EPSC 13th“) ROMNCEr
A COMPAMSGN OF SMEAL
AND
REUGIOUS ATTITUDES

Thais fer the Dogma 91" M A.
MSCHWAN STATE UNIVERSETY
Barbara Wessinger
19591.

IPI¢ LID IOIAICI:
A COI’LIIBOI 0!
UOCILL LID tBLIGIOUI ATTITUDE!

5!

larbarn Woootnso:

A: thotracc nub-lttod in ptrtinl £u1£111nanc
at tho rcqutroncntn for tho dosroc at
nantcr of Art-
at
lichtann Itatn Datvcrsity
ltlt Lansing, lichixan

Approvod

 

‘Fipartlont of grocery

During tho ton oonturios connoniy known so
tho middlo Ages, nsn's sooiol snd roligions idoos
undotusnt significont ohonxos. Although noting no
ottonpt to trost oxhsuotivoly so brood o topic.
thio study is conootnsd with s nonporison of sooisl
ond roligious sttitudoo os rotioctod in opio ond
tononco litorstuts for tho purpooo of illuminsting
ohonzos in outlook bstvson tho osriy snd tho lstor
Iiddio Axoo. ‘

rho nsjor dittoroneo in sooisl viovs hotuoon
tho two poriods rosuitod tron s dotinito chonzo in
tho structuro o! sooioty. tho opio goons dosoribo
on oristocrotis sooioty. but ono in uhioh tho
otistoorst vss not isolatod tron, not oontonptuous
of. tho eon-on pooplo. rho rooonoo, hovoror.
rstloots s oooto~liko sooisl oyoton in which on
sristocrsoy hssod upon birth onistod sport tron
othor sognonts oi sooioty. Iron-its privilogsd snd
isolotod pooition. tho otistootscy displsyod o

disdsiniul ottitudo toward thoso not of ito own sosto.

It woo tho roro outhor of romanco who raised s voico
in protost sgoinst tho ostoblishsd ordor.

Distinct chongcs botwoon the two periods oro
disoornihlo in tho ottitudo toward kingohip snd
toward tho lord-vossol rolotionohip. In tho opic
tho king was s strong, just. and highly rospootod
iiguro. Tho king was considorod indisponsoblo, tor
ho ouppliod loodorship in war ond providod for tho
notoriol wolioro of his followsro. tho rolotionship
hotwoon tho vossslo snd tho king who chorsotsrisod
by unsworrin; loyalty. rho writings of tho twoltth
ond thirtoonth conturioo portroy two outstanding
kings, Chorlowogno and Arthur, who woro similar in
thot both woro wosh politicslly. Charlonsgno os
ho sppsorod in rononco. in oddition to boing work,
woo unjuot. unroooonohlo. and inoonpotont. ho was
inoopoblo o! controlling his voosols. who torcod
tho king to oubnit to thoir will by withdrawing
tron hio oorvico. In tho rononco tho rights of
woosslo woro onphssiood, whoroos in tho opic tho
dutioo o! vossslo wore otrooood. Arthur, tho idosl
king of rononoo. was littlo oonoornod with politicol

olfoiro. His loin function who to prosido ovor o

court dedicated to tho ideals of chivalry.

The value oysten reflected in the epic
differed from that presented in tho romance. The
epic was written about oeriour and realistic
subjects. Whether partially pagan or thoroughly
Christian, the tone of the epic wee reverent and
religious. In the Christian opico the cleric was
presented in most favorable terns. fulfilling the
dual role of a brave warrior and a devoted pastor.
The themes of adventure and courtly love which
charecterired the romance imply an onphesio upon
the pleasures of this world. Most of the romances
were unreligiouo, if not irreligiouo. Horeover,
tho ariotocracy had loot contact with the clergy.
who in the age of ronanco had ceased. at least
ideally. participating actively in temporal
affaira. The romances aloo dioplayod an incroaoingly

critical attitude towerd the clergy.

3216 AND ROHAHCE:
A COMPAIISOI OF
SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ATTITUDBS

by

Barbara iseeingor

a thesis subaitted in partial fulfillment
o! the require-oats for the degree of
Iaster of Arte
at
nichigao State University
loot Lansing. lichigan

Approved

 

Separtnont of History

Acknowledgement

I wish to express ay sincere appreciation to
Dr. Richard I. Sullivan for his encouragement.
aosistanco. and criticisn in the writing of

thin thesis.

Chapter

1X
11!
1V

TALL! 0? CONTENTS

Introduction

Survey of Medieval larrativo
Literature

lociel Itrncturo

Iinxehip

loligion and the Iupernatural
The Clergy

Concluding connente

Iiblinsrephy

Page

31
57
85
121
1‘0
1a;

1.

Introduction

A specific date can seldom be assigned
accurately to hiotoricnl movements of a cultural
or an intellectual natured A data given such a
movement must. of neceeaity, be determined
arbitrarily. for the rooto of any age lie within
and evolve from the preceding period. By the
cane token it ie equally impossible to mark the
termination of on age. Yet certain salient
characteristice of a period cause us to epoch of
the Italian Renaissance. the Age of Reason, the.
Victorian Age. or the Age of science. Such are
the reservations that must he recognized, when
in thia paper the early twelfth century ie used
to nark the pivotal point between the heroic or
epic ego and the age of chivalry or romance.

The contraet between the spirit of the
twelfth and that of preceding nedieval centuries
could be variouely approached. Ihie etudy, however.
will be confined to the realm of popular literature.
with the epic illustrating the earlier period and

the rooance reproeentiao the twelfth and thirteenth

11.

centuries. The literature of any period tends to
reflect not only common practices and widely held
attitudes of the ego. but it also suggests the
ideals of the period. It is not the purpose of
this study to analyse literature iron a stylistic
nor a linguistic approach, but rather to view
literature as a rotlection of the attitudes,
thoughts. and aspirations of medieval nan toward
the social and religious aspects of his culture.
this paper does not purport to be an exhaustive
study: a highly selective bibliography is used with
the hope that the sources chosen are representative,
at least from the standpoint of content, of the
body of epic and romance literature.
rollowing a résuni of the historical
background of the primary sources. the body of the
paper will contain an analysis and comparison of
the social and religious ideas found in the two
types of literature. The first consideration is
to ascertain the differences in the structure of
the society represented by the epic and by the
rooance. Both types of literature were written

for an aristocratic audience. Between the ages of

111.

epic and romance, however, the aristocratic point
of view was altered significantly. As a result,
changes occurred not only in the aristocracy's
concept of its own position, but also in its view
of the lower classes. Moreove§_the attitude
toward kingship changed between the two periods,
as did the relationship between lord and tassel.
Although the purpose of both the epic and
the romance was to entertain an audience, the
religious views of the audience were mirrored in
the literature. Basic to the changed religious
views was a fundamental difference in the values
of the audience to whom the literature appealed.
Manifestations of the changed value system are
discussed with reference to the emphasis placed
upon religion. religious practices, and the
representation of God and the supernatural.
Similar differences also appear in descriptions
of the clergy and in the esteem accorded clerics.
Through a discussion of these aspects of social
and religious life the contrast in points at
view between the age of epic and the age of romance

will be demonstrated.

Chepter I

SURVEY OF HEDIBVAL
IARRATIVI LIIIRAIURI

A definition e! epic ltteretnre end
renence literetnre 1e e! tundenentel inputtenee.
let the pttnety eonrcee ere drevn tron theee :enree.
Blnee literetnre nlrrere the tdeee end ettttndee e!
the piece end period e1 cenpeettton. 1: Le elee
neeeeeery to provide eone henksronnd for the
litetery vorhe need in thte etndy. to: theee
reeeene e enrvey end brie! explenetton et the
prtnery eenreee precedee the enelyete end
interpretetten of the enureee.

The epte te e netrettve peel eelehtet1n3
the herete deede of ID! or gede. It tn
ehereeterteed by etnpltetty end netnrelneee; 1t
preeente teeltette ettnetiene in e eencrete
eetttng, end the primer, enpheeie 1e upon the
ehereeter o: the here. Ionenee 1e ticttttene

Ierretive reletin; tnegtnettve aeconnte at

2.

edventnre end love. It ie cherecterieed by tenteey
end enesxeretion; it preeente unreelietie eitnetione
in e vesne netting. end ite ehereetere ere nenelly
ideelieed typee. the epie eprinze iron ”the
inpulee tn reeliee; renenne tree the inpniee to
ideeliee."l "lpin eceepte end inteneifiee reelity:
renenee yreteete eseinet 1c."’ lethepe a. I. re:
enyreeeee in enether nenner the eeeentiel eentreet:
”Ihetever Ipie ney neen it inpliee eone neight end
eelidity; honenne neene nothing. i! it doee not
convey eene netinn e! nyetery end £enteey."’
the hereee e! eyie energe ee dietinct
perenne ehe centre! end eeetein the etery. the
eetien ie reelietieelly entireted. nenelly hy the
threet e! foreign invedere or by en eneny free
within the tribe. the here lighte en evenly netehed
epyenent end he depende yrinerily npen hie enn

etreneth end eeereee. A lnrther reelietie tench ie

 

I

Cherlee Ieere Beldein. three Iedievel centuriee
_e_£_ giteretere $3 Inglendx WINE Kenton, HHS.
’e 8e

2

thid.. p. 55.

U.P.ler, lain end Romenee: leeeze‘gg'uedievel
Litereturg (lee 102:. I531. new never ed.5. p. I.

3.

treenently given by the hero entiering deteet.
eenelly net et the hend of e enperior opponent,
hevever. but beeeeee ot euperior nunbere. In
centreet the knighte o! ronenoe ere ouch-elite
nithent eny cleer expreeeien of their individnel
thereeter enersine. tether then being yreeented
ee reel nen they ere ideelined typee end rerely do
they nentrol the evente of the etory. heoenee-the
hero of renenee hee been etripped e! e vivid
pereonelity. no thet thereoter no longer eneteine
intereet. the enther reeerte to eeneetionel end
novel ineideete. Unlike the epic here who eveide
fighting except then'neeeeeery. the here of renenee
it never eo heyyy ee ehen eene dennerene edventnre
eveite hint although there ney be theoretioelly e
noed reeeen tor lighting. there in never eny ”reel
nrzing letive . . . the prinery netive ie the reeitel
e! edventere.” 1n releting theee edventnree ‘. . {
eenh enceeedine rennneer etreve to nehe hie hero
greeter then ell previoee enee by enoreditin; bin

4

nith ereeter enpleite. . . ." the here beeenee en

nnhnnen thet none of the epirit e1 herein poetry

A r
e. B. teylor. 9.9. Introduction 33 Hedievel honenee
(“.49‘9 193°). ’Pe nubile

 

4.

reneine end no the enezgeretion continnee even
the epirit of true ronence diee.

to underetend note folly theee tno typee
oi literetnre e brief r‘enné of the ontetendinx
vorhe in required. "Ljhe epic end ronencj]
literery eleeeiticetion correeponde in generel
hietory to the difference betvecn the eerlier
’heroic' ege end the ege of chivelry. . . . the
hietory ct theee tvo ordere of literetnre . . .
le perellel to the senerel politicel hietory of
the eerlier end the leter hiddle Azee. . . ."5
the origin of the epic entende bech to the Gernenic
tribel period between the fourth end the ninth

‘ when in orel epic eonge the Gernenic

centuriee.
tribee celebreted their ienooe non end evente.
Although elnoet nothing reneine o! the originel
leye, cone of the neteriel vee orelly trenenitted
through the centuriee. until en nnhnovn poet
eventnelly tooh theee etoriee end (need then
eccordin; to hie ovn ideee to torn e well developed

poen.7 Inch eeene to be the nenner in vhich leoenlt

let. lpic end Romance. pp. 3-4.
6

Ibide. p. 21.

leldein. Ihree Iedievel Centnriee 25,Literetnre.
'e 1.e

 

5.

developed. "the eole eurvivor in complete torn
et ell the Hoet-Gernenic epic."8 thin Anglo-lexon
epic celebretee the deede of en heroic
Icendinevien enceetor. "the nennecript in written
in fleet-Bench of the tenth century; . . . it ie
evidently beeed on eucceeeive copiee o! en originel
. . . which probebly belonged to the eeventh
century.“ there in no poeitive evidence. however.
for eny dete of origin, elthough ell critioe plece
it betore the ninth century.9 ihetever the dete,
the inportent thing for thin peper, ie thet the
poen, elthonah concerned with prinitive
Icendinevien legend, retlecte not eo nuch the
epirit oi Icendinevie ee "tnglieh lite oi the
eeventh end eerly eighth centuriee.”1°
A few other iresnente ot Gernenic poetry
written in inglo¢8exon rennin. elthough their

velue for thin etndy ie elight conpered te Beowulf.

the tinneburg. eon; et hrothzer‘e court in Beowulf,

 

_ _
lrencie l. Gunnere, the Oldeet Englieh Epic
(flew York. 1927). p. vii.
- 9 -
Ibt‘e. Pe 19

10
Beowulf: the Oldeet En lieh E ic. tr. with intro.
(ficw York,

by EEerIee iTfiiennedy 40), p. in.

6.

it e short, but repidly moving. and direct eccount
of e bottle occurring between tending Denee end
Irieeiene. the lay illuetretce the ”. . . type of
the epic tongs which roving eingere were went to
chent before lord end liegenen in hell and which
were need with more or leee fidelity by nehcre of

"‘1 Another ley. the

conplctc epic poems.
Hildebrend, it the only freshent rcneining in Old
Gernen. the written form deter tron eround 800.
but the etory revolves ebont the theodoric legend
end in ettribnted to the Gothe.u the dildebrend
thene illuetretee the ninth between duty to lord
end to tenily. 3y plecing prinery ellegience

with hie lord. Hildebrend. in thin 1ey, wee forced
to do conbet with hie eon. A ehort epieode reneine
tron whet wee probably en epic.in the Holdere
tregnent. which in concerned with en interlude
between bettlee during which the bettlc boeete were

nede. Such are the enieting reneine o! ". . .

nerretive poetry which lngliehnen brought tron their

 

11 *W

Gunnere. the Oldeet hnglieh 8 in. p. 159.
12

Ibid.. pp. 171-72.

continental bone and handed down by the agency of
profeeaional singers."13 written in the tenth
century about a contemporary event. but in the
spirit of the earlier epic was the Battle 2g
haldon. Haldon in an account of the defeat of the
English by the invading Dance in 991 and the poem
givee a careful description of the battle and the
fighters. depicting loyalty and courage en the
dominant ideale.

the heroic age of the trenke was the period
of the Cerolingian dynaety and note particularly
the reign of Charlemagne.l‘ No leader of
Charlemagne’e eteture appeared in trance for neverel
centurion after him, no Charlemagne, the conqueror.
converter of pagane. Emperor. and at euch temporal
leader of Chrietendom. becene the central figure
of French epic. Even the daede of other
Carolingiane. euch at Charles Kertel'e defeat of

the Saracene. were attributed to Charlemagne. hie

". . . deede of conquest and the nenory of hie

'—_T§ ._
Ibide. p. Viio
lb
teylor. £3.1ntrodnction‘ggvgedievel Ronence.
Pa 8e

 

8.

great pereonelity lived on in the ninde of non
and found vigoroue. though blurred reflection in
the later chaneon g: g2;£g."15 Although often
ueing the evente oi the Carolingian period ae
euhjecte, the chaneone £2.33133 date not earlier
than the eleventh century.16
Varioue theoriee, earthy of brief consent.
have been advanced to explain the origin of theee
epice. The cantiiena theory an erpreeeed by Jacob
Grin: aeeunee that lyric poene aroee on the
battlefield and rare preeerved by eeldiere and
jongleure. until one day they eere put together
in epic fora. Geeton Daria. doubting “a
epontaneoue rieing iron the coil,” Ioditied the
theory by eeeting authore and detee for the
cantilanae, which were compoeed immediately after
the evente. A eecond and unconvincing theory
pointe to the eieileritiee between the Ger-an and

the trench epic. concluding that the trench epic

had a Germanic origin. Urban 1. holeee euggeete,

w W . wrw
Urban rigner Holmes, Jr.. égnietor oi Old
French Literature tree the Origine‘tg E555 New
Yeti. 1§555. Po I7e n
16

 

 

Ibid.. p. 66.

 

9.

however. that the einilaritiee pointed to are
aleo found in the popular literature of peeplee
which have never undergone Germanic influence.
He aleo illuetratee differencee between the
trench and German epic that are ac etriking no
the einilaritiee. The theory of recent French
origin developed by Joeeph B‘dier ie directly
oppoeed to the Grimm-Patio theory. Briefly
etated thie theory propoeee that the chaneone‘gg
53333 were coneciouely conpoeed or an edvertieing
campaign for certain churchee. nonaeteriee, and
ehrineo in order to attract pilgrine. Certain
religioue eitee night contain the renaine of a
famoue knight of Charlemagne'e tine. plue a
charter or chronicle giving a neager bit of
information about the here. Some jouglour epun
euch infornation into a long narrative which
benefited both his and the clergy. holnee agreee
that the chanaone grew beet along pilgrin routes.
but erguee,

It eeene inpoeeible to admit that

folktalee could exist. be repeated

from generation to generation by

the people. and then deny that

nemeriee of great battlee, traditione
concerning celebrated individuale.

10.

could be paeeed on in the eame ray,
euffering extensive alterationa no
they want. One might add to Bédior'e
theory, therefore. the belief that
battle eonge. eainte' lives. chanson
de geete in a primitive form. an
'Tzrna exieting in popular traditione,
.gig exiet in e ecattered way in the
tenth and poeeibly in the ninth
centuries. 7

Perhape the moat reasonable conclusion to reach
in that of Dorothy Sayere: "What no echolar
hae yet euccceded in tracing ie the stages by

which hietory traneforned iteclf into legend

18
and legend into epic."

Regardlcee of ite origin. the old French

epic or the chanson $2 geate took fern in the

period between 1000 and 1100.19 Little remains

from thie type of literature, with 222.§22§H2£
Roland being the beat and neat famoue French
epic. The poem hae been aeeigned a date between
1098-1100.2° and the etory ie baeed on a

dietorted account of Charlemagne'e campaign into

Ibido. Ppe 66.72.
18

the Son 25.noland, tr. and intro. Dorothy L.

Bayere (ion on, l§§75. p. 9 (Intro.).

19 . - . .

Holmes. érflietorz of Old French Literature, p. 29.
20 ' ‘

Ibide. Pa 73o

 

 

ll.

lpain in 718. At the reqeeet of certain

earaeen prineee free Spain. Charla-agne entered
that country to offer aeeietaeee againet eneaiea
who rare aleo earaeeee. two eitiea fell to
Charla-agee'e foreee. but an attaupt to beeiege
deregoeee failed beeeuee an outbreak of dance
hoetilitiee forced Charla-agae to leave 59.1..
While croeeing the tyreeeee. the rear-guard eae .

31 when the

fallen upon and deetroyed by lacquee.
event reappeared in epic fore both the eubject
and the epirit were changed. eo that Charlenagne.
new preaented ae two hundred yeere old. wae the
aha-pica of Chrietieaity and the Beequee had
becone a huge Iareeen erny. Roland. a Duke of
erittaay. had becoae the uerld'e greateet uarrior.
rhue the pee: refleate the eentiaent of the
century in which it took fore. and although an
epic. certain ale-ante. to be dieeueeed later.
nerh it ae a treneition vorh between epic and
ronance.

The French epie did not ieeediately give

way to roeenee. but ea her peiate out:

“1:“ ‘
‘zgg_long‘2£'lolaed. tr. layere. p. 1 (intro.).

A

 

12.

the French epic in the twelfth
century. long after ite beet daye
were over. cane into the heeneet
and cloeeet rivalry with the
younger romantic echoele in their
firet vigounp. . . In all thie
there to the intereet of watching
one of the nain eurrente of
hietory. for it wee nothing leee
than the whole future imaginative
life of Europe that war involved
in the debate between the etubborn

. old epic faehion and the new
ronantie adventurere.22

llluetrative of the late feudal chnneone are £322
of bordeeua and 1h: 3.9.9.5. 3.9.5.9. 35 9129.93 It in
believed that theae uorke in their original for:
cloeely followed the epic tradition. but the

extant vereiona. dating fron the late twelfth

century.23 reflect the attitudee of that period

and hence will be diecueeed with the romancee.
Another uork included anong the epice ie
the Spanieh Cid. Thie poen. one in a long

literary tradition devoted to the Cid. ran

26

nonpoaed around 1150 about the contenporary

Rodrigo de Vivar. a national hero of Spain.

tar. Spin and Romance. p. 288.
23

lelnee.‘é.hietorz gg’Old French Literature.
’,e 83. 9‘0
4

the La 25 the Cid. tr. R. Selden Roee &
Leonard iacon (Berkeley. Calif.. 1919) p. viii.

 

 

13.

