurred. the European countries would posaibly obtain a nest favored nation elauso and also might influence the fare of government that theoe naticno‘wculd decide to establish. Consequently the South Anerican agents declared that an early recognition on -tho part of the United States would produce very important rosulte. firet of all, English influence would decrease because Hie United State. would be the firet to place Chile among the 1. Worthington to John Q. Adams. secretary of state, January 26. 1819. n1d0.r10300 (87) nations of the world. lhey reasoned that out of sheer gratefulnesa the Chilean people would favor the United States. Because of this favorable attitude which would develop towards the United States, the North American government would be looked upon as a good example of republicanisn and the South Anerican countries would naturally develOp a system of governnent sinilar to ours. Another attitude hold by these Scuth Anerican agents was that once fixeso countries were recognised. they could not continue to disregard the ordinary rules of international law. Spurred on by these opinions. the United States governnmt began to take a keen interest in South Anerioan affairs and once Lina was captured. a discussion of recognition occurred in Congress. the House of Representatives were very such in favor of supporting the rovoltod countries and appointed a committee to present a resolution to President Monroe which sated for furfier information concerning South American affairo. This resolution expressed the feeling of deep interest held for the success of the South American provinces and stated that Congress would give its constitutional support to the President of the United States whenever he donned it expedient to recognise the sovereignty and independence of any of those provinces .17 1" Benton. Debates of Congroso, VII, 124. 290-291. (88) On March 8, 1822, Congress received a message fron President chroo which recomonfiod recognition of the new states in the following language: When we regard, then, the great length of tine which this war has been prosecuted, the complete success which hoe attended it in favor of the provinces, the recent condition of the parties and the utter inability of Spain to produce any change in it. we are compelled to oonclude'that its fate is settled and that the provinces which have declared their independence and are in the onJoynent of it ought to be recognised.18 President ilcnroo's nessage was referred to the committee on foreign relations. It reported in favor of the proposition and the report was affirmed in the House of Representatives. with only one dissenting vote. The measure was finally ratified, nothwithstanding the vain roncnstranoes and protests of the Spanish ambassador. The sun of one hundred thousand dollars was appropriated to neot the charges of diplonatic intercourse with the new governnenta. January 2?, 1825, Henan Allen of Vonnont was commissioned ninister plenipotentiary to Chile. He was inatructed to naintain the clains of reparation and indemnity which United States oitisene held against the civil and nilitary officers of Chile. pressing such claims whenever the revolutionary political conditions should warrant it. especially to 'Macedonian Colo. as most important. 1‘ lhnning. Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, _ I. 1‘7‘1‘8. ' (89) He was also given the power to conclude a commercial treaty if the occasion arose and was directed to keep the State Department advised of political events, policies, and general internal conditions within cn11..19 When Allen arrived in Chile on April 27, 1824, he was most cordially received. The Chilean people were very happy to see him cone because it showed the rest of the world that the United States had recognised Chile as an independent nation. When he embarked from the frigate 'Unitcd Ststeo' at Valparaiso, a prado and a military salute greeted him. Iho highest dignitaries of the state were present and offered hin a house at public expense plus a grant of honor which he doolinod. Allen addressed 61o Chileans graciously, telling than that the United States was impressed with the events in Chile and believed that Chile was "destined to enjoy, not only happiness at hone, but also was to occupy a distinguished rank, anongst the nations- of the world." He pointed out that a new era of Chilean history had arrived, that tyranny, ipioranco and superstition were giving way to virtue, intelligence, and the progress of the hunan nind. He warned than to guard their newly found liberty and adod his speech on a high tone of auction