THE FOMIGN POLICY 0! HENRY VIII AND WOLSIY. Thais. (or flu Dunc of M. A. MICRIQAN STATE. COLL-£6! Charles Harvey Bibbings 19:51 ABSTRACT THE FOREIGN POLICY OF HENRY VIII AND WOLSEY BY Charles Harvey Bibbings Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of History 1951 APPROVEDW. ABSTRACT THE FOREIG' POLICY OF HENRY VIII AND WOLSEY BY Charles Harvey Bibbings This study of the foreign affairs of Henry VIII and his Chancellor, Thomas Cardinal Wolsey, was undertaken be- cause of a keen interest in English history and a feeling that the marital difficulties of Iienry VIII have over- shadowed the diplomatic negotiations of the time. For a period of fourteen years, 1516 to 1529, Henry and Wolsey played a major role in events of the day. These events were of great significance for it was during this time that England was to begin her rise to the rank of a great power. Through the use of the State Papers, compiled by a commission under the English government, and the compila- tion of Letters and Papers, I was able to reconstruct the diplomatic negotiations of the period. The Spanish State Papers were also of great value. All of the afore- mentioned sources were aids in reconstructing the problems between England and Scotland. Various other collections of letters, manuscripts, and documents were of great as- sistance. Henry, who was extremely interested in the pleasures of life early in his reign, took an increased interest in foreign affairs under the tutelage of Cardinal Woksey. The aims of these two men were closely allied. Both de- sired peace for England. Both sought to maintain a bal- ance of power on the continent--a bilance in which neither France nor the Empire could become strong enough to formu- late cr control events. ihen it was advantageous to have friendly relations with France, Henry and Wolsey would woo Francis, the king of France, into an alliance; but this alliance would be superseded by andzher, if it became evident that a closer friendshin with Charles V, the Hal? Roman Emperor, would be of more value to the English. Not content with switch- ing friendship and alliance from one to the other of the monarchs, Henry and his chancellor played one against the other, so that there would not be a bond of union between the two most powerful continental rulers. Throughout this diplomatic manuevering, the English endeavored to maintain a neutral position so that they might act as arbiters in the European difficulties. However, they found Francis and Charles as clever diplomats, and twice the English were forced to declare war against a one-time ally. Henry and Wolsey also took a keen interest in the affairs of the papacy. Tmice during his tenure of office as Chancellor of England, Wolsey made a bid for the papal crown, hoping, thereby, to enhance England's position, as well as his own, but in both circumstances he was unsuc- cessful. ’ Through the medium of marriage alliances, involving Henry's daughter, Mary, as well as armament treaties, these two men were to influence the destiny of Europe for four- teen years. This close association was broken only when Wolsey was unable to settle Henry's domestic problems. THE FOREIGH POLICY OF HENRY VIII AED WOLSEY 8! Charles Harvey Bibbings A THESIS Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of EASTER OP hRTS Department of History 1951 ACKNOWLEDGMENT I wish to express my sincere thanks and appreciation to Professor Marjorie Gesner for her helpful sug- gestions and constructive criticism in the research and writing done in the completion of this thesis. Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter I II III IV TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction Englsnd Takes Position Intrigue .Preparstions for War War or Peace The Poll of Wolsey Conclusion Bibliographical “etc 21 44 66 85 100 INTRODUCTION Kings, church dignitaries, ministers of state, and others have greatly influenced the course of history down through the ages. Caesar, Charlemagne, Richelieu, his. march and other: have made their presence felt on the e- vents of their times. To this list should be added Henry‘ VIII and Thomas Cardinal Wolsey. For fourteen years, 1516 to 1529, this union of a king and a churchmen nlsyed s major role in events of the day, events which affected future history. Henry, who came to the throne in 1509 upon the death of his father, Henry VII, was, for several years, more concerned with the pleasures of life than he was with matters of state. He was not faced with internal dissension, nor with the danger of rival claimants to his throne as his father and other predecessors had been. He knew how to be close to his subjects without sacrific- ing any royal dignity. He use so generous with the for- tune which his father had amassed that later he was forced to go to the people for more taxes to augment the royal treasury. While maintaining his love for snorts and other pleasures, he became interested in foreign affairs as his reign progressed. This interest was stimulated bu Wolsey. Thomas Wolsey was born at Ipswich, in 1471, of 11 well-to-do parents. Destined for the church he was sent to Oxford at the age of eleven. He became a Bachelor of Arts at fourteen years of age. after leaving Oxford fiolsey became a Fellow of “agdalrn and a master of the grammar school attached to the college. In 1501 he be- came chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury. From this position he advanced, in 1505, to that of chaplain to Henry VII. In-this position he attained such prorinenoe that he became an emissary of the king. It was during this period that he served his apprenticeship in foreign affairs which was to aid him in his relationship with Henry VIII and the other rulers of Europe. than “enry VIII succeeded to the throne,,Woleey was retained as a1- moner. It was not until the war with France, in 1513, that Wolsey convinced henry of his skill in organivation and diploaacy. The successful negotiation of peace after this war was largely his work. In 1514 he was appointed Archbishop of Xork and a few months later received the red hat of a cardinal. This proved to he the stepping stone into the chancellory. The period 1516 to 1529 was particularly signifi- cant for it was during this time that England was to be- gin her advance to the position as a great power. With peace at home, only sporadic trouble on the northern border between England and Scotland, Henry and Wolsey were able to concentrate on relations with France and 111 the Empire. Papal vacancies were also of great importance for both flenry and Wolsey were interested in the latter's advancement to the highest position in the bhurch hier~ archy. Feeling that the marital difficulties of Henry have overshadowed the importance of foreign affairs duro ing this period, tFis study was undertaken to Show the roles Henry VIII and Thomas Cardinal Wolsey played in European as well as English history. CHAPTER I ENGLAND TAKES POSITION December 22, 1515 marks the day on which Thomas Cardinal Wolsey, Archbishop of York, accepted the great seal as Lord Chancellor of England.1 Shortly thereafter the strongest fees of Wolsey, archbishOp harham and Bish- Op Fox, retired, These men hoped that the king ”would not suffer the servant to be greater than his master." To this the king answered that "it should be his care that those who were his subjects should obey and not com- mend.”2 Thus began a fourteen-year period that was to see England vacillating between the EurOpean powers at- tempting to maintain peace in England and a balance of power in EurOpe. Turning to the continent Wolsey found Charles, Prince of Castile, and Francis 1, king of France, joined 1 Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, "perceiving that Wolsey saddled more in his office of ohancellorehip than it became him to suffer...eaying also that the said bishop of York coveted to bear all the rule, and to have all the authority, considering also his own great e3e...delivered to the king the great seal, which delivered the same to the Arohbishon of York and made him chancellor." Edward Hall, Chronicle; Containing the History of England during the Reign 0?;Henr the Fourth and the succeeding charohs to the end 0% the Heign of Henry the Eighth (London, 1809), p. 533. Hereafter cited as Hall's Chronicle. 2 Edward Lord Herbert, The Historz of England under Henry VIII (London, 1860}, p. I34. by a treaty. Charles, previously betrothed to fiery, sister of Henry, was greatly influenced by his ministers, who were ready to forsake former English ties because of the money which Francis offered, and the reluctance with.which Henry greeted negotiations concerning loans or gifts of money to Charles. To add to the hard feel- ings the alliance between Charles and England had been broken by the marriage of Kory to Louis XII, Francis' predecessor. Wolsey, however, was able to arrange a treaty, between Henry and Charles, which wss signed on anusry 24, 1516.3 It wss merely a treaty of peace and friendship. Affairs on the continent were greatly changed in February 1516, when the death of Ferdinand the Catholic brought Charles to the Spanish throne. This was to place Charles in s new position which would bring him into con- flicting situations with Francis. Some time before the death of Ferdinand, Charles had made s treaty with Fren- sis by which he was to marry into the French royal family. Charles was aware of the position he wss in since his succession to the Spanish throne, but he was reluctant to go against this treaty. 3 0. A. Bergenroth, ed., Calendar of Letters, Des- patches, and State Pspers, relating to Hegotistiogg Between England and—S sin (ll vols., London, 1866), TI, p. §76. 'Hereafter cited as State Papers (Spanishl. Farther to the east Emperor Maximilian, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, was in need of friendship and sssistance against the French, she had been so successful in Italy that Milan was now under their control. Nego- tiating with Richard Pace, the English ambassador at the court of the Emperor, Baximilian offered the Duchy of Eilsn to Henry in return for aid against the French.‘ Pace wss wise enough to see that this would be impossible at this time snd advised Wolsey to so advise Henry. Affairs in Scotland were also of great importance to Henry and Wolsey for the Duke of Albany had once more returned to Scotland and taken charge of the government. He was able to accomplish this because of French aid given to his enterprise. It may be that the Duke entered into Scottish problems because of Francis' plan to do everything in his power to keep Henry involved in border clashes so that he, Francis, might have an easier time on the continent. When Henry, through the English lords, told the French ambassador to compel Albany to leave Scotland, the ambassador said Francis was unable to com- pel the Duke to leave,or even command him as he was next in succession to the Scottish throne. The latter was 4 . s . d sndeomés 8:95! gge’fi tter n Pa rei ., London, 1864), II, p. 97. Hereafter c ted as Letters and Papers. true if none of the Scottish queen's ehildren should survive her.5 To pin an insight into the English difficulties with Scotland it should be noted that the death of lanes 17 of Scotland, on the battlefield of Plodden, left the erown to a baby not yet eifiteen wonths old, and the govern-ant ef the country to the baby's nether, Margaret, sister of Henry VIII, and to a group of nobles. The personal rivalries of these nobles were of greater in- terest to then then were the interests of the Scottish nation. Iargaret's warriage to irohibald Douglas, Earl of tngne, brought an end to the arrangement by which largarst had acted as regent in conjunction with the nobles. The Duke of ‘lbany, of the royal house, who had been raised in France, was called to Scotland to set as regent and settle the disputes between largsret and the nobles. Early in 1516 Queen largaret had been expelled free the kingdou of Scotland. She had taken refuge in England, under her brother's care, with neny of her friends exiled with her. In February Preneis expressed his deter-inatien to keep peace with England by suggest- iag that Queen largsret should be restored to central in scotland, her dcwer assured, her children ecwnitted to ._ fl ‘ 3333., p. 39v. the guardianship of the nobles, or the point referred to arbitration. Henry was quick to reply that it would be beneath his dignity to refer such matters to arbitration, that he would Judge the affairs of Scotland himself.6 Wolsey, through his representative Lord Dacre, re- peatedly told the Duke of Albany that the affairs of Soot- land could not be mixed with those of France-”the ques-. tions between England and France are of too great imporv tance to liken the one to the other. The difference be- tween bngland and Scotland is nothing but through the interference of France, and to make war on England for the pleasure of France has not hitherto been much to their profit.'7 Henry informed the Scottish lords that the Duke of Albany should be removed from the administration of the government. The mere fact that he pretended to be the nearest heir to the kingdom made him dangerous to the welfare of the queen and her children.8 To this the lords replied that ”the Duke was chosen Protector by the unanimous voice of the three estates; was sent for by them from France: and that he had taken great pains in the king's service. Horeover, it was in exact 6 Ride, p. ‘17s 7 Ride, p. 510s 8 Ibid., p. 574. conformity with their laws that the nearest in succes- sion should have the governance."9 This did not, how- ever, put an end to the matter for Henry continued to press the Scots to return their queen to power and to banish the Duke from the kingdom. Queen Margaret did not help the situation by her actions. A short time before her expulsion from Scotland, she had married the Earl of Angus, by whom she had a daughter. The English authorities were gravely concerned over the significance of such a marriage. Some of them went so far as to pre- tend that Scotland was.under interdict at the time and therefore the marriage was null. There was even talk of dissolving the marriage and betrothing the queen to En. peror haximilian.1° These were two of the many proposals that were not carried to a successful conclusion. Dif- ficulties with Scotland were to continue to plague Henry and Wolsey throughout their political union. While Wolsey concerned himself with the problems besetting England from all sides, Henry concentrated his greatest attention on France and the actions of Francis. It was evident that Francis would do all in his power to keep Henry busy on the Scottish borders so that he might have his way in Europe. Francis' greatest concern was 9 Ibid., p. 642. 1° Ibid., p. 527. to keep the Swiss in line so that they might be depended upon in his affairs in eastern Lurcpe with the Emperor.11 In order to convince the Swiss that they need not fear any action from Henry if they maintained friendly rela- tions with France, a treaty between England and France was shown to them. However, Richard Pace, at this time attempting to bring the Swiss to England's side, replied that such a treaty had been made some years ago, but that France had broken it by sending the Duke of Albany into Scotland to harass England from the north.12 The Swiss, although accepting Pace's argument, were determined that they should receive hnglish money to build up their forces. honey had been sent for their benefit in the pest, but this money had been handled by the Emperor, who was not above employing such money to his own advantage. The swiss warned Pace that of the 100,000 crowns given by Henry in the last war for the Burgundian expedition they had received only 40,000 florins.13 Those cantons that were partial to England felt they would be joined by the other cantons if Henry would grant money directly to them. 11 The Swiss, who had been defeated by the French at Harignano, tried to enter into the service of England. Through carelessly handled money matters many of the cantons had turned to the French. 12 Ibid., p. 798. 