When lerdinand 1 of Caetilc died in 1065. hie
kingdom woe divided among hie five children
with Sancho receiving Caetile end Alphonso Leon.
Sancho eat out to unite hie inheritance with

Rodrigo eerving ea hie "standard bearer againat

25

Alphoneo." In 1072 Sancho waa elain.26 with

euepieion caet upon Alphoneo. the eucceeeor to
the Caatilian throne. ae en inetigator of the
regicide. Alphoneo cleared hineell of the chargee
by taking an oath aduinietered by Rodrigo. who

according to Caetilian jongleure thue incurred

27

"tho King'a lifelong diepleaeure." The Cid'e

actual exile in 1081 aeene to have been pronpted
by jealoue courtiere who nierepreeented to
Alphoneo the Cid'e notivee in nilitary
expeditione to Granada and Toledo.2° The poen

aleo euggeate that the Cid wae faleely accueed

T v F.
Ibide. Pa t‘e
26
xenon len‘ndea tidal. The Cid and Hie 8 ain.
tr. Herold sunderlend (Lonfi.'fi3TT‘pTTon—’.
27
Ibid.. pp. 115-16.
28
For a fuller diecueeion eeo tidal.
Chop. VIIe

 

16.

of not giving to hie nonarch an equitable ehare

ei tribute.29

The Cid. in order to vindicate
hineel! to hie king. devoted hinaelt while in
enile to eubduing the uoore. hie nilitary
activitiee. all contributing to the uniiication
oi Ipain. were clinaned by hie taking Valencia.
For hie nilitary eueceeeee and hie pereonal
virtuea the Cid becane the celebrated national
hero of Spain. daye tidal.

He in the laet hero who fully deeervee

the title [fit an epic hard]; the laet

to fill the pagee a! national poetry.

None of the neighboring countriee

could ehow in the eleventh century an

epic poetry woven around a hero of

the tine. whereae Spain waa etill

living in the laet heroic age of the.

weetern world and. therefore. could

produce at a relatively advanced

etage o1 civiliaation the goat oi the

Cid- e e .30

In a body of literature. treating diverae
eubjecte and written over a epan oi eeveral
eenturiee. certain dilierencee are apparent.
Perhapa the noet fundamental change it that the

trench and Spanieh epice contain larger and more

 

‘““55
The Laz‘gg the Cig. p. a.
30

tidal. The Cid and lie 8 ain. p. #72.

”We...“

general notivee for individual action. nanely
religion and patriotien. The Anglo-Saxon poet.
however. wae concerned with the einpler motive
of individual heroien. without any larger
conception of hietorical background. Other
detaile are changed or enlarged, euch ae the
nine oi arniee. the ecale oi the aettinge. and
the couplenity o! eociety. All of theee
ditterencee. however. are differencee in degree
rather than in kind. An Ker pointa out in
conparing the Teutonic and the trench epic:
"The diiterence ought not to be exaggerated.
in far no heroic poetry in concerned. the
ditierence liee chiefly in the larger trane oi
the etory.”31

The twelfth century narke a turning point
in the cultural hietory of the Riddle Agee.

Thie century . . . war in nany

reepecte an age of treeh and

vigoroue life. The epoch of the

Crueadee. of the riee of towne.

and of the earlieet bureaucratic

etatee oi the Heat. it new the

culnination of Ionaneaque art

and the beginninge oi Gothic.
the energence oi the vernacular

1 A
Ker. Epic and Ronance. p. 52.

 

16.

literature; the revival of the
Latin olaeeice and of Latin
poetry and Roman law; the
recovery of Greek ecience. with
ite Arabic additione. and of
nueh of Greek philoeophy. and
the origine of the fir t
European univereitiee.

The replace-ant ot the epic by the ronence
wee thue but one aepect of thie century oi
change and not an unimportant change either.
In the opinion of U. I. Ker:

One at the largeet and pleineet
facte oi nedieval hietory ie

the change oi literature in the
twelfth century. and the eudden
and exuberant growth and progreee
of a number or new poetical forne
. . ..The French Romantic lchoole
oi the twelfth century are among
the neat definite and neat
important appearancee even in
that noet wonderful age . . . .
French romance in part of the
lite oi the tine. and the lite oi
the twelfth sentury ie reproduced
in ronance.3

Thia author goee on to atate that the literary
changee or the twelfth century were

. . . ae nonentoue and far-
reaching in l}hei§] coneequencee

{__53¢— A. -

Charlee Honor Haakine. The lenaieeance'gg
the Twelfth Century (Cambridge. Haae.. I517).
p. vii . . .

33
Ker. £210 and Romance. p. 322.

 

17.

an that to which the name
"lenaieeance" ie generally
appropriated. The later
Renaiaeance. indeed. in what
concerne imaginative

literature. naked no euch abrupt
and eudden change of fashion ae
wae nade in the twelfth century.34

lather Renaieeance literature naturally followed
Hedievel literature. which had nade the initial
effort ". . . to eecure the inheritance of
ancient poetry for the advantage of the new
tonguee and their new forne of veree.”35
The riee of romance reeulted free a
nunber of influencce. The revival of intereet
in Latin claeeice. an important aepect of the
twelfth-century lenaieeance. wae one euch
influence. naekine pointe out that the Latin
claeeice available in the twelfth century were
ouch the eane ae thoee known today. The fact
that they were available. however. doee not mean
that they were all need; the two noet influential
elaeeic authore were Vergil and Ovid. The worke
of both were copied. cited. allegorieed. and

‘

need an eourcee by vernacular poota."6 The

'_3£
Ibide O 3230
35____ a P

Ibtde. Po ’2’.

Haekine. The lenaieeance‘gg the Twelfth
Centur . pp. TEST-UT.

 

18.

jongleura. writing romance in France. were often
clerically trained and hence were acquainted
with the Latin eources. The courts of kinge and
noblee provided centere for thoee poets and
through then the Latin naterial paeeed into the

37 The earlieet ronancce were

vernacular.
largely initationa of Latin worke. into which
were introduced contemporary detaile and to
which wee gradually added the 1... notif.38
The rrovenpal troubadoura. uhoee lyrical
poetry had reached ite height in the south of
France by the twelfth century. aleo had a
profound effect on romance. The eeeence of the
troubadour literature wae the courtly love thene
and thie tradition paeeed into northern Trance
prinarily through the influence of certain noble
ladiae. who in the twelfth century were the
chief literary patrone. Eleanor of Aquitaine
waa one of thoee interacted in the poetry of the

troubadoure and upon her marriage to hoary of

Anjou their court became a poetic center. Eleanor'a

3: A
Holman. 5 Hietorz‘gg Old French Literature. p.37.
33
Ibid.. pp. 137-38.

 

19.

daughter. Marie of Champagne. wae the moat
femoue of the patroneeeea. for it wae under
her patronage that Chrétien do Troyee. the moat
influential of the romancere. wrote.39
Another eourco influencing the romance
authore wae Celtic legend and mythology. when
and how the Celtic materiale were introduced
into continental literature romaine en uneolved
problem. with ac many different theoriee having
been advanced as there have been echolare
probing the queation. None deny. however. the
influence of the Celtic tradition on french
romance. for the legende dealing with Arthur
were probably of Celtic origin.‘°
A email literate audience. compoeed

largely of women. muet not be undereetimated an
an influence upon the development of romance
literature.41 The authore were fully aware of
the literary preferencee of their audience and
T W

Taylor. Ag_lntroduction £g_uedieval Romance.
pp. 235.36. "

e0

helmee. A Bietogz‘ggmglg French Literature.

pp£1163-64.

Taylor. §g_lntroduction tg’fledieval Romance.
pp. 13’16o I

 

 

20.

hence wrote their romancee accordingly. [or
eeeerte that romancee

. . . are not the epontaneoue product
of an uncritical and ingenuous _
imagination: they are not the cane
eort of thing on the popular etoriee
on which many are founded. they are
the literary work of authore more or
loan aophieticated. on the lookcout
_for new eeneatione and new literary
devicee . . . The twelfth-century
dealere in romantic commonplacae are
. . . fully conecioue of t2! market
value of their goods.. . .

By catering to the reedere' demand for telee of
love and adventure romance writing became eaeily
reduced to a “mechanical art.” Tat the romancere
muet be given credit for not following ". . .

any great man of their own time..[}ethe£7they
choee their own way freely. not no bungling

" from claeeical

imitatore of a greater artiet.“
writara. trovenpal love poetry. and Celtic
folklore the romance authore borrowed materiale
which they refaehioned to ewit the taatea of
their medieval ......... ’

lith the development of the Arthurian

legend. the cycle of romancee centering around

T —~——— «a
‘.r. 3E1“ ‘114 ‘0..n¢.. Pa 324a
‘3
Ibt‘eg Pa 326.

 

21.

thie illueory figure became the greatect theme

of medieval literature. The exact identity of
Arthur romaine unknown. It hae been propoeed
that Arthur may be traced to a Romaniaed Celt.
Arthurue. of the early ninth century; other
echolare have viewed Arthur ae ”. . . a mythical.
folklore pereonification. ae though he were a

a compoeite of the Celtic ideal. of pan-Celtic
hero worehip.“ still another theory propoeee
that " . . . the Britone conceived of Arthur

ae eucceeeor of the Roman Count of britain.

after the withdrawal of the Romano." It ie in
the eleventh century. however. that the Arthurian
legend made ite appearance. with the firet
referencee to Arthur found ecattered in eeinte'
livee. flilliam of Ialmoebury. in hie Latin
Chronicle 35. _t_h_e_ mg of lngland completed about
1137. wae the firet Anglo-Herman chronicler to
refer to Arthur. Geoffrey of Honmouth‘e aietorz
2.! £2 britone. finiehed toward the middle of the
twelfth century. introduced a full account of
Arthur. Iace'e 2535 ie a traneletion of Geoffrey'e

hietory. flaco aleo made certain additione to

22.

Geoffrey'e work. including the introduction of
the Round Table.“‘ It cannot neceeaarily be
aeeumed that the chroniclee were the role. nor
even the primary. eource need by the earlieet
french romancere. In the chroniclee Arthur ie
preeented ae ". . . a typical Herman king.
ambitioue of conqueet and military fame." and
the meet pepuler of Arthur’e knighte. Lancelot.
Trietram. and Galahad. are not mentioned.‘5
It ie poeeible that romance authore draw upon
popular. oral traditione to form ehort laye
which were in turn incorporated into the long
romaneee of ouch writere ae Chrdtien do Troyee
and Robert de Baron."6
Little ie known concerning the life of
Chr‘tien. except that he lived at the Court of
the Conntoee larie do Champagne between 1160

and 1111 where he wrote hie romancee.‘7 At the

opening of Clig‘e. Chr‘tien indieatee that he

KC
holmee..éihietorz‘_£ 01 French Literature.
pp. 15.¢‘2o

Taylor. 53 Introduction 53.nodieval Romance.
pp. 43-A.

6
Ibido . ppo 50-1o

Arthurian Romaneee. tr. with intro. U.U.Comfort
(Louise. 1§13). pp. v-vi.

 

23.

had tranelated Ovid and had written a Trietram
romance"8 which hae been loet. Although probably
not the firot author to one the Arthurian

tradition. Chrdtien'e four romancee. Bree t

 

Inide. Cli do. Tvain. and Lancelot.

. . . together form the meet complete

erpreeeion we poeoeee from a einglo

author of the ideala of French

chivalry. . . . Chrdtien belonged to

a generation of Trench poete who

took over a great mean of Celtic

folk-lore which they imperfectly

underetood. and made it what. of

couree. it had never been before:

the vehicle to carry a rich

freight of chivalric euetomo and

ideal-.49
In Chr‘tien in not found a realiotic picture of
twelfth-century life. lather he gives an ideal
enpreoeion of arietocratie life conducted
according to an elaborate code of chivalry with
emphaeie on courteoy. oarvieo. and gontloneee.

Chretien aleo wrote part of a long poem.
rerceval. introducing the Grail theme. which
bringe up the hnettieet of all problone in
medieval literature. Chretien at the time he
wrote hie Porceval wae enjoying the patronage

of rhilippe d'Aloaee. whom he claimed provided

 

Ibidog pp. Vi‘Viio

“Chre’tlen JeTrofc S, 'Chze's." in Arthurlgg Romances,
IZQL

24.

him with a book from which he took the material
for hie romance.so Unfortunately. or parhape
fortunately for echolare interacted in
epeculationo. ouch a book hae never been found.
There are three principle theoriee of the origin
of the Grail legend. each etrongly defended by
ite onpenento often with a paucity of evidence.
Briefly oummarioed thoee theoriee are:
1) The Chrietian theory of origin in
which all aymbole are given a Chrietian interpre-
tation. eeooeiating the lance with that of
Longinue. the Grail with either the Leet lupper
or the Crucifixion. the Tieher ting with Chriet.
and the Grail proceoeion with the byeantine
vereion of the naeo.5‘
2) The Celtic theory of origin. in which

the eymbole are aeeociated with Celtic mythology;

 

 

 

”"30 l ’ "" ” " I
Bolmee.‘§_hietorz‘2£ Old Trench Literature.
Pa 283.
51

lelfram vcn lechenbach. The "Percival." tr.
with intro. Edwin E. teydel iT!hyard"Quincy lorgan
(Chapel Bill. I.C.. 1951). p. 6 (Intro.)3 Helmet.
5 hietory _o__f. 9.1.9.. French Literature. pp.-288-289.

25.

the Grail iteeli repreeenting the nervelloue
cauldron oi the Celtic god. hagda.sz
3) The ritual theory which none echolare
incorporate into the second theory. epeculating
that the Denoter eult influenced the derelopnent
oi the Celtic vegetation cult. Jeeeie L. Ieeton
goee further in aeeooiating the Grail thene with
the ancient vegetation cult of Adonie. the richer
King repreeenting the elein Adonie end the Grail
and the lance earring ae phallic eynbole.s,
Regardleee of origin. the Grail the-e wee
incorporated into the Arthurian legend and wet
treated by eeveral authore. with leliran ron

Ieehenbach'o rareival olinaning the Grail

tradition. rareival. probably written between

 

Si '7
Zeydel G lorgan.‘zgg Percival. p. 7; Holnoo.
A hietory g; Old_rrench Literature. pp. 288-89.
Both Zoydel-lorgan and Holnee tend to eupport this
theory which ie preeented in detail by A.G.L.
Brown. The Ori in of tho Grail Legend (Cambridge.
an... 1373 . and 'fi'n‘l'fi-Tfiuu. «1.. mama
Studiee‘ig Honor g£_J.D.u.!ord (Ganbridge. iaee..
53-
nolnee.Ԥ_nieterz 25 253 French Literature.
pp. 289-290. one o L. Ueeton'e theory ie preeented
in detail in The coat ggfltgg’nolz Grail (London.
1913). and Iron n tun ‘32 Romance (new York. 1920).

A 4

 

 

26.

1195 and 121054 and although act in the milieu
o! chivalry, emphaeitee the spiritual struggle
oi the knight who finally becomes Chrietendon'e
apiritunl loader.

Another popular subject of medieval
ronnncee one the Tristan etory. which in aeeumed
to have first appeared in French about the niddle
oi the twelfth century.55 No extant cepy oi
Ghretien'e Tristan romance eriete. An Anglo.
Herman writer known at Thonae compared a Tristan
in the latter twelfth century. only fragmente of

which have been tound.5‘

Other fragmente aleo
exiet. but it ie the Trieten 22$ Isolde oi
Gottfried won Streeebnrg that ranka at the iinoet
expreeeion oi thie popular tonance. Thie ronance
ie uniiniehed and it ie aeeuned that the author'e

death. probably around 1215. accounte ior ite

 

A 1 VL- t
Zeydel G Horgan. The "toreival." p. 1 (Intro.).
55 1
Holnee.‘£’nietorz‘g£ Old trench Literature.
Fe :81.
5

Gottfried von Straeeburg. The ”Trietan and
leoldefi'tr. with intro. Edwin E. Zey e
(Princeton. 1958). p. l0 (Intro.).

use it I‘

27.

incomplete state.S7 Fortunately the last part
of Thomas’ version is complete. so by a
combination of the two romances. it is possible
to reconstruct a full account of the legend.

The most widely read romance of the
thirteenth century was 33. Romance 23. 52.; $33.58
This romance incorporated three of the main
features of medieval literature . allegory. drean
literature. and the conception of love as an art.
Guillaume do Lorrie wrote the first #203 lines
of the poem sometime between 1223 and 1237. Some
years later. but probably before 1277. Jean de
chn wrote a lengthy conclusion to the poem.59 in
which he roughly followed the allegory of
Guillaume. ‘nuch of do hour's writing.-howerer.
'1avéx§.i digressione in which he notes known hie
extensive learning and in which he expresses his

opinion on a wide variety of subjects. Although

w fi fi,
Ib‘de. Po ‘ (I.‘t°e)t
58

 

nary Horton hood. The 8 irit f Protest'i_ O d
Trench Literature (low Tori. 1517 . p. l3.
9 , - ..U-l . .
Holmes.‘§.historz‘g£ Old French Literature.
pp. 300-04. ‘ ~—

28.

inferior as literature. it is Jean de Heun'o
portion of‘ghg Romance that is most fertile
in ideas and attitudes.

The literature of the thirteenth century
generally lacked the originality of that of the
preceding century. Twelfthccentury authors.
particularly Chrétien. were imitated and used
as sources.60 The thirteenth century saw
England deveIOp a literary tradition separate
from that of trance. which could be dated roughly
from 1214 when the Angevin Empire passed to
Philip Augustus.61 Illustrative of the thirteenth-
century English romances 1'.§i£H£2112H2£ Hampton.
a fantastic tale of adventure covering three
generations with action constantly shifting from
England. to the Near East. to Cologne. and back
again. 331i; provides an excellent example of
degenerate ronanee at its worst. ‘ggzflg£,fleruick
is but little better. £31. however. expresses a
truer epirit of chivalry. with events lees

crowded and less dispersed. The extant copy of

q~za _ e
Ibidg’ P. 2690
61
Ibid.. p. 217.

 

29.

Richard‘ggggg‘gg‘gigg is thought to date from
the reign of Edward I. this romance purports
to give an account of the Third Crusade. It is
believed that a French original, or the earliest
English versions. gave an authentic history of
Richard's reign. but the extant version takes
unlimited liberties with historical tact by
introducing absurd and fantastic fictions which
give ". . . an air at table to the whole
narrative.”62 Among the Middle English prose
romances dealing with King Arthur and his knights
are Kerlin.'§g££g}Arthure. and‘kgflggggg Arthur.
These works offer a narrative o! Arthur's lite
and are thought to follow closely the Geoffrey
and Uses chroniclee.63
The use of epic and romance literature

as an historical source requires a word of

explanation and caution. In spite of assertions

##‘L

.n fir ’ccw
"Introduction to Richard Coeur de Lion." in
gpecimens of Earl! In lieh Metrical Romances. ed.
George Ellie. new edition revised hy 3.0.RaIliwell
(London. 1848). pp. 282-84.
63

 

raylor.‘§é Introduction 5: Medieval Romance.
Pe 51s

 

30.

of historical accuracy contained in the
literature. particularly in the romance.
neither type is reliable as far as accounts of
events. personalities. and chronology are
concerned. The value lies rather “behind the
scenes." by reflecting the attitudes. ideals.
and spirit of the period in which the work took
its final fern. Thus it is the purpoee of the
following chapters to compare the religious and
social attitudes presented in the epic with

those found in the romance.

Chapter II

SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Before comparing social attitudes reflected
in the epic with those in romance. the difference
in the audience to which the two types of
literature appealed must be pointed out. The
subject of the epic. which celebrates the heroic
deeds of non. appealed to a widely diversified
audience. The listener need not have been of any
particular class to appreciate those unadorned
accounts of battle. Of heroic poetry A. B.
Iaylor states. "[3fi7 voicaZEI the opinions not of
the author as an individual. but of the nation as
a whole; the virtues. vices. crines portrayed
represent the ethical code of the nation. and the
character of the hero represents the ideals of

th. n‘t ione fl 1

On the other hand. romance. with
its themes of adventure and courtly love.
represented the interests of a particular group of
people and the appeal of this type of literature

l' . ii i
rayler.‘£3_lntroductienIsg'uedieval Romance. p. 1.

32.

would be to that class familiar with these ideas.
this change in the scope of the writing immediately
implies a change in social structure.

Both the epic and the romance are written
about outstanding individuals from the upper
levels of society and both reflect birth as a
significant factor in determining social status.
In each type the important characters are either
kings. princes. or persons of noble birth. the i
epic reflects an emphasis on lineage. although the
matter of birth is not belabored. It was through
references to lineage that introductions were made
and a wide familiarity with noble families
appeared a point of honor. when Beowulf presented
himself at Hrothgar’s court. the king proudly
recited his knowledge of Beowulf's family history.2
hildehrand. in confronting herebrand prior to
center. asked the latter who his father was or what
race he wee from. adding. ”'if thou namest one only.

3

the others I haew.'” which illustrates the

pepularity of genealogies. High birth alone.

i T
Beowulf. tr. Kennedy. p. 15.

 

”the Hildebrand Lay.” in The Oldest English lpic.
l. 13.