by stating, “never, 19 John q. Adams to Roman Allen, November 30, 1823, Ibid., Fe 2130 (90) oh never may it be said, of this rising Republic, she once was free, she once was happy, the once was indepwdent.'z° lhis speech wae so well received that Err‘suris, the acting suprene director, requested e copy for the press, commenting that it would be highly beneficial to his country- Allen complied and submitted a copy of his epecch to Errafmzuris, who gave it to the newspaper of Valparaiso the El Avisador chileno.n Besides printing Allen's speech, this newspaper also cemented that "every patriot contmplated Allen's mission as the link that would strengthen relations between the United states and chilc."22 mun Err‘suris first received Hem Allen, he ”proceed the Chilean govern-it's gratitude for the recognition of Chilean independence and for the recent declaration of President Monroe. The declaration which he referred to was the famous chrce Doctrine. lhe papers of Santiago had carried a report of Monroe's historic neesage a few days prior to Roman Allen's arrival. ihey seemed to discover in this doctrine a frank and explicit promise of effective protection for the Spanish 30 Address of Hanan Allen found in Enclosure of Document 614, April 29, 1824, Ibid., 11, 1094-1095. 21 Allen to Adams, April 29, 1824, Ibid... p. 1091. 33 lequcted from William 8. Robertson, His anic American Relations With the United States (New York, {955}, p. 57. ('91) American Republics against the political combinations and military projects of Eurogaean monarchs.23 Consequently the Chilean peeple were extremely grateful to the United States for two reasons; for recognising Chilean independence and for the Monroe Doctrine. Although the Chilean people appreciated the efforts of the United States, Hanan Allen did not experience an easy task in his position as United States ninister to Chile. 'lhe predominant obstacle vhioh he faced was the unetableness of the Chilean government. General Preyre had taken over O'Higgin's place as leader of the country and throughout the first months of Allen's residence in Chile, Froyre was absent fron Santiago, demanding to Chilean arny forces against the Spanish in Chiloe. Consequently, there was little that Allen could do in the way of diplomatic negotiations. When Freyre finally did return to Santiago, a ray of hepc arose in the mind of Roman Allen. All the general disorder in government, which had been apparent, seemed to disappear and the prestige and influence of the United States increased because Freyre held the highest regard for the United 5ta’ces. He began to discuss some of the claims and reparations demanded by United States citisens and also pronised that he would send 2'3 Samuel Guy lumen, ”The Monroe Doctrine and Hispanic America ," Hispanic American Historical Review, IV (1921), p. 921. (92) Joaquin Campino to the United states as foreign minister from Chile. ~'Amidst this encouragement, the instability of the newly born nation once again appeared. Freyre lost the Supreme Directorship and in the three years that followed, the leader- ship in government continually changed hands. Needless to say, Xenon Allen found it very difficult to pursue the aims and objectives which he had been instructed to obtain. He tried to convince the various leaders of Chile that a republican forn of government should be adopted. Most of the leaders disregarded this advice, partly because of ambitious desires and partly because some of then realised that Chile was in no position to adapt this form of government. They believed that Chile needed more experience in governnait before adopting something which was completely foreign to them. Allen, himself, blamed the Clergy for this reaction to Republicanism He attacked the feature of their constitution which provided for an established religion and endeavoured to draw the attention of the Chilean officials "to the utter impossibility of ever establishing a Republican government with so odious a feature attached to it.‘ Be antagonised many of the Chileans by referring to the Church as an ”internal enemy" and an ”incubus“ which stifled Chile's growth.