13 Ibid., p. 409. Pace could not promise that the money would be sent di- rectly to them for he feared to do anything that would anger the Emperor. Pace was playing a double role in eastern Burcpeo-attempting to bring the Swiss to England's side and trying to keep the Emperor from making a peace treaty with France without England and the Swiss. Henry, during this time, was also negotiating with other allies of Francis, the Venetians. He informed Sebastian Giustinian, the Venetian ambassador at the English court, that Francis was endeavoring, with all earnestness, to obtain peace with the Emperor, and to leave the Venetians single-handed at the mercy of their onemioo.1‘ Tho Venetians listened, but did not set. In May 1516, haximilian, growing more impatient with the French,and the way that affairs were shaping up on the continent, pretending great friendship for Henry, offered him the empire as well as the Duchy of Ellen, provided that Henry would cross the sea with his army and meet the Emperor at Trevec. Here the Emperor would resign the empire in Henry's favor. The Anglo- imperialists were then to invade France while flaximilian and Henry were to cross the Alps, take possession of Milan, and continue on to Rome where Henry would receive the imperial crown from the Pope. Henry turned a deaf 14 Ibid., p. 438. ear to these prepossls.15 In Italy the Emperor was continually pulling back before the French,.and eventually retreated in a shena- ful wanner. Wolsey,.howsvsr, convinced Henry that he should not declare in favor of the Emperor because the cost of any Joint action between the two would have to be borne by the English. Wolsey was also convinced, Iy letters tron Pace, that no faith should be put in the Emperor's proaisss.1‘ After nany negotiations Pace was able to convince the Swiss cantons that they should serve Henry “to the total dsatrnotion of the French kis5.'17 out this Iat~ tar was not to be discussed in open court for Henry was still at poses with France. However, he confided to Sebastian Oinstinisn that “the Swiss are sins. let talk who will they are sins; and tho Pops is anxious to Join'l’ any lacuna which would prevent transis tron becoming ow- nipstsnt. ‘Still Gin-tinian refused wolssy's proposal that Henry should write to the Emperor, and wediats be- tween hi: and the Venetians, fearing it night cons to the is we. ’- ms 1‘ '...ths said Emperor doth as often tines change his sins as the weatheroook doth change his turn.' 3216.. p. 602. 7 Ibid.. p. 697. 10 Ms. pa ms 10 knowledge of the French king. on June 16, 1616 Henry was advised that the French kin; wss so drained of nonsy that it would be impossible for his to carry on the war in Italy or in francs. no. cause of this ficnry could more caaily acquire his hered- itary right in France than drive the rrsssn frow Itsiy.1° Iith such news Eanry's asbiticn for a league against France increased, and he was urged, by the Emperor, to declare hissslf the snowy of Francs as soon as such.a confederation night he formed. This Henry refused to do. Late in the summer Charles, new king of Spain, dc- cidcd to leave his court in Flanders and enter into his Spanish lands. To do this he needed scney. As Henry scaled to be the nest wealthy and the most eager to gain allies, Charles applied for, and received, a loan of one hundred thousand crowns.'° This led Iany to believe that, inasmuch as charles and Henry had negotiated a loan, as soon as Charles arrived in Spain natters would he refers- ad to the satisfaction of England. the scney was no soonsr available to Charles than it became known in the En¢lish court that a secret treaty had been signed between Charles and Francis at Rayon on August 13, 1516. Charles had consented to sarry Anna, 1°Ib1e., p. see. so Igid., p. 720. Francis' infant daughter; and francs had waived all elains to laples. The venetians were to be called upon to pay two hundred thousand florins to the Emperor for Breseia end Verona. Once more England had been passed over without notice. Iolsey immediately saw that good relations between Henry and Maxi-ilien should be strengthened, and,on the Emperor's requests for further loans,sone money nes_resd- ily dispatched to his. In payment for this money Maxi- lilien talked of going into the Low Countries and sub- duing the ministers of his grandson, Charles. lexinilian felt that it was due to his ninisters' advice that Charles was so unfriendly to Henry. More money was needed, how- ever, and although the amounts requested by stinilisn were far greater than those which Wolsey and Henry thought expedient, Mexinilien did receive enough to enable his to travel to the néighborhood of Brussels. Ey the tine he arrived here the news that he had secretly Joined with Charles and Prsncis in the treaty of Noyon was known in the English court. It see now realised that Maximilian bed not planned to bring Charles to the side of England. He had desired more and sore money to move into Flanders where he would be closer to Charles, and where he might sore readily negotiate with franois for funds. But Easinilisn did not become an enemy of Henry by joining Charles and Francis. In feet, through a 12 letter from Cuthbert Tunetal, ambassador to Lady Margaret of Savoy, Henry was advised that veximilian once again offered the empire to Henry: The emperor intends to resign the empire to your Grace, and to obtain your election by his procurement and soliciting of the e- lectors thereto, intending to do this for the advancement of your honor and the love which he hears you. I think the said elecg tion of your Grace to the empire cannot be brought about by any means, for diverse con- siderations. First, as in the election of the Pepe a certain form is to be kept which not observed makes the election void, so of ancient time and ordinance of the universal church a certain form must be observed in the choosing of the emperor, which omitted, the election is void. One of the chief points in the election of the empire is that he shall be a German subject of the empire; whereas your Grace is not nor never within the Christian faith the kings of England were subject to the empire. But the crown of England is an empire of itself much bet- ter than new the empire of None: for which cause your Grace wears a close crown. And therefore, if you were chosen, since your Grace is not of the empire, the election were void. And if your Grace should accept the said election thereby you must confess your reels to be under subjection of the empire to the perpetual prejudice of your successor, or else the said election, were void as made of a person not eligible. Besides that the form of the election con- tends that first he must be King of Romans and the coronation at Rose sakes him have the name of Emperor where before he is called but King of Romans. Over this if the emperor which now is remains the King of Romans as I understand he intends to do, then if your Grace were eligible and under the empire, yet you could not be chosen emperor because you were never King of Romans. And also he remaining you could not be chosen King of Romans because the kingdom is not void, and no one can be chosen thereto ex- cept when it is void either by death or else 13 when the King of Romans is crowned emper- or, whereby under him may be chosen a King of Romans. The said Empire (as it is now established) also may not have two emperors at one time, but one as chief and the other as heir apparent, which is called the King of humans, where he must begin that will come to the empire. For which considerations I repute it impossible (the laws thereon made standing) that your Grace may be chosen. And I am afraid lest the said offer being so specious at the first hearing was only made to get thereby some money of your Grace.21 With advice such as this from his minister close to the ' wise not Emperor and substantiated by Kelsey, Henry was v. to push the Emperor to carry out his proposals. In the meantime Wolsey had been in contact with the English leaders on the borders of Scotland. ne was also in receipt of several communications from the Duke of Albany. The Duke contended that Lord Dacre misrep- resented the intentions of the protector of Scotland.92 He professed the strongest wish for the two kingdoms of England and Scotland to remain at peace, and offered to visit Henry in England.23 Such a meeting did not take place. At last it became evident that Albany was grow- ing tired of Scotland and wished to return to France, 21 Henry Ellis, Original Letters,glllustrative of En - lish Histor1 r: Including Numerous hoyal Letters: Fro- Iutogranhs in the Eritish Museum and one or two other Collection; ([1 vols., tendon, 13235, T, pp. 133-133. 22 Letters and Papers, II, p. 273. 93 Ibid., p. 680. 14 but the Estates of Scotland refused to let him go until the king was of age.9‘ Early in 1517 the Scots, through Albany, offered terms which Lord Deere suggested should be accepted with certain modifications. Lord Deere did this with malice aforethought for he saw in this an op- portunity to gain time until winter when they might do greater harm along the border?5 In “arch a truce was arranged between the two countries. By this truce Queen Margaret was allowed to return. on condition that she would not participate in the administration of the govern- ment.26 After binding every great man to him, the Duke- of Albany left Scotland on June 8, 1517. He took with him the heirs or brothers of the principal nen expecting 27 On June 15 Margaret returned to return in five months. to Scotland where she was enthusiastically received, but her power was not returned to her. Still Wolsey was interested in affairs on the con— tinent. After the treaty of Noyon was signed by the Emperor, Charles had his ambassadors once more breach the subject of loans to enable him to go to Spain. With the aid of the English treasury he was able to obtain 9?;2;g,, p. 810. 25 mg” n. 597. 95 zg;g,. p. 1007. 27‘52;3.. p. 1075. 15 his goal. But France held Wolsey's greatest interest. Here Henry's greatest rival held away over a large realm. As early as January 1517 there were rumors that a better understanding between England and France was growing, though regular ambassadors were not carrying on the nego- tistions. Secretly, however, uolaey maintained contact with the French court. Even the treaty of Cambrai, sign- ed by Charles, Maximilian, and Francis did not break up the beginning of a more cordial feeling between the French and English courts. In fact, in June the si~ur de la Guiche made a reappearance in England. This man, who was a favorite in both courts, began consultations with Wolsey which resulted in the announcement that Francis desired the surrender of Tournai and a new treaty. In return Francis offered Henry four hundred thousand crowns.28 Wolsey was advised by Tunstal that if Henry was minded to give up Tournai, it would be advisable to offer it to Charles on his arrival in Spain, in exchange for some other place. Tunstsl felt that the king would, in time, have a substantial friend in the king of Caetile, one who would be more trustworthy than the French.29 While Wolsey was negotiating with de la ouiche, Henry, in conversation with Charles' ambassador, Helna, 98 Ibid., p. 1157. 99 Ibid., p. 1159. 16 admitted that Francis was using every effort for a league between England and France. Henry assured Charles that he would not Join with any other ruler to the detriment of the Spanish ruler. Henry seemed very pleased to hear that Charles would not be uneasy if peace should be made between France and England.30 The negotiations were car- ried on in a secretive way with Henry and Wolsey attempt- ing to keep both Francis and Charles on friendly terms with England. The diplomatic manuevering continued on for many months with only the surrender of Tournai and a more formal alliance as the objectives. Early in the new year, 1518, matters became some- what strained between the Frenoh and the English when it was reported that ships and men were being readied in France. These preparations were in aid of the Duke of Albany, who was planning a return to Scotland.51 There was also a rumor that Francis intended to invade Spain and Flanders.32 Wolsey was convinced that such prepara- tions were undertaken because England was so cautious in negotiating with France concerning Tournai.33 Wolsey, although favoring peace with France, refused to advise 36‘ Ibid., p. 1174. 51 Ibid., p. 1229. 32 Idea 0 33 Ibid., p. 1233. 17 Henry to sell Tournai to the French. He wished to hold out for a more advantageous settlement for England. The continued preparation by the French finally forced Henry to admit to Giustinian, ambassador from Venice, that there was great deceit in the words and actions of the French kingo-while Francis was negotiating for peace and the purchase of Tournai, he was also preparing men and arms for a possible quarrel with Henry.5‘- Francis presumably thought he could easily recover Tournai. The ambassador from France attempted to convince holsey that France would not break with Henry or Charles at this time.55 The affairs with France were put into the back-A ground in May, 1518 when Pepe Leo X, desiring a new cru- sade against the Turks, declared that he was sending a legato into England as he had done in the other Christian countries. at once Wolsey saw his opportunity to aug- ment his power and position. He brought to Henry’s at- tention the municipal law that no foreign cardinal could claim legatine authority in England. Such information was forwarded to Cardinal Campergio, the legate-elect, st Calais. It was also stated that the cardinal would be welcomed into England if Wolsey were given equal au- thority with Campeggio. then Leo was notified of the 34 leg... 1). 1242. 35 3239., p. 1268. 18 action of aenry he held a consistory and,on Way lZ.Wol- say was appointed legato de laterg and a colleague of 36 Wolsey immediately set up a legatine court Campeggio. and l"vise so elated that he thought himself equal with the king, and when he said mass he made dukes and earls serve his wine and hold the basin."37 Although pushed into the background, the Anglo- French negotiations continued with Wolsey assuring Char- les that nothing would be done between henry and Francis which might not be to Charles' liking. The birth of the Dauphin, February 28, 1518 brought a new phase into the consultations. Wolsey had intimated to the French ambas- sadors, the Bishop of Paris and de la Quiche, that if the French royal family should have a male hair, it might be bossible to arrange a marriage between the young prince and princess Eary, daughter of Henryu?’8 Wolsey, who had gained the confidence of Francis as well as that of Henry, was given the task of arranging the settlement. Henry and Wolsey were weary of the continual trouble and expense that was necessary to maintain the town of Tournai. Wolsey finally reached an agreement with the French ambassadors. The French were to receive the city 36 1233., p. 1300. 5'7 Hall's gal-omen, p. 592. 58 Letters and Papers, II, p. 1335. 19 upon the promise to pay six hundred thousand crowns for the city and three hundred thousand crowns for the cita- del, which Henry had erected. They were also to pay the sum owed to Henry by the citizens for liberty and fran- chises.59 Wolsey was to receive a monetary consideration for his resignation of the bishopric of Tournai.4° Added to these agreements was a treaty for universal peace and for union between England and France. The marriage of the Dauphin and the Princess Mary was to take place when he attained his fourteenth year. The princess' dowry was to be 330,000 gold crowns, half to be paid at the marriage, and half within a year after. In return Fran- cis was to give Hary a yearly sum equal to that enjoyed by Anne and Mary, the queens of Louis XII, if the Dauphin I should come to the throne, and Henry paid the dowry. If the Dauphin should die before coming to the throne, the sun was to be less. If Henry should die without a male hair, fiery was to succeed to the English throne and no . further dowry was to be paid.41 Other articles of the treaty stipulated that mutual aid in case of invasion was guaranteed by land and by sea; the power of passing through _the confederate's territory was guaranteed.~ But the nest 39 Hall's Qhrcnicle, p. 593. 40 John Strypc, Works ( 27vols., Oxford, 1822), I, p. 31. 41 Letters and Papers, II, p. 1372. 20 important point, on which holscy insisted, was that the Duke of Albany was not to be permitted to return to Scot- land.42 the final articles were concluded at London on October 2 and ratified by Francis December 14. On Docen- bcr-Sl Pope Leo ratified and agreed to be included in the treaty of peace between Henry and Francis. tolsey had now succeeded in uniting France and England and placed England in a position of arbiter among the sovereigns of Europe. 42 Idem. 21 CHAPTER II INTRIGUE The new year, 1519, wss barely begun when the Eu- ropean political composition wss upset. The Emperor meti- milisn died on January 12. Francis and Charles immedi- ately declared themselves as candidates for the imperial crown, and began a systematic process of bribery to gain the support of the several electors. Although Francis' Candidacy was vague, Charles was an obvious candidate be- cause the Hapsburgs had retained the emperorship among themselves for three generations. The e1ectors,however, were not bound to maintain the tradition. Henry was urged to bring his prestige to bear in favor of each of the candidates. As in previous negotiations, Henry took advantage of his position and made promises to each. To Charles he confided that Francis was desirous of his sup- port but, that because of the great friendship between England and Spain, he had refused. He also stated that he preferred to see Charles as the victor.1' In the midst of the intrigues of Francis and Char- les, Henry injecteds new note. The second week in May, when the election was virtually decided, Pace was sent to 1 Letters and Papers, II, p. 1420. Ger-say to present Henry ss s ssndidets.’ It sssls quits obvisue thst this plsn we- decided on by the king witheut consultation with Wolsey; for the Cardinal had supported funstsl's recommendations thst Henry could not legslly scoept the smperorchip when it was offered by Haximillsn.a In spits of this, when the decision was finally made to send Pace to Germany, Wolsey sided Henry in drawing up his instructions. Halsey may have seen in this an oppor- tunity to strengthen his own position and bring him closer to the papal throne.‘ Pscc wss to sound out the electors and also try to convince them that the wisest move would be the election of flenry.6 In Home the BishOp of Wor- cester did .11 in his power to convince the Pops thst Henry was the best candidate and to have him place his support with Henry. The Pope did not favor either of the first two candidates, but his resentment did not cppccr to be es strong against Francis as against Charles. is the tine drew near for the meeting of the electors the ' J. a. Brewer, gee Reign of Hen VIII, Free 31; Accession to the 23st5 o? eclielft v61s..‘£hndon: s sP~* 3 see p. 13 ‘ The imperor usually had such prestige with the Gerdinsls thst his recommendstions were often followed when e new none was to be elected. 5 Letters and Papers, III, 240, as cited in Brewer. ‘02! mg. I, ’0 816. 23 Pops did an about {ass and began secret negotiations for a good understanding withOhsrles.a when it became evident that “enry could not gain snouth votes for election, his support was given to Char- lss. fha electors sat in consistory on July la where they refused to vote for hoary on the ground that he had started too lots. and that their votes were pro-engaged.7 There was little discussion after the oonsistory set for the decision had been sads. Charles. King or Csstilo. was chosen the nor ruler of the Holy Roman Empire. Henry was very prompt in sending his congratula- tions to the newly elected head of'ths Holy Roman Empire. Wolsey. with diplomatic skill, assured the French snhas- sador that it was necessary to congratulate the King of Castila. and that Henry would have acted in the suns Ian. nor if the French king had been the victor.0 This as- snranos was nscosssr13for England could not afford to nsaleot her recently attained ally. Francis, too, had hood of English friendship for he was having difficulties at hose due to the unpopularity or his government. As 6 Letters a III 300 as cited in Brewer “0W W;7?f%§fl;' s s s 7 David Home, The histo of En land From the Invas o. of Julius Osceor to the Hevo ut n 438 B vo s., man. : ' :r . . p. 0. ~. 3 State Pa rs . hlishsd under the euthcrit of Hi Is est 9 00mm es on *’ n- Hen - i, ‘ vo s., ~«on. 5““ ‘0 s s Do a Hereafter cited as gtetc Pagers. 24 a result. throughout the entire year} nany proposals and negotiations were made for a personal interview between the two rulers. Such negotiations met with no success at this tine. Charles. now Emperor-elect Charles V, was also in. terestad in strengthening the relationship between the .Enpire and the English court. In August 1519 John de la Sancho. charles' thvcrite, was sent to Englind to thank [Henry for his efforts on behalf of the not emperor-elect prior to his election.9 De la sauche olae assured Henry that Oharles’ greatest desire was for a stronger union between the two real-a.1° To bring about this closer union it one proposed that Charles nake a apecial trip to England for a personal nesting with Henry.11 Charles refused such a proposal. He was quick to adopt a lore conciliatory tone, however, when‘he was advised that nego- tiations between Henry and Francis were progressing to- ward a lore fhvorable understanding between the Freneh and English courts. Juan Manuel, the Inperisl Ambassador at Bone, to whom the proposal for a visit by Charles was made, convinced the emperor-elect that it he should rec fuse to visit Henry, the English king night feel slighted _‘ A , y __..‘ H Letters and Papers, III. 419, as cited in Brewer, an . g a e 10 Ed . 11 Letters and fa era, III, 851. as cited in Brewer. BQQIE. ra Pt 555' 25 and, resenting the offense, might conclude an alliance with the French king to the detriment of the “expire.“ Oharles' change or mind was aelcoued by Henry. Wolsey, ehe‘had been negotiating for a lasting between Henry and Francis, decided that this proposed interview should be postponed until Henry and Charles had not. The true rea- son for the delay was not admitted to the Prendh asbas~ sador. The 8pcnish.negotiators were slos in their dolio berations while the French were pressing more urgently for'a nesting between.tha two rulers. Wolsey and Henry found themselves in many difficult situations in union they were playing for time and advantage. Wolsey did not consider the situation too diffioudt fcr‘hin to handle. as told the Pope's representative, the Auditor de la Camera, that he could do or undo what. ever he liked, and conclude or'not eonclude an alliance between the king of England, the Emperor, and the king of France. He boasted that it was in his power to bring about an interview between all three of then.13 Such speeches made the Pepe conclude that I'tho Cardinal who is the governor of the King of England is a very strange person, and ashes the King go hither and thither Just m 1' State Pang-s {ennui-g), II, p. too. 13 939., p. sow. as he likes)“ The king by his letters patent had given Wolsey full power and authority concerning all matters to be debated touching the king and the resin.15 Is also received the power to attire and confine, bind and unhind, whatsoever should be in question between Henry and Francis as though the king‘had been present in his own parcon.1. Eventually it was arranged that Charles was to pay a visit to Henry in the middle or lay. 1" n was evident that Charles would mke any concession to secure Henry's friendship. _ Still Wolsey continued negotiations vith the French court. The delaying tactics of this wise diolonat only convinced Francis that he would have to cake concessions. contrary to the advice of his ninistera, Francis consent- ed to Wolsey's proposals that he leave his own territory and neat Henry on English ground on the continent. In that, he readily accented to all the pleasures of Iolsey until a further delay was requested. Irancis thoudht that this was demanding too much. The queen was in her eighth nonth of’prcgnancy and another’delay could cats AA 1631!. 15 Ehll's Chronicle, n. 607. 14 1‘ Iden. 17 State ’azgrs {Spanish}, II, p. 290. 27 it impossible for her to participate in the interview.18 Francis was now well aware of the prospective meeting be- tneen Henry and Charles. He notified tolsey that he thought the meeting with Charles should be delayed until after the meeting between Henry and Frencis.19 Knowing that Francis was unable, at this time, to back up any threat, holscy told Francis that ...if the king or Castile should offer to descend at Sandwich or about those parts, as he hath done, to see and via- it the King and Queen, his uncle and aunt, the King being in journeying to- nards the sea and next thereunto, it were too marvellous lngrntitude to re- fuee the sane: for by such dealing the King might well Judge and think that the King our'naster neither sates-ed, loved, nor favored hin.‘ 20 Realizing that any further arguments on his part would serve to draw Henry and Oharles closer together, Francis continued the negotiations. On May 26 the Emperor set foot at Dover and was not by the Cardinal. The following day Henry came to the seaside town and there held an interview with his nephew, Cheriec 7. There is no record of what took place 13 tors and Pa era, :11, 681, 697, as cited in V Braver, nr , , p. 358. 1. ggtters and Papers, III, 766, as cited in Brener EQDPI . ’ . p. 3 e co Braver, Egggz_!1;;, I, p. 341. 21 0‘ during the three days the two sen were together. fhnrsday, the last day of lay, the Emperor ssharksd at Sandwich tcr Ilanders." Before leaving Charles arranged to nest Henry once more when the intervies between Henry and Francis see concluded. This visit was profitable for dclsey. Charles assigned a pension of seven thousand ducats to his and pro-iced his aid at the next vacancy of the papal throne.23 aenry set sail on the ease day and crossed fru- Dcvsr to Calais. Free here he proceeded to Guienes to assit the seating with Francis. Iclsey ends the first personal contact with Fran- eie after flenry arrived in Guienee. Leaving Henry at the castle, fisleey proceeded to the teen of Arde where Fran- cis lads his headquarters. Ielsey sea affectionately ’ received sith all the peep and peasantry due a legate. On the following day the trench aahaseadors sade a visit to Henry's court at Ouienee. These nectings were the preliminary csrssonies to the aeeting of the two great sovereigns. A‘ '1 The Emperor interned the Pace that ”in this inter- view nothing sas transacted, except such things as are advantageous to his (the Pope), and the Holy Ohmhass. auto ”2ng SBEEIhI, II. P. 306. ’2 “11.. chronic}... ’s 60‘s 33 The Political Histc of En land (12 vols., London, e or, e Accession st Hour :1; so the 033th of hang; 11!! {1153-1537}, p. 515. 0n.ths sorning of June 7 a shot was tired tron the castle at Gsisnse and answered by'a shot iron the French castle at Arde. These shots were a signal that the too kings sore ready to set forth. Eonry, sounted on e chargo er, advanced into the valley searing clothing of silver dasask, thickly ribbed with cloth of gold. His horse had trappings overlaid with.tine gold and srought in sc- saie. Francis, advancing tron Arde, was dressed in a short cassock of gold friese. fle sore a santls of cloth or gold covered with Jessie. The front and the sleeves were studded with diamonds, rubies, eserslds, and pearls. On his head he wore a velvet bonnet adorned sith pluses and precious stones. Surrounded ty their courtisre, the two sonarchs slowly approached into the valley. After a scsentary pause, tso tigures ssergsd iron the array of gold, silver and jeselry, pluses and penncns. isid the shrill sound of pipes, truspsts and clarions the two son. srshs, approached, snbraced on horseback, dis-ousted and estraeed egnin.9‘ Sush.sas the first nesting of Henry VIII of England and Francis I of France. the tellesing seeks ssrs devoted to tonrnaseste, exchange dinners, and personal seetings. The entire dip- losatie show was brought to a close hy‘a solenn'high.ssss 2‘ hall presents an interesting, colorful description in his ghzggiglg, pp. cos-10 sun; by Cardinal Wolsey. After two weeks of neetings and Jousts the two son- arehe took leave of one another and returned to their own courts. Before returning to England, however, Henry net the Emperor at Gravelines to settle new terms. As in the case of the previous nesting of Charles and Henry, there are few records of this second seating. The English ver- sion, prepared to allay the suspicions of the French, is the only'account.85 Seecrding to this the imperial an- baesadors had already proposed to Henry that he break the latrinonial alliance with France and transfer lery's hand to the Emperor. The Emperor, in return, would under- take a war against France until Henry hed recovered his right and title in France. Although Henry was supposed to have rejected such overtures it had been agreed that at an early date the engagement should be broken and Iary pledged to the Emporcr.26 such a move ves nade with the knowledge that a pepsl dispensation would be necessary for such a narriageo-a nutter which Charles considered as a way out of the situation if the union with lary should be found to be inexpedient. For the present nego- tiations subsided. .5 Letters a In re 11!, 936, as cited in Brewer, KOBE! ' p p e e 80 ' t are and Pa re, 11!, pp. 425, 458, as cited in Est». Ea gig, I, p. 359. 31 lolsey did not sit idly’by. As the Cardinal of England he endeavored to persuade the Pope to send his a commission empowering his to reconcile the Holy 1"other with all the Christian princes. He claimed that all the other pctentates of christendcn had already empowered his to arrange their political affairs as he liked.27 fhe Pope turned a deaf ear to Wolsey's proposals. Although Wolscy'lay have been exaggerating his political license, it was known that Francis had given his fifty thousand ducats for which.the Cardinal promised to take care of the french king’s interests.28 is an outcome of the nesting between Henry and Charles at Gravelines, a treaty was signed July 1‘, 1520. They'agreed l)leither of the contracting princes will, within the space ef two years, con- clude any treaty with the King of France concerning carriage or other affairs, by which his alliance with the King of France will be rendered more intisate than it is new: 2) within the space of two years a ‘ congress will be held in the town of Calais to which each of the contracting parties will send two anbsssadors or deputies, who will confer on their future line of policy, and decide what neasurcs are most advantageous to thew...29 3hortly thereafter the peace of Europe was shattered 9" sue. hmrs {Spanish}, 11, p. 310. 93 Ibid., p. 312. 8’ IdOIe 38 once were. Rebellion broke out in Spain. Francis seised this opportunity to move forward in Italy without any op. position from either Charles or Eenry. This move on the part of Francis was a great shock to Wolsey who had been attempting to unite the Pope, the Emperor, and Henry in a strong offensive and defensive alliance. Francis’ entry into Italy would upset all of his plans for the Pope would make the best terms he could with his dreaded protector, all Italy would Join him, and uclaey would find England faced with a situation similar to that he had been planning for France. To forestall such a dilemma, Henry asked the Pope to conclude a peace throughout Christendon.3° The rope approved of general pacifioation but said a general peace was impossible as ”the King of France, according to the well-known French custom, wishes only to appropriate to himself what belongs to others, and thereby to prevent the conclusion of peace.“31 The Pope explained that there was no other choice left to Henry but to conclude an alliance with the Emperor. The Pepe prolised to be- oone a party to the alliance as soon as it should be concluded.33 __—.__ ”so.“ Pamrs (Sunny), 1:, p. 322. 31 Id file 32 Ideas 33 The dawn of the year 1521 found charles faced with a great problem. He must decide between Italy and Spain.‘ His council was divided, pro-French and pro-English, and in this Wolsey saw an opportunity to bring an end to the hopes of the French for supremacy in the council. This was the reason for the English urging Charles to return to Spain and put down the rebellion. Added to the Spanish rebellion Charles was greatly concerned with his matrimonial problems which were part and parcel of his dealings with Henry and Wolsey. H. was more interested in an alliance with Portugal, but a matrimonial alliance with England would benefit his poli- tical interests. as also had to consider the question of the dowry. The English dowry was less than that pro- posed by Portugal and Henry insisted on subtracting the some already loaned to the Emperor on previous occasions. Hewewer. Charles thought Henry night declare war on France if an alliance was made between the Empire and England. Although he attempted to keep his negotiations with Portu- gal a secret fro. the English court, lolsey was soon aware of his operations. The Cardinal was not dilatory in notifying the Emperor's ambassadors that he would set the torus of any alliance between the English court and that of’charles. From these tar-s there would be no deviation. there would be a dowry of fifty thousand pounds. the privilege for Henry to declare war against France when 34 be pleased, and indennity for the losses he would incur in pressing the war.33 Charles was not willing to take sueh a step at this time. Diplomatic affairs between England and the Empire drifted along as Francis continued his wer-like preparations. Henry and Wolsey were also negotiating with the papacy. Without notifying the Pope of the progress of the negotiations between the haspire and England, Henry told the Pope he wished to remain neutral and advised the rope to do the sane. The Pope replied that Henry eight rewain neutral if he liked, as his kingdoe was surrounded by the seas, but that the tonal States were not an island.34 Throughout this period Iolsey was also concerned with affeirs in Scotland. In the treaty of 1518 between Henry and Francis a secret clause had been included stipu- lating that the Duke of Albany, now residing in faris, should not be returned to Scotland during the wincrity of Janos 7.55 Realising that every day'he reeained away Iargaret, queenlof Scotland, light increase her authority, Albany tried to induce Pope Leo x to exert his influence in urging Francis to restore the right for bin to go to 33 BPO'Q’. Hang: VIII: 1; p0 3670 3‘ State Papers gapgnishz, II, p. 343. 