33.

however. use not in and of itself sufficient to
provide heroic status automatically. as the
author of Beowulf pointed out. "'11s by earning
honor a man must rise I In every state.”4 The
characters in epic poetry ~~ Beowulf. Roland.
Oliver. and the Cid to mention the most prominent
-- enjoyed high birth. but they had also ”earned
honor.“

The romances reflect a very similar
attitude. but with the difference that birth and
social position have become more significant and
sensitive issues. free. son of KingLsc. married
Enide. whose father had lost. mortgaged. or sold
all his land because of involvement in a long and
costly war. When tree presented his bride to
Queen Guinevere he was scrupulously careful to
explain that in spite of adverse circumstances
"'. . . her father . . . is gentle and courteous
. . . And her mother is a very gentle lady. the

sister of a rich Count. She has no lack of beauty

 

in L q —.
Beowulf. tr. Kennedy. p. 3.

34.

'"5 No-

or lineage. that 1 should not marry her.
where in the epic is there expressed such social
snobbery; the aristocracy of epic was not so
self-conscious of its position.

The romance. £21.2£ Warwick. further
illustrates the aristocrat's sensitive attitude
toward social position. Guy's father had possessed
an estate in lorthumherland. but the ting whom he
served was defeated in battle. Guyraldus
Oassibilanus. Guy's father. then went to flarwick
where the king's governor made him his steward.
there Guy fell in love with the Earl's daughter.
but he meditated. “'fhe is Earl leband's heir. and
here too high to listen to such poor designs as
mine. For though 1 am a gentleman by birth. yet I
have no earldoma. nor lordships neither.. . .'" In
response to his confession of love. the maiden
answered. ”'lesides. it is in thee too great a
boldness. for thou art far inferior to my degree.

. . '.£§?0t thy desires be equal tothy fortune.

and aim not at those things that are above it. Thou

fi _ "
Chrétien do Troyee. ”tree at Inide." in Arthurian
Romances. tr. W. U. Comfort (London. 191‘). p. II.

 

ownest. thyself. princes have courted me; then

why should I. that have refused their courtship.
stoop down so low as to my father's steward; nay.
lower yet, unto his steward’s son.‘" Not yet
subdued the persistent Guy made a second plea to
which Phaelice replied. “'You know my father's
greatness in the land. and if he should (es he
probably will) refuse the love he thinks too mean.
how could we bear the stroke disgrace would etrike.
lo remedy but death could ease my sorrow. and shame

6 Phaeliee's

would soon become my winding sheet.'"
words suggest a thoroughly entrenched elite. not
only extremely conscious of its position. but also
dedicated te maintaining its eaclusiveness. Guy.
however. enjoying the privilege of high birth was
able to overcome his temporary reversal of fortune
by following a martial career and by performing
outstanding deeds. which allowed him to marry the
larl's daughter. to inherit the Earl's title. and
to be honored by kings and princes throughout the

land.7 without the asset of noble birth. it does

—__L_ .____.

s

”the History of Guy Earl of warwick.“ in larl
Inglish Prose Romances. ed. William J. fhoms .ndon.
I.d. . P’s 332- s

1514.. p. ass.

36.

not seem that he could have so appreciably improved
his status.

The epic and the romance reflect a contrast
not only in the aristocracy's conception of its own
position. but also in the aristocratic attitude
toward the lower classes. The occasional references
in epic to those not of the high nobility are made
in general but respectful terms. In Anglo-Saxon
epic the lesser vessels were known as ”loyal
thegns." in Roland so simply "the Pranks" who
willingly fought and died; and 1n.122w2£$ the rank
and file were respectfully spoken of as "faithful
vessels." who were always remembered by the Cid
when dividing the spoils of war. Anyone not
attached to the fighting retinue received no mention.
This of course does not mean that the low-born did
not eniet. nor. as w. w. Lawrence points out in
discussing Beowulf. does the fact that freeman were
not mentioned mean that they were deepieed. Heroinm
was not their business and hence they were simply

ignored. Although those of humble status were

fl ‘—
Villiam Hitherle Lawrence. Beowulf and the Epic
Tradition (Cambridge. lass.. 15555. p. 55.

 

37.

ignored in the epic. nowhere is a contemptuous
attitude toward them displayed.

Ho low~born man appeared as an important
character in romance; neither were the lower
classes entirely ignored. The aristocracy looked
down upon those who were not of noble birth. One
way this attitude is suggested is through absurd
and grotesque descriptions of lowly individuals.
Calogrensnt. in relating an adventure. described a
harder he came upon in the following manner.
indicating that little differentiation was made
between the harder and his herd:

"1 saw sitting upon a stump. with a
great club in his hand. a rustic lost.
as black as a mulberry. indescribably
big and hideous; indeed. so passing
ugly was the creature that no word of
mouth could do him justice. On
drawing near to this follow. I saw
that his head was bigger than that of
a horse or any other beast. that his
hair was in tufts. leaving his
forehead bare for a width of more
than two spans; that his ears were
big and messy. just like those of an
elephant; his eyebrows were heavy and
his face was flat; his eyes were
those of an owl. and his nose was
like a cat's; his jowls were split
like a wolf. and his teeth were sharp
and yellow like a wild boar's; his
heard was black and his whiskers
twisted; his chin merged into his

38.

chest and his backbone was long.

but twisted and hunched. There he

stood. leaning upon his club and

accoutrad in a strange garb.

consisting not of cotton or wool.

but rather of the hides recently

flayed iron two bulls or two

beeves: these he were hanging from

his necks'9
The lout's crudity was further emphasised when the
knight asked information about the adventure he
sought. The harder replied. "'Thou wilt have to
do without. for I know nothing of adventure. nor
did I ever hear tell of such.”10 Without stretching
the inagination unduly. it can be assuned that such
a response would have been humorous to an
aristocratic reader. More inportant the entire
passage illustrates not only a stratiiied society.
but one in which no contact occurred between the
nenhers of different classes. Such an exaggerated
description shows the knight's misconception oi the
harder. Iinilarly the herder's unfamiliarity with
anything so connonplace to the knightly class as
"adventure.“ reflects his couplete severance from
the nobility and its activities.
e—uy. A W i

Chrétien de Troyes. "Yvain." in irthurian Romances.

PP. 183-840 *—

10
gig-e. Ps 184.

 

39.

A comparable example occurs in Aucasain and

 

Nicolete. Aucassin. while searching in a forest
for Nicolete. not a peasant who:

. . . was tall and marvellous and
ugly and hideous. He had a great
pow blacker than a lump of charcoal.
and had more than a full palm‘s
breadth between his two eyes. and
had two great cheeks and a very
large flat nose and two great
nostrils and two great lips redder
than a live coal. and some great
yellow ugly teeth. and he was shed
with sons leggings and shoes of
orhide laced with strips of
linetrae bark to above the knee.
and was muffled up in a cloak with
two wrong sides and was leaning on
a great club. Aucassin . . . was
full of fear when he looked on
him'.11

aucassin was weeping because he could not find
liaolete. although he told the rustic his sorrow

was caused by the loss of a fine dog. The peasant
reprimanded him. "'lndeed. if I were as rich a man

as you are all the world would never make me cry.”12
As if to put Lucassin to shame. the rustic recounted
his troubles. which not only contrast with those of
Lucassin. but which also illustrate the poverty and
the problems of the peasant. While ploughing for a

lffic
Aucassin and hicolete. tr. Harold Childs (London.
1911;. pp. 33-3.
ll

1btdg. pt 85.

40.

rich former. the rustic lost one of the farmer's
OIODe

"And 1 have neither eaten nor
drunk these three days past.
and I dare not go to town; they
would put as in prison. because
I have nothing to pay for him
with. Of all the goods in the
world I have nothing of more
value than you see on the body
of no. A poor nether had 1.
and she had nothing of noro
value than an old mattress, and
they have dragged it fron under
her back and she lies on the
bare straw. and that weighs
heavier on no than my own case."13

The peasant insisted he could never pay for the
area. so Aucassin gave him the noney for the
animal. Although Aucassin's gift of money

suggests pity for the unfortunate. their problems
were so different as to make any real understanding
impossible. After describing his troubles. the
peasant addressed Aucassin. "‘And you weep for a
dunghill dog! Black luck to him that shall over
sateen you.'“14

Jean do Heun indicated other ways the lower

classes suffered. He pointed to legal discrimination

“ff W '
Ibid.. pp. 87-8
1‘
Ib‘de. p. 88.

 

41.

against the poor:

Scarce can a man’s oetate be worse

Than when start here he finds his purse;
for those who on the laws have writ
Declare the indigent unfit

To teetify as witnesses;

And in the statute books it says.

That poor. impoverished men must lie

In the sane bed with infamy.15

He also spoke of the harsh laws dealing with petty
theft. saying that if one were caught stealing “a

farmer‘s golden sheaves" or "robliini7 a clothes-

line" the law node hin pay at least four tines the
value of the goods stolen.1‘ be noun further

attacked corrupt judges who ". . . poor and

17

helpless men beguile I at land or chattels“ and

who '. . . shut their door I to olainants cursed

«13

in being poor. In the same category with

judges. do noun placed lawyers and leeches who.

Hill eagerly for lucro sell
his soul. ape both deserve right well
The gibbet.

w‘ _, ..

H. Lorrie and J. Clopinol. the Ronance'gf t e
‘0... tro re'e‘111.. VOIs II (fission. I966).
II. 8587.594. .

 

16

Ibid.. 11. ll. 7747-751.
17

Ibide. 1. 11s 5897*898e
18

Ibid.. 1. ll. 5997~998.
19

Ibid.. 1. ll. 5405.407.

42.

The contempt of the aristocracy for the
low-born and the separation of the two social
classes is further illustrated by the barring of
peasants from certain social functions. At the
coronation of tree and lnidc: "There was no great
crowd of chaplains or of silly. gaping yokels.
but of excellent knights and of people well
equipped."20 After the coronation ceremony. all
attended Kass where: "never were seen so many kings.
counts. dukes. and nobles together . . . Ho low.
born nan could enter there. but only ladies and
knights."21 A similar situation is presented in
gerrival when the knight engaged a peasant to direct
hi. to Arthur's Round Table. The peasant guided
fartival within sight of Nantes and told him to
proceed to the city. The knight invited his
escort to accompany him farther. but the peasant

declined:

 

‘76 “
Chritien do Troyes. "tree at lnido." in
Arthurian Romances. p. 85.

Ibide . Po 8’s

43.

"Kay that not come into my mind!
That retinues of such a kind.
If o'er a peaeant should encroach.
His presence would incur reproach."22
The peasant obviously understood his position
clearly and lived within its limitations. as did
the herdsman whom Guy of Harwick asked to deliver
a ring to hie wife. The herdsman answered. "‘1
shall be ashamed who never yet spoke to a lady in
my life: besides. I may perhaps come into trouble.
to carry rings to the Earl of flarwiet's countess.”23
This again illustrates the caste-like isolation of
the simple folk from the nobility. The herder's
hesitancy to carry out the mission on the grounds
he might “come into trouble" implies that the lower
classes were kept in a subservient position by a
force greater than more social pressure.
While generous hospitality was one of the
customs of polite society. inhospitable manners

“were associated with the lowly. At the end of day

Percival. tired and hungry.

T

.L

Wolfram von Eschonbach. The "Parsival." 144.
13-16. All quotations from fiarsival are cited first
by manuscript page number then by line number.

"Guy Earl of Varwict." in Early English Prose
Romances. p. 405.

44.

Behold a house of moderate site.

Here dwelt a stingy host and mean.

Ac mid the lowly oft are seen.
The peasant declined Paraival‘s request for food
saying.

“I only heed my interest

And then my children's nothing more.

Today you'll enter not my door.

If you had coin or other pay.
Why then l'd welcome you to stay.

n24

Torsival then offered the peasant a branch for which
he received food and lodging. This episode points
out what the nobility believed to be the difference
between their social customs and those of the
peasantry. Also shown is the practice of
stereotyping the low-born. this particular example
illustrating the common association of stinginess
and meanness with them.

It is in romance that the first mention of
burghers is found. 'In the twelfth-century £533.512
£2i§3_“. . . so many burghers and demos” came out
to greet Eroc when he brought home his bride "that

"25

no one could tell the number of them. The

“—1HT in V
Uolfram von Bechenbach. Ehgrfirarsivgl." 132.
14-16 and 26-30. ‘
25
Chrétien do Troyes. "Kroc ct Enide." in Arthurian
Romances. p. 31.

 

45.

references to merchants are sparse. but contemptuous
as were the remarks about the peasantry. Gawan on

one occasion in garrival loaned his horse to a

 

wounded knight who sped away with the animal.
leaving Gavan with a poor horse that was unable to
bear his weight. Gawan was forced to walk and lead
the miserable creature. for which he was chided by
Orgelusi. through whose land he was traveling.

. . . “What. beer you huckster's trash
Here in my land for vending?

O O 0

Look out for tolls along your track:

My man. toll from you taking.

Hill see your joy forsaking."16
Thus Oawan. traveling afoot leading a poor horse.
might be mistaken for a merchant. In another
sub-plot of garsival. Gawan approached the castle
at leoroscho. where the Duke's wife and daughters
speculated on his identity. The older girl believed
him to be a merchant. but her mother pointed out
that his men were bearing shields. The girl replied.
”'That's what many merchants do.'" thus suggesting
that merchants attempted to associate themselves
with the nobility by adopting certain of the

76
Wolfram von lschonbach. The "Percival." 502.
12-18.

46.

recognizable features of the latter. The younger
daughter rebuked her sister.

"Thy charge his bearing doth belie.

Sister. thou shouldst be ashamed.

A merchant he was never named.

He is so beauteous to see."
As Gawan dismounted the mother addressed her elder
daughter.

"What merchant. daughter wouldat thou find

With such behavior knightly? 27.

Pray treat him more politely.”
This emphasis upon "knightly behavior" is part of
the social code of chivalry. which tended further
to separate classes. Knightly deportment could not
be disguised easily. when presenting himself at
the Irish court for the purpose of obtaining laet
as a bride for King Hark. Tristan introduced
himself as a foreign merchant. lsot. however.
observed "his form so beautooua. I Zing] his ways

so glorious." which showed his hearing to be such

as should entitle him to rule a kingdom. rather than

 

to travel from land to land to eke out a living.28
WW?
.12i200 353: 11~30i 353. 1-16.
28

Gottfried von Stressburg. The "Tristan and
Isolde." ll. l0008-036. ”

47.

Demeanor was thus a most significant criterion for
determining social position. The courtly society
of romance embodied an elaborate and often
ostentatious social code. Those not thoroughly
conversant with the code were automatically beyond
the pale of genteel society. The manners reflected
in the epic were those of a polite society--dignified
and gentle yet simple and unpretentious. hrothgar
“knew courtly custom" and his dignified queen was of
"gentle manners."29 Tot "beauty" and "behavior"
were not emphasised as designating rank or position
as they did in romance. The implication is that
the aristocracy presented in the epic had not yet
fortified its exclusive position with a code of
conduct. which in the age of romance served as a
barrier between social classes.

Although sharp class distinctions. with the
nobility disparaging and despising those not of
their caste. is the prevailing attitude revealed in
romance. occasionally a voice is lifted in protest
against the system. It is not unusual for a knight.
at the end of a long and spectacular career. to

”“57”
Beowulf. tr. Kennedy. p. lb and 22.

 

48.

retire from the world and to assume the habit of

a hermit. This is usually done as personal
penance and there are two outstanding examples of
such hermits meditating on the equality of man.
Guy of Varwick. while on a religious pilgrimage.
stopped in a graveyard to examine skulls. no
speculated that a particular skull might have
belonged to a monarch. a counsellor of state. or a
beautiful woman. but death reduced all to a common

degree so that even a monarch's poorest subjects

30

would no longer envy him. A similar. but even

more explicit oqualitarian spirit is shown in 223
£22.! £29; 91 5122!} After Renaud assumed a pilgrim's
dress. his social outlook was presented in the
following manner:

Renaud considered all men as equal.
and only distinguished them by
their virtues; he considered as
child‘s play those distinctions
that fortune and birth create
amongst men; he had no respect for
conventional merit. which only
exists in opinion. and in this
sense. he considered himself on a
level with the poorest and lowest
01‘0‘0e e e

0
3 "Guy larl of Warwick. " in Early English Tress
Romances. p. 393.

The Tour Sons ofA n; or. The Days_ of
Char ems“ no Romance o Chivalry. tr. I. _haslitt
Tlondon. 15517 7. p.

 

49.

In his wanderings Renaud came upon some masons
laboring to build a monastery. He considered:

"What . . . is the object of such
fatiguing and dangerous labourl To
gain food. to save them from
starving. These men. condemned
from their birth to misery--are
they not. like no. children of
nature? why have they not had an
equal share of her favours?--havs
they not the same rights to them?
Ah: they have rights. no doubt; but
it is we'who powerful and rich. who.
abusing weakness and innocence.
have usurped the righte_and made
victims of their follow-creatures.
0h. cruel and unjust race! can
nature give you no advantages.
without your employing them to
abuse her? Hell. than. let us
revenge her. I might have had a
mason for my father. as 1 am born
of Aymon. allied to Charlemagne. Let
me leave the station fate has fixed
for no. and let us enter upon one I
might have had.”3

With this he went to work as a laborer. performing
his job so well that the mason wanted to put '
Renaud in charge of operations. ". .'. but an
enemy of all distinctions. Renaud saw that to be
a master-mason would be to oppose this law of
equality. . .." so he left his job to continue his
wanderings.’3 such espousals of equalitarianism
”‘31- A A- A

3335.. p. 238.

33
Ibtde. Pa 139.

 

50.

in aristocratic reading matter. however rare.
indicate that some concern was felt over the
injustices inherent in a stratified society. Both
examples are of men withdrawn from society. Guy
enpiating the sins of his youth. and Renaud
disillusioned with worldly matters. The egalitarian
sentiments of the two men reflect the influence of
Christian teachings and thus appear to have been
religiously inspired.

Jean do .lieun‘s portion of 3.31.! Romance _o_f_ £52
52;: contains a strong protest against the social
order of his day. instead of drawing upon Christian
doctrine. do noun follows a more rationalistic
argument. He turned to the Latin classicists.
primarily Ovid. for the basis of his argument.
De loun lauded the primitive simplicity of the
Golden Age when men were free:

"From bondage. yoke. and slavery.

And peaceably they shared their good

In perfect love and brotherhood."3‘

But with the introduction of covetousness.

avarice. and other evils. which he maintained

 

35.
w. Lorrie and J. Clopinol. The Romance 25 the
lose.tr. Ellis. 11. ll. 9950-955.

51.

appeared as a result of Jason's quest for the

Golden lleeco. the human race became corrupt and

land was unequally divided. Var resulted as

those with property attempted to keep it ". . .

and thus the strong I beat back the weak. . . ."35

"idle raving bands of rascalt‘grew up that

foraged and pillagod. With the world in this

sorry state. it was necessary to select a king:
. . . who might give heed

To all men's surety. and adjudge

loch plaiat of fraud. misdeed. or grudge

with upright. fair. impartial voice. . . .36

lost significant for a thirteenth century writer.
and certainly a credit to the tolerance of the
period. is the author's choice of a king. which
further illustrates de leun's regard for the humble.

Then from the host men set apart

A sturdy peasant. hold of heart.

0f mighty strength. and towering height
Called him theis lord. and gave him right
Above the rest. 7

he guarded his subjects in return for the living
they provided him. The compact worked well until

robbers fell upon the king;

‘-3§i§gg.. ll. 11. 100k9-050.
’1;g;g.. Ti. 11. loose—oss.
32§§£5.. ll. 11. 10061-065.

 

52.

And than men met and made appeal.

Inch unto each. a ten to pay.

whereby their king from disarray

To guard. and all the people vowed
from out their lands should be allowed
A fair and wide domain. and thus

Began the burden onerous

0f kings and princes. as yo ass

Urit plain in many a history.33 '

Assigning such humble origins to kingship. it is
not surprising that in various other ways do noun
emphasised and reemphasircd the essential equality
of man. Apparently a popular superstition of his
day was that comets were interpreted as signs
announcing the deaths of princes. be loan did not
deny that comets ”ZEYontrolcleg7 things men count
as chance.“ but as for predicting deaths of kings
he asserted.

Is! no: the heavenly powers deign not

Kore to note deaths of kings 1 wet.

Than those of honest churls. nor are

King's bodies dead. one dab of tar

Hora worth than those of clerk and squire.

0r honest man who work for hire;

loch cries alike on gossip's knee 3
lewborn -- what difference can we see? 9

 

Clearly ”IEThe democrat speaks in every line)“.0
W “**:.— “S: A r ..
Ib“e. II. 1‘s 1°0‘0‘088e
39
lbid.. 111. 11. 19403-410.
so

flood. The Spirit 3!.rrotogg. p. d9.

53.

Instead of associating nobility with birth
and social position. ds noun repeatedly stated
that true nobility depended upon the possession
of virtues that ". . . rude folk, who are but
born I To till the earth" night also possess.

For all nan will agree. I wot.