“ 3“ Allen to John Q. Adans, Bay 26, 1824, Running, Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, II, 1096-1097. (93) Allen encountered nany other problems during his residence in Chile. In 1824 a dispute areas over the question of the United States naval supplies. These supplies were customarilly landed at Valparaiso and then re-shipped to various vessels in the Pacific Squadron. Hogan (a United States consul at Vhlparaiso) protested to Allen that these goods were being treated in the sane nanner as private nerchandise. He stated that these goods nere charged an import and export duty'besides being subjected to vexaticus delays in handling because of custom house red tape. Formerly stores for naval vessels of friendly powers had been except by special lav. but the Chilean Congress had repealed this exception and had raised the rate of duties frcn.thrce percent to twenty seven percent. Allen protected vigorously against this discrinination and after>an exchange of several notes on the subject. the lan'nas repealed}a Hanan Allen was less successful in his attempts to arrange the United States commercial relations on a psrnansnt and advantageous footing of reciprocity and to obtain fron the Chilean government the liquidation of several important claims of Anerican nerchants for the capture and detention of their vessels. His inability to acquire these objectives was primarily due to the inexperience and instability of the Chilean government. 25 Sherman. Dip. and Commercial Relations. pp. 50-31. (94) Furthernore, the country was in such a bad condition financially that even if it would have had experience in making clein adjust- ments, it would have been unable to meet the payments of reparation. The thing that distressed Hanan Allen the most was the growing influence of the English. Immediately after the renegnition of Chile and the declaration of the Honroe Doctrine, the Chileans expressed their friendliness towards the United States. But as the months passed. they began making overtures to the French and especially to the British in hopes of being recognised by'these nations. Allen tried to decrease British influence by telling Ega‘fia (me Chilean ninister) that Canning. an English diplomat, had preposed to the United States that the two governments publish a Joint and sinultanems acknowledgment to the world which would oppose the interference of any foreign power in respect to the independence of these countries. Although Mr. Bush had not been instructed by'his government on that point, he had replied that if the Eritiah government would asks an unconditional recognition of their independence, he would then assune the cane responsibility and innediately ecnply'with Hr. Canning's proposal. Allen explained that when Canning was told this. he grew indifferent to the subject and the correspondence stopped.“ Despite Allen's 86 Allen to Adana, April :4, 1824, banning. mp. Corr. Concerning Latin American Independence, 11. 1092. (96) efforts to discr dit the English, the Chileans continued to nake overtures to the British in the hopes that England would soon recognise their independence. Allen's nission lasted until August lBZT‘when at his own request the State Departnent granted bin his recall. Although he had been unable to settle any of the claims against thle and had not concluded a coamcrcial treaty, he had opened diplomatic relations. enforced the rithts due American citizens in commerce on several occasions , and.“ submitted to the government of Chile a nunber of claims which were to be adjusted years later. Henan Allen left all of his books. records, files. and papers to Samuel Lerned. the secretary of the American Legetion, uhc was subsequently appointed United Stotes Charge d Affnires in Chile. Larned tried to obtain reparations frcn the chileen government but encountered little success. The Chileans had adopted a policy of sparring for tine. Additional information was requested, lack of jurisdiction pleaded and points of international law debated at length. The foreign office referred these claims to the Chilean Supreme Court which decided that they belonged to the Jurisdiction of a lower'eeurt. Lerned denied this ecntenticn on the ground that some of these had already been passed on by the eourts and that erroneous decisions had been rendered. He pointed out further that it was contrary to legal procedure for a supreme court to refer a case to a lower court. (96) Such claims rested upon points of international law in which lower tribunals had no Jurisdiction and in accordance with established usage, the Chilean government. representing a sovereign state, was fully empowered to negotiate directly for a settlement with the accredited representative of a foreign country. Although Lerned presented these arguments, he was unable to accomplish any settlement in regard to United States claims .37 In April 1828. Larned received an invitation to commence negotiations for a treaty of comcrce. He became very enthusiastic over this proposal and tried to persuade the United