35 Letters and Papers, 12, p. 1400. 35 Scotland once more.36 In the meantime, Eargaret was not finding life easy in Scotland. She soon realized that her political influence was weaker than ever. Added to this were domestic difficulties with Angus. hargarct decided on a divorce. Henry was greatly disturbed and very angry when notified of this latest decision of his sister.‘ After considerable discussion' between the two courts, he managed to bring about a reconciliation. But this did not last and hargarct turned free these who supported England. She turned to those who desired Albany‘s rec i turn to power. than confronted by the English ambassador, Lord Deere, she admitted that she had fought against Al- bany while he was in power, but was now turning to‘hin. because her complaints to Henry and Wolsey had never'been remedied. She also told Deere she had signed a letter requesting Albany's return because she feared what the nobles might do if she remained against Albany.37 In reality she needed Albany's friendship in her desire for a divorce fro: Angus. Albany had great influence in Bone because of the way in which he had disposed of the so”Pros: a letter of the Estates of 3cotlsnd dated the 4th of Janus 11518 (1519 by the modern computation) it ppears that 1bgn in conjunction with Paniter, the Scotch secretary 0% State, was already employing his influence with Lee I to induce His Holiness to interfere and urge upon the French king the ilportanoe of restor- ing him to Scotland." Brewer, Henr VIII, I, p. 512. 87 Egfittr' and p.2.rg, 111, 381, as cited in Brewer, Ken VIII, I, p. Bl . 36 ecclesiastical beneficea in Scotland while he was in power. ranv anplicatione for Albany's return were made to Francis. He refused because the return of Albany would inevitably signal the outbreak of war between France and England. leither Henry nor Francis desired hostile acts at this time. Francis was more concerned with re- lations between France and the Empire, and Henry was convinced that if the Duke of Albany should not be al- lowed to return, Iargaret would turn from the path she was now following. tith this in nind,wonetary offers were wade to the nobles, and largaret was lectured and threatened. But the English success did not seen prob- able. On Dace-bar 4, 1521 Kargaret wrote to Deere in- forming his that Albany had arrived in Scotland.38 She also wrote to Henry asserting that Albany had returned for the good of the young king. Once again Albany was to stir up trouble between England and her northern neighbor. Although Henry and Wolsey attempted to maintain friendly relations with all Christian princes, their special emphasis was on a policy to prevent any union between Charles and Francis. Francis, on the other'hand, 2: Letters and fa era, III, 1833, as cited in brower, n5: ' . pa a 87 wee doing all in hie power to keep lenry tron becoming allied with Charlea. When Don Manuel, the imperial an- haeeador at Home, dropped hinta that Charlee wee nego- tiating with Portugal for a matrimonial alliance. he hinted that Cherlea night have eeoured the hand of prin~ oeee Mary if he had no deeired. Thie newt wee relayed to Prenoie, who immediately forwarded it on to Henry, Henry was quiet to aeeure Franoie that he had nothing to fear from England. he was enrpriaed to hear that Charloa use negotiating with Portugal. Ae for charlea' hoaat that he night harry the prinoeaa nary; Henry ad- nitted that overturee had been made. but that Henry had declined the offera heoeuee or m- allienoe with France.” Thia reply did not deceive Frenoie of Benry‘a aotiona. Ae the rebellion continued to epreed throughout the Spaniah territory, Charlee heoane more concerned with dittioultiee that night ariee with France. When lolaey propoeed that Henry night aot ae an arbiter and settle the differenoea between Charlee and Prenoia, Charlee wee very intereated. Thie nay be due to the feet that Wol- aey ineinunted that arrangemente for a later atteok on France night to node.“ Francis. however, proteeted that ____‘ ——-—— 59 Aa quoted in Brewer, Ben VIII. I. p. 408. ‘0 5' tore "3‘5 h 1": III. 1870, no oited in Brewer a.“ "II. I: 9- ‘1 e 38 he could not cub-it to arbitration for Charles had op- preeaed hin long enough and he nuet carry out the enter- priee he had begun. wolaey found it extremely eacy to oonwinoe Henry that he ehould attempt to arbitrate the difficultiea on the continent. England was not ready to fight to gain what ahe could free a continental conflict: the king, the cardinal, and nany noble-en received pen- aione and paymenta from France which would oeaae upon the outbreak of hoatilitiee. For example, the halfdyearly inatellnenta of the penaione paid by the french king were aa followex‘l Duke of Norfolk 876 livree Duke of Suffolk ave " Arohhiehop of York 7‘00 ' Biahop of tinoheater 585 ' Earl of floroeeter 1700 ' Earl of Shrewabnry 878 ' Sir Tho-ea Level 175 ' Iilliae Compton 850 ' Secretary of the King of England 87 ' Glarenoeux, King at Area 87 Prencie became oonvinoed that the difficultiee be- tween the Prenoh and the Empire ahould be arbitrated ae coon co the Spanish rebellion was put down. de wee now aware that Charlee would be free to deal with France, He informed Henry that he waa ready for arbitration, but~ new charlee wee in no need for euoh a cattle-ant. After long. tedioua negotiationa tolaey nanaged to get both ‘1 State Pagera SSganiah], II, pp. actuate. 39 rulera to agree to nediation'by Henry. It wae arranged that Wolsey should be sent to Calaie, nominally with full ponera to hear and decide their differencee; really for the purncae of concluding a atrioter friendahip with Char- lea, without exciting Franeie' anapicione.“2 Wolaey did not hurry to Galaie, but remained in England for a While. During thie tine Henry consulted with the imperial ambacaadora. The anbaaaadore once none encouraged Henry to Join with Charlea. Henry refuaed en the grounds that he could not offer anffioient aaciatance at thia time. He urged that Charlea renain on the de- feneivc until the English might buildup for a combined attack. He alao had another motive for hie delay: the penaiona due from France for the aurrender of Tournai had not yet been paid-oa declaration of hoatilitiea would inatify Francia in withholding then.‘a Wolsey nae net at Galaie by repreaentatiwea fro- the Emperor and Frantic. Sitting with the! separately he lietened to both cidea, but he waa more interested in propoaitiona nade by Charlea than the propeeale of Franc cie.“ ralka were once more reauned with.regard to a .L_ ‘2 getter: and Pa ere, III, 1340, 1383, ac cited in Brewer, Henry VIII, 1, p. 414. ‘3 Lettera and Fagcre, III, 1395, as cited in Brewer, Hen VIII. I. p. ‘17. “ Lettere and Papers, III, 1443, at cited in Brewer, 5.3” 5111. I. p. ‘lge ‘0 warriage alliance. There wae alao diaouaeion of the in- demnity whioh*wonld be due Henry if he ehonld break with Prancia and give up the dowry of “cry, Louis XII'I widow and agater of Henry.‘5 The Spanish ambassadors favored the marriage but were againat any indemnity as thia night each that lenry'a friendehin was bought rather than 'be- nevolently given'.‘. woleey aeked the ambassadora to oonaider the damage and loosen Henry would cuffer when he joined Charlea in an attack on France. After the firat meeting hclaey informed Henry he thought that instead of the d?ld,000 received yearly from France flenry night ex- pect to receive 40,000 marks per year till auch time ae he had recovered hie rightful inheritance in France,‘7 . Ac the negotiation: oontinued,Charlea became the one who waa constantly changing hie conditions, but a aeeret arrangement wee agreed upon August 25, 1521.“8 By thi- treaty Kory, daughter of Eenry, wac betrothed to Chariot. The betrothal waa to preface their marriage when Mary ahould reach her twelfth birthday. Hary'e dowry wan to be four hundred thouaand gold crowna payable in two por- tionavotwo hundred thousand crowna within eight daya of _.___ v—f V, 45 3§EFE,,'E9P29 I, p. 38. ‘6‘;§ig., p. 27. 47 1g;g,. p. 29. 43 State Panera (Snagiahg, II, on. 565-571. 41 the marriage, and the remaining two hundred thoucand crowna within one year. Allmoncy due the Ring of Eng. land by the Emperor was to be subtracted from the second installment. If Henry should have a male heir, the dowry wae to be increased by six hundred thousand gold orowne, making a total of one million crowna. In return, the Emperor promised to give fiery a dower of fifty thouaand gold crowns a year. The Emperor aleo promised to pay a fine of four hundred gold crowne if he did-not marry the princeee ee eoon as she reached a marriageahle age, or if he contracted a marriage with any other during her minority. It was also agreed that when Charlcc went to Spain Henry would eupply chips to aid hie voyage. However, the most important clause was that etating that the two rulers bound themselves to declare war on France in the month of Iarch 1525. The conclusion of the treaty between Henry and Char- lee had to be kept accret as Wolsey wac convinced that Prancie would never break with dnglend unlees Henry pro. voked hie enmity.49 In order to maintain peace between England and France, Henry was percuaded not break re. laticna with Francis when English ahipe were stopped on the acne and Englishmen taken from the ahipe.5° Severe ‘9 State Pa era, I, p. 55. 50 Ibid., p. 56. 42 complaints were made and the French hastened to make restitution and connensation. Henry, although distrust- ing Prancis,nould give no cause for Francis to stop pay- ment on the pensions due the English. Besides, fienry was faced with a tremendous problem. By his attempt at arbie tration he had made himself the conservator or a truce, and by the same token he possessed the legal right to declare himself the enemy of the party making an infrac- tion or violation of such a truce. 0n the other hand he had sworn to give aid to Charles. Wolsey warned him that the Emperor or the Spanish might attempt something against the French during the time of the trace negotiations. Henry would then have to violate one or the other of his oaths.51 While Wolsey was acting as mediator at Calais he had one of the first disagreements with Henry. Although the English were pretending to be neutral in the conflict between Charles and Francis, they were secretly preparing six thousand archers to be of service to the Emperor in an invasion of France.58 ficlsey wrote to Henry that Sir william Sands should be placed in command of the archers. Henry replied that if Sir William was such a great leader he should be kept at home where trouble was expected with, ‘1 Ibid., p. as. 52 Ibid., p. 23. 43 Scotland. Also many good knights would refuse to serve under Sands.53 Wolsey continued to back Sir William as the commander of the archers. Ponever, when Penny in- sisted on a person of higher rank, Wolsey gave in to Henry's wishes.54 fleeting: between the representatives of the two powerful European monarchs continued for three ronths but fiolsey was unable to mediate the differences between the two. Charles and Francis held views crncerning a truce that were too far distant from each other to be reconciled. it last, on Ecvember 28, Wolsey left Calais and returned to England. He had failed to mediate a peace in the European conflict, but had obtained a secret . alliance with Charles. The stege was set for further developments. 53 Ibid., p. 24. 5‘ Ibid., p. 31. 44 CHAPTER III PRKPARATIOHS FOK WAR Shortly after Wolsey's return from Calais the English court received the news of the death or Pepe Leo X. Although the Pope died at eight o'clock on the night of December 1, 1521,1 Wolsey was not advised of this that until December 15 when Margaret of Savoy, aunt of Charles V, wrote to the Cardinal. She offered to speak to Charles concerning his support for him in the election of the new pope.2 Such support would be in accord with the promise made to Wolsey during Charles' visit to Eng- land.5 Charles, however, was silent on the matter. Henry, on the other hand, was deeply interested in the Cardinal's bid for the papal throne. To further his Chan- cellor's Opportunity, Henry sent Richard Pace to the Papal see. Pace was to travel via the Imperial Court in order to ascertain the true feelings of the Emperor concerning lolsey's election. From s letter written by the Bishoo of Elna, the imperial ambassador at the court of the Eng- lish king, one is able to get an insight into the Cardinal's 1 State Papers_18panish1, II, p. 381. 8 Lotters and Papers, III, 1868, as cited in Brewer, Hen? 1,1,9. e 3 so. no 280 45 toolingo oonoorning tho papal arown. Thio lottor, datod Dooolhor 19. 1581 atatoa that tho Cardinal ...aoanrod tho king in oy prooonoo, with tho moot ooloon oatha and protontationo. that ho had no intontion to aoooot thio alootion. unloao hia aaotor and your la:- oaty ohould oonoider that in doing oo ho could hoot pronoto tho ooltaro and honor ~of both or you...?o tell you my own opinion I do not boliovo that tho noot roverond Cardinal hoo any great oxpootation of ood- oooding. although ho dooo not ontirely despair. But he ovidontly oontonplotoo too rooulto: ono in that ho will to able to aooortain your EoJoaty'a roal oontio oonta in thio nattor. how far your ono ooty in to ho trusted in oaoo of nood, and what faith ho nay repoao in your prouiooo....1n tho other oaao. it, with your Iajooty’o aotivo oo-oporation. ano- dooo abould prove inpoooiblo on thlo oo- oaoion, ho will be onablod to put Iot- - tora in a good train for tho noxt op- portunity. d Charloo playod a waiting gala. 3o noithor prooiaod to do all in hio nova: for wolaoy nor did ho turn from his. sunny, howovor, ho haokod Cardinal a. Hanoi.“ . On Friday, Dodo-bop 97 tho oardinala at Rono not in oonolavo.6 fiolooy'novor ooouo to have had any chanoo of a victory. Bio naoo woo otforod only onoo in tho voting. On Friday January 8. 1588 ha roooivod aovon ‘ Lottoro and [geor3. III. 1884, aa cited in Drover, 1% a a Po 0 5 State {aggro {anguish}, II. p. 384. ‘ Ibgdo’ p. 385. t6 totoa.7 It woo alao ovidont in a rory ohort tino that tho Cardinal do flodioi could not gain ancugh votaa to obtain tho claction.a hoccuao of thio, tho imperial aohaaoodor at Rona turnad tho total controllod by tho omporor to tho Gardinalot Tortoaa.’ On January 9 tho Cardinal of 1'09220311 waa olootod Pepe ao Adrian V1.10 tolaoy did not lot hia failure to aain the papal crown upaot tho plano which.ho had boon noting oinoa hio rotnrn tron calaio. It hooaao incroaaingly avident that tho aituation botwoan tho Empira and Franco oao growing wcroo and that tho tioo woo root approaching when Hoary ouot take a definito atop one way or tho other. . Charlao’ poaition‘wao atrongthonad a graat deal on» he 4......“ viait England onco more on hia way to Spain. Thio waa thought noooaaary to perauado Henry to Join tho Emperor againat tho French, aho aoro continu- ing to have good ouoooaa in thoir advanoco into Italy.u ‘hon Charloo propoood that ho opond Boater with lonry, oolaoy adviood Bonry to nootpono thia noating until attor w w— " mg" p. 391. . Ibigo. p. 38". 9 1623. 10 Adrian had rioon from a pooition ao doan of a col- logo to the noaitlon of tutor to Oharloa. hator ho woo inotruoontal in tho Spaniah court. low at oixty-rour ho had obtainod tho highoot poaitinn in tho Church. 11 Stag. ragga $32911th II. ooo. 47 Meter.12 Thie one neceaoary because Charlee had not allowed enough time for the Englioh court to he put in roadineoa. booidoa, according to Charloo' pleno. it would have been necessary for the novice and othera in the court to labor during Holy weak. The delay did not hinder the English from giving more aid to Charloe. The laat of April Henry declared hie roadinoee to lend Charlea fifty thouaond duoeta.13 ?hio woe to to uaad in tho our in Italy.‘ Thia ... not to he the loot of tho financial aid for Banry assured the imperial aahaeaador that more oould he forthcoming.1‘ in alliance hetneen the Pope. the ‘nperor and Henry nae aloe propoeed. but the Pope put a reotroining'hand.on ouch a propoaal ae he oaa certain ouch an alliance could not be kept aocret from the French.15 [The knowledge of “auch.an alliance would deprive the Pope or the confidenoe or Irenaio. and thia would roeult in his being unable to nodiete a general peace or truce for all of Christendoa.1‘ Uith all the poop and ceremony that Holaay oae able to arrangp at Dover. charlee nee aelaoaed once more into 1‘ state to era. 1, p. 95. 