That nothing can confer noblesse

On any living nan. unless

His hand some noble work hath done;
For glory by e tether uon

Cen no more give his children tans
Then can his nisdoeds shadow blame.‘1

rarticularly caustic are the author's comments
when speaking of those who:

. . . love hawking by the river.
0r following up with horse and hound
The nerry chase. the full year round.
And though but idle oats they be.
Pose es the (lower of chivalry.
Such nen are not of noble birth.
But only trade upon the worth
at others. and when they appeal
To ancient lineage make, but steel
The honored uses of those who uon
lohility in days bygone. ‘_
For though all use are born through [Eaturg/
Equal. straightuay they wish to be
at other nobleness than that

[fiaturfi] giraIIZ . . .l’2
he Kenn referred here to that ronenceoreading class.

whose decadence use contained in its very node of

6f
3. Lorrie and J. Clopinel. The Romance _5 the
loss. tr. lllis. 111. 11. 196223353.
Ibid.. 111. ll. 19680-694.

 

54.

existence. No group can set itself apart as an
isolated caste and avoid the decay that de Heun
observed even in the thirteenth century.

Further evidence of de Haun's radicalism
is found in his economic ideas. which are
thoroughly communistic. One of the greatest
attributes of the Golden Age. of which he spoke
so reverently. was that personal possessions were
unknown.“3 with his disdain for private property
it is only natural that he looked upon theft with
leniency. He saw poverty as the cause of crime:

Dreer Poverty. of wit bereft.

Led by the hand her infant, Theft.

Who to the gibhet goes straightuay,

Seeking his mother's needs to stay.44

And again:

But Poverty is far more fell

And cruel than grin Death: to soul
And body both it bringeth dole.
Without the respite of an hour.
And urgeth men to actions dour.

Of murder. theft, and perjury,

And uhatso other vice nay he
wherewith man's race is pestered.

 

Ibidsp 11. Is 8767 and 1s 8810a
44

lhid.. 11. 11. 9997-10000.
45

Ibid.. 11, 11. 8560-567.

55.

De Mann‘s entire social outlook was at variance
with the accepted system of the day. In
discussing problems he supported his opinions by
an appeal to reason. lesson and nature were
accorded the highest positions in his allegory.
This, plus his indebtedness to the Latin classical
writers. places de lean more nearly in the spirit
of the Renaissance than in that of the Riddle Ages.
The attitudes toward the structure of
society that are revealed in popular literature
may be summarised in the following manner: 1) The
epic implies the existence of a definite aristocratic
class, but one not sufficiently conscious of itself
to be completely isolated from. or contemptuous of
the rest of society. The foundation, however, for
the points of view expressed in the age of romance
are herein laid. 2) The dominant attitude found in
romance implies a rigid class system with the
nobility displaying contempt and ridicule for any
not of their caste. w. P. Ker very competently
summarises the difference in the aristocracy of the

two periods.

3) The beginnings of a third attitude. which stands

in pretest against the established systen. is found

The form of society in an heroic age

is aristocratic and magnificent. At

the same time, this aristocracy differs
from that of later and more

specialized forms of civilization. It
does not make an inseparable difference
between gentle and simple. There is
not the entrees division of labour that
produces the contempt of the lord for
the villain. The nobles have not yet
discovered for themselves any form of
occupation or mode of thought in virtue
of which they are widely severed from
the commons. nor have they invented any
such ideal of life or conventional
system of conduct as involves an
ignorance or depreciation of gas common
parasite of those below them.

in romance. lcattered examples suggest the

development of a consciousness of the inequities

and absurdities inherent in the social system.

66

Ker. Epic and lomance, p. 1.

Chapter 111
KIIGSRIP

in both the epic age and the later romance
period a king stood at the apex of the social
hierarchy. A contrast. however. is found in the
presentation of the king. lot only is there a
contrast in the personality and influence of the
king. but also striking differences occur in the
relationship between the king and his counsellors
and between the king and his vessels.

The king is presented in the epic as a
powerful figure commanding respect. A strong king
was a necessity. particularly to provide leadership
in war; to be without a king was disastrous. as is
'suggosted by the announcement that a son had been
born to lcyld for ”. . . God saw the distress I
The leaderloss nation had long endured."‘ The good
king was the successful king a- successful.
primarily in a nilitsry sense. The description of
Icyld. tho Spear-Dane king. might define any good

_1
'“Wl‘g It. KC“.". ’o 3o

58.

king reflected in the epic:

Hany a mead-hall Scyald. . . .
Snatched from the forces of savage foes.

O O o .

Be throve under heaven in power and pride

Till alien peeplea beyond the ocean 1

Paid toll and tribute. A good king he:
in addition to being a conqueror the king was
expected to provide for the material welfare of
his followers. fsowulf was a king fulfilling
both of these obligations:

his was the hand that defended the hoard.

Heroes. and realm against ravaging foe.

By noble counsel and dauntless deed.

Let us go quickly to look on the king

who brought us treasure. . . .

In The tong 25 Island. Charlemagne was the

”‘ who

"portrait of the ideal earthy sovereign.
like the Teutonic king. provided military leadership.
0n the field of battle charismagne rode and fought
with his men; he was courageous and strong and
commanded the respect. loyalty. and love of his

followers. lore than this he was a devout.

courageous. and dignified sovereign. who stood as a

.i v
lbid.. p. 3.
3

‘Ibt‘s g pp. ’2~,e

 

The tong gg'noland. tr. Sayers. p. 14 (latro.).

59.

symbol of justice. When the Frankish council.
out of fear of rinabol. implored the king to pardon
Ganelon. Charlemagne:

Made wrathful answer: "Cowards are you all!"
And the King’s face darkened. when he saw
That all were faithlsss. Crying out as one
Pierced to the heart. he cursed them all.5

With the king's demand for justice. the council

6

then declared a traitor's death for Canclon. As

Charlemagne stood for justice. so did Alfonso. at

whose court the Cid received legal retribution for
injustices dons him and his family by the Heirs of
Carrion. ling Alfonso addressed the court he had

called to hear the Cid's plea for justice. thus:

"See that you render justice. All felseness
l gainssy.
On one side and the other let us keep the
peace this day.
Who breaks our peace. i swear by the faint
Isidore.
Shall be banished from my kingdom. nor
have my favor more.
nis side 1 will maintain it whose cause
is right and fair."7

The epic king is further shown as a person of
authority. Roland volunteered to serve as ambassador

‘33: Song of Roland. tr. Irsdorick Bliss Luquions
(new York. [5325. pp. 94-5. Unless otherwise
indicated all quotations from Roland refer to this
translation.

‘
Ibid.. p. 100.
Th. L5! .2; th. Cid. p. 110s

60.

to the court of the Paynim King. Harsila.
Charlemagne. however. made it clear that neither
koland nor any of the great peers would be allowed
to go. "And the Franks I Were silent all. none

«3.

dared gainsay their king. Although the crown

was guided by decisions of the council. it seems
that when the king’s command was explicitly
expressed no objections were raised. Similarly.
when banishing the Cid. Alfonso issued an order to
the inhabitants of Burgos that none were to make
welcome or give shelter to the smile. The
inhabitants:
lain had they made him welcome. but none
dared to do the thing
for fear of Don Alfonso. and the fury of
the King.
ljyhe Compeador departed unto his lodging
straight.
But when he was come thither. they had
locked and barred the gate.
In their fear of King Alfonso had they
done even so.
In contrast to the king presented in the
epic. who was a military leader. a provider of

material necessities. and s dispenser of justice.

__fW_ an.
h of Roland. p. 11.

“

fte id.p.2.

 

 

El:

61.

the kings in romance have shrunk in stature.
power. and dignity. A direct comparison to the
Charlemagne of Roland is provided in EEEEMSS
Bordeaux and 3333 £235 £931; of £222.93 In the
thoroughly romanticined extant version of £323,
Charlemagne can only be described as weak.
vascillating. unjust. unreasonable. and quarrelsome.
he was subject to the influence of corrupt
counsellors and acted according to the wishes of
the last person speaking to him -- in a word the
king had become thoroughly degraded.

The tale opens with the king whiningly
complaining that he "'. . . can no longer bear the
travail and pain of the government . . ..'" which
sets the tone for his character. He asked counsel
concerning the disposition of the throne. for one
of his sons was too young to rule and the other's
"'. . . manners and conditions are not meet to
have the government.. . .AAe long as I live. I will
not consent that he shall have the government
. . ..'“ the king asserted. The counsellors
conferred and decided that the incompetent son

should rule ”. . . at which the lmperor was right

62.

joyful." thus showing his susceptahility to
influence. his traitorous. but trusted counselor.
larl Amaury. than suggested the land of the late
Duke Seguin (Huon's father) should be taken from
Base and his brother and given to Chariot.
Charlemagne's older son. to that the heir might
prove his governing abilities. Charlemagne thanked
the Earl for his suggestion and readily agreed.
Then the good Duke Haynes reminded the king that
Ssguin had served him well "‘. . . and never did
thing whereof you ought to disinhcrit his

children . . ..'" therefore his sons should be

sent for to do homage and if they failed to obey
than there would be cause to take action against
them. Charlemagne answered. "‘Sir Duke. I know
certainly that Duke tcguin both served us truly.
and the reason you have showed is just therefore

I grant it shall be as you have spoken.'”‘°
lumorous similar examples could be provided. but
these sufficiently reveal a weak. easily influenced

king -- a type which does not exist in the epic.
m a Y w

flush of bordesux. tr. John beuchier. Lord
Iorners .33’:...I3 5y Iobert fteele (London.
1.95). pp. 3"o

 

63.

When Charlemagne acted unjuctly toward
deem. the peers severely criticized their king.
Duke Keynes. speaking against Charlemagnc's
arbitrary order exiling Huon. threatened the king
if the order were carried out "'. . . neither 1
nor any other man shall trust you. and every man.
for and near. that heareth of thine extortion
shall say that in the end of your days you are
become childish. and more like a cot than a wise
man.‘" The king remained unmoved and Iaymes asserted
that Charlemagne was acting against right and reason.
but because he "'. . . is our sovereign lord. we
must suffer his pleasure.'" But by “suffering his
pleasure.” laymen apparently meant not actively
opposing the crown for the Duke announced he.
"'. . . £ioul37 depart and never return again to a
place where such extortion and unreasonableness is
used. . . .‘" following this assertion of passive
resistance all the barons walked out. causing the
king to reconsider. "’I see well I am.forcod some-
what to follow their wills.’ and therewith he wept
pitsously. “Duke Caymas and all my barons. I require

you to return again. for of force I must grant your

64.

desires. though it be against the promise that I

made before.”11

not only does this reflect an
attitude of contenpt for kingship. but it also
illustrates that the council definitely held the
upper hand. The king was at the nercy of his
advisers who could iorce hin to honor their wishes
by deserting hina

d sinilsr. although not quite so despicable,
picture of the king is drawn in m 5335 m 35
‘51333. here Charlemagne is presented. not so such
as an evil king. as one guided by evil counsellors.
he was weak and unable to control his council. which
continually reproached his {or what it considered
unjust decisions. The peers frequently reinsed to
carry out the king‘s connands. tor example, when
Charlemagne ordered the execution of Renaud'e
brother. who was is rebellion against the crown.
none o! the barons would escort the condemned man
to the site of execution; hence his life was
spared.12 Oliver took the rebelling naugis prisoner.

but reinsed to turn him over to the king. Haugis

 

ll
1b£‘e . Pp. 50.2e
12
Eggyiowr Bons‘gg hymen, pp. 116-17.

65.

boasted. "'. . . it is a very gratilying sight, and
a glorious triumph for no to have turned one

against another the knights errant. . . .'“1’ This
division accounts for the ineffective war the king
executed against the rebelling vusaals. When usugia
succeeded in escaping tron his captors. "Charla-agne
and his peers renaiaed for sore tine notioaless with
terror. and sitar acne tine only recovered their
presence of nind to debate as to what was to be
done. . . . They consequently. did not cone to any
decision. but proceeded on their return to the asap.
the knights secretly laughing at the result at this
advanture."1‘ the king‘s total inability to eontrol
his own nan was again illustrated by his destruction
of the eatapulta used is besieging Renaud. no
feared others night follow the exanpla oi lynch.

who used the catapults to shoot provisions rather

15

than stones into the besieged town. when the (our

sons and their nan finally escaped iron the besieged

city ". . . the peers rejoiced is secret. . . ."1‘

‘!§*‘e . Pa ‘31.
1
Ibtd. . ’1 1‘2.

1511214. g Pa 1‘1e

t‘zbd‘sg ’e 1’1a

 

66.

the peers finally resorted to the same tactics
they had used in 5223 to coerce the crown into
subaitting to their wishes; they deserted
Charlenagne taking their nan with than. thus
reducing his forces by half and ". . . the peers
. . . would not return into Charlaa' service till
he had nade peace with the sons of Aynon.”u it
would be difficult to inagine a were couplets
contrast than the attitude toward the king as
refleeted in epic and the attitude found in
certain of the ronancas. the king of ronance had
ceased being an effective nilitary leader; instead
of representing justice. he was unjust; and
instead of his authority being respected and
obeyed. he could no longer control his own nan.
the other outstanding king found is ronance
is the legendary Arthur. a unique figure requiring
special consideration. in the romances of
Chritian and the Grail legends. Arthur is a
nebulous figure. who is ever in the background. a
really clear picture of bin is obscured by his

entourage of knights errant. who occupy the

T: ._._ w w—
Ibt‘e. Po 1’30

 

foreground in the romances. Arthur is looked upon
with honor and respect; his fans is universal; and
to serve at his court is the ultimate ambition of
virtuous knights. Arthur's court is presented as
a place where those wronged or in trouble could
seek assistance and secure justice. As szin
pointed out to an unfortunate person plagued by an
evil giant, ”'Sira, I am sorry and distressed
about this trouble of yours; but I marvel greatly
that you have not asked assistance at good King
Arthur's court. There is no man as mighty that he
could not find at his court some who would be glad
to try his strength with his.”18 As for real
political influence Arthur had little. Arthur was
not, however, completely powerless, as a statement
made by Chritienshowed. Arthur issued a general
sun-one to his liege man and "Rona darelfl? to hold
back and not go to court at the King's summons.”19

frinarily his court was a place ". . . where non

and women lived in conformity with the rules of

g .
Chritian de Troyes. "Yvain," in Arthurian
Romances, p. 62.

 

Chrétien da troyas. "Bree at Enide," in
Arthurian lonances, p. 24.

67.

68.

courtesy. where truth was told, where generosity
was open-handed. where the weak and innocent were
protected by man who dedicated themselves to the

cult of honor and to the quest of a spotless

20

reputation." Arthur was the arbiter in these

affairs. leigning in this idealised situation,
King Arthur had little need to be concerned with
invading fees or rebelling vessels.

the concept of hingship which Arthur
personified 1. illustrated by Chrdtien. Arthur.
in addressing his knights regarding a courtly
decision, asserted.

"If any one wishes to protest let him
straightway speak his mind. 1 am King.
and must keep my word and must not
permit any baseness, falsity, or
arrogance. I must maintain truth and
righteousness. It is the business of
a legal king to support the law,

truth, faith, and justice. I would
not in any wise commit a disloyal

deed or wrong to either weak or strong.
It is not meet that anyone should
complain of me: nor do I wish the
custom and the practice to lapse,
which my family has been wont to
foster. You, too, would doubtless
regret to see me strive to introduce
other customs and other laws than
chose my royal sire observed.

 

25

Arthurian Romances. pp. 8-11.

69.

Regardless of consequences. I am

bound to keep and maintain the

institution of my father Pendragon,

who was a just king and emperor.

how tell me fully what you think!

Let none be slow to speak his mind,

. . . 1 wish to know what you truly

think."21
Unlike the king of the epic, who was primarily
concerned with providing for the elemental needs
of his people. the important function of the
Arthurian king was to establish and maintain an
ethical society. Arthur's conception of the duty
of kings. together with a court devoted to service,
reflect a new social ideal. It may seem
incongruous that both the Charlemagne and the
Arthurian types of king were found in romances of
the same period. the former, however. represents
the more realistic view of kingship. while Arthur
symbolizes the ideal of what kings might have been.

the epic and the romance reflect different
bases for, as wall as different relationships
between lord and vessel. The leader in the epic

commanded the allegiance and respect of his men

because of superior strength. skill. and leadership,
21

 

Chrdtien dc troyes. “tree at Enide” in Arthurian
tomancas, p. 24.

70.

and not because of a rigid systen oi subordination.
For example.

to Hrothger was granted glory in war.

Success in battle, retainers bold

Obeyed hin gladly! his band increased

to e eighty host. 1
Without a rigid social system. the leader lust be
particularly conscious of gaining the support of
his people. the leowuli poet cleriiied this point:

So must a young nan strive for good

with gracious gifts tron his iather's store.

That in later seasons. it war shell scourge.

a willing people nay serve him well.23
Perhaps these words suggest a partial explanation
ter the lack of aristocratic contempt in the epic
age tor those of interior status.

the epic reflects a deep sense of duty on
the part a! vessels toward their lords. This duty
is based prinarily upon loyalty and to a lesser
estent upon the practical basis oi repaying benelits
received tree the lord.2‘ the bond oi personal

loyalty is well illustrated by the ingloulaaon epic,

 

’“Wlt. ‘te ‘.“.". Po 5e
23

Ibi‘e. Po 3e
25

The Oldest anglish I is. p. 135 (8a.).

71.

Heldon. The death of the Saxon earl, Byrhtnoth,
inspired his men the lore:

. . . these loyal thegns kept forward and
advancing,

Uncowardly nen eagerly fighting;

Every one of them wished but one of two
things: .

To give up his life, or avenge his dear
lord.35

The dual obligations a! kinship and vesselage
inspired Aelfwinex

”never will ny isllew thegns have reason

to twit me,
That I from this troop was willing to flee.
To seek my home, now my chief lies dead,
flown in the battle; greatest oi barns to us.
For he was both my kinemsn end my lord."2

Leofsunu asserted,
"i promise this, that I will not hence
flee the space at a foot; but I will go
forward 27
re avenge in battle ey friendly lord.”
when Otis was slain the pest connected.

but yet he eade good what he had vowed to

his lord,

O O 0

That they should both ride back to their
town

Safe to their homes, or both fell in battle,

.._§5 i

The Battle gfi'laldon; An In lieh Poem of the
Tenth Eentur , tr. EEarIes-3. r es (Ann r?5.:.
ui‘ie. 925). lle 205'08e .

2§Ibid.. 11. 220-24.

2'1b1g.. 11. 246-48.

 

72.

On the field of slaughter to die of their
wounds. 28
he thus lay thegn-lihe near to his lord.
in old veteran. nurhtwold. clinased these state-ants
of loyalty thus:
"here lies our lord out down and slain,
Our lord in the dust; always nay he rue it
Hho now tree this war-play even thinks of
escaping.
I an old in years. hence will I never.
But I for ny part by the side of ny lord.
fly so dear a nan expect to lie slain."29
it is only to rally the cowards that reference is
node to the practical obligation due the lord in
return for ". . . all the good things I which
their lord while he lived had done for their
welfare."30 wiglef issued a siniler reeindor to
the thegns who deserted Beowulf when he taught
the dragon.31 the predeaieent attitude. however.
is that of personal loyalty to as honored and
loved lord. with eaphasis on the thegns' duties

and responsibilities to their lord.

 

‘21 v we

lbid.. ll. 289-!‘.

29
Ibid.. 11. Sid-19.

30
lbid.. ll. 196o’7.

31
Beowulf. tr. Kennedy. pp. 84-5.

73.

the Cid offers an excellent. although not
so drenatic. eaenplo of a vessel's loyalty to
his lord. Due to the influence of enemies at court.

31 instead of

the Cid had been sailed by his king.
seeking revenge. the Gid innediately set out to
vindicate hineelf and thus regain favor-with the
king. in reconquering spenish territory fron the
floors. he was careful not to plunder needlessly.
After taking Castejon. the Cid instructed his nan.
“'Let us on the norrow norning prepare to ride away./
[or against ny lord Alfonso theotrife I would not
stir.'"’3 following each raid the Cid sent a
portion of the booty "'ZEYnto the King Alfonse that

'"3‘ After negotiations were

is ny lord by right.
opened between the did and his king. Alfonso arranged
for the Coupeador's fenily to Join bin. The Cid
presented Alfonso with two hundred horses: "'rhat

of his who rules Valencia [3.e.. Oil? the king no

ill nay say. I . . . Uhilo I have breath within us.

 

"‘31 * A " “ ' *
tidal. rho Cid and is Spain. pp. 168-70.
33
1h. 1": A ch. Cid. p. 19s
3‘

1514.. Pa “o

74.

'f!35

I will serve him evernore. when the nesting

for reconciliation occurred between the Cid and
his hing. the vessel:

forthwith to earth be bent hin on hand an
on the knee.

And the grass of the needow with his very
teeth he rent.

And wept exceeding sorely so great was his
contCRt o

How well unto Alfonso to do honage doth he
know.