States government of the necessity of towing a commercial treaty at this time. He said that despite the unstableness of the governnent, a treaty could be drawn up which would be valid for the treaty would be node with the nation not with the individuals. He also explained that if the United States did make a commercial treaty, the English would become Jealous and decide to recognise Chile as a sovereign nation. The United States could point this out to the Chileans, thereby obtaining a very favorable oonnercialttneety because the 27 Shaman, Dip. and Commercial Relations, p. 34. (97) Chileans would be so eager to be recognised by Great Britain that the United States could acquire very favorable terms .88 However. the Chilean government did nothingu until December 1828 when the ninister of foreign affairs inforned Mr. Larncd that his government had decided to transfer the negotiations tc'Washingtcn and that Hr. Campino had been authorised and instructed to perfcrn this task. Don Jeaquin Canpinc had been appointed envoy extraordinary and ninister pleni-potentiary of the United States by President Pinto in 1827. Outside of expressing the profound gratitude of the Chilean pecple to the United states for acknowledging its independence and for the honor conferred upon it by the United States government in sending a ninister to Chile. he did very little as far as diplomatic negotiations were concerned. The principle duty assigned to hin of negotiating a ecnncrcial treaty'was not carried out because he believed that the proposed arrangements were far ncre favorable to the United states than to Chile. Be resided in the United States until May 1829 when.he took leave of the United States government.29 I! own Lerned to Henry Clay. secretary of state. May 10. 1828. Manning. Dip. Corr. Concerning Latin Anerican Independence, II, 1128- 1180. 3’ Joaquin Canpinc to lartin {an Bueen. secretary of state. Kay 29, 1829 and Martin Van Buren to Joaquin Canpinc, Bay 26, 1829, Ibid.. pp. 1135.1136] I, 305s (98) When Samuel Larned left Chile for Peru, he was succeeded by John Hana, who was commissioned Charge d Affaires my 26, 1830. Hanan was inforned of the acoonplishnents and duties performed by Allen and Larned. He was specifically instructed to try to obtain a ccmercial treaty and to obtain reparations for damages done to United States vessels. Iohn Hanna was successful in negotiating a treaty of Peace, Amity, Commerce and Ravigation. lhis treaty was signed in Santiago May 16, 1832 and in Washington September 1. 1833. lhis treaty was favorable as far as conneroe was concerned but wmld have been more satisfactory to the United States govern- ment if it would have provided for indemnities to United States citizens in consequence of the seisure and detention of their property and effects by officers of the government in the ports of Chile. Hanna notified Andres Bello, plenpotcntiary of Chile, of this attitude and explained that the omission of reparations and claims was not to be interpreted as being waved and abandoned by the governnnt of fine United States which was firmly resolved to persevere in the prosecution of then.” With the signing of this Treaty, we accumulative efforts of approninatcly thirty years were accomplished. Ever since 1:798 3° John Hana to Andres Belle, May 16, 1832, Hunter Killer (cd.), Treaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America Washington, 1942), moo. (99) when Josiah Blakely of low York had been sent to Santiago to negotiate a ecnarcial treaty, the United States had continually striven to obtain such a treaty and to open diplomatic relations with Chile. Shroughout this period, American agents had found it very difficult to pursue flueir sins and objectives because of the continual struggle and strife that existed within the country. The uncertainty of Chile's pernancnt separation from Spain, the ever present bickering among the leaders of the nation, the unatableness of the Chilean govern- . nut, and the competition for influence and prestige that existed between United States citisens and Englishmen all play a very inpertant part in supplying the problens that faced the United states agents in their attempt to establish diplomatic relations. Although American historians have seeningly neglected this phase of American intercourse with Chile and have concentrated on the period after fits recognition of Chilean independence, the early beginnings of American relations with cm. are Just as important as those which followed the appoint-ant of Hanan Allan. International relations did not commence with the official