13 33.3. ragga. Sagonllhl. 1!. p. 418. 1‘ 1919., p. .21. 15 19°“.- 16 Idea. 68 the Englieh kingdoa. The great day wee hay IV, 1332.17 The tollouing day he one viaited by nenry. The too then proceeded to London where greet reetivitieo were oeloa breted. The reception or charloa wee further enhanced hy the newo that Englandhed declared war on France. 0n may 28 Henry‘had aent Clarenceux. hie king-et-ermo, to Prenoie at Lyon. Clarendon: nae to deliver Henry'o order for Prenoia to ooaae meddling in Italy,-and to conclude a truce. mm. 1136 u: daya in which to frame m- re- ply. Olarenooux delivered the deoande end waited the f required eix deye. when Franoia answered in the negative, claronoeur delivered Benry'a ohellengo. Upon Pranoio’ acceptance or henry'o challenge war one deelared.1° *A oonoiderahle number of Engliah infantry creased to Caloia. to join with the hmporor’e non-at-erlo and infantry on the trontiero of ’londere. and to begin hoetilitieo with- out any’delay.19 Oharloo and Henry iuoediately hogan preparetiona to strengthen their poaition. They decided to do ell in their 9...: to persuade the Sales to abandon the French.30 1' Hell'e Chronicle. p. 63‘. 18 gtete Papera. V1. p. 98. 19 State rangra (Sgoniahl, II, p. 480. '0 Ibid., p. ‘31. 49 They eleo hoped to gain the support of the venetion ro- publlc..1 Both of these objectives seemed easy to Oh- tein for the Swine had been badly treated by the French, and the Venetiena were always guided h? the calculation of what one most advantageous to then.22 Now that the die had been cast and England was at war with France. Henry end Charles turned to the making or an alliance. On June 16 the Windsor treaty, embodying the following among the provioionc, nae oigned.23 1. Both parties would defend their present poeooo- alone and would endeavor to reconqucr all their former douinions tron the King or France in a common nor upon Franco. 2. “either or the contracting parties use permit. ted to conclude a peace, or a truce, or to begin negotiao tions with the King or France, without the knurledge of the other. 3. Captured tonne belonging to the other contract- ing party were to be restored. 4. The rope was to he asked to heed the league betaeen England and the Empire. 8. The republic of vonioo woe to he invited to :1 Id QUe 22 :deao 3’ State 2.29:3 (lilan). I, p. ‘41. enter the league, so were the Iwiso. This treaty was followed by one binding the two kingdoms into e matrimonial alliance. On June 19 the following provisions were agreed lung4 1. The Emperor would not contract marriage with any other while Mary was under ego. Henry would not marry his daughter to shy one else. 2. The Paps would be asked to dispense with the canonical restrictions for this marriage as the Emperor end his bride were related to "one another, in the second degree of affinity and consanguinity.” 3. The princess' dowcr use to be four hundred thousand crowns. This would be augmented by six hundred thousand crowns if a mole heir was born to Henry. 4. Both parties bound themselves to invade France before the end of may 1524. The Emperor was bound person- ally to invade France on the Spanish frontiers, at the head of an army of ten thousand horses and thirty thou- sand footmen or more. Henry was to ettsck with an army comparable to that of the Emperor. The Emperor would procure the horses and footmen, but Henry was to pay for them. 5. Because the French.were employing many German soldiers in their army, “enry and Charles were to enlist State Papers (Spenishl, II, pp. 458-440. 24 51 as many Germans as possible. ?he Emperor would forbid all Germans to take service in the French arsy. 6. Each of the contracting princes would request wolaey to pronounce a sentence of excommunication against. 'either of then she violated this treaty. 7. Should the Princess fiery die before she was married, the contracting parties bound themselves to conclude a marriage between their future children. The Emperor also agreed to indesnity Esnry for the losses he would sustain by paying his 135,604 gold orOIIl-¢ 66,802 crowns payable at Calais on Hovember 1; 66,808 crowns payable on Ray 1. These payments were to be con- tinued every six months and every year until Henry was entirely indemnified,or until Francis was forced-by trea- ty, to resume the pensions due Henry.25 After obtaining the aid of Henry in his war with France and strengthening his position by a stricter sa- trimonial alliance, Charles took leave of Benry at Southamp- ton oa July'o.26 fihile the negotiations with Charles were in pro. grass, holsey'end Henry were also concerned with.attaire in Scotland. Immediately after Albany's return to soot. land it became evident that the English would refuse to 95 3.9.3.9." p. “1. 26 mg” c. an. 52 acknowledge the Duke as the.rcyal authority, in spite of the Estates of Scotland asserting that the Duke was the rightful authority in scanned.” To add to the strained relationship between the two kingdoms, the Duke of Albany was accused of aiding Nargsret in her divorce from Angus and of planning to marry her himself.93 As there seemed to be no basis for a better understanding between the two neighboring countries now that Albany was in authority once sore, both countries prepared for war although neither desired it. England had all she could do to prepare for the invasion of Prance,uhlle Albany would be dependent upon French support in his quarrel with anland. Although Albany's trip to Scotland was for the purpose of increasing the tension along the border, the French were in no position to give support either in manpower or in money. Attempts were wade to give some aid but it was not sufficient for the Scots. After considerable action on both sides, which led to frequent clashes between the boottiah forces under Al- bany and his opponents under Lord Dacre, a truce for one 29 month was signed September 11. llthough Lord Deere 27 fies p. G. 28 Letteri and Papers, III, 2059, so cited in Brewer, Egnr V I g p pa 5 60 ‘ 29 Statfi_gflpersg.rg pe 107e 53 had not been given permission to conclude either a peace or a truce, Wolsey advised Henry to accept Dacre's actions}O Henry took Wolsey's advice. With the signing of the truce, the Duke of Albany disbanded his army and left Scotland on October 27 promis- ing to return before Assumption Day (August 15). or re- sign his authority.:51 The truce with England was to be continued during his absence. Henry was no longer to be . harassed on his northern border and now could concentrate all of his attention on matters on the continent. Both Henry and Charles turned to the Vcnetians and attempted to bring them into their alliance against Fran- cis. But the Venetians refused to give a definite answer. They did, however, promise that they would negotiate with Pace when he was sent as the English ambassador to Venice.32 Neanwhile, Francis found himself and his country- men in a difficult situation. fie was unable to determine shore he could obtain the money to carry on the war against Henry and Charles. Because of this he proposed that a truce for three years be concluded, on condition that he keep the fortresses he held in Italy during the time of 30 1216.. p. 1080 31 Letters and Papers, III, 2645, as cited in Brower. Hang: IE0 Is PG 55” 32 State Papers SSggnieh}. II: P- ‘52- 5‘ the truce. fie also promised not to attack Navarre and Naples during the truce, and to restore Fuentarabia.33 But these proposals were not accepted. Although Henry and Wolsey did all they could to bring the Swiss into the alliance against Francis, the Swiss were still determined to fulfill their obligations to France. As neither Charles nor Henry seemed to be able to convince the Swiss and the Venetians, that they should join their alliance, they turned to the Pope and asked him to persuade the Swiss and Venetians to make peace with the new allies.3‘ This would be a step toward the general peace which the Pope desired. But the Pope, who seemed to be more friendly to the French after his arrival in Rome, did not push the Swiss nor the venetiane to turn from Francis. Early in October the Venetians asked Viola ey to mediate the differences existing between the Emperor and the Venetian state. The Cardinal said he would aid then if they could agree on everything except minor points, but that he could do no more as the Imperial Ambassador in England had protested against any mediation by the English.35 .It became clear that the Venetians were 35 Ibid., p. 454. 34 Ibid., p. 471. 35 Ibid., p. 490. 55 delaying their final decision because they hoped that the Pope might reconcile the three Christian princee.56, Affairs on the continent were somewhat altered when the Duke of Bourbon, a strong French subject, looked upon the pronoeed invasion of France by Henry and Charles as an Opportunity for hip to gain revenge on Francis. The Duke notified Henry that he would join the alliance with five hundred men of arms and ten thousand footmen at sudh time as the allies might enter France.37 This seemed to be an opening wedge in Francis' strength for others of the French nobility, opposed to Francis, would presumably join with the Duke of Bourbon.38 To add to this stroke of luck the Pope told the English ambassador in home that he would declare himself against the King of France if Henry would assist him with the sum of fifty thousand ducats.39 As the year 1522 came to a class the future 10028 exceedingly bright for the advancement of English prestige. February of the new year found the Emperor ready to forsake his promise not to conclude a peace with Francis. He instructed the Duke of Sense, his ambassador A A __ w—v w— “ 1214.. p. soc. 57 State Papers, VI, p. 104. 33 M” p. 105. 39 Et.tqwr!par3 (Spanish), II, p. 516. 56 in Home, that he might conclude a peace or truce.4° Such negotiations must, however, he kept secret until the Pepe had received liVe powers from Francis and henry. tolsey, too, had sent instructions to the English ambassador at the Papal Fee. The ambassador was to pro- pose a truce of one year between the conflicting parties.41 Such a proposal was not acceptable to the Pope nor to the. E peror’s ambassador for Wolsey proposed that the confed-. erates should not be included in such a truce.42 A post- ponement of hostilities seemed impossible at this time. The impossibility was increased when it became known that Francis would only agree to a truce of two months.43 Pecause it was increasingly evident that Francis would not give in to threats, nor would he agree to a truce, a new treaty between Henry and Charles was signed July 2, 1523.44 By this treaty both rulers agreed to assemble large armies before August 17 in order to in- vade France. Oneprovision of the treaty of Windsor (June 1522) was changed. The end of May 1525 was to he sub- stituted for the previously chosen Pay 1524 as the date .._ _‘.- 4° Ibid., p. 528. ‘1 Idem. 42 Id Glue ‘5 gyid.. p. 550. ‘4 Ibid., pp. 555-557. 57 on which the Emperor and Henry were to take the field at the head of their armies. The signing of this latest treaty made henry and Wolsey loss anxious to sign a truss. A truce would only serve to give Francis more time to increase his military strength. Henry and Wolsey soon realised that in order to carry on a war as planned by Henry and Charles it would be necessary to augment the resources of the government. After much discussion Henry decided to call parliament into session. -The House commenced its sittings on April 1545 and on April 29 Wolsey attended the session to explain the causes of the war."6 At this session-ho also proposed a subsidy of eight hundred thousand pounds . to be raised from the fifth part of every man's goods and lands, that is four shillings of every pcund.‘7 Such s rcnucst was denied for the members of Commons said that "if the fifth part of the substance of the realm were but eight hundred thousand pounds and 1: men would pay to the king the fifth part of their goods in money or plate. it wss proved that there was not so much money, out of the king's hands, in all the realm, for the fifth part of ovary man’s goods is not in money nor plats."48 '45 Hall’s’ghroniclc, p. 652. 46g;g;g., p. 655. ‘7 Idem. ‘8 Ibid., p. 656. 58 After much diacuaaicn and quibbling an act was agreed upon which compriled the following: For the firat and second year a rate of five per cent was imposed on all landa and goods of the value of twenty pounda and upwards; two and one half per cent on gooda between twenty pounda and two pounda: and one and two-thirds per cent on goods of forty shillings, or on yearly wage: averaging twenty ehillinéa. In the third year, five per cent on all land: of fifty pounds and upwarde, and in the fourth or the laet year, five per cent on personal property of fifty pounda and upwards. These rates were doubled in the ease of aliens.49 Added to this eubaidy the convocation or the clergy, meeting at Westmineter on June 2, granted Henry a moiety of one year's revenue of all beneficee in England, to be levied in five yeara.5° In comparing the coat of the war and the amount of the cuboidy, it we: calculated that the maintenance of war in France and Scotland would be 4?372,£04 18: id for nix Ionthe. The eubeidy granted by the clergy wae eatinated at twenty four thouaand pounds per year; and that of the 1.1:: .3104,2eo 13- 55c.51 ‘9 Brewer, Hen VIII. 1. p. 431. 50 Letters and Pagers, III, 3239, as cited in Brewer, Henri ' . Pa O , 51 Lettere and Pa era, III, 2483, as cited in Brewer, Henri 2:11, I, p. 353. 59 Added to the problem of obtaining the subsidy and the affairs on the continent, matters of great concern were taking place beyond the northern boundaries in Scot-_ land. The Scottish lords were once more corresponding with Albany, who was now in France. fiargaret could see that such diplomacy would inevitably bring a return of Albany to power. Because of this she asked for aid that James V might be set at liberty to rule in his own r1ght.52 For a short time the war in France seemed to be forgotten as Henry occupied himself with the Scottish affairs. A large army, provided with ample artillery, was assembled to harass the Scots, and to aid Hargaret. Eut the army did not hurry into the Scottish territory as it was thought better to wait until the grains were harvested and stored. After the harvest it would be easier to burn the grains and thereby harm the Scots more than by actual warfare}:5 To show his great con. cern over the troubles in Scotland, Henry assured the lords that he would assist them with his royal power and take their part against all others if they would abandon the Duke of Albany.84 Eargaret, the queen was advised 52 State Papers, IV, p. 3. 53 Ibid., p. 11. 54 Ibid.. p. 6. 60 that ...the King's Eighnese, never intending to make war against Scotland, but only to the intent they should leave and abandon the Duke of Albany, for the surety of his nephew the King' a Grace your son; being advertised that the last day prefixed by the Lords for the Duke' s coming should expire upon Monday next, has conr ended me to desist from doing any great harm against the said realm, unto the said day were passed, to the intent that, and the Lords would take unto them the rule and governance of their Sovereign Lord and abandon the Duke, and make means unto his Grace for peace, no more harm should be done. And if the said Lords now refuse so to do, I pray God that the vengeance, for the harm that the poor people she 11 sustain, may light upon them that shall be occasioners of the same.“ 55 If the Lords would abandon Albany, the Earl of Surrey, leader of the English forces on the Scottish border, was to conclude a peace with the Scots which would be most expedient for the wealth and surety of the young king. In August it was learned by Wolsey that the French were continually making great preparations to send the Duke of Albany into Scotland with a large army.56 But for'aome time,-Albsny found it impossible to leave France and enter the Scottish realm. As the day appointed for his return drew hear and there seemed to be no chance of his arrival, Iany of the Scottish lords turned from ‘5 Ibid., p. s. 55 1bid., p. is. 61 the Duke and appeared ready to sue for peace with Eng- land.57 But early in September the Duke's secretary arrived with many presents and promises of aid.58 He was followed on September 24 by the Duke. The L‘cottiah lords immediately gathered around his standard. With the idea of making the gulf between Scotland and anland deeper, Albany led the Scots in attacks upon the borders, but when the English retaliated Albany quickly retreated and made plans to leave Scotland once more. The Lords refused to let him depart.59 Henry, meanwhile, refused to grant a truce or a peace as long as the Duke remained in the country. A truce at this time and under these conditions would have made it appear as though the Eng- lish were weary of the Scots or could not continue the war.60 If Albany were expelled and the young king placed in authority, Henry would have, upon petition of 61 Such was the Lords, considered a peaceful settlement. the situation in Scotland during the year 1523. In the month of July 1523 Henry also played a part in a Danish conflict. The king of Denmark, having fled from his kingdom with his wife and children after the 53 1939... p. 171. 