And there before his sovereign's feet be
cast him even so.3

It was a joyful Cid who was restored to his lord's
favor. but while banished no trace of disloyalty
occurred. tidal points out that the Cid:

. . . though grossly insulted by Alfonso.
. . . here with bin and treated hin with
respect. According to law. he owed no
fealty to the King. and yet his loyalty
was unswerving.. . . This attitude would
be incomprehensible if. as is possible.
we were to assuno that the motives of
the spanish here were purely personal ..
. . But if on the other hand. the Cid of
poetry is on all occasions respectful
toward his royal persecutor. it is
because the longed-for pardon noans
reconciliation with ”fair Castile“;

which he puts before his personal pride.37

 

Ibide. Pp. 63¢‘o
36
151‘s. PPe 10-1o
37
tidal. 3.9.9. 9.3.9. 533 51.; Spain. pp. 420-21.

75.

Pidal thus suggests that the loyalty of the Cid
was motivated by a love of country. rather than
by the narrower personal loyalty of a vessel toward
his lord. It is undoubtedly true that the Cid had
the interests of Castile firmly in mind. but it
also seems that a personal loyalty and feeling of
duty toward his lord strongly motivated him;
otherwise sons disrespect for the king would have
appeared.
the Irankish hosts. fighting at Roneeval.
were fighting for "sweet trance" and the ”Christian
faith." but the song 25 Roland also reflects the
sinpler and more direct notive of service for
“Charles [theifl glorious ring." Oliver announced
the approach of the Paynime and Roland answered.
”God give your words be true! than for our
King
Here nay we stand and fight as brave nan
should.
for his liege lord a knight ungrudgingly
lust bear distress and aching toil. nor
shrink
from scorching sun or blast of winter
"n‘. 38.
her rock of life or linb."
And as the battle began Roland again expressed duty

to his lord:

h. 803‘ J ‘OICRd. 9. 36s

 

 

 

76.

”It is Frankish law

That every man nust suffer for liege lord

0r good or ill. or fire or wintry blast,

Ay. truly. must not reek of life or linb.

Bestir you comrade: Grasp your lanes, and 1

My Durendal. bestowed by the King’s hand.

Whoever wears it after me shall say:

’This was the sword of one who fought till

death.'"39
Holden. Cid. and Roland all prove the intimate.
personal relationship between vessel and lord. The
epic illustrates the vessel's deep sense of duty
based more open personal loyalty than upon a rigidly
enforced system of subordination.

The literature of the age of romance shows a
trend away iron emphasis on duty to the lord toward
the rights of vessels. Not all romances suggest
such a change. Even when the rights of vessels are
enphaaieed in order to Justify eritieion of. or
disloyalty to. the lord. an apologetic note is often
added. Yet the change in spirit is sufficiently
clear in some ronances to provide a definite contrast
with the spin. The nere fact that vessels. opposing
their king. are the ”heroes” of aertein ronenees

indicates this change. Considerable importance was

 

placed upon the legal limitations of the lord's

w39
Ibid.. p. so.

77.

power over his vessels. When Charlemagne
announced the conditions governing combat between
huon and Earl Aneury. the barons and peers
reminded their king that such conditions would be
against "’. . . the statute of the noble realm of

.."40 After

Trance and the empire of Roma. . .
Boon subdued his opponent. however. the king
issued a decree of banishment. Huon told
Charlemagne that in "'. . . execut£3n§7 your own
unreasonable will [you are acting] against all
statutes royal and imperial. . . .'"“ In spite
of the king's injustice. the wronged vessel would
not go so far as to sever relations with his lord.
father noon insisted. "‘. . . to obey you there

is no thing in this mortal world that any human
body nay do. but that I shall undertake to do

it; . . . if i nay thereby be reconciled with your
Creca.'"‘z In this obedient spirit he went forth

to carry out the "adventurous" exile his king

forced upon his. The vessel technically remained

'-_IU##V * ’“7
nun 2-! u:‘u“g 'o “a
‘1 '
Ibi‘og Pa 50.
‘2
Ibi‘a. pa 52o

 

78.

loyal to his lord. but by reminding the lord of his
obligations a new tone is introduced.

kenaud is even more explicit in reminding
the king of the reciprocal nature of the feudal
contract. Aynon and his sons reproached Charlemagne
for allowing Canelon's treachery to the Duke Bouvas
d'Aigrenont to go unpunished:

. . . but Renaud. finding their efforts
useless. ventured to tell the lnperor
that the oaths taken by funerain lords
and their lieganen ware reciprocal:

and that, if the vessel promised to
serve his lord. the lord in his turn.
tacitly engaged himself to protect

his vessel. Consequently. the oath
became of no effect from the tine

that the conditions were not faithfully
adhered to on both sides; and.
therefore since henvee's relatives
possessed the power. the king. by not
punishing their oppressor. gave then
also the liberty to take the law into
their own hands.

The king did not kindly welcone the reproach and
his reply indicated that he considered hinself
above honoring his obligations:

"hash young nan! Uho art thou. that
presunest to pass judgment on kings?
1 know that the oath which unites
kings to their people. obliges then
to protect them; but dost thou in
thy pride flatter thyself thou

coast road in the hearts of
sovereigns. penetrate their notives.

 

£3
The Pour Ions gg'Azggn. p. 21.

79.

and so decide whether they act
properly or not? Here it so. the
very lowest of their subjects
would possess the right to accuse
kings of injustice. if their ideas
did not accord with their own."“4

While a breach of feudal obligations on the part

of the king was considered sufficient cause for a

vessel "to take the law into (51¢? own hands." the

tale indicates that shear strength alone did not

entitle a vessel to rise against his lord. At the

opening oi the story Duke Bauvss reasoned that he

need not contribute his forces to fight his king's

were because:

"By vhat right . . . does Charlemagne
pretend to oblige ne to assist hint
ls it because he reigns over states
nora vast than nine! If he neasures
his empire by its extent. nay I not
also measure nine by the passive
obedience of ny subjects? I! he
considers hinseli ny sovereign
because he is the stronger. what
because of his title when I can
pretend to as nuch as he? It is
true that I swore to obey and assist
him. but you all know the value of
political oaths wrung iron the
weakness of a sovereign. or caused
by imperative necessity. but whose
obligation ceases vith the inability
to repulse the superior pover.. e s
bsolute sovereign over my

 

~36

'._.T.

lbtde. PO 280

subjects. stronger than Charles

owning to the situation of my

3tat08 a e e I fear bUt littl. Ch.

menaces of which Lothaire ._

Lgharlcmagne‘s son and ambassador]

is the bearer.. . . As an ambassador

I owe hin courtesy. but as the son

of a szgereign I owe him nothing .

. N
This nachiavellian sentiment did not win the
sympathy of hymen nor his sons; rather they
criticised Charlemagne for his failure to fulfill
his obligations.

The ill feeling between the sons of nylon
and their lord eventually resulted in open war.
the struggle continued for fifteen years with
neither side gaining a decisive advantage. During
the struggle the rebels refrained from holding
the king personally responsible; rather they
considered hin the victin of evil counsel. Renaud
lanented.‘@ilas! the people's sufferings are not
always attributable to their kings: but nore
frequently to the courtiers. who nake use of the

king as a tool with which they work out their own

 

projects of revenge.’"‘6 Renaud again expressed
T; __4._
Ibid.. Po And
66

Ibide. Po 10‘s

81.

the same attitude upon learning that the king would
forgive all the rebels if one of the brothers

would surrender his person to the crown.
"'Charlemagne is great and generous; and had he
been allowed to follow the dictates of his own
heart. he would long since have accepted the
proposal I made him to take ourselves out of his
doninions; but Pinabel and Ganelon have nade him

“7 The

avoid clemency as a dangerous weakness.'"
rebels were careful never to harm the person of
the king; even while holding Charlemagne prisoner
Renaud argued. "’. . . Charles is our sovereign;
however unjust he nay be toward us. it is not for

‘8 And again Renaud

us to punish his unkindness.'"
reasoned, "'Hhatever be the king's will. . . . it
is our duty to submit. and to implore his clemency;
we are his subjects. and our lot is to serve hin
when he comnands us as a king. and to protest

ourselves when he treats us as enemies.'""

82.

As the tale moves forward the critical
attitude Renaud displayed at the opening is
greatly mitigated. until near the close he
counsels his sons, “'Hever forget he is your
sovereign. and always keep in your memory all I
have told you relative to your duties toward him.
. . . The history of my life will teach you the
fatal consequences of an appearance of forgetfulness
of this duty. Innocent as 1 was. the Heavens
allowed Charles to be inflexible toward me.. . .'“50
He is saying in effect that it was really he who
was misguided in opposing his lord. Whatever may
have induced the author to offer this lame
retraction, which sounds like an apology for the
entire story. the fact remains that the tale was
concerned with a vessel. who rebelled against what
he considered unjust treatment from his lord and
this lord was finally forced to offer peace on the
vessel's terms.

An explanation for the change in attitude
toward kings and the vessels‘ relationship to the
sovereign may in part be attributed to the fact

__l_..

50
Ibid.. p. 237.

83.

that authors of romances enjoyed the patronage

of feudal barons. The expected tendency would

be for the author to extol the baron at the expense
of the king. 0n the other hand the ninstrels sang
the epic lays at the royal court and Chadwick
cautions that court poets might have exaggerated
the power and influence of the royal family.51
Allowing for such distortions. a further explanation
for the differences may be that the romances were
composed at a time when kings. particularly in
trance. the home of the romance. were consolidating
power and building nations at the expense of the
barons; hence the romance reflects resentment
against strong kings. With due regard for
influences which affected poets and authors. the
fact remains that the epic and the romance reflect
different concepts of kingship. with a very

different relationship between lord and vessel.

 

"'31
hector lunro Chadwick. The heroic Age (London.
1’12). Po ’7’.

Chapter IV

RELIGION AND 138 SUPERIAIURAL

although epic and romance were popular
forms of literature written about secular subjects
for a secular audience. religious ideas were woven
into these stories. The religious views of the
aristocratic layman. however. were seldom presented
in theological terns. lather religious beliefs
and attitudes were revealed by implication.
The epic. far more than the romance.1
reflects a serious interest in both worldly and
otherworldly affairs. The subject matter of the
epic is grim struggle. often resulting in death
for the hero. Ioments of pleasure are pictured

occasionally; for instance. in heewulf. the

warriors' revels in the meed-hall.’ but such

 

1 s

The Percival of Wolfram von lschenbach is excluded
from any general references made to romance in this
chapter. The unique place Percival holds among the
romances is discussed on pages ll3~llO.

f

Beowulf. tr. Kennedy. p. 22 and pp. ss~so.

85.

examples are rare. The epic contains no expressions
of joy in natural phenomena. in sensual pleasures.
nor in material luxuries. If the tone of the epic
is not always entirely religious. it is never
frivolous. materialistic. nor irreverent.

with death a commonplace in the epic. much
concern is shown in preparing for life in the next
world. Beowulf. after his encounter with the
dragon. reviewed his life and prepared to meet
death with composure.

"for fifty winters l've ruled this realm.

And never a lord of a neighboring land

Dared strike with terror or seek with sword.

In my life I abode by the lot assigned.

Kept well what was nine. courted no quarrels.

Swore no false oaths. And now for all this

Though my hurt is grievous. my heart is glad.

khan life leaves body. the Lord of mankind

Cannot lay to my charge the killing of

kinsmen:"3

The more orthodox prayers of Byrhtnoth and Roland
show their earnest preoccupation with the fate of

their souls in the hereafter. nyrhtnoth implored

 

God.
"I give thanks to Thee. Ruler of peoples
for all the joys l have had in this world.
how. merciful Lord. I have greatest need
That Then to my spirit wilt render good.
j

Ibtds. p. 3's

86.

That my soul be permitted to fare to Thee.

In Thy protection. King of angels.

with peace to journey. I pray to Thee
earnestly

That the bounds of hell he allowed not to
harrass me."“

Equally sincere and repentant were the last words
of Roland.
”forgive. 0 God
The wrongs that l have wrought Thee. since
the day
When I was but; unto this day when here
I am fordone."
He concluded his prayer.
"father whose word is truth. who from the
grave ,
bidet ransom Lasarus. and from ravening lions
bidet rescue Daniel. rescue now my soul
from suffering for the sins which I have
sinned
All my 11:- long."6
The romance does not provide any direct
comparison with these final aupplicatiens. since the
"hero” of romance was seldom confronted with a
situation as serious as death. The romance authors
wrote pleasant tales of love and adventure. which

were exciting enough to be entertaining. but not

 

‘ a
th. B‘ttl. 2—! ”Ian. Ila 173‘80e
5
The Bong £5 Roland. p. 80.
6

Ibide 9 ’e 81.

87.

realistic enough to be unpleasant. The absence in
romance of serious problems and realistic situations
reflects a frivolous attitude toward this life.
while seldom was consideration given to otherworldly
affairs.

komance manifests an absorption in the
pleasures of this world. which can be illustrated
through the appreciative view some authors displayed
toward nature. Gottfried von Stracsburg'e
description of the "Kaytime". when King Harke held a
tournament. indicates such an attitude:

The gentle. sweetest cummcrtide

has summoned all its labor sweet

with real. and laid it at their feet.

The singing birds one often hears

in wooded glens. a joy to cars.

grass. flowers. leaves. and blossoms bright.

to all men's eyes a sheer delight.

giving the noble heart full pleasure-«7
Inch enthusiasm for this world implies a diminished
regard for the next.

not all romancsrs saw such an ideal world.
For instance. Jean de lawn. with his critical eye.
found the werld beset with evils and injustices. But

his secularism was revealed by his desire to improve,

.1; he
. Gottfried von Strassburg. The "Tristan and
Isolde." ll. 546-51.

 

88.

the conditions of this life. rather than to turn
exclusively to the next.

Although Jean de noun subscribed himself

a believer in the tenets of the Church.

he was untouched by the spirituality of

its message. his concern was with the

establishment on earth of a community

wherein theft and violence should exist

no more because poverty and oppression

were unknown.

The love theme. common to most romances. is
further evidence of the emphasis on earthly matters.
Not only was the courtly love idea exclusively
concerned with this world. it was also contrary to
Christian morality. The Tristan legend and the
lancelot story. to mention two of the most popular
medieval romances. are tales of adulterous love.
Chrdtien de Troyes. who authored hpncalot and who
wrote a Tristan romance. was clearly aware. as his
apologies indicate. of the immorality of these
stories. He opened Lancelot by saying that his
patroness. Marie of Champagne. provided him with
the material for the romance and that he was merely

writing it out of devoted service to her.9 In

""3—

flood. The Spirit 2! Protect. p. l59.

9

Chr‘tien dc Troyes. “Lancelot.“ in Arthurieg
figmances. p. 270.

 

89.

Clig‘o. Chrdtien used necromancy to avoid an
enplicit case of adultery. so that. as he has
lenice tell Cliges ". . . men should [39;] speak
of us as they speak of the loves of lscut and
Tristan.. . ."10

Aucassin :EQINicolete epitomises the worldly.
sensual. pleasure-seeking aspect of the romance.
eucassin was determined to marry licolste. a slave
purchased from the Saracens. If he married her. he
was warned. "'. . . all the days of the world your
body would be shamed by it and afterwards your soul
for this would be in hell. for into paradise you

ll

would never enter.‘” instead of attempting to

refute the contention that salvation or damnation
depended upon the nationality or social status of
his wife. Aucassin issued a lengthy tirade on his
preference for hell.

”In paradise what have I to do? 1 do
not seek to enter there. . ..Tor into
paradise gs none but such folk as I
shall tell you. Thither go this old
priest and that old cripple and the
other maimed man. who all night crouch
before these altars and in those old

""75 a .
Ibtde g Ppe 131-320
ll
Aucassinwggg_!icolete. p. 18.

 

90.

crypts. and those that wear those old
worn cloaks and those old rags. who
are naked and barefoot and tattered.
who are dying of hunger and of thirst
and of cold and of wretchedness.
These go into paradise; with them no
part have I."1

These words illustrate contempt for the cleric and
for the poor. and in essence are a renunciation of
Christianity. The emphasis on material and
sensual pleasures is shown by Aucassin’s concept
of hell.

"but into hell would I go; for into
hell go the fair clerk and the fair
knight who have died in the tourneys
and in the rich wars. and the stout
man-at-arms and the noble man. With
these would I go. And there go the
fair courtly ladies. such as have
two lovers or three besides their
lords; and there go the gold and the
silver and the furs white and gray;
and there go the harper and minstrel
and king of the world. With these
would 1 go.. . .“ 3

The entire romance ". . . breathes . . . [a]
spirit of absorption in the goodliness of this
earth and of unconcern for the future."1‘ and

as such illustrates a basic departure from the epic.

__4 W

12
Ibid.. pp. 18-19.
13
Ibida’ Pps 19'20e
14
wood. SEE Spirit 2; Protect. p. 172.

91.

Not all ronanees were as completely oriented

toward this world as Aucassin and Nicolate. It is

not uncommon to find a knight's youth spent in

the pursuit of love and adventure with later life

devoted to the expiation of sin resulting tron

knight-errantry. Guy oi Harwich was such a knight.

for he saw

“”13:

. . . those things that gave hin his
renown were vain and wicked in the
sight of Heaven. Ott would he sit
and meditate alone. on those vain
steps that his rash youth had trod;
than to himself with groans and

.griewous sighs would he cry out. "0

pardon as. just heaven: 1 have done
nothing yet thy grace to purchase.
but spent ny tine about a wonan's
taee. . . . How many tys have 1
wasted for a wife, but for Iy sins
never spent one weeping hour: It

is new high tine repentance to
begin: Rancetorth the remnant e!
ny days I will spend in eontrite
sorrow for ny torner sins, that
Heaven nay pardon all the string;
ways whereby fond flesh and blood
deceived ne. Unto the world I will
now go learn to die. let no he
censured for it as nan list; I will
please ny fisher in whatever I can:
ambitious pride hath been my youth's
disease: I will teach age neekness
ere ny glass be run. and bid fare.
well to honour. wealth. and beauty;
I will go through hell itself to
purchase heaven.”15

A
W

"Guy 01 Warwick," in Early English Prose
Romances. p. 384.

92.

Such an admission of sin, incurred through the
pursuit of love and adventure. indicates that the
author was clearly aware oi the unreligious, it
not the irrsligious. nature of the romance thence.
Adding a pious ending to a ronsncs to nitigate the
secular emphasis suggests the author attempted to
compronise sscularisn with religion.

Jean ds Heun did not tail to criticise the
practice oi withdrawing iron the world after having
devoted youth to sensual pleasures.

In youth run lawless passions wild.

Till folly is on telly piled.

3y loose companions led aside

Han changeth sit, and running wide.

Beconss at last, psrchencs, a monk;

Within sons dreary convent shrunk.

he casts of! nature's glorious gift

0! freedom. in the hope to litt

a tool to heaven when in the pew

Oi vows he lives, like hawk in new.

And then perchanes he tinds too great

The lead. and out the convent gate

'1....e s s1

The nanner in which God was presented. and
the role He played in nan's lite, suggests nuch about
the view of the aristocrat toward religion. the

early Anglo-Sauna epics, which represent an inconplste

 

I6 “"
w. Lorrie and J. Clopinsl. the Romance 21 the
‘0... tr. Elli-p 1, 11s ‘723‘735s

93.

blending of paganism and Christianity. contain
references both ". . . to the blind and inexorable

power of Izrd. or rate. and to the onnipotancs of

a divine Ruler who governs all things'wsll."17

Those passages in Beowulf, containing explicit
reference to the latter concept. show no new
testament influence; there are no reterenees to
Christ or to the Atonenent. God is presented neither
as e solely inspirational force. nor is He presented
as a nere nschanical agent. who puts his omnipotent
power at the disposal of those enjoying his favor.
his favor. although not nade overtly manifest. was
nevertheless necessary for success. as Brothgar's
words inply.

"Thanks be to God for this glorious sight:

I have suffered such evil. nuch outrage
from Grendel.

But the God at glory works wonder es wonder.

I had no hope of a haven froe sorrow

while this best of houses steed badged with
blood,

A woe faroreacbing for all the wise

who ween;d that they never could hold the
hal

Against the assaults of devils and deeone.

set now with God's help this here has
compassed

A deed our cunning could no way contrive."18

 

"T7

Beowulf. tr. Kennedy. p. l (lntro.).
18 . _
Ibt‘s . Po 31s

94.

The help iron God to which Hrothgar made reference
was not revealed in any concrete way, and unlike
many romances. it was not simply assumed that God
would grant automatic and complete victory to those
when He favored. Beowulf, speaking of Grendel's
escape, said. I

"By the favor of God we won the fight,

But I might not hold bin or hinder his going
For God did not grant it. ny fingers failed."19

God intervened indirectly in behalf of Beowulf during
the battle with Grendsl‘e nether. Beowulf related
the incident in the following nanner:

. ”. . . and death had been swift
had God not granted His sheltering strength.
uy strong-edged Brunting, stoutest of blades.
Availed no nothing. but God reveale'd--

Often His are aided the friendless--

The fairest of weapons hangips on wall.