appointwent of a United States ninister. They began when North America citisens first becane interested in the economic potentiality of Chile. Once this interest had arisen, the Chileans and Horth Americans cane into contact with one another more frequently and feelings of hatred and friendliness arose. Beginning with O'higgin'a distrust of Pcinsett. the seed of suspicion towards United States citisens was planted (100) which continued to grow tiroughout the years that followed. Hon like Bland and Worthington strengthened this suspicion. A knowledge of the events that occurred between United States citisens and Chileans during this thirty year period provides a better understanding of the diplomatic relations that arose after this era. The purpose of the author in writing his Thesis was to discover why the United States government first established intercourse with Chile and finally decided to recognise Chilean independence. The conclusion derived from fine facts presented is that the United States established relations with Chile primarily for the purpose of obtaining an advantageous position commercially. From the very first moment when United States citisens reached the Chilean coast and discovered seals and whales, Chile's economic potentiality was recognised. The influx of United States merchant ships. the aid given Chile to fight against Spain by these merchants, the supplies and volunteers received by Csrrera from United States citisens who were eager to trade with Chilek the encouragenent of recognition because of commercial natives by Breckenridge, Worthington, and Provost, the sending of commercial agents to Chile to negotiate for a commercial treaty which began in 1798 and lasted until 1824, and the continuous effort on the part of United 8tatcs ministers Hanan Allen, Samuel Lerned, and John Hams to acquire a commercial treaty all support this supposition. (101) In a search for bibliograMicc that dealt with the diplomatic relations of the United States, the most valuable bibliorraphy of bibliorraphics was Samuel "lartg Bernie and Grace Gardner Griffin, Guide to the “i .lomatie History of the United States 1773-1921 (hashlntton, 1933). 511a book lists bibliographies which cover 92c diplomatic history d the United States from the beginning of the American Revolution until 1921. It then is divided according to the countries with finish the United “totes has negotiated and gives a general list of biblios’rsphicc covering the history of each country plus bibliographies dealing specifically with relations between teas countries and the United ctates. Other useful bibliographies of bibliographies were: Beers, Henry Futncy. Biblicarsr-hies In American History. Guide to llatcrisls for ficsroh New York, 1935). Bcctcnan. lbccdcrc. A World Biblic rs of Bibliggraphics and of libli raphic Catal uce Elendarg, Abstracts, Digaath ndcxcs, and the Like I don, 94 ). Coulter, Edith ti. Guide to Historical Bibliograay (California, 1989). Jones, Cecil ?’night. His nic Anerican Bibli rs hics Includi Collective Bio ra' cc stories of literature and Selected Cencral Works a t ore, 9 2). mdgc, I. 0. new Guide to Reference Books (QilOC‘O. 1923). Grace Gardner Griffin. Annual Re ort cf the American Historical Association (as vols. lashingtcn, 1555-1543} was the nest valuable ogre y because it lists all of the books and nagaainc articles that have been published concerning the diplomatic, cconoeic, and social history of the United States. Other helpful bibliographies were: Channing, Edward; Bart, A. B. and Turner, F. J. Guide to the Study and Reading of American History (Beaten. 19m. Chisppe, Victor it. Cclcccicn dc historisdorc dc Chile y documentcs rclativoa a la historia nacionsl (Chile, 19317. Halley, Killian I. Treaties, Cochntic-ns, International Acts, Protocals, see A rccnents Between the United States of Amcri<~a and Other Powers 17 6-1903 sshington, 19107} (102) Mattcson. D. N. Anericanwflistori cal Review General Index to 1.1mm I-xfi Gina—amen. 195—7. ."'"""""E . General Index to Papers and Annual Reports of fincrican Historical Association 1884-1914 ThehingtonflC-JIB). Richardson, I}. C. and Horse. A. E. Writings on American History (Princeton. 190‘)e Sabin. Joseph. A Dictiona of Books Relatin to America Fran Ltc Discovery to the r‘rescnt inc l9“). Wilgus. A. C. The Bistcrice and Historians of hicjenio America! A BibligrsEioaI EseazTi‘iachington. 