59 State Papers, IV, p. 51. 6° gggg.. p. 62. 61.3g22. 62 Danish electors had forsaken him and chosen his uncle as king, turned to Henry for aid. Henry considered giving aid because the deposed king was a brother-in-law of the Emperor,62 but it was finally decided that as the king had other patrimonies, countries, and other places of inheritance, he should turn to his faithful followers. Henry sgreed to send ambassadors and letters to the newly elected king and the Danish lords asking them to take back the deposed king, who agreed to carry out the conditions stipulated before his succession to the thronefi‘:5 Henry was to act as surety. In the meantime both Charles and Henry had been attempting to bring the Venetisns to their side against the French forces. On July 29, 1523 they were success- ful.64 The treaty that was signed did not, however, declare the Venetians in a state of war with France, but merely assured Henry and Charles that they would not aid Francis. Turning from Venice, the rulers concentrated on various princes and other potentates of Italy. These negotiations resulted in several treaties. Henry was made s signatory of these treaties for more authority and A “A i __.._. 62 fitate‘fapers, VI, p. 141. 63 Ibid., p. 142. 64 State Pagers {Spanish}, II, pp. 670-571. 65 reputation, and was not bound by any charges.65 The two rulers were now fully prepared for all-out war against France. They were Joined with Venice, the Duke of Bourbon, and princes of Italy. July 14 it was agreed that on August 20 a combined English and Imperial army was to invade France from the north, while another Imperial army was to invade her on the frontiers of Spain.66 The Pope, on July 29, announced in consistory that he would conclude a defensive alliance with Charles and Henry.67 This seemed to he a good omen for the success of the English and the Imperial troOps. However, Eenry was not satisfied with the arrange- ments that had been made with the Duke of Bourbon, espe- cially after it was learned that Charles had been secretly negotiating with the Duke. Realizing that Charles had undoubtedly been furthering his own interest, Sir John Russell was sent to the Duke on August 2.68 The main object of his Journey was to induce Bourbon to rescanize 89 Henry's title to the throne of France. Numerous dis- cussions were held which eventually culminated in a new 55 State qugrs. I, p. 119. 55 State Papers (Spanish), II, p. 560. 67 Ibid., p. 582. 68 Brewer, ggnry VIII, I, p. 467. 69 State_Papers, V1, p. 163. 64 treaty between Henry and the Duke of Bourbon signed September 6. Although Henry did not succeed in gaining recognition as the natural and sovereign liege lord of the Duke, it was agreed that this point should be pre- sented to the emperor for a decision.70 The were and diplomatic negotiations Lecane a mat- ter of secondary concern to holaey upon the death of Pepe Adrian. The Pepe died September 14, 1525.71 Wol- sey was notified that before the Pope's death the cardi- nals in Home had been diecuaaing the possibility of a' new election and that he night stand a chance if neither the Cardinal do fiedici nor the Cardinal Pareneae could gain enough votes for electioxi.”2 helaey'a attitude toward this news is contained in a letter to Henry stating that although he preferred to remain in the king's service ”remembering what mind and Opinion your Grace was of, at the last vacation, to have me preferred thereunto, think- ing that it should be to the honor, benefit, and advance- ment of your affairs in time coming, and supposing verily that your Highness persisted in the same mind and intent",73 he would prepare instructions and other writings for this 7° Ihid., p. 175. 71 1329., p. 178. 19140. ~p. 177. ”3 Brewer, Henry VIii. I, p. 591 72 purpose. Among other things the imperial ambassador at Rome, the Duke of Feesa, was evked to recommend that Wolsey be elected as FOpe. In order to satisfy the Eng- lish he complied with this request knowing that the cardi- nals had sworn not to elect an absent person."'4 The cardinals met in a conclave for fifty days, and on Hovomber 17 Cardinal fie Hedici was elected as Clement VII.75 Oncev more Wolsey had failed to obtain the coveted papal throne. Beginning in August the war against France was pushed with increasing vigor. Imperial and English armiet marched into France. There was not, however, any cohesion between the imperial troops, the trOOps under the Duke of Bourbon, and the anlieh under.the Duke of Suffolk, so that no real effort was brought to bear upon Francis to force him to capitulate. Instead the year came to an end without any decisive advantages for either side. V‘Agtatewfapore {Spanish}, 11, p. 690. 75 Ibid., p. 591. 66 CHAPTLR IV WAR OH PLACE Tho seaming inability of the imperial, iourbon, and English troops to push the war against France to a successful conclusion was of great concern to Henry. Recognising the inability of Charles to raise money and to reduce Spain to his obsdisncs, and the slacknsss of tho srmios from the Low Countries, Henry was willing to 1 In this ho was accept overtures or peace from Francis. willing to givs up the profit that might be forthcoming from the continuance of tho war,2 but the affairs bstwosn Francis and Henry would have to be settled in henry's court while matters pertaining to tho Empire might be settled in Charles' court. bolssy, in a letter to Dr. Richard Sampson, English ambassador to the Emperor, pro- posed that such a poscc might bs arranged. Ho stipulated, however, that no conclusion or peace should be made until each of the participants in the war had been notified of the agreements node by the others.3 Dr. Sampson was ad- vised to sound out the Emperor as to his intentions for Henry did not wish to continue the war if he had to bear 1 Stats Papers, v1, p. 242. 2 Ibid., p. 244. 3 lbid., p. 245. 67 the burden of expense alone. The ambassador was cau- tioned to proceed in such a way that it would appear that Henry was acting only for the Emperor's sake. Wolsey advised him 'unto which manner of proceeding in your over- tures, I pray you to have special regard, in such wise as-the Emperor shall not have cause to think that motion of peace proceeds of the King's Highness.”‘ If in the negotiations Charles seemed more interested in a truce, Wolsey advised Sampson to show how this would be advan- tageous to Francis and that Henry preferred to pursue the war to a successful conclusion.5 With regard to the continuance of the war Wolsey realised that greater finen- cial aid must be given to Bourbon, and that troops from the Low Ucuntries must be used to greater advantage against the French king. Henry was willing to send more aid to the Duke of Bourbon for he had been notified by Sir John Russell, now in company with the Duke, that "all the nobles of his realm, spiritual and temporal, with all the common- ality, be greatly discontented with him (Francis), and He is had in as great indignation and hatred as ever Prince 6 was among his subjects." While negotiations were in progress between Henry ‘ Ibid., p. 246. 5 Ibida. p. 2‘8. 5 Ibid., p. 259. .o. rAa ,. and Uharles, nolaey was in secret contact eith the French court. In a letter from ambassadors in Lone Lolsey was advised that they no uld do all trey could conccrr mi g t?.e French pension and a peaceiul settle: next.7 Charles was eventually warned of the feelings of the fingliah court. The Duke of Senna, ambassador at Poms, notified him that letters had been received from the papal nuncio in Lngland, the Archbishop of Capua, in which it was stated that henry was not prepared to go to war with France, and that he was only waiting to see what the 2m- peror would do. The nuncio also stated that if the King of France would send an ambassador to prOposa a truce or a peaceful settlement, he would be favorably received for Wolsey wished "only to avoid the appearance of himself proposing the'peace with France because,..that would injure his reputation."8 uith this information' Charles took the initiative and made nine prOpoaals for the concluding of a peace.9 These preposals were never on ried to a success- ful conclusion. henry and Charles were able, however, to reach further agreements in a new treaty signed on Key 28. Henry agreed to the contribution of one hundred viggttars and Papers, IV, p. 110. 8 State Pagers SSEanish}, II, p. 618. 9 Ibid., pp. 629-638. 69 thousand crowns for his part to be duplicated by the Emperor on his part.10 The stipulation that no further money had to be advanced by Henry for the troops under Pourbon, if the Duke did not push into France and declare his oath of fidelity to Henry, was included.11 In the meantime Clement VII began to take an in- creased interest in the situation,.especially when it was learned that Wolsey was secretly negotiating with the French court. .In order tcattempt a peaceful settlement among the Christian princes, Clement sent the Archbishop of Capus to Francis, Charles, and Henry. Francis refused peace but would have agreed to a truce of one year.12 Although Charles was not in favor of a truce, he presented articles to which he would agree.13 After conferences between Henry, Wolsey, and the Archbishop of bopus, Henry agreed to certain articles of truce. Wolsey in a letter to ambassadors at Rome, advised them that the actions of the Duke of Bourbon should be carefully regarded while the truce conferences were in progress. The truce should be dependent upon the Duke’s success. If he was successful, the truce proceedings should be dropped immediately, but 10g§tate_£§perg, VI, p. 290. 11 age... p. 290. 12 Egg” p. 296. 13 39.9.2- 70 if he failed the truce must he agreed to at once.14 In order to settle the peace, a “let should be called into being at Calais. x5 this Wiet the Pepe was to be repre- sented by a legato, Charles by his aunt, Vargarct of Tavoy, Francis by his rather, and Camry by Wolscy.15 Dharlea informed the POpe, hocovcr, that the intrigues of the Cardinal with the :"ranch were of little importance for it was probable that Kelsey was only in contact with the French in order "to get the negotiations Concerning the treaty of peace or truce into h s own hands, and to se- cure thereby greater advantages to the King of ingland than he could expect if the treaty were to Le concluded in Rome in toe presence of the Pope."16 Khan Wolsey was accused of negotiating with the French he informed the Esperor and the Pope that although he had been approached by an agent of the French he had refused to listen to the 's proposals. He had also told the French agent agent that the only terms on which Henry would consider a peace would be the surrender of the "whole realm and crown of France with Normandy, Gascony, Guisnes, and the dependencies, being the King's very just ani rightful inheritance, wrongfully detained from His Grace by the said French King 16 §Zfite paper§_(8panishl, III p. 648‘ 71 and the recovery whereof His Grace will not foil to pree- eoute with all hie power to the othermoet.'17 Even with the protestations of Wolsey that England was not formally negotiating with France, the friendly contacts were main- tained secretly.18 Talks of truce continued throughout this period with Henry remaining the stumbling block. All overture: for e truce were turned down by the English for they con- tended 3 long truce would only be advantageous to Frenoie' position. Henry also continued to insist that the imperor should remain responsible for the payment of the pension, due the king of England, during the time of an: truce which England might accept.19 On August 27 the English embel- sador at Rome delivered to the Pepe the articles or truce which would be acceptable to England. They differed from those of the Emperor with respect to the time for which a truce might be concluded. Kenry preposed a truce to last until the following April, while the Emperor pro- posed one to last for at least five years.20 According to the prepoeele made at this time: 1. The contracting parties were to remain in 17 Hell’s Chronicle, p. 677. 18 Letter: and Pa ere, IV, 271, 272. 19 State Papers [Spanish], II, p. 661. 2° Ibid., p. 663. ~ .’ 72 possession or all territories, etc., which they possessed .2. The ?0pe was the conservato* of the trunn.21 Of special lotefiest to the relsbianehin of Tnglsni and Scotland this truce progessl contained the stigulstlon that the kfr: and kingdom of Scotlsnd might be included if the following coalitions wove sccoptcdz?2 l. C‘cotlsmd was s fie? of the King of ingland. Z. The r1313 of guarlisnskip over the king of Foot« land and the gov rnnent of Pcotleni belonged ty right to the king of Tngland. 5. The king of Faglsnd ti g}.t delegate his guardian- shifl to such Scotch subjects as he pleased. } 4. John, Duke of Albany, was not to to per itte. to stay in " cotlend. 31th regard to angle-Foottish affairs during 15f4, early in January the fluke of Albany asked that the truce :ste blizoed betveen the two countries be extended until the midsummer. 93 then he failed to gain this concession he sent to Glasgow and prepared to sail to France.94 The Scottish lords would not grant him a license to leave. 21 Idem. Tbide, D. 664. 73 They agreed that if he left without their consent, he should be exempt from all authorit? in Scotland.25 In may, however, he was_pernittod to leave. Nearly all the foreigners, whose presence annoyed the feats, either preceded him or accompanied him.26 Suspicious immediately arose among the Scots as to tho pretensions of Henry and Wolsey. Tho dardlnal did what he could to allay any such suspicions when he wrote to Jamss’ mother, Queen Margaret, thst~fienry was ”so inclined to entire lows and affection towards his nennew, that...such a peace may ho had as never was had with Scotland. For the king's grace intendeth not to come into any particular demands with his said nephew, sounding to the prejudice of him, or of his realm of Scotland; but his highnsss nindcth , so to proceed as a most loving father would do with his good aon...For the proximity of blood is so near between thrm that the natl- ral lows overpasssth all particular pretenses or demands. And both the king your son, your grace, all the nobles and subjects of Scot- land, may be sure to find more honor, surety, quietness, well, contort, and profit at the kinp my master's hands, than ever they have had or shall have of France, or other region whatsoever it to. ' 97 To bring about 3 letter relstionsrin between the two countries Vols?” snyéestcd that s conference night he held on the horders. ”o this conference the C rdinal 95 L‘14° ’ p. 5.10 26 I‘. uiwis’ p0 77' 27 Ibi‘ to’ PO 94' 74 asked that the Scottish Chancellor, Benton, might be present. Wolsey conceived of this as a method of capu turing the chancellor who atill remained loyal to the French faction.28 The Chancellor did not fall into the trap. Heat Wolsey prepoaed that the Uhancellor come on an ambassador to the English court. Again the Chancellor failed to be drawn into Henry's power by praise or ottere. As soon so it was known in England that Albany'had departed for France, Henry began to apply greater pressure upon the queen and the nobles to place the young king on the throne. money was promised to the queen, to James. and to others in high authority.29 Wolsey also promised that two hundred men could be sent to guard Jame-.30 This soocalled "erection" of the king was considered to be the most effective way of checking the French faction and providing against Albany's return. On August 5 King James V of Scotland informed hie uncle that he had assumed the royal authority.‘51 This assumption of power by the young king did not bring peace between the two caintries. Wolsey, however, began the necessary work to bring about a better relationship between the Englieh and the Scots. 23 Ibid., p. ea. 99 Ibid., p. 90. so *bid., p. 91. 