An ancient broadsword . . "
with this weapon, which was "1315 heavy no hand but
his own could hold it." Beowulf slew Grendel's den.
Although Beowulf attributed his discovery of the
weapon to God, nevertheless his own superior strength

nade use of the broadsword possible.

 

I; f

Ibida’ Pa 32s
20

Ibids . p. 5‘s

95.

The literature of this half~pagan. half-
Christian age indicates that God's favor. or lack
thereof. was considered contingent upon the actions
of men. Hearing of the dragon's devastation of the
countryside, Beowulf ". . . in his wisdom . . .
weencd I He had grievously angered the Lord

"21

lverlasting. The ease inplicatien is contained

in Welders:

"Tet One Only availsth the victory to give.
Ready to aid whatever is right!

Whose hopes for help from the Holy One.
Grace of God, will get it surely.

If his ways have earlier earned him that.

"22
The supernatural element was held to a
minimum and in Beowulf was represented primarily by
‘mensters. Grendel and his nether were considered
progeny of Cain and thus were associated with evil.
Beowulf‘e enormous strength was not entirely of a
natural order.23 but the supernatural was not

emphasised to the extent that the character of the

here was obscured.

"'11 ‘ '"- “v
Ibi‘sg 9. 75s
32
”Welders." in The Oldest English Epic, ll. 25-29.
23
Chadwick, The Heroic Age. p. lil.

 

96.

33.3. m of holed ". . . is not merely
Christian in subject; it is Christian to its very
bones."2‘ Archbiship Turpin'e words. issued prior
to the first battle. summarize the spirit of the
poem, and illustrate man's view of his duty to God.

". . . when ting Charles left us here.

Be deemed us soldiers of the Christian faith.

Willing to die for God. The beer of proof

ls come. The foes of Charles and God are here

Before you."15
Throughout the poem man remained a servant fighting
and dying for God. The supernatural. which was
entirely of a Christian order. served primarily “. . .
to influence men's minds and actions. and net to
provide a machinery for the story.”26 Charlemagne
had numerous visions of Gabriel, who was the king's
, special guardian. On only one-occasion was
circumstance manipulated supernaturally to the direct
advantage of charismagne. Upon hearing Island’s
horn. Charlemagne hurried with his forces to.the
assistance of the rear-guard. he arrived too late.
however. to do more than avenge the slaughter of the
lranhs. eg_evsning approached Charlemagne prayed

jWW
The Song 25 Roland, tr. Sayers. p. l9 (lntro.).

 

51h. 803% 2-! n01.3dg Pa “s
26
The song 25 Island. tr. Sayers. p. 19 (lntro.).

97.

that the sun might stay its course in order that
immediate vengence might be taken upon the fleeing
Paynims.

And lo! an angel came
Prom heaven, who cried to Charles: "Ride
on: for day
Shall fail you not.“
Through God's great love for Charles a
wonderous thing
Was wrought, for the red sun stood still
While Paynims fled. and franks pursued, and
so
They caught them in th’ valley that man call
The Vale of Darkness.2

The directness and simplicity of the religious
beliefs presented in Roland are noteworthy. Ken
fought for God, died for God, and then God received
Bis heroes directly unto himself. Upon Roland‘s
death

. . . there came

an golden wings a spirit, and beside

faint Hichael of the Peril of the Deep,

And the Archangel Gabriel. and these three

Carried his soul to heaven, and to God.28
The warriors offered their simple prayers directly
to God Himself. Throughout the poem religion provided

the inspiration, the unity. and the strength that are

 

The Song 23'Roland. pp. sa.s.
28

Ibidsg Po 81s

98.

revealed in every thought and action of the Frankish
hosts.

The frequent prayers of the hero give a
ritual-like quality ‘°.1£3HE£§' The Cid received
divine inspiration but never direct divine
assistance; his military successes resulted from
his skill as a leader and tactician. The Cid.
however, never failed to offer thanks to God for
His grace. Riding into battle the Cid cried,’"Now
swiftly let every man strike in, I By the Creator's

’"29 And at the

favor this battle we shall win.
close of battle, ”'To God in heaven and all his
saints great thanks and praises he.‘"3o Without
God's grace it was implied that success would be
impossible for ". . . the Cid a sled man was he I
That God had given him succor and gained that
victory."31 Again, "Tor in winning 0! the battle

“32 The only obvious

God's grace to then was shown.
manifestation of the supernatural occurred as the

Cid began his exile. Gabriel appeared in a

4.....i _...-

 

29 V' w
The La: 25 the Cid, p. 21.
30

Ibide‘. Pa 210

1
Ibide . Pa 41s

32
Ibid., p. 61.

99.

vision, telling the hero.
"Ride. Cid, nost noble Caepeador. for never
yet did knight
hide forth upon such an hour whose aspect
was so bright.
while thou shalt live good fortune shall be
with thee and thine."33
In the epic God's favor was considered
necessary tor success; in ronance God's direct aid,
administered usually through his angels. assured
success. The romance knight always taught tor
light; with God and Right being synononous. the
knight automatically enjoyed divine assistance. This
reasoning underlaid the theories oi trial by ordeal
and trial by combat. is Tvain told an opponent
with when he was to do battle. ”'10:. i! the truth
be known, God always sides with the righteous cause.
for God and right are one; and it they are both
upon ny side. then I have better company and better

Q's"

aid than thou. The assurance of divine

assistance guaranteed the success of any venture,
thus accounting for the gross exaggerations found

in romance. Uhen embarking upon his great adventure.

53 fl
Ibi‘s. pa 1‘s
3‘ ,
Chretien de Troyes. "Tvain," in Arthurian
lonances. p. 138.

100.

Huon expressed typical confidence in God's help:
"'. . . for by the grace of God we shall right
well escape; for whon God will aid no man can
hurt.”35 Chr‘tien stated a similar idea when an
evil count plotted to kill Bree and steal his wife.
The author remarked. ". . . God will be able to
lend hin aid, and I think He will do so."36
Although these acts show that God was personally
interested in the affairs of individuals. when
divine aid repeatedly and autonatically takes
physical torn, God is reduced to what A. b. Tayler
describes as ”the greatest enchanter of all."37
God‘s manipulation of use and events becones ners
machinery in the romance.

The authors' enploynent of God as a
nechanical agent was carried to absurd lengths.
while King Arthur was in brittany. those to when
he had entrusted lngland turned traitor and planned

to deiend London against the king's forces. Alter

Arthur began his attack, the rebels realised they

 

._3?e e
huon‘gg Bordeaux. p. 91.
36

 

Chrdtien de Troyes. "Bree at lnide." in Arthuriag
Ronances. p. 113. j
3
Taylor, §g_;gtroduction‘tg’ledieval lonances. p.223.

 

 

101.

could not defend the city. One night when ". . .
neither star nor noon had shed a ray across the
sky" they planned a sneak attach on Arthur‘s canp.
“but beiore they reached the tents. the noon began
to shew itself. and 1 think it was to work the. use
that it rose sooner than was its wont. Thus cod.
who-espouse their enterprise. illwninated the
darkness 0! the night.. . .” The noonlight shining
on their shields and talents caused the traitors to
be detected innediatoly.38

ling niahard was the reeipiont er alnost
nnlinited divine assistance. it one point his
Crusade was going very badly; the seraceee had
destroyed the rear-guard. and heat and slouds or
dust inhibited the christians.

The king. elnost onhassted by tatigoe.

began to despair of success.--

On his knees he gas down tail;

"help:” to Jean he gen call...
no sooner had he called for help than It. George
appeared. instantly the Christians recovered their

strength and spirit. and'won a great victory over
thrdtien do Troyes. “dlig‘b.” in gigggrien
was. .. m.

102.

the infidel.39 On another occasion Baladin

challenged Richard to meat hin in single combat.
Accompanying the challenge was the offer of a war
horse. which in fact was a fiend conjured into the
likeness of a horse by a necromancer. Richard.
ignorant of the diabolical nature of the horse,
accepted it. But the night prior to the battle

”. . . an angel had appeared to the Christian hero;
had related the machinations of the Saracens; had
given him iull instructions for the management at
his diabolical stood; and had presented to him a
spearhead. which no armour. however enchanted. was

able to resist.”0

These examples. which are but a
few of the nunerous ones existing in romance. all
point up the moral that serving the righteous

cause earned God's help, while espousing the
unrightooua cause led to the abandonment oi man by
God. God. instead oi acting as an inspirational
force upon men. however. became a more device that

never tailed to do the eapoeted. in short the

spiritual nature of God was ignored.

 

"Richard Coeur de Lion." in.8pecinsns‘g£ Earl:
ggtrical Romances. pp. Sis-25.
d0
Ibide. Po 329w

103.

Tho supernatural in romance went far beyond
those acts directly associated with the hand of God.
lany of the supernatural features were connected with
religion; others were clearly manifestations of
magic. In the romance religion and magic become
hopelessly confused. Bevin. while fighting a
dragon. fell into a well in which ”. . . a female
saint had bathed . . . thereby impartllni7 to it
such efficacy. that. whilst it healed the wound and
restored the almost exhausted strength of the
christian hero. it effectually impeded the attack
of the dragon."41 Other waters. thought to have
originated in Paradise. possessed miraculous
qualities. which not only healed the sick. but also
restored youth to the aged. Romance abounds with
miraculous stones. rings. and gene which protected
the wearer from injury. Knights were also blessed
with armor. swords. and horses. the supernatural
powers of which were limitless. The opponents of
the knights were frequently monsters. giants. and
semi-demons.

bl
"Sir Davis of Hamptoun." in specimens g5 larlz
English Hetrical Romances. p. 263:

104.

In addition. there were wisards equipped with
praeternatural powers. One such wisard was Harlin.
whose birth was arranged by the fallen angels that had
remained in mid-air. while lucifer descended into hell.
These bad angels retained the ability to assume any
shape in order to tempt and pervert mankind. The
birth of Harlin was planned to counteract the birth of
Christ. and his function was to have been the
dissemination of wickedness. The plan of the bad
angels failed because Merlin was baptised immediately
upon birth. ". . . thus disappointllniy for ever the
hopes of the fiends." nis unusual lineage. however.
provided him with the capacity to know all things

a:

past. present. and future. He less sensing was

Oberon. king of the fairies. because of extraordinary
ancestry and remarkable gifts bestowed upon him at
birth. he had. among other powers. but to wish himself

a particular place and at once he would be there with

as many men as he chose.”
ol
"Sir Davis of namptoun.“ in s ecimens‘gg Early
English netrical Romances. p. 26 .

"Harlin." rart l. in I ecimens g; larlz English
Intrical Romances. pp. 82~55.

53
Huon 2£_Iordeau§. p. 81.

Needless to say his

 

105.

friendship with Huon proved invaluable to the latter.
The extensive use of magic suggests a bored. thrill-
seeking audience. who made little distinction
between natural and supernatural phenomena or
between the Christian supernatural and more magic.
Christianity and Islam were compared on the
basis of concrete benefits provided. The Mohammedan
faith was considered false because it did nct'hglp
the Saracens win battles. When Charlemagne pursued
the Paynims and pushed then into the waters of the
Ebro. "They called upon their god I Of stone. and so

u

leapt ino-he helped them not." Upon Bevis'

arrival in Damascus.

. . .IES7 presently found himself
entangled in a crowd of taracene. who
were preparing a sacrifice to an idol
representing Mohomet . . ..£E7e
pressed through the multitude. forced
his way to the idol. seised it by its
golden crown. and threw it into the
dirt. desiring the people to go and
help a god who was now evidently
incapable of helping them.45

Likewise Renaud advised a Saracen hing whom he had

overcome to "'quit your absurd prophet who has not

 

do
The long 25 Roland. p. 84.
as

"Sir Davis of Bamptoun.” in specimens 25 larlz
getrical Romances. p. 255.

ml}, ‘lir-ti'lfl p .l

106.

been able to save you.. . 3'".6 King Richard and

Saladin engaged in personal combat in order to
determine which combatant represented the true
£aith.47 In each of these examples Christianity
was adjudged the true faith because the Christian
knight was victorious.

Kost romances lack the all-pervasive religious
atmosphere that characterizes the thoroughly
Christian epics. Chréticn. the foremost romance
author. was neither religious nor anti-religious.
"Religion was part of the furniture of his stories..
. . But the Christianity of Chr‘tien is an affair of
externals.. . ."l.8 The romances emphasised external
religious practices. which appear to have left the
heart untouched. Passing references were frequently
made to mass. to confession. and to pilgrimages.

a. I. Taylor states that although these externele
of religion are ". . . not the most ideal guides of

human conduct. they must have had a beneficial

 

66 ' ”
The four Bone :£.Az=gn. p. 159.
47
"Richard ceeur de Lion." in specimens‘gg Early

English Metrics; Romances. p. 32

I.U.Senthern. The Hakim! 25 the liddle Ages
(London. 1953). p. 255.

“a

107.

influence upon the audience. who were thus
constantly reminded that the ideal hero was not only
a good fighter and a devoted lover. but a loyal
Christian as tivcll.“l'9

further evidence of emphasis upon the
enternals of religion is ehown by the attitude toward
conversion. The mere act of baptism was assumed to
change the infidel into a Christian. Ho consideration
,was given to the intellectual or spiritual aspects of
conversion; only the overt act itself was deemed worthy
of mention. Baptism not only made devoted Christians
of the converts. but apparently severed all former
family and cultural ties also. Claremond. a Saracen
princess. exchanged the lslamic for the Christian
faith because_of her love for Each. her incorrigible
father. however. refused to become Christian. with
this provocation Buon struck the father so ". . .
that his head flew off his shoulders." without the
daughter uttering a word of protest or regret.so

pggg.g;g. like the Anglo-Canon epic. contains

little evidence of religious militancy. The Cid’s

“'7?

Taylor. 53,1ntroduction tg|ledievel Romances. p. 169.
50
Buomigg Bordeaux. p. 171.

 

108.

military offensive against the floors was not
religiously inspired. ”The discomfiturs of the
Moore is not an end in itself‘Lto the Cid? but the

means of vindicatLIng himself to his lorfl7. and. be
”51

it said. of support. The Cid treated the floors

justly. not resorting to ruthless annihilation.

Upon taking Castején the conqueror decided.
". . . to destroy the castle seems in no
way good to me. ‘

An hundred floorish women in that place
will 1 set free

=And of the floors an hundred. Since there.
as it befall -

I captured them. Hereafter shall they
all speak of me well."51

As for the floors who were not killed in defending ‘
Alcocer. the Cid reasoned. "‘Burely we cannot sell
them the women and the men; I And as for striking
off their heads. we shall gain nothing then.'"53
when the hero left the town:
The floors both men and women cried out in
bitter woe: .
”Lord Cid art thou departing? trill may
our prayers go

Before thy path. for with thee we are full
content.”

 

109.

for my lord the great Cid of liver. when
from Alcocer he went.

The floors both men and women made lamentation
sore.

. . . in the town of Alcocer 'twae grief to
all and one.

for many a deed of mercy unto them the Cid

had done.5‘

Although Eggflgig was written a few years after
33.25335. 3! Roland. it is the latter which typifies
the militant Christian spirit that animated the
crusading movement. Charlemagne was the temporal.
as well as the quasi-religious leader of Christendom.
while Roland represented the crusading soldier. whose
duty was to fight for the faith. Charlemagne. in
taking vengence upon the raynims. clarified the
nature of the struggle in his words to the Emir:

"never to Peynims may I show love or peace.

Do thou confess the Faith by God revealed.
Take Christendom. and thy fast friend T'll

bCe

The King almighty then serve thou and
believe."

Quote Baligant: "Thy sermon's but ill
preached." ‘

Once more with swords they battle. each
to each.55

The struggle was clearly between ". . . Cmperor and

fair. fleet and last. Christ and Islam.”56

55
Ibi‘eg Po 30e
55
The Cong of Inland. tr. Sayers. ll. 3596-3601.

56ibid.. p. 24 (lntro.).

 

 

110.

Religious militancy became impassioned
fanaticism in those romances dealing with the
conflict between Christians and loslems. The
Christian romancsrs considered all heathene Saracen.
Harlin opens: "There was once in Britain a king
whose name was Constans. In his youth he had been
distinguished by his wisdom and velour. having
resisted. and finally driven out of his country.
ling hengist of Denmark and his whole army of

"57 Christian heroes delighted in the

Iaracems.
slaughter of conquered Saracens who refused
conversion to Christianity. Oberon came to the
aid of Hues who was surrounded by Paynime:
". . . he and his men fell on the raynims and
slew them till their blood ran down the streets
like a river. but first he made it to be cried
that as many as would receive baptism their lives
should be saved. so that thereby many were
christened."58
Iicherd‘ggggr_gglgigg reflects an attitude
of intense fanaticism toward the Caracen. which
._?7 .

"Harlin." fart l. in Cpecimens of Early English
Hetrical Romances. p. 77.

 

anon 23 Iordeaum. p. 107.

111.

was tempar339d by no civilised sense of decency.
while in the Holy Land. Richard. recovering from
the ague. was overcome by a great desire for pork.
is none was available. an old knight ordered a
young. fat Saracen slain. cooked. and served to
Richard. Unknown to the king ”[hé] ate the flesh.
and gnaw the bones" and gained strength; later he
demanded to see the swine's head. ”’Rhat devil is
this?‘“ the king cried, I And gun to laugh as he
were wode." declaring that no longer would he or
his army go hungry for meat.5’ At the time. Richard
held captive some distinguished Saracen princes.
Saladin sent an embassy to Richard to arrange ransom
for the prisoners. The king invited the ambassadors
to dine with him. giving secret orders to his
marshal to "select a certain number of the most
distinguished captives . . . cause their heads to
be instantly struck of: that these beads should be
delivered to the cook. with instructions to clear
away the hair. and, after boiling them in a caldron.
to distribute them on several platters. one to each
guest. . . .” At dinner the loslem guests watched
__3§: . or

"Richard Coeur de Lion." in 8 ecimans‘ggflggggz
English Hurrical Romances. pp. 3 - 3. *

 

112.

with abhorreuce while Richard “. . . [Ewellowcfifl
the morsels as fast as they could be supplied by
the knight who carved than” and observed ". . .
the smoking heads before them; . . . trac£3n§7 in
the swoln and distorted features the resemblance
of a friend or near relation; and receiv£}n§7 from
the fatal scroll which accompanied each dish the
sad assurance that this resemblance was not
imaginary." This barbarous fanaticism was
climaxed when ". . . Richard gave orders for the
immediate execution of sixty thousand £3arace§7
captives.”

They were led into the place full even.

There they heard angels of heaven;

They said. ”Coigneuras. tuas. tuer!

Spares hen nought. and behaadeth thesel"

ling Richard heard the angels' voice

And thanked Cod. and the holy cross.a
This grand slaughter of infidels apparently
induced an emotion in the author comparable to
that which he felt at the return of springtime.
immediately after giving an account of the massacre.
he added a few lines about the joys of spring. The

entire episode reveals a fanatical. and degraded

60 ’
Ibide’ PP. 314-13.

 

attitude toward the crusading movement. The
sincere religious seal expressed in The m 23:
Roland. as the Franks fought and died for God and
the faith at Ronceval. is strikingly absent in the
romance concerned with Richard‘s expedition. He
was diverted from his main objective by arguments
with Philip of France. and his men were diverted
by their haste to secure riches whenever a town
was taken. The authors inclusion of a choir of
angels, which serenaded Richard after he had
completed his cannibalistic feast and had ordered
his captives executed. seems in bad taste and
expresses a dcbaeed attitude toward religion.

The theme of chivalrous adventure is
combined with the theme of spiritual struggle in
Wolfram von Eschenbach'e Percival. “Holfram
presents the knightly and the religious elements
not in juxtaposition, still less in conflict.
although the latter wins predominance. the two
combine into a unit."61 The romance tells of
Persival'e fall into sin and his subsequent struggle

to find his way to God.

61
Wolfram von Cschenbech. The "Parsival." p. 2
(Intro.) s

 

116.

Percival. as a young lad. light-heartedly
left his mother to become a knight at King
Arthur‘s court. When he left her.

This faithful. loving woman fall

To earth. where grief. a savage knife.

So out her that it took her life.62
The young knight all but forgot his mother. Once
be determined to visit her but was side-tracked
by adventure. His first sin was to forget his
mother. 'His second was the coldoblooded slaying of
lther. for the purpose of providing himself with
knightly regalia.63 This offence was the more
serious since lther was a kinsnan of rarsival.
while at the Grail Castle. Persival failed to
manifest any pity for the fisher King. Anfortas. as
he did not ask the nature of the King's sufferings
and thus incurred another sin. for this emission
he was treated to derieive language by Cundry in
the presence of Arthur and his ceurt.6“ rarsival
interpreted this scorn as a manifestation of God's
defection. and he elimaxed his sins by turning from

GO‘e

6 F
2113111.. 128. 20-22.

63Ibid.. 155. 1-10.

64
Ibid.. 314. 20 to 318. 4.

 

115.