1952). Further bibliographical sources were found in the secondary works which are listed is a separate section. Documnte A very excellent source of notarial which contains the correspondence between Pcincett and O'aigginc. the ideas that O'Eiggins held towards the United “totes. his correspondence with the United States. and the letters of Chile’s foreign sinisterc concerning foreign relations and special scents of the United ‘ States is the Archive dc Don Bernardo O'Egginc (llvolsn Mmgo. mid-1962). Each volume is organised under certaintcpiec. For uample. sons of the volumes deal Mb O'Higgin's fonily back- ground, the preparation and organization of the Army of the Andes. the expedition to Chile. the diplomatic niscion of Don Antonio Jose dc Yricarri. the diplomatic niccion of Higucl Zanari', the letters of Zanartu to O'Biggine and the correspondence between O'Higgins. San Martin. and other non connected with the govern- nnts of Chile. Buenoc Aires, United States, Peru. and Columbia. Each topic is arranged chronologically within each volume. Ii'honac Bart Benton (cd.), Abrid nt of the Debates of Muse, {m 1789 to 1866 (18 vols. fies York. 1557) was ucci‘fl not only for the actual debates that occurred in Congress over South American recognition but also for the lock of nention of South American affairs for nany years. ‘11in showed the lack of interest round in Congress emcept during the years 1817, 1818, 1822, and 1823. muss a. hnning (ch). hitcd States Ccnccrsi ’ . .‘t.r.. reports. enclosures of deco-sated ntcrialc fren Latin inericsn countries. ingland. francs. Spain ad the United States and instructions aich passed between the diplcnatds agents of the United atotes and the secretaries of state. This was of particular value to fie anther because of the catencive netsrial dealing with milea- affairs. Another book edited by Killian R. flaming entitled Di lonstic caec cf the United btatec. Inter Anerican Affairs 15”- c unc . c an c on a achingtcn. Tom was valuable because of its correspondence concerning clainc and reparations, particularly the letters dealing with the 'ilacedcoian Cacc' . mater Killer (cd.). Itreaties and Other International Acts of the United states d Alsace H vols” lichington. 5:”. Volume three was the most use—El 3 these volmcc. It contains the peace treaty mioh was negotiated between Andree Belle and John 3a.. It also prints certain letters between Belle and u.- and discusses briefly the appoinhentc of Hanan Allen and 8cnuel Larncd. Jancs D. Richardson. Ilccea and Pa rs of the Presidents OI a Con ilation of the lease es .3 Papers o? is Frcsidcntc 1709- 1—5? H! vols" fishington. 19 was very valuable because it supplied infernation concerning the ideas and attitudes taken by the Presidents in regard to scuba Anerican affairs. It was also inportaat because it displayed the Presidents' lack of concern for amth hericca affairs due-inn: certain specific years. Francisco Jose Urrutia. Pa nae dc historic di lonatica Les Istadoc Unidos dc Anerica cac season" cases do “15 a “a (Bogota, 19m centaine nany to ecu-ants to Ming. Di lcnatic histor Concerni Latin Anerican ladcgcnec. but was nportant can oeu- whioh Kenning did not have access to such as the Chilean decree which opened Chilean ports to free trade. Fri-an Sources A tee volunc beck fiicb gave a good account 1‘ the sins and objectives of the omission seat to South Ancrioa in 1818 was Henry laric Breckenridge, Voyage to South Ancrica Performed bi Order of the Ancrican Governncnt in c cars and L E. Fri to V rode (it vofilsn London. 15505. file author was secretary of go con-lesion. He gives an accurate picture of the sins and objectives of the mission but it druid be noted that upon arriving in South dncriea, he had already decided that the Bouth Anerican countries should be recognised and did not attempt (104) to view the situation objectively. In the appendix of this book. there appears a cOpy of a letter to President acnroc'eritten by Breckenridge which urges recognition. This letter is also published in pamphlet form under the title of South finerica, A Letter to James Monroel_President of the Unitcdffitates of'hmerice1_on the frceent State of that Comm-1 (Eiaa‘szington. 1W7. A book which gives a firet head account of the rivalry between the British and Americans is Iseeo Footer Coffin's Journal of a Residence in Chili, by a Youn5_§x_nerioan1 retained in That Country Durin the Revolutionary Scenes of 18111 1818, and 1819 (Boston. 18255. Coffin's description of Chilean government officials is very'binccd. Thane Earl of Dundensld Coehrane. Narrative of Services in the Liberation of Chili, Peru, and Brazil from—Eyenieh and ‘fiorturuess_53mination (ivols.. London, 1858) was helpful booeucs it described tre navel forces of Chile and gave an incite to the character of Cochrnnc who irritated nany North Americans. varia Graham. A Journal of a Residence in Chile; During the Yesr 1825 and a Voyage from Chile to’Erasil in_18§3 (London. 