31 Ride; pa 95o 76 nolsey's work was somewhat hampered by the fact that the English had welcomed back into England the Earl of ‘ngus. who had been abroad for two years. Margaret Lecame very suspicious of any negotiations with the ingliqh for she feared that the English might aid Angus in gaining s position of power in the Scottish government. Besides,~ hargaret was still attempting to gain a divorce from Angus. The English emiessries sent to “ootland reported that Eargaret was in contact with the French, the Luke of Alb- any in particular, who were endeavoring to obtain a di- verse for her with the possibility that she might marry Albany.32 although Eargaret still maintained contact with the French she wrote to Henry on august 50 that the Scots desired a marriage between James and the princess Mary.53 This overture was made in spite of the fact that it was well-known that fiery had been betrothed to Charles. Wolsey did not turn against such a propssl. Instead he gave hape to the Scots that such a union might be arrangedos‘ Wolsey's support of Angus and the latter'a proposed entry into Scotland crested strained relations between the two nations. nhe English court persisted in this plan and Angus entered into Scotland where he gathered many azggettersandgfapegs. IV, p. 276. :5 Statewfaperg, IV, p. 115. 5* *b1e., p. 116. 76 noblemen about him and set up an Opposition to those still partial to the French. Later he was to assume the governmental authority. fieanwhile the secret nrgotiations between Volsey and the French court were broken when it becane evident that the enemies of France were not as strong as the French had feared.- The bourbon expedition did not progress as planned and the Pope, the Venetians, and even the imperi- alists were beginning to lose confidence in obtaining their goal. On December 12 a treaty of peace and friend- ship was signed between the king or France, Pope Ulament vii, and the Venetisns.35 Asas result of this treaty Francis once more took measures to push the war into Italy once again. Instead of pushing into hilan, Francis decided to take the town of Pavia. history might have been considerably different if Francis had not taken this chance. While he was a ncerned with trying to overcome the garrison at Pavia, the imperial troops, augmented by those under Bourbon, made a swift march to the neighboring territory near Pavia. On February 23 the imperial forces attacked. When the battle was over the French king was wounded and captured. The defeat of Francis upset Bolsey's plans for an- land's position. He had intended to regulate assistance 55 §§atefiPapers (Seeanishz. II, p. 634. 77 to both Charles and Francis so that both would be obliged to Henry. He had not wanted to see Charles a complete victor. But he had maintained a front with Charles in case Francis should be defeated. As soon as the defeat was known in England the imperial court was informed that Henry desired the continuance of the war against France.36 He proposed that Francis should be kept out of his realm and that the imperial and English forces should push on into France.57 Such an invasion was to culminate in henry's coronation in Paris for Henry claimed by Just title of inheritance the entire realm of France.38 Henry advised his ambassadors to try everything possible to obtain this. including bribes of sums amounting to two hundred thousand crowns.39 If this was not enough the ambassadors were to show Charles how he would eventually reign over all the monarchy of Christendom for ...of his own inheritance he hath the realm of Spain. and a great part of Germany, the realms of Sicily and Naples, with Flanders. Holland. Zeeland, Braband, and Henault, and other his Low Countries; by election he hath the empire, where unto appertaineth almost all the rest of Italy, and many imperial towns in Germany and elsewhere; by the peso sibility apparent to come by my Lady Princess 5§§tste Pa era, V1, p. 416. 37.919." p. 417. 3832;Q,, p. 418. 39m" p. 421. 78 he should hereafter have fingland and Ireland, with the title to the supe- riority of Scotland, and in this ease sll France with the dependencies. 40 Charles did not accept the bribes and refused to invade France at this time.41 On June 7 Charles made his counter- proposals. He requested that the princess fiery might be sent to Spain with a dowry of four hundred thousand duosts, and if Henry would contribute two hundred thousand crowns for military expenses. he would provide the rest.42 Such proposals tell on deaf ears. It had been agreed previously that “ary was not to go to Spain until she had reached a marriagesble age. It hsd also been agreed that the dowry was to be paid in installments and from this dowry the sums due Henry from Charles should be deducted.‘3 Upon the refusal of Mary's coming to Spain at this time Charles made his first formal suggestion of’his marriage to another, presumably Isabella or Pertugsl.‘4 It nos appeared that Henry and Charles could not agree on s more binding sl- lisnos. From the day of Francis' defeat, Wolsey had been ‘0 Letters and Pa ers. IV, p. 528. ‘lggtate_?apers, VI. p. 437. ‘2 39.1.9.0- p. 444. 43 See p. 41 4‘ Letters and Pa ers, IV, p. 614. 79 in formal, though secret. contact with Louise, Francis' mother and Regent of France during his absence.s The secret negotiations broke into the Open on June 9 when representatives were sent by the French to the English court.45 After months of deliberation a treaty was signed between Henry and the Regent of France”6 By this treaty "all injuries. done and received in the late war between I England and France" werebo be forgotten; Henry would do all in his power to "induce the emperor to accept reason- able conditions.“ But the nest important clause was the one in which the Regent of France acknowledged her king- don as Henry's debtor for 1,800,000 crowns to be discharged in half-yearly payments of 50,000 crowns; after which Henry was to receive, during life, a yearly pension of 100,000 crowns.47 A large present of four hundred thousand crowns was also made to Wolsey for his good offices, but covered under the pretense of arrears due on the pension granted 'him for relinquishing the administration of ‘I'ournai.‘8 Charles was advised of the new treaty concluded be- tween the Freneh and the English. Not to be outdone he began negotiations with his prinoner, Francis. After many ‘5 gg;g,, No. 1393. 46 47 Lord Herbert, Histcrzof En land, pp. 27i-275. Hume, History of England, III. p. 152. ‘8 Idem a 80 months of deliberations in which each side remained ob- stinate, a treaty known as the Concord of Madrid was signed January 14, 1526. This treaty was of great im- portance to Henry and Wolsey for it was to play a large part in future relationships between France and the Empire. Among the provisions of this treaty were!“9 1. A mutual defense and friendship was to be estab-- lished between France and the Empire. 2. On March 10, Francis was to be released on the condition that the Dauphin. his eldest son. and the ”uke of Orleans, his second son, should be turned over to Charles as hostages till all further conditions were car- ried out. Francis was to return as a prisoner if the conditions were not fulfilled in the required time. 3. Francis was to renounce his right and claim to all lands, kingdoms and estates now in Charles' poasessflln. 4. A marriage was to be celebrated between Francis and Eleanor, sister of Charles, who was to have a dowry of two hundred thousand crowns. 5. A marriage was to be arranged between the Dauphin and Donna i6aria, daughter of Eleanor and her first husband. 6. Francis was to assume the payment of the suns -due Henry. Such payments had been acquired by Charles by the treaty of Windsor, June 1522.50 ‘9 Lord Herbert, History of Lngland, pp.evo-eee. 50 503 pa ‘9 81 Francis was released February 26 and the two children became hostages to Charles.51 ' This growth of power and influence gained by Charles immediately led to a series of treaties among the lesser powers. The Fons, various Italian princes, and the vane-- tians joined together in a league to which Henry was in- vited as Protector and Conservator.52 Ambassadors from . the Pope and the Venetians desired three things; l)Henry might Join the league which they had formed: 2) Henry was to encourage the French king to become a member of the league: 3) Failing to fulfill the first two requests Henry might secretly give or land sums of money.53 To these proposals Wolsey replied that Henry could not join the league at this time, but he would pleased to send.word of the league to Francis. To the third request Wolsey gave a negative answer until it should be determined what the relationship between Henry and Charles should be now that the Emperor had enhanced his position.54 He replied ”This is as much as the King can do at present, tilflhe can find opportunity to ac- cept the said protection. It would not be 51 Letters and Papers, IV, p. 711. 52 §tate Papers, I. p. 166. 53 Ibid., p. 167. 5‘ Ibid., p. ldB. 82 reasonable that he chauld leave one war and enter another, jeepardizing the goods of his subjects in the emperor a country, and the three millions owed him by the Emperor. It would be an inestimable loss to make such a declaration of war, with- out some device for getting hold of such goods and debts, and without some honest Justification preceding, as well towards Almighty God, as to the Kings subjects and all the world; so as if his Grace should break with the Emperor hereafter, it may appear that the same is not done but up- on just ground and cause reasonable.“ 55 Already Wolsey was looking forward to a new balance of power that might be necessary. The first contact between the French and the Eng- lish, after Francis' release, was in regard to the return of the two young French princes. After many conferences a treaty between the two countries, relative to the resti- tution of Francis' children by the Emperor, was concluded. at Hampton Court, August 8, 1526.56 Both kings promised not 'tc treat or agree apart, or separately with the said Emperor, concerning the restitutionbf the two children... nor the money due from the Emperor to our king (Henry): but Jointly and together....and that neither of the said kings should, in any kind, assist the Emperor when he '91‘0 invaded by the other..."57 55 Batters and Papers, Iv, p. 953, 56 {ltatO‘PlpirLlJ I. P. 169‘ 57 As quoted in Lord Herbert, The History;of England. p. 298. v 83 It became very evident after Francis' release that Charles had turned his interest to Italy and was prepar- ing his trcOps for an invasion of this territory.58 When the imperial troops entered Italy and Henry was asked .tc give aid to the Italian states it was refused for he felt that if he remained outside he might be able to Join with the Pepe as mediator for establishing peace.59 He would, however, give the Pope thirty thousand ducats to pay for men who were to act as protectors of His Holiness.60 Henry also nrcposed at this time that the Pope send letters to all Christian princes exhorting them to uni- versal peace, and to the building of strength against the Turks who had overthrown the government of Hungary.61 If all princes except the Emperor were to comply with the Pcpe's wishes, Henry was prepared to declare war against the Emperor.62 But the Pcpe did not have time to attempt a peaceful settlement. The Spanish troops marched swiftly into Home and pillaged the Peps's palace and the church ’ of St. Peter.63 Although Henry and Francis expressed _ 581§tate Papers, I, p. 176. 59 gy;g,, p. 179. 60 lose- 61 *bid., p. 183. 62 Idea. 63 Letters and_Papers, IV, pp.1120, 1132. 84 deep indftnetirn at the treatment of the Pepe by the Spanish forces, they did nothing to endanger their own security with the Lmoire. Charles, however, ole1~ed he was not responsible for the acts committed by the spanieh forces saying 3 ”although it was quite evident that the disastrous doings at Home were unpremedieted...yet he would have given anything that so flagrant an outrage had not' been perpetrated by troops under the command of one of his own captain&?54 Later these trOOps and others under ~ the Duke of Bourbon made the Pepe I prisoner of the “mpire. The continent was once more on the brink of bitter conflict. 64 Brewer, Hen; VIII. II, p. 99 as quoted from Guyange, gganiah Calendar-i. KO. 999 , CHAPTER V THE FALL OF WOLSEY The increased power and position of Charles was the sign for Wolsey to strengthen the ties between Eng- land and France. The various conferences and exchange of dispatches concerning the delivery of Francis' child- ren helped to bind them together in a tighter bond. But Wolsey could not bring about a strong feeling of unity as long as the French children were held as hostages, for their return nae Francic' greatest concern. It was also clear that Charlee would not release the children until the marriage of Francis and Eleanor had taken place, and Burgundy had been surrendered.1 Wolsey felt that the strongest binding force wound he s marriage between Francis and the princess fiery. sudh a proposal was cecretly made December 23, 1526 by Sir William Pitswilliam.2 The proposal, made by Sir Williaa, was received-by Francis ”with a glad and very merry coun- tenanoc.'3a However. Francis could find no way out of the matrimonial alliance with Charles-ohe preferred to carry out the demands cf’Charles in order to regain his children. 1 See p. 80. 2 Letters and Papers, IV, p. 1216. 5 Ibid., p. 1217. nothing definite was arranged. The new year saw an increased tempo in the negotia- tions between England and France. is Charles would not relent in his demands concerning the release of the Dau- phin and the Duke of Orleans, “olsey changed his tactics. Instead of insisting on a marriage between Francis and Kary, he felt that a marriage might be arranged between Vary and the Dauphin or the Duke of Orleans.4 Such a proposal was of interest to the French delegates at the English court. Wolsey did not have an easy time drawing up the final arrangements. Each side seemed to be at. tempting to outwit the other, and the i'rench were very clever. On April 30 final proposals for a treaty were drawn and signed.6 The agreements were embodied in three treaties, the first of which bound the two rulers to an agreement on the ransom of the French hostages as payment of the debts due henry from Charles. If Charles refused or made no answer within twenty days, Francis and Henry would declare war against him.6 It was also agreed that Mary's hand was to be given in marriage to Francis or to Francis' son, the Duke of Orleans. The choice of the prospective husband would depend on later events-alt ‘ State Papers, I, p. 191 5 Lord Herr-art, History of bnghand, p. 301. 3 Idem. 87 war were declared, Francis would be released from his vow to marry Eleanor and would take hary's hand in mar- riage; if peace were maintained, the ”uke of Orleans would be the chosen one. The decision would be made at Calais.7 If war were declared, Francis was to reisburse Henry for the sspenses of the anlish. he was also to pay Henry, as long as he lived, a yearly pension of the salt of Brouage to the value or fifteen thousand crowns.a The second treaty was a statement of the troop strength to be provided by both rulers.9 The third bound the two to ever-lasting peace. Francis and his heirs were also bound to pay to henry’s successors forty-six thousand crowns until the debt of 1,800,736 crowns had been repaid.1° After the treaties were signed in England, Henry suggested that he visit France to have a personal inter- view with Francis.11 Francis, however, sent an invita- tion to holsey instead of to Henry. Francis agreed to meet‘the Cardinal in Picardy.12 wolsey accepted the 7 State Papers, I, p. 191. 8 Lord Herbert, Historygof England, p. 331. 9 Ibid., p. 302. 1° Ibid., p. 303. 11 Letters and_§aperg, IV, p. 1445. 12 Ibid., p. 1444. 88 invitation, and with Henry's instruction13 he proceeded to France. Early in 1527 Henry came to a decisirn which was to affect his actions and diplomatic negotiations for acme time to come. He decided to divorce Catherine. Although henry and Catherine had been married for several years and were the parents of Eary, Henry now began to consider that their marriage had not been lawful. Pesides, he had fallen in love with a meidwin-waiting, Anne “oleyn. A divorce would create an extremely difficult situation: Charles would Oppose a divorce because Catherine wss his aunt; the Church was Opposed to divorce; and anlsnd's negotiations for a marriage between Vary and the French royal family would undoubtedly come to an end. The latter would certainly occur if Mary should be declared illegiti~ mate because of the divorce. When Wolsey went to France to-meet Francis he was instructed not to mention the kings secret plans until all arrangements between the two countries had been made.1‘ This proved to be a difficult task for the news had al- ready spread to Charles who would not hesitate to attempt to influence the Pope.15 13 State Papers, I, p. 191. 1‘ 939., p. 254. 15 gig” p. 255. 