"Hoe. what is God?
Here Be almighty, scorn so odd
To . . . Ie He'd not have sent,
If He had been omnipotent.
To serve Bin s'sr was in my nind
Since I had hoped His grace to find.
But now His service I forswear. 65
It as he hate. that hate I'll bear.“

Parrival expressed overt defiance of God by riding
arned on Good Friday. explaining that,

"One tine 1 served a lord called God,
Ire 1 upon His soorntul nod

with deep disgrace was favored.

Iy loyalty had not wavered

To Him who 1 was told would bless:
his help has now grown powerless."‘6

After being reprimanded tor his conduct on the
day of the Lord's crucifixion. he meditated.

"1! God commands such force
That as can guide both beast and horse.
And show nan right behavior.
1'11 praise Him as a savior.
If God have help for such a deed
As pointing this Castilian steed
Upon the best e! roads for no,
A test of his help in that I'll sea.--
low take the road that God ordains."67

thus Paraival was brought to the eave of the holy
hermit. trevrisent. who gradually led the height

t. .tO‘CICBt e
a; u
Ibid.. 332. 1-8.
6‘ I
1514.. saw. 25-30.

67
lbid.. 452. 1.9.

 

116.

Trevriscnt prepared him by speaking of
the introduction of sin into the world,
of the fallen angels, of the sin of man‘s
progenitors. of the sins of the Grail
folk and of his own. Trevrirant's sin,
and of the sin of Parsival's kin in
general. 81n thus becomes more than an
act of conniasion or omission: an
agent, a force, a power with which nan
must reckon. It cannot be abolished,
and therefore ethical perfection is
inpossible on earth. The Grail and its
kingdom, however, the synbol of peace in
life, can indeed be attained and can
become a lay ideal of 11:..68

with the aid of the hermit. Parsival’s search for
his Redeemer was rewarded. which renewed his faith
in God and brought earthly peace and happiness to
the knight-~new the Grail King.

Wolfram anphaeieed both the justice and
mercy of God. The Supreme Being pictured is a
source of spiritual. rather than mechanical aid to
men.

"what greater love was ever shown
Than toward us was arenplified

When Christ for us was crucified?

His precious life He gave away,

With His own death our guilt to pay,
Through which nankind was wholly lost.
A guilt whereof hell was the cost."69

m. A ‘

1’1‘e . Fe 18 (IBtI’Ce) e

69 a .
Iblfi. . ‘48, 10-18:

 

117.

Trevrirent spoke to Percival of God in the following

“1386!:

"from the Bible I've been gaining

The truth e e e_

How men should serve with all his night
Our God. whose help in great and true.
Whose help no flagging ever knew

To keep men‘s souls from sinking.

Be faithful without shrinking,

Since God Himself is loyalty

And hates all falsity to see

To God we must show gratitude:

For our cake He has done much good
Since his noble. lofty race

For us put on a human face.

God's name and essence is the truth:
False doing finds in Him no ruth.

Let this be your reflection:

God cannot ehow defection.

This thought take for your guiding

In God show faith abiding." 0

The hermit further expressed the goodness and glory

"Of hin whose love is true and great
He's a transcendent light above

and never wavers in his love.

Oh when our Lord his love bestows,
True happiness that nortal knows.
But here there's a division;

Each one must make a decision:
Hero's His love and there's his hate.
Decide which is the batter fate.

The guilty, by not repenting,

To love is not consenting;

Who for sin makes restitution,

Of God seeks ebsolution.

Good thoughts are by his respected.

 

"‘To

1314.. #62, 12-30.

118.

Since God seen through our every thought,

Alan for the evil deeds we've wrought!

When one for his acts by God is blansd,.

So that of him God is ashamed,

To whom is he left by courtoicig?

Whither can the poor soul flee?

But if to God you would do ill,

Who can be kind or stern at will,

Who's prone to wrath or favor

Then you are lost for ever."7i
In these few passages wolfrau summed up the nain
tenets of the Christian faith. Wolfran thus
presented the highest concept of God and the
clearest definition of Christianity found in either
the spin or the romance. Zeydel and Horgen, two
authorities on Percival, aesert that in Volfram's
Parsival, ". . . written seven hundred years after
the conversion of the franks. the full inpact of
the Christian faith was finally revealed to the
Germans."72

Tarrival is also unique anong the ronances
because Holfran, instead of presenting the courtly
love thene, displayed the greatest respect for
marriage and conjugal fidelity. Parsival said of
King enfortas' sister, who loaned hin a eleek upon

151‘s. 46‘. 1-30 ‘0 ‘67. 1-80

12
lbid., p. 19 (lntro.).

 

119.

his arrival at the Grail Castle,

“. . . her commandments 1 will head
Who lent her new cloak at my need
In kindness without measure.

I would it were her pleasure

A knight as devotee to take:

That I'd welcome for her sake.

But not to win her love I mean.

My wife, Condwiramur, the queen,

It just as fair as this one here

Or even fairer, that is clear.“75

When rarzival visited Trevritent, he mentioned
grieving for his wife, from when he had been
separated during hie years of wandering. The
heruit answered,

”You're truly in unhappy plight,
Since for your wife your grieving.
Thus woe tor your own heart weaving.
If you are true to your marriage tic,
What though in hell you tons to lie.
Your suffering there will swiftly cease.
tree the bonds or hell you'll tind
release
Through God's assistance. without £sil.”7‘

Epic and romance are clearly secular in
spirit of conception and in subject latter treated.
Each had the sane prinery function; naeely. to
entertain an audience. Although both types of

literature are secular. a consideration of the

""73‘ ‘ ' ”
gg;g.. 246, 13‘22.
74 ‘
Ibido. ‘67. 2’90

 

120.

Christian faith and ethics is never wholly absent.
The aim of this chapter, however, has been to
show that attitudes toward religion and the
supernatural did undergo significant change
between the period when the epic was the dominant
literary form and the time of its replace-ant by

I’OIllGCe

Chapter V

THE CLERGY

The epic and the ronance reflect dietinetly
different attitudea toward the clergy. The euphaeia
placed upon the clergy. the rolee played by ite
neebera. and the eonnenta offered about repreaentativee
of the Church auggeat that the ariatocratie view of
the clergy changed between the eleventh and the
thirteenth centuriea. the fragmenta of Anglo-Saxon
epic. which are either clearly pagan or which
repreaent the primitive blending of Chriatianity
with paganian, naturally contain no referencee to
eeeleeiaatioe. In both 3.1: m 25. Roland and 3.9.9.
.Eig are found clergy-en who held important aeeular
poeitiona and who were preeented in meat favorable
terne.

Archbiahop rurpia of Rheina held a
particularly honored poeition in‘ghg‘ggggugg’loland
and waa eharacteriaed at one of the neat admirable
and adnired peraona in the peel. Hie dutiea. like
thoee of niehop don Jeroue in IE:.E££- were both

eeeular and apiritual. Of Turpin it wae eaid. "never

122.

did priest sing mass, who with his hands. I Did
greater deeds in battle."1 He was a strong and
brave warrior who fought side by side with Roland
and the peers. His military prowess earned him

the honor of leading the assault against the

2

Paynins in the second battle. ’Both his words and

his deede inspired the Frankieh host. the Irenks
seeing Peynine on all sides "cried. . . out in
sudden dread," but turpin, speaking so a warrior and
as a clergyman, encouraged then by

e . . [Eiddini7 them think no craven thought.

lor yield an inch of the red field. lest nan

Sing shameful songs thereof. "Much better
die

In fight.“ he said. "And die we must. This
day

Shall be our last in life. But of one thing

Kay 1 be surety - blessed Paradise

is opened wide for you. and with the Saints

Shall you be singing are the sun hath eat."

And when they heard. the Franke forgot
straightway

the fear of imminent death, and cried.
"Kontjoy." 3

His ferocity as a warrior was shown by his reaction
to the battle boast of a raynin made in his presence.
_rt five

3‘11: £935 g__f_ Roland. p. 56.-

:ggig.. p. 52.

Iblds p Pa 53.

123.

And hatred for the Peynim filled his heart,
And spurring with his golden spurs, he rushed
Upon him, broke his buckles, rent in twain
His useless hauberk, thrusting his heavy

lance

Through flesh and bone and heart. and threw
him down

Crashing headlong to death. And then he
checked

The nad rush of his charger. turned about.

And, bending from the saddle, looked upon

The mangled corse and cried: "Uhnt say you
3037"“

The ArchbiahOp justified his lack o£"Christian love."
and hence his slaughter of the enemy, by:

Communing with his heart: ”The wretch,
I.th1flk.p

ls far the worst of unbelievers -« yea --

If now I slay him I shall do no wron

Whatever tide. a coward love I not."

Similarly the Bishop don Jerome of Valencia
was an active participant in battle. who ZZETns at
a loss to number the floors that he had slain." The
following passage gives a typical description of the
bishop:

to! don Jerone the bishop was armed in
gallant style,

He stopped before the Campeedor. Fair
fortune had he aye.

"The Mass of Holy Trinity I sang for thee
thi‘ day.

for this cause free mine own country did I
seek thee and ensue.

a ‘ 4— ‘ ‘4‘“ v
Ibids. pp. 45'6e
5

Ibidsg Pa 52s

124.

Since in the slaughter of the floors such
great delight I knew.

And I am fain to honor both mine order and
mine hend.

In the forefront of the battle it is my
desire to stand.

And crosses on my pennant, and blasoned arms
Dav. Is

If it be God his pleasure, I am fain my
arms to try.

That so at least my spirit in perfect peace
maybe,
.1

Receiving the Cid'a permission ". . . don Jerome the
bishop went spurring thence away.) . . . At the first
stroke he delivered two Users before him fell."6

These bishops of epic were not only warriors.
but they were also devout men who faithfully
performed their religious functions. In the songs of
battle their military deeds were most glorified. but
their religious devotion was also clearly presented.
trier to the battle at loncevsl Turpin granted
general absolution to the Irankiah beat. his words
illustrate the simplicity of his piety.

"Soldiers of France. when King Charlemagne

left us here

as deemed ua willing. in extremity,

To suffer death for his deer sake. lay, more.

He deemed us soldiers of the Christian faith.

Iilling to die for God. The hour of proof
Is come. The fees of Charles and God are here

125.

Before you. How confess your sins. and prey

God's hounteoue mercy. Then shell I absolve
Your

And if you die. the crown of martyrdom

ls yours. end yours greet Peredise.” He
spoke.

And so the tranks. disnounting, knelt them
down.

And Turpin signed then with the cross of God.

And for a penance bade them deel stout
b10'le7

As a pastor turpin offered counsel end settled
argunents. he mildly but firnly resolved the
quarrel between Oliver and Inland. Oliver accused
Roland of caueiss the trench defeat by stubbornly
refusing to sound his horn. which would here
notified Cherlenegne of the difficulties of the
reer-xuerd. the Archbishop. hosting the querrsl.
reproached the warriors.

". . . in the heme of God
Dispute not thus together. 'rrue. the here
till not save us. It is too lets. And

yet

It is the better way. Let the King cone;
a. 'tll IV..‘. ”I s e e on
he spoke; end Roland winded loud and long
his ivory horn.8

Roland. the greatest warrior of the Franks. whose

‘1 t - __
the Sosglgg Rolend. p. #1.

Ibid.. Po “e

m

 

126.

proud, stubborn neture could not be noved by the
arguments of his best friend. Oliver. did not
hesitate for a moment to carry out Turpin's
suggestion. The selilessnees end true nobility of
Turpin are illustrated by his final earthly act.
Although fatally wounded. the Archbishop‘s last

gesture was an attempt to aid the ewooning Roland.

o e e [rurpii7 put {Otth
his hand

And took the horn tron Roland's side. for
down

Through Ronceval there ran a limpid stream.

And so he thought to help his friend. In
pain.

With little. tottering steps. he turned hi-
there.

But could not reach the goal. so week was he

let loss of blood. A turlong did he grope -~

Then his heart failed him utterly. and he
tell

Upon the grass. and knew that death was near.9

Likewise Bishop Jerone wan a good bishop as
well as an outstanding warrior. "lacelling was his
knowledge and prudent was his rede.’ ’Twas a nighty
nan oi valor aioot or on the steed.”0 Prior to

each battle ". . . mass for the- Jerome did chest I

And mass said. absolution in full to than did grant."11

'"1F
Ibi‘e. p. 75o
10
menstrual;- P- “o
11

Ebide. Pa 60s

 

127.

never were these bishops too preoccupied with their
secular affairs to attend to their religious duties.

The respect accorded the cleric nay be
illustrated by the comments the outstanding heroes
nade about Turpin. Roland, admiring the prowess
of Turpin, called to Oliver

"Look.

The Archbishop handles lance and sword as

is hallgied cresier." And his friend replied:

"In very sooth. th:lgen.of God shall teach

The use of battle.
After Turpin had ”riven clean in twain" e Peynin. the
freakish warriors cried their approval. "’Here is
true knighthood! I in the Archbishop's hand the cross
is safe.”13 This tribute inplies the double
function that the Archbishop fulfilled throughout
the poem. "[IIhe cross is safe" in the sense that
Turpin was a brave warrior who actively fought for
the faith and also inthe sense that he was a good
pastor who was equally attentive to his spiritual
duties. Roland's final tribute to the Archbishop.
who died for the faith, epitoniaed the admiration

for Turpin that was shown throughout the pose.

 

The dong‘gf Roland. p. 58.

13Ibid.. ’e S’s

128.

"0 noble conrede. you do I commend
To God in heeven. for never mortal men
Served hin more faithfully. nor since the
tine
0f the apostles has a better man
Upheld the faith and saved the
perishing." 1‘
further evidence of high esteem for the
clergy is shown by the nanner in which the cleric
was addressed by the warriors or referred to by
the poets. Turpin was frequently spoken of as
“the good Archbishop Turpin" and Bishop don Jerone
was referred to as "that very noble cleric." There
was also an Abbot. Don saneho. in The cid who
commanded the respect and the trust of the campeador.
Reference was made to this cleric as “non Sancho the
good Abbot" and again. "God's christian was the
Abbot.” The only slighting see-eat shoot the clergy
in either The tongigg,!glaas.er ghe‘gig some from
the erehbishep himself and was made with reference
to the regular clergy. Turpin-asserted.
’ ". . . it is well
he who bears arms. and sits on a good steed
ls thereby bounden to be brave and strong
Though facing fearful odds. Stands he not
firn,- s

Nor fights with double strength, i ahou1g f
not give

14 7 l f
Ibldg. P. ’6.

129.

Two forthings for him. Better he turned
monk,

And found sons peaceful cloister, where at
least

His prayers night aid ue.”15

The Archbishop’s words imply that the poet preferred
the secular to the regular clergy. The ideal

cleric as_represeuted in epic was expected to
participate ectively in secular effeirs end at the
sane tine to perform religioue functions. Of the
religious aspect of £23: £935 9__f_ Roland R. I.
Southern wrote,

The poem reflects the ideas of men who

have not been stirred either to enthusiasm
or to opposition by the church doctrines
which were becoming widespread in the

years following the death of Gregory V11.
It was taken for granted that am archbishop
would be in his place among the fighters
and that his counsel and strength in battle
would be as good as another's or better.
The wisdom of the clerk was not
distinguished from the wisdom of the layman.
And the wisdom of the layman was that of
shrewd and practical nan.16

The presentation of the clergy in renance
offers diverse contrasts with the position of the
cleric in the epic. The nest obvious contrast is

one of omission .- the references to clergymen are

"“T§ A_“
Ibid., pp. 64-5.
16
IOIthOtB. Th. “‘ktn‘ .9; th. "iddl. ‘ ... ps 2‘2e

 

130.

sparse in romance. The clerics that ere mentioned
are definitely background figures, who are given

"” ‘e‘a: the clergy

only minor roles. Fleeting
are caught as they any Hess. perform marriages,
preside over trials by ordeal, or execute other
religious functions. No clergyman, however. of the
stature of Turpin or Jerome appears in the romance.
This may be partielly accounted for by a new concept
of the function: of the clergy. The clergyman
represented in romance was not expected to take an
active part in secular affairs. The same Archbishop
Turpin who performed so heroically in 3.9.9. §o___n_g 35
Inland reappeared briefly in 1h: 3.2.2.5 £93: 2.1. 525133.
In the latter, Turpin had become an insignificant
character who, when he appeared on the battlefield.
was told by Renaud. "'hsverend knight. . . . priest
of the God of peace, return to the fact of the alter.
the field of battle is not a place suited to you.'"17
ln‘ggggngf Bordeaux. an abbot of a Oluniac monastery.
who was traveling with huon and his brother when they
were ambushed by Charlemagne's son, expressed a
similar sentiment.u He told the boys "'. . . have no

w: v_ o
The four tons 35 9.2.9.50 p. 11.

 

131.

trust to be euccoured by me, for you know well I

cannot aid you in this ease; I am a priest and serve
God. 1 may not be where man is elcin.'" Ac huon

rode forth to evenge it brofiter'e injury the Abbot
"prayed our Lord God to defend them from death” and
then proceeded on his way.18 Thus both the layman

and the cleric understood the duties of the clergy

to be spiritual. This concept of the clerics'

position shown the influence of the reform movements

of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The abbot’s
response was in keeping with the reforms of bio house.
which were aimed toward a return to stricter spiritual
standards. Similarly Renaud's reminder to Turpin to
”return to the fact of the altar" suggests the influence
of the Gregorian reforms. which were intended to remove
the clergy from active participation in temporal
affairs. The less frequent references to clergyman.
however. seems to indicate that the clergy's new role
did not interest greatly the romance-reading class.
While the clergy was turning to more spiritual matters.
the secularism of the aristocracy was increasing. This

seems to have led to a loss of contact between the two

.wa ,‘ e ,, —-

fluon ggrggrdeagg, pp. 32-3.

 

132.

groups. The implication to be drawn from pepular
literature is that when the clergy refrained from
participating in affairs appealing to the imagination
of the romance audience, their interest in the clergy
declined.

Remarks disparaging the clergy are found
frequently in romance. Unlike the epic which reflects
admiration and respect for the clergy. the romance
reveals the development of a critical attitude toward
certain members of the clergy and particularly toward
the regular clergy. criticisms similar to those
found in Chaucer and Langland are present in twelfth-
end thirteenthecentury works. Chrétien. who displayed
only a mild interest in either religion or the
clergy. at one point wrote. “'But a man may give
another counsel. which he would not take himself.
just as preachers. who are deceitful raecals. and
preach and proclaim the right but who do not follow
it themselves.”19 A derogatory note is also found
in The log 49.9.9.1 g__f_ 9.192.? King You retired to
". . . the rich abbey of St. ldlefonso. the peaceful

'19 * * *
Chrdtien de Troyes. "Tvain." in Arthurian Romances.
Po 213s

 

133.

retreat of about twenty reformed Augustine monks,
who divided their time between eating, hunting.

sleeping, and praying for worthy knights and their

1‘d1..e"20

Jean de neun's portion of The Romance gg’the
Rose is an indictment of the theory of renunciation.
which underlaid the celibate ideal. His rationalietic

argument was that celibacy denied "Nature's glorious

«21

gift I or freedom. In the allegory, Reason carried

the argument further. asserting that celibacy opposed
God's desire for the perpetuation oi the human race.

". . . in his wisdom God supplied

the purse and staff. which might provide.
By natural force. the race or men

In undisturbed succession . . .

For when one dies another lives; 22
That sire God takes. this child he gives.”

The allegory of the poem is carried to a conclusion
consistent with the author's opposition to celibacy,
when Venus interceded in behalf of the lover during

his attempt to obtain the Rose.23

 

mm—il “Mi

U. Lorrie and d. Clopinel. The Romance g£_the
no... "e ‘111‘. I. lle ‘719-736e
"1fii

Ibld.. If 11s 73‘3’350e
23
lbid.. 111. 11. 21600-624.

134.

In his digressione irom the allegory de leun
attacked evil clergyman and more particularly the
regular clergy. the mendicaut triers. and the system
under which the letter functioned. The triers were
subject only to the authority of the pope. and hence

were free iron the jurisdistion at either secular or

24

temporal authorities. This situation allowed them

to accumulate private tortuous.

s e s whfll. I‘Ofl‘
And thriving blades. the begging triers.
who show the-selves as rough as briars
in open street. but love to win,
with oily tongues. the way within
The goodmen's houses whom they cheat
With lying words. while drink and meet
They batten on; and though they sing
Their poverty. they're gathering
rat livelihood. and many a heap
Oi deniers have the dolven deep
Beneath the earth.3

rartieularly objectionable were the triars' privileges
as coutsesors. whish interfered with the iuuctieee oi
the secular clergy. Isles-deeming spoke of the
triers.

"Int willingly

I leave both priests and prslstes tree
Poor men and women to confess.

 

._3‘, i
§2l4.. 11. 11. 11719.35; 11787-796.
as 4- ‘

lbid.. xx. 11. s310-521.

135.

who for most part are pennileas;

The good fat sheep I bear away.