1824). Karin Grihnn not special agent irevcst and United States consul Hagan during her trip. She describes Provost's interest in the fete of Chile and some of tie things he did while in Chile. Captain Basil Hall's Extracts from a Journal Written on the Coasts of Chilil_?eru,_cnd Hexicc in the years 1850, 1851, and 1822 2! vols.. Edinburgh. 1825) wives a description of the country Chile during the years 1820-1822 and mentions some of the inerican citisens ehe'were in Chile at that time. Semucl B. Johnston, Cartss csoritcs durente una Residencia dc tree anos en Chile (unarid, 19177'elso published under fine title Mario de un tiPOgrefgLyanqui en Chilil Peru Durante la Gucrn dc la Independencia (Sndrid. 151$) ens a moot val=ablewbook. Eimuel Johnston wee the printer or the first chilcan newspaper La Aurore. He describes the bringing in of the printing press. the revolutionary prcpegenda, and the conditions that existed during Poinsett'e mission. Csptnin David Porter's Journal of a Cruise Made to the Pacific Ocean in the Years 18121_1813, and 1514 1! vols., heewfiort. 1822) was an excellent source of information in regard to the manner in which the Chileans received North Ancrican citisens and the influence of the British which began to increase towards the and of 1813. Other useful sources were: hndison, James, Letters and Other firitinge of James wadison (4 vols., Philadelphia, 18871. hithiscn, Gilbert P. Harrativc of a Visit to Brazil Chile Penn and the bsndw'ich'l'slands During the Years l§21 end 1823 {Condon, 1925}. (105) were. John. Trevele in Chile end 3-! Plate Including Account: fieepeetinfle fieflnfly. Geolosy, Statisticg, Government, ‘F‘lnenoeej IfiricultureL armors end Cutest-oweJ and the Uinizm Uneretione in Chili Collected During eleaidenoe of Severel enre In lfieee Countries (London, 1826). Sutolitfe, Thoaee. Sixteen Yeere in Chile end Peru From 1822 to 1839 (London, lfill). legert, Edvard. A Stemeir of Peter Heywood (London, 1852). 8eeondery worm One of the beet hietoriee of Chileen independence ie Diego Entree Areno'e Hietoriefilenerel de Chile (18 vole.. Sentiego, 1887- 1898 . Willie: Miller Collier end Guillermo Feliu Crue, Le Primer-e Melon de Lee Fetedoe Unidoe de Amer-lee en Chile (Sentiego, 1926) III very velue‘ble. Collier end Time Bed eooeee to many letter! written by Peineett, Joee xiguel Cerrere, and eertein inerieen ditieene who were intereeted in Chile'e fight for independenee. Some of theee lettere were reproduced in thie book. Henry Cley Keene, §hile end Ite Peletione With the United Stetee (North Ceroline. 19777'geve e Briéf'eocOunt of the early reletione edth Chile. Regent. fl-zreire Selu, Bu uee norteeearieenoe en Chile g_finee Efillfi'ire colonial ( 78 -l 10 centiege.‘l$38) ume very valuable. Pereire Selee, e native of Chile. etudied in the National Amhivee et fleehington end eleo had aoceee to nevel pepere. He givee e complete liet of United 5tetee bonte on the coast of Chile rm 1788 to 1809. Be tell. file neael of the boete, the reeeon for their voyage, the eeptein of each ehip, and their deetinrtion. Fereire Selee elee need the Retionel Arohivee in writing e deteiled eocount of Blend'e lileiwn to Chile. Thie book ie entitled Le wiei n Blend en Chile (Sentiego, 1936). Another bodk that Poreira selee wrote Uriah wee very useful eme‘£=_§ieion Worthington en Chile (1818-1819) (Santiago, 1936). A Theeie written for the degree of Factor of Fhiloeephy by Blithe-lauderiok Sher-en entitled The Diplomatie end Com-orciel Beletione of the United Statee end while, late-19L: fibeton, T923) wee very helpful particulerly in regard to the eleiee end repentione demended by the United Statue over the eeieure of leer-inn ehipe end .OOGIe (106) Other eeoondery vorke which were helpful were: Adeue, Rendolph Greenfield. A Hietorzgf the Foreign Policy or the United Stetee (flee York. 18%). Alfifll, Alejendro. The Vcnroe Doctrine, ite lnpcrtenoe in the {E‘bmetlmfll Life of {Se Btetee either?" é'crld Thee York, 9 B). . Beale. Semel Flegg (ed.). The American Secreteriee of Stete end i‘heir Diploma; (d vole” ice york. 19%). . 'lhe Di loneol of the Anerioen Revolution Volume I Faundetione of A'IeeHoen Eiplomeoy 1575-152; We! lax-1r, L535. Chiehole. A. Stuert a. The Independence of Chile (Boeton. 1911). Colton, Celvin. The Life end Tim of flew (In York, 1M6). hoot. John. Livee of Dietinluiehed Coneendere of the United Stetee Beg (flew-Teri. 1846). Geldenee. Lnie (leeee Joelin Cox, treneleter). A aietorz of Chile (North Ceroline. 