And to the pastors leave the poor

Lean hungry ones. who growl therefore.
And if the prelatse dare to scold.

I'll give them such a mortal bruise
That cross and mitrs both they'll lose.
Tull many 1 make psccavi cry. 26

Such mighty privilege have I."

The Romance also contains numerous insinuations

about the fat and high feeding "abbot, canon, monk,

«27

or prior. and about lascivious conduct within

"convent cell and abbey cloister."28 be lsum
considered avarice not only one oi the most prevalent
evils besetting the human race. but an evil to which
the clergy was particularly susceptible:
. .. diviues who all the earth

O‘errun that they may gather worth

or worldly goods. and power and place.

Foremost in vice. and last in grass:

lost evil lives these preachers lead.

Treading in their unholy greed

Vainglory‘s treacherous path. and she

Thereby their soul's damnation seek.

In an apology to those who may have been

attended by anything he wrote. de noun made clear

 

"le*
lbid.. 11. 11. 11. 853-870.
2f““'
Ibid.. 1. 11. 2663-66b.
28““
Ibid.. 11. 1. 9451.
2§"“

Ibid.. 1. ll. 541:-Azz.

136.

that he was not criticising virtuous clergyman.

Then here declare 1 before all.

T ne'er from out my lips let fall
A word to injure living man.

who doth his life on virtue plan
Beneath the Church's holy care.
whatever robs or track he wear.

But though a sinner I confess
nyself to be, i ne'erthsless

Catch up my bow. and thence let fly
fly arrows. which shall grievously
Hound such vile folk (and tear to bits
Their mask) as Christ for hypocrites
Condemned.-all one it is to me

If monks or secular they be . . . .30

at the Church he wrote.

And were there found. by closest search.
One word in slight oi holy Church
Reedy em I to make amend. 31
Tor neath her rule my soul i band.

Isles-looming. in disclosing the treachery of the
friars. warned.

believe me: wolves no meager iew
There are mong these apostles new:
eh! holy Church. thou wilt be sacked
If thue thy city be attacked

By soldiers of thine own domain.
Ales: thy power is on the wane.

For those but seek to spoil thee who
Thou hast thy safety trusted to.’2

Gottfried von Ctrasaburg. while neither
condemning religion nor specifically indicting the

clergy. did lament man's abuse of religion. lsolds

361bid.. 111. 11. 15979-991.

31
1314.. 111. 11. 16027—030.

3293'. 11. ‘1. 11631.638.

 

137.

was to undergo trial by ordeal to prove her fidelity.
or lack thereof. to her husband. ling Iarte. Very
cunningiy she and her lover. Tristan. plotted to
maintain the appearance oi innocence at her trial.
Tristan. thoroughly disguised as a pilgrim. was
selected by Isolde to bear but to the site at the

trial.

. . .ZihEY pilgrim stumbled
as though by accident he tumbled.
The fall occurred in such a way
that new th' unhappy pilgrim la
in leot‘s arms and at her side. 3

At the trial leolde testilied.

“a s e ‘0‘ “ O“, ‘1‘.
in arms or at my side
have e'er I had another man.
.I'. arka II‘ hi. s e e
Whom t on with thine own eyes
best seen in mine arms lyingoa
the pilgrim.. . ."

Thus when she raised the hot iron no burns showed on
her hands indium ing that at least the letter of
truth had been maintained. Gottfried commented.

And so it was made maniiest
and proved to all the world by test.
that Christ's law can be made to strain

..33: e .i_ .

Gottfried von btrassberg. The ”Tristan and lsolds.”
ll. 15597-60l.
34

Ibid.. ll. 15713-720.

 

138.

like any windswept weathervane.
It can be twisted to any bent.
whatever may be man's intent.[T

5
a notable exception to the derogatory tone of
references to clergyman in romance is found in

Percival. The poem contains no specific references

 

to the Church nor were any of its representatives
directly involved in the story. The hermit.
Trevriseut, was a layman who had withdrawn from the
world to live a holy and ascetic life. Concerning
priests. the hermit advised Percival;

"Tet priests the love of God possess:
serve them with constant faithfulness;
If thou wouldst have thine ending good.
Show priests an ever trustful mood.
Whatever thou on earth senst see.
Unlike to priests that thing must be.
Their lips Christ's martyrdom proclaim,
That saves us all from hellish flame.
Their consecrated fingers take

The highest pledge and holiest stroke
That o'er for guilt the Lord could give.
The priest who such a life can live.
That toward this pledge is reverent -.
Could he a holier life have spent?"36

The hermit'e words are the most laudatory of any
references to clergyman found in romance. This,

plus the hermit's emphasis on the spiritual

‘"‘53
Ibido. 110 15737’7‘20
36
Holfram von lschenbach. The "Percival." 502,

9-22.

 

139.

attributes of the priest. is further evidence that
Percival holds a unique place in medieval romance.
The Christian epics reflect an attitude of
admiration and respect for the cleric. who was
presented as fulfilling both secular and spiritual
roles. The clergy is deomphasissd in the romance.
implying that the aristocratic layman had slight
regard for a clergy which no longer participated in
secular affairs. The criticisms of the clergy
found in romance suggest a deterioration in the
quality of certain representatives of the Church.
coupled with an emergent critical humanism. beet

typified in the work of Jean de noun.

CONCLUDING COHHEHTS

the dominant attitudes reflected in the epic
and in the romance may be summarised briefly. the
epic narrative was serious. unsentimsntal. unadornsd.
and vigorous. the primary theme of the epic was
wartare motivated by the presence of a dangerous
foe. the highest ideals of the heroic age were
courage in battle, loyalty to a lord. and faith in
God. the tone of the epic was aristocratic. yet
the relative absence of class consciousness suggests
a comparatively homogeneous society.

the romance. which in the tuslfth century
replaced the epic as the dominant form of narrative
literature. portrayed eocial and religious attitudes
that were antithetical to those held in the early
Middle Ages. Society was divided into distinct
classes; as the romance was written for and about
the entrenched aristocracy, the attitudes found in
romance represent this isolated group. the
aristocracy in setting itself above and apart from
all other segments of society, held not only a

distorted view of the lower classes, but the

141.

aristocracy also developed a hypersensitive
attitude toward itself and its position. Host
significant was the system of values maintained

by the aristocracy. the main themes of romance,
love and adventure. were characterised by fantastic
exaggeration. which gave a frivolous. unrealistic
tone to this type of narrative writing. In many
romances religious values were clearly subordinated
to the secular sphere and, when religion was
emphasised. it was presented as a mechanical affair
devoid of a spiritual faith in God. the writings
of some thirteenth-century romance authors.
particularly Jean de Kenn. reflect a rationalistic
spirit. which foreshadows the writings of the
Renaissance. the ethical system revealed in
romance was based upon the code of chivalry. which
encompassed Christian virtues, but which at the
same time emphasised the distinctly anti-Christian
theme of courtly love. Only in Eggggaraivalef
Wolfram won Ischenbach were Christian faith and
morality satisfactorily combined with the theme of

knightly adventure.

142.

the essential contrast between the epic
and the romance is epitomized by V. H. Comfort:
"A fleeting comparison of the noble and of
Charlemagne's Peers fighting for their God and
their King at nonoeval with the futile and
dilettante careers of Arthur's knights in Jouat
and hunt. will show better than more words where

the difference lies."1

1 ‘ ‘ “*
tetherien139mances. tr. I. U. Comfort. p. sv.

I.

143.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL HOT!

Primary Iourcea

lo attempt will be made to analyze the primary
sources used in this study. since that was the
purpose of Chapter I. the sources used are merely
listed below with full bibliographical information.

Aucaaein and giccletg. tr. aarold Child (London.

0

the Battle of Haldon. tr. Charles C. tries (Ann

Arsor. fichigan. 1925).

Beowulf. the Oldest In lieh! Cg ic. tr. Charles I.

 

Kennedy (New York. .

Chretisn ds troyes, "Cligéa;" Arthurian Romances.
tr. U. V. Comfort (London. 1§135. pp. 51-175.

"tree at Raids,“ Arthurian Romances.

tr. I. I. Comfort (London, 191C), pp. 1-90.

"Lancelot." Arthurian Romances.

tr. w. H. Comfort (London. 1513;. pp. 270.359.

"tvain." Arthurian Romances, tr. I. i.
Comfort (London. 1914), pp. 180-269.

"Ilerics and Blauncheflour," in s ecimans of Earl
In lieh Metrical nomencss. e3. aeorge'ills
iew edition revised 5y 3. O. Helliwell (London.
laid). pp. 453-73.

the tour Cons °"%£¥23’ or.t the+ fCharlema no.
“I Romance';? valrz.t %r .itt (Tendon,
THIS. '

Gottfried von Eschenbach, the "Parsival.” tr. Edwin
H. Zsydel and layard Quincy lbrgam (Chapel Bill.
North Carolina. 1951).

154.

Gottfried von Itrassburg, the "trietan and lsolds."
tr. Idwin a. teydel (Fr Inceton. New 3ersey. 1948).

"the History of Guy Iarl of Earwick.” in Earl
Bullish Prose Iomances. ed. iilliam J. oms
Lon n. 3.3.), pp. 551.‘08e

Room of Bordeaux. tr. Cir John Bourchier. Lord
'iireere: retold by Iobest Steels (London, 1895).

the iaz_ of the Cid. tr. R. Ieldea Rose and Leonard ‘
Iscon ZBerEe Iey. California, 1919).

lerris. I. and Clopinel. 3.. the Romance 9of the Ices.
u. r. s. Illie. 3vels.‘Tien n.

"Ierlia." in ngcimens of Iarl In lish Ietrical

Iomanees,e serge l ew e ition revised
5y 3. 5. helliwell (London. 1848). pp. 11-141.

"lorte Arthur." in [pecimens of Iarl 'Inglieh
latrical Romances. ed. George B l a. law edition
revised by J. 0. lailiwell (London, 1363),

P’s 1‘3*.,e

Ierte Arthur: two Iarl In lieh Romances. ed. Lucy
.W en ates *(t;::§.. m.d.).

the Oldest In liebI is: Ieowulf, Pinneburl. Isldere.
Deer. widaItE. an the Carmen H lde rand.
tr. “Francis 3. am re {law tort. 1551).

"Riehsrd Ceeur de Lion.” ins ecimens of Iarl
In lieh letrical Rommeees. e3. 5.....1..
iew edition revise; 5y 3. 0. Balliwell (London.
18‘8). pp. 1'2-"1e .

 

"Cir Ievie of namptoun,“ in Ipscimene of Iarl
In lieh letrical Iomanaes. ed. 6..... I is. Iew
eIEtIon revised by 3. 0. Balliwsll (London.
llel). pp. 239n8l. .

the Ice of Roland. tr. Irsderioh Rlies Inquiens (law
art, “1935).

the Ion ‘;5 Roland. tr. Dorothy L. dayers (London,
1 .

145.

11. Secondary Sources

the use of secondary material was held to a
mininun in this paper. However. a few secondary
sources. primarily literary histories and literary
criticicms. were consulted for background and
bibliogrephicel infatuation.

the nest comprehensive history of Old French
literature. and a work which was used extensively.
is by Urban tigner Holmes. Jr..Ԥ Historz 25 gig
French Literature min: Origins 5.9.3.129. (New
York, 1938). Written with a notable partiality
for French literature. this scholarly work traces
writing nova-ants iron the Carolingian period to
the fourteenth century. the author analyses
briefly extent literature; he also includes
sunnaries and evaluations oi outstanding critical
and interpretative works in the field of Old
french literature. The bibliographical value of
Holmes' work cannot be overs-phasised.

Numerous historian oi English literature were
consulted. although no single work does for English
literature what nolnes has done for French

literature. One of the better histories of Hedievsl

146.

Inglioh writing to by loop Holono ond Albort c.
Dough. A thotorz alotorz _9___£_ Inglood, 33...... Hiddlo
‘5133, 4 volo. (now York, 1948). Ihto comprohooolvo
hlotory oovoro both tollslouo‘ond oooulor writings;
tho work to woll doouoontod. woll orsonlood, ood
roodoblo. O. 8. Baldwin, M Couturioggg
thorotuto‘gg England. 1100-1400 (Boston. 1032).
glvoo o trio! and vory toootol outvoy of Ioglloh
lltorotuto from loowulf to Chouoor. Tho outbox.
who to on otdont odnlror of tho llddlo Agoo. hoo
prodoooa but on olomontory ooooont at tho
lltototuro of tho you“. A olnllor boot by tho
oono outhot to £3 lntrodootion £2 toglloh Iodlovol
Lttototuro (London. 191‘). loldwlo ototoo thot
thlt work woo lotondod .i o ”otudont'o outdo” ood
not at o book for ooholoro. which toy lootooto

that ho woo owoto o! it: oodlootlty. _D. 2. lot.
lo‘lloh thorotuto: Iodlowol (low York. 1.4.).
oootoloo o htlot htotory o! lltorotuto tron Anglo-
loxoo writingo to Chonoor. Iolptol background
wotorlol on tho olwllorltlol ond dittotooooo botwoow
tho opto ood tho roooooo oo lltoroty typoo lo toond
1n thto work. Gootgo loco. Middlo English thototggg.
A cuucu m 9.55.3.2. louncoo. 51;: lollgtooo

1‘7.

Lzrioo. Wgéogg Plowuon" (London. 1951), woo of
littlo woloo to tho otud§ oinoo tho onthor'o
pnrpooo it to roowoluoto tho litorory qoolity o1
nodiowol rononoo. It io lono'o opinion thot tho
litorory oopoot of tho tononoo hoo boon noglootoo
hooonoo of ooholoro' oophooio on tho hiototiool.
oooiol. ond toligiono oontont o! thio typo o1
litotototo. Alooot no intotootion on populot tyyoo
of oodiowol litototuro io oootoiood in low. Joooph
lorington. y}: Litororz Hiotorz 3_£_ 53: liddlo M.
gonprioinfi :3 Account 35 5.9.2. Agog: 2.! Loorniog 333:
£13; 2.9.29. 3!. 5.9.... 3.933 3!. Augnotno 53 3.5:. lowiwol
.£3‘£§3_!ittoonth contorz (London, n.o.). Although
titloo o litorory hiototy; thio onhitiono ondoowot
night woro ootrootly ho totwoo o ohotohy intollootnol
hiototy. with olphooio on ltolion lootniog.

0! tundonontol importonoo to thio popor it
I. r. lot. Eli! 3.9.9. Roooooo: looozo 33 lodiowol
Litototnro. low Doro: odition (low York, 1951).
thio work. which tovoolo on ootonoiwo u...z.ag. of
nooiowol litotototo. oootoino o "gonorol doootiption
o! oooo of tho priooipol lot-o o! notrotivo
litorotnro. in tho liodlo Agoo.“ to: oooo not ooko

tho niotoko o! ottoopting to troot tho ontito liolo

148.

of nodiowol litsrotnro. os do so nony of tho
litorory critics. lothor ho oonoonttotoo on tho
Tontonio opio. tho Pronoh opio, ond tho loolondio
hiotoriss. Incluooo to: porposos oi oontrost with
tho opio it o htiot dioouosion o! rooonoo. lot
ooottosto opio ond rononoo in torno of both
litotory toohniquo ond oontoot; tho outhoo‘s
proloroooo to: tho opio is obvious. Albort h.
l'oylor. A}; Introduction 53 godiovol lononoo (London,
l930). givoo o gonotol swrwoy o! tononoo.
ooooontroting on English worsiono of French
tonoooos. no ioolndos o disousoion of tho infloonso
of roligion. ohiwolry, sonootionolisn, and tho lovo
olonont npon tononoo. Although oritiool of tho
towooos oo litorototo. roylor, in o work thot is
not highly scholorly. doso rowool o sylpothotio
onlorotonding o! rouonoo as on oxproooioo of Iodiovol
lilo. 3. 0. Taylor. 3.9.9. lodiovol m. 2 wolo. bth
odition (London. 1938). includos o hriof ssotioo

on tononoo. olthough ho porophtooos tho plots of

o tow tonoooos tothor thon prooooting on onolyoio

or iotorprstotioo st tooonoo os o wholo.

149.

lntorprototivo nnolyooo of opocifio primary
ooutcoo woto cononltod. Boctor Munro Chodwich.
‘23: Horoio Ag: (London, 1912). it o comporotivo
study of tho Brook ond routonic “heroic ages" and
porticulotly of horoic pootio troditiono.
Volnoblo oo bookstound notoriol for thio popor
woo his onolyoio oi socioty, govornnont. ond
roligion in tho horoio ogo. Tho ocholorly ond
hoovily docunontod work of R. H. Chonbors.
Boowult: 53 Introduction 53 5.2.9. m 32 £13,: £22
with. g Diocuosion 33 _t_h__o_ storioo 21 2&5 22211.42
(Cambridgo, lnglond, 1932). io gonorolly considorod
tho dofinitivo Boovulf othdy. Chonboro includes o
discussion oi tho historicol hochground of tho
poon ond of porollol votoiono in Scondinovion
folkloro. Ho olso discusoos ond ovolnotoo vorioos
intorprototivo thoorios of tho poon. I. W. Lowronco,
noowult 3.9.9. 531:. 5.23:3. ‘l‘rodition (Cabridgo, Host”
1928). io loos tochnicol thon chonhor's work.
Lowronco stotoo thot hio hook oino "to review tho
suhjoct-nottor of tho poon, both tho main plot ond
tho chiot ouhoidiory notoriol. ond to ohow how thio
oppooto to hovo hoon groduolly combined into on epic.

giving duo ottontion to tho social and political

W-

." 4.”.

L),

V» - on

hochgronnd.” within tho linito oot by tho outhor.
tho book it good¢-it it readoblo, inforlotivo,
ond foirly woll documentod. Roman lon‘ndez
Pidol. $931.33! 31:1 8 sin, tr. Horold
Inndorlond (London. l934), givoo voluohlo
iniornotion on tho hiotory o! tho lhorion
Doninsulo in tho elcvonth contory. Drowing upon
o wido rongo oi oonrcoo. historicol os woll oo
iitorory. ridol. o rocogniood onthority on tho
litorory hiotory of nodiovol Bpoin, woovoo tho
lito of both hio own ood Ipoin's horo, tho Cid.
into lponioh hiotory.

Only o sooll traction of tho ocholorohip on
tho origin of tho Arthurion ond Groil logondo
woo ononinoo ond o! tho notoriol ononinod only
oooo of tho ooot oigniiioont worho will to
oo-oootod upon horo. rho book by Jsooio L.
Wooton, 3.19.9. 393.2}. g}. 333 1533.1 933;; (London, 1913).
contoins o discussion of tho litorotnro comprioing
tho Groil oyclo. rho onthor'o noin concorn it to
‘ dotoroino tho origin ond trno mooning o! the
Groil. tho discnssoo ond dioconots tho Christian
ono iolh-loro thoorioo of origin ood thon prooonts

hor ritnol thoory. which in oloborotod ond

151.

clariiiod in Joooio L. Heston, £523 Ritual £3
lonanco (Row York, 1920). Miss Wooton'o works
rotloct o wido knowlodgo oi comparativo religions.
hor intorprototion of tho Groil symbolism loovoo
fowcr unonsworod quaations than noot onolyaso.

her books oro clearly and corofully written; but
hor arguments loot forco when oho directly

connects oorly Coltic and Welsh roligiouo procticos
with onciant Bootarn fertility cults. Janos D.
Bruco, Evolution 25 Arthurian gomanco from £53
Beginnings .9219. 52.5992, 2 vols. (Gottingon. 1928).
covors tho oorlioot Arthurian traditions. Bruco -
bolicvos Arthur to havo boon oithor of Roman
doocont or a Ionanirad Colt. no tools thot scholars
hava cxoggoratod tho doht of tho Arthurian ronanco
authors to Coltic oourcos and ho ouggeots that tho
personal invontions oi tho ronanco authors woro

tho soot significant foctor in tho croation of tho
rononcos., As tor tho origin of tho Grail legend.
Bruno protors tho Christian theory. R. 8. Loonio.

Coltic lzth and Arthurian Rononco (Now York, 1927),

 

tondo to accopt tho idoo of an historic Arthur, who
was at loost partially Roman and who sided tho

Britons against tho Saxons. Arthur‘s conquooto

152.

grew into myth and thus Loonio soon Arthur as

both a nan and a god. Ho olso finds a connection
between Arthur’s knights and Celtic gods. Arthur
c. L. Brown, 222 Origin gglghg‘gggil_ho§and
(Cambridge. Moos., 1943), trocos tho Arthurian
nnd Groil logonda to tho mythology of tho Irish.
Two works by Alfred Hutt, who ouhsoribcd to the
theory of Celtic origin of tho Arthurian and Grail
legends, woro briefly scannod. Altrod Hurt,
$tudieo an. 52.9. Legend £33; {131.1 3% 3.35.1}.
EeReciol gcieronce‘tg the gypothoais fig £53 Celtic
Origin (London, 1888), and Alfred Butt, £25

A

Influengo'_£ Celtic Egon Medioval Romance (London,

 

_ .j.

0

1904).

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