1941). Gereie Heron. Nertin. Bietorie de le diploaeeie Amerieane (Buenoe Airee. 1906). Gereie Semdio, Bioclee. Le Independence de Hiepenoeeeriee (Mexico, 1940). Goebel, J. The Recognition Policy of the United Stetee (lee York, 1916). lieneook. Aneon Uriel. A Motel-Lot Chile (Chicego, 1893). Heebrmck. Alfred. Porei n Le ioneriee In the Liberetice of Spenieh South Anon-ice (fie! leek. 1958). Koebel. Willie. Henry. lri tieh Exploits in South Amer-ice; A Rietory of Britieh Activi tiee in Exploretionj Viliteg AdventureJ Diplomoy, Science end Trade in In tin Amt-rice Tiler York. 1917). Hetford. J. C. J. gen flee-tie the Libel-ego: (lien York, 1950). latte. Bertolone. Eietcrie de Sen lien-tin y de le Emncipeeicn Sudamolicnnn (e vole.. Buenoe Airee. 1:37). (101) Ilene-c. O. Gelven. a Libertedor do Chile, magma. El Oren Ania do Ben Hertin eneo roe. 9 . Iooeo. Bernerd. The Intellectuel Bug?“ of the Revolution in South Anerioe C- on o . 9 . Rim. Jenee Fred. Joel Roberto Poinoettizyereetilo Apricot: (Ice-oh “N11”. M). . Riveil of the tilted “tetee end Greet Britein 5v" letfn W'lki-TIEI (5:3... T515). leoereoee, Willien Spence. gefiie herieen Roles; one wit 2! United Stetoe (loo York. . lojee. Rioendo (Boreeoel lrickell end Cerloo Videle. trenoleeere). Sen Inlet-tin Knit: of to Andeo (low York. 19“). Bdeollkon. Anne. Den Joee do one turtle 1778-1" ‘ ’“‘ Genet (low York. Itnert, arche- l. Letin Anerieo end the United Stem (low York. 1928). miteker. Arthur Prootcn. to United stetoe end the leap-done of letin Aneriee. 1000-4880 (Beltincro. 1961). Peri odioele An ertiole which diceueeod the etteot thet Aloe-icon oitieene hed open the Chiloen peeple during the right for independence one Anon" "the Contenery of the Bottle of lion". Pu Anerieen Union Bulletin. XV (181.). 437-". “lwo ‘fiherleenlgcn Chendlor'e 'unirel Oherlee muting Woootcr in Chile,“ Ame-icon Bietorieel Aeeooietion Be r l (1910), pp. «5-450. one volume teeeuee t eeor tetee citieene' pertieipetion in the fight (or Chile-n independence. Chendlor tool: hie intonation tron e penphlot in the lotionel Libs-cry et Sentiego do Chile which eeeteine lettere to leootor quoted tree from, Pinto, eed Funeiece Vin... A dieeneeien of the offeet thet a. decree Doctrine bed open the South Anon-icon eeuntriee wee found in Benoel Guy Innen'e erticlo "he Monroe Doctrine end Hiepenio Anon-ice." magic Anon-icon Biotoricel Review, 1' (1981). pp. Clo-616. n . noon'e “Fierly Releticno of the United Stetoo With Chilo," Pecil‘ie Eietorieel iovigg, x11 (19“). PP. 860-210 wee noet velceble Booeueo It ie one or the very foo ooureoo of “function written in Englieh thet deole with Aneriocn roletione previouo to 1800. (108) John Hollode Leteno’o 'lho United Stetee and Letin Anerioe,‘ dyerioen Hietorioel Review; KXVI (1921). pp. 351-352 offered e diceueeion of Amorioen reletione with the South American oountrieo but was of lit+lo vnlue to the euthor booeueo it only mentioned Chile briefly. An ertiole which provodod e good diecueeion of the very firet ooneule to vieit South Anerice wee Roy F. Eiohole' ”Trede keletione end the Eetebliehnont of the United States Coneuletoe in Spenieh Anerioe, 1779-1809,“ Biepenio inerioen Hietoricel Review, 1111 (1933), pp. 289-313. A brief eooount of Poinoett, Kenna Allen end the recognition of Chile in given in Willien Spence Roberteon'e ”The Firet Legeticn of the United Etetee in Letin £norioe,'4§ieeieeippi volley Hintorioel Review, II (1916). pp. 183-212. other ertiolo ty Robertecn "mo Recognition of the Hiepenic Anoricen Netione by'the United btetee,‘ Hiepenio American Hietoricel fioviow'l (1918). pp. 239-269 wee velueblowteoeuse it diceueeod Aguirro'c iaceion to the United Staten end the finnl recognition of the South Anerioen netione. Roberteon booed hie erticlo on infornetion taken from the Annelo or Congreee. Aden'e Memoiro end Docunente of Foreign Affeire. fiillien Spence Roberteon eleo wrote end ertiole which empleine how the South Anerioen countries received the decleretion of the nonroe Doctrine. Thin coconut it booed on neweneper erticlee end the letionel Archiveo in “eehington. It in entitled "South Anerice end the nonroe Doctrine. 1824-1828,‘ Politicel Science Quarterlgp m (1915). pp. 82-105. we Stewert'o '11.. South Anoricen comieeion 1817-1818,” Hiepenio Americen.flietoricel Review, 11 (1329), pp. 51-69 wee ueofdl'ii'ottninin; en ecoount of the nieeion in 1817 end 1818. ‘Ion EN 9 ._ o. , r\ 1L in )«ki a. 1... MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY m m lfllllllll 31293 LIBRARIES 3306 0074