89 Soon after his arrival in France, Wolsey wee noti- fied of Charlee’ newest demande presented to Francis for the release of the French hostages. Charles insisted that x l) the French must pay Henry's deLta, and pay for the charge: euetained by Charles in the ear; 2) a peace should be mediated by Henry, who would be required to make war, at his own expense; against the one who might treat the peace.16 These propoeale far exceeded those made by Henry for the release of the children.17 In a letter to Henry, July 29, Wolsey wrote that the deliverance of the Pope from captivity by the Spaniah would depend upon peace between Francis and Charles. He also stated that there was little likelihood of this because of the nature of Charles' demande.1a Wolsey attempted to eoften the demand: by promising that Henry would urge Francie to marry lleanor, but Charles did not co-Operate.19 Turning from the problem of peace between Francis and Charles, Wolsey took up the matter of a binding peace between Eng. land and France. This was achieved August 18. A aeriee of treatiee, based on the previous treaties of April, were signed at Amienaozo * A M 4* fl 15‘32;Q.. p. 283. 1" Egg” p. 250. 18 12;g,. p. 231. 1° State Papers, VI, p. 597. 20 gtete Papers, I, p. 262. 90 Now Henry and Wolsey could concentrate on the queeo tion of the divorce. The solution of this problem would depend on the pepe or the cardinals. The POpe would have to concur in a decision, or the Cardinals, in college, night reach a solutidn that would be handingfi1 But the Paps was under Uhurles' domination, and the hardinals re- fused to leave Italy and come to France for a corwocmtionfi2 It was also very douLtful that Clement would annul a dis- pensation of his predecessor, Julius II, allowing Henry and Catherine to marry. After contacting the Uordinals, ~olsey was able to persuade two of them to favor the annulment.23 'Ehen it came to appointing an emissary to the Pope, Henry and tolsey disagreed. In favoring the Bishop of Worcester over the king's secretary, 1Jr. William Knight, Wolsey wrote "...there is perfect hope, if your Grace will take a little patience, suffering such things to be experimented and done, which be and shall be deviled for that purpose, by one way or another, your intent shall honorably and lawfully take the desired effect."?4 Henry continued to insist on Dr. Knight--another sign of flenry'e determination not to be governed by his minister. 211bid., p. 231. 92 Ibid., p. 270. 23 Ibid., p. 272. 9‘ Ibid., p. 273. 91 according to Henry's plan, Dr. Knight was sent to see the Pepe, who "escaped“ from the imperialists a few days before the secretary's arrival. Dr. Knight was in- structed to obtain a dispensation and an order for a com- mission to determine the legality of fienry's marriage to Catherine.25 Knight failed in his negotiations with tho Pepe. Wolsey was more successful. Re drew up a commis‘ sion to be submitted to the Pope.” 5y this commission Wolsey would be given the right to investigate the ques- tion of the divorce and pronounce a decision that would be 813 binding fiS‘if made by the P0p6.26 A dispensation was also asked that Henry might marry aiain and the child- ren of such a marriage might be recognized as 1egitimate.27 ?he Bishop of Worcester was sent as Wolsey's representative. Fearing the Pepe might not consider Wolsey an impartial judge, the Bishop was given a second instruction -~to urge that some other cardinal be sent into Lngland with the necessary authority. If, however, it seemed likely that someone not favorable to henry should be sent as Judge, this latter preposal was to be dropped.98 The prepoasl MA A“ 95 Ibid., p. 278. 26 Letters and Papers, IV, p. 1655. 27 Ibid., p. 1656. 28 Idem. Q) I.) for sending a legate to Lnglend with power of the rape was not pleasing to Clement, but it was finally agreed that Cardinal Campeggio was to Join Wolsey in the delibe- rations.29 In the meantime, Francis and Henry. Joined by the treaty of Amiens, made proposals to Charles for the re- lease of the ?renoh hostages and the formation of a uni- versal peace. In addition to a ransom of twentyofive ‘ million crowns and the repudiation of rights to previously held lands, Frencis made many concessions.50 Henry agreed to release all debts of Charles and his predecessor, Maxi- milian, debts which would be taken over by Francis if Uharlea would make a reasonable peace.51 when Charles refused to accept these demands, war was declared by Henry and Francis. ‘This declaration of war brought Henry and Wolsey closer to a breaking point. When it was learned in England that Clarenceux, the king's herald, had defied Charles, Wolsey said Clarenceux had done so without the king's crder--that he had been led by the actions of the French snbassadors.52 Clarenceux, however, was able to show letters from Wolsey instructing him to present Henry's 29 Ibid., p. 1857. 30 3311'. Chronicle, p. 732. 31 Ibid.. p. 733. 32 Ibid., p. 744. defiance if Charles refused the demands. then shown these letters Fenry remarked, "0 Lord “sans, he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary...I will. be no more of so light credence hereafter, for now I see perfectly that I am made to believe the thing that was never done.'33 Although Canpegtio was appointed in April to study the divorce question, it was not until October that he arrived in England to assist Wolsey in the deliberations. 0n the way to angland he visited Francis.‘ after this meeting, Francis informed the English ambassador that Campeggio's mission was to induce Henry to change his mind, and to prevent a separation between fienry and Cathe- rineJ54 Csmpeggio and Wolsey immediately began to delve into the question of the divorce upon the former'a sro rival in England. fhroughout this period peace was maintained between England and Scotland. Although Angus had been strongly cpoosed by the queen and the remainder of the French fac- tion in Scotland, Angus was able to gather trusted and loyal Scots to his standard. James V fell into line with Angus’ plan of government. This plan reached the culmin- _ _ating point on August 23, 1527 when ‘ngus was appointed v—vww 53 Idem. 54 Letters gnqfiraperg, N, p. 2047. 94 Chancellor of Scotland.35 In the summer of 1828 there were rumors of Scottish preparations for war,36 but with the strengthening of English forces on the border a peace- ful atmosphere was continued. During the early stages of the divorce proceedings Henry was not to be hampered by difficulties on the northern borders. While fiolsey and Campcggio were investigating the possibility of a decision in favor of Henry, Catherine was not idle. She wrote to her nephew, Charles V, to aid her whenever he could.37 She was particularly in- terested in a brief, in Charles' possession, which would strengthcn‘her position. This brief was presumably a confirmation of all the clauses of the dispensation grant- ed before the marriage of Catherine and Henry. “ copy of the brief had been found in England, and was in Catherine's possession, but the original was not available to either of the participants. fienry was very dissatisfied with the slow pace at which Campeggio worked. To hasten the matter he decided to send another delegation to the Pope. This delegation was to prcpose that the Pops 'dispensc with the King, and allow him to proceed to a second marriage with legitimation 35 Stats Papers, IV, p. ‘76. 36 Ms. pp. ‘95“9”. sv'gggters and Papers, IV, p. 2265. 95 of the ohildren”.if Catherine could be induced to enter s nunnery.38 If the Pope would not agree to this the emissaries were to propose that the Pope issue a dis- oensstion for Henry to have two wives, making the child- ren of the second marriage legitimate, as well as these of the first.59 If this latter proposal was refused by Clement,hs was to be advised that the two legetes, Wol- soy and Campeggio, desired the study and settlement of the question be moved to Rome.‘0 ~A promise that Clement would Judge in Henry's tsvor was to be obtained before such s change was made.‘1 The emisssries were also given the power to tell the Pope that Henry was determined to have a second marriage and would not be forced to put aside this determination.“2 The critical illness of Clement, early in 1529, intensified the divorce situation. The possibility of the death of Clement and the election of snother Pepe was or great importance to Henry, Charles, and Francis. Henry desired the election of one favorable to the divorce; Charles wished one who would be favorable to the Expire; 3" 3219.... p. 2157. 39 5213., p. 2151. ‘0 39113... p. 2162. ‘1 11233., p. 2159. 42 £3.93- 96 and Francis would undoubtedly take advantage of the difs ficulties between the other two. The English ambassadors in Rome were instructed to further the cause of holsey's election to the papacy for, according to Henry's instruc- tion, he possessed the necessary qualifications as well as having ”as fervent zeal as any for the tranquility of-Chriatendom, the restoration of the authority and rights of the Church and the See Apostolic", and he would assure a favorable conclusion to “enry's cause.43 Once again, however, Wolsey was to fail in gai.ing the papal throneo-Clement recovered. » The divorce proceedings were greatly altered July 13 when Clement stopped the discussions in England. re- voked the commission and moved the consideration to home.“ Campeggio, when advised of this proceeding, left lsngland to return to Rome. Wolsey was left to face h‘enry, alone. The Cardinal's enemies took advantage of this opportunity and persuaded Henry to remove him from office. At six p.m. October 17, 1829 the great seal was taken from the Cardinal by the Dukes of Norfolk and serrolk.‘5 So ended the fourteen-year association between Henry VIII and Thomas Cardinal holsey. 43 Ibid., p. 2521 44 Ibid.. p. 2609. ‘5 Ibid., p. 2681. 97 CONCLUSIOH For a period of fourteen years Thomas Cardinal Wol- soy served as Chancellor of England under “enry VIII. Working side by side these two men influenced the course of history, not only of England, but of the entire con- tinent of EurOpe. The aims of these two men were closely allied. Both.desired peace for England. Both sought to main- tain a balance of power on the continent-as balance in which neither France nor the Espire could become strong enough to formulate or control events. Wolsey was the restraining force that maintained an even keel during the -negotiaticns with Francis and Charles. Henry's Jealousy of Francis would undoubtedly have created trouble between the two if Wolsey had not been diplomatic in arranging the meeting of the two rulers. The Chancellor was the one who kept nenry from Joining with one or the other of the European rulers on snap judgment rather than on clev- er diplomatic negotiations. To enhance England's position both Henry and Wolsey were extremely interested in Wolsey's advancement in the hierarchy of the Church. They were able to have him made a legato but were unsuccessful in obtaining the highest goalo-the papacy. Because of the shifting policy of 98 England and the desire of the other rulers to have a pope favorable to their own particular interest, Wolsey was never able to collect enough votes to gain the papal election. This desire for the papacy influenced Wolsey in his negotiations with both Francis and Charles. espe- cially with the latter who had considerable power in the selection of a pOpe. In negotiations with both Francis and Charles, Mary, Henry's daughter,was used as a pawn in marriage proposals. As a child she was betrothed to Charles, but when Henry and Wolsey considered it to be espedient she was promised to Francis, or his son the Duke of Orleans. “he Poets also were interested in Mary as a wife for James V. as the occasion arose,rary'a position was employed by Henry and Wolsey to gain advantages for England. In order to maintain a balance of power on the continent Henry and Wolsey used a system of alliances. Treaties were made with Charles when it was advantageous; these were countered with treaties with Francis when Charles appeared to be gaining too much strength. “hey constantly attempted to maintain England as the mediator in any quarrels that might arise. When it was felt nec- essary to make war against one of the other rulers, only half-hearted support was given for fear the ally would become too strong. This alliance of ruler and chancellor survived 99 during peace and war, only to be broken because of the Cardinal's failure to bring about a successful conclusion to Henry's marital difficulties. 100 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE BIBLIOGRAFYICAL The research for this study was begun by consult-‘ ing Conyers Feed, ed.,:£gtliogrephzupf British Eistorxl Euggr Period, 1485-1603 (Oxford, 1953). In this volumeA one may find e very lengthy listing of material in print relative to the history of Tudor England. Although this bibliography does not profess to be exhaustive, I found' it an excellent source from Which to begin the study of Fenry and Wolsey. PRIMARY SOURCES It is difficult to arrange in rank of importance two very veluable sources. One is the State Pspers_pubg lished under the authority of His Helestz's Commission; King Henrz VIII (ll vols.. London, 1830-62). end the other letters end rogers} Foreign end Domesticlof the heign4g£ Henrz VIIl (21 vole.. London, 1862-1910), J. 8. Brewer, ed., volumes I-IY. From both of these I was eble to gein e very olose eoqusintenceship with the events of the dey, end the diplomatic proceedings between the eeverel Euro- pean countries. The Stete Pepers were difficult to reed, et first, because they have been retained in their origin nel lenguege of the 16th century. As I continued to reed 101 I found the going much easier, so that I was able to get the flavor of the language in which they were written. The Letters and Papers were not published in their en- tirety. They were resumes of the documents, but many important quotations were left in their original form. I was able to get the most important part ofmy research from these two sources. I must add, in a somewhat lesser degree of import- ance, the galendar of Lettersl Despatchegi_and State Pagers. relating to Negotiations between Eggland and Sggin (ll vols.. London. 1862-1916), 0. A. Bergenroth, ed., volumes 1-11. In addition to the correspondence between the imperial court and its ambassadors one is able to get a realistic picture of happenings through- out the oontinent. I was able to get an understanding of the intrigue practiced in all of the courts at this time. volume II was especially important in research concerning papal elections and treaties. Important from the aspect of foreign reaction to happenings elsewhere, and as substantiation of other sources I found A. B. Hinds, ed., Calendar of State Eggere and Manuscripts existing in the Archives and Collections of Milan (London, 1912) and Rawdon brown and others, Eglgndar of State Papers, Venetian (9 vols., London, 1864-1898) very interesting. The material, however, was not as extensive in these sources as in the 102 other state papers. Also of interest, but of little importance to this particular study was the Harleian Miscellany; or a Col: lggfiion of Scarce, Curious, and Entertaining Pamphlets and Tracts ss_well in ranuscript as in Print found in the late Earl of Oxford's Librar1_(lo vols., London, 1809). Henry Eillis, ed., Original Letters illustrative of English Bistoryg including numerous aopal letters; from Autographs in the British vuseum and one or two other collections (11 vols., London, 1824) also contained in- teresting facts based on material found in the State Papers and Letters and Papers. For an interesting over-all picture of the period under consideration I went to Edward Hell,Chrcnicle; gonteinigg the Histogz of England duringgthe reign of Henry the Fourth and the Succeeding honarchs, to the and of the Reign of Henrythe-Eigh§h_(London, 1809). When one is eble to overcome the difference in language and writing, here is a very remarkable presentation of the events of the day. It is written in a most interesting and colorful manner. The descriptions, of this Judge in the Sheriff's court, are held in high esteem although some of his facts are questionable. Of lesser importance were Henry Ellis, ed., Raphael Holinghed's Chronicle (6 vols., London 1808) and Richard Grafton, Chronicle (2 vols., London, 1809). 103 SECONDARY SOURCES By far the most important work on the early life and times of Henry VIII is J. a. Brewer, The Reign of Henry VIII, From His Accession to the death of Wolsel (2 vols., London, 1884). Liberally annotated I found this of great interest and aid. 1t was of particular help for the period 1519-1521 as I was unable to obtain volume III of Letters and Papersc-this material was ad- equately covered by documents included in Brewer. The author was well acquainted with these documents as he was the editor of the first four volumes of the Letters and Paper;. Eduard Lord Herbert, The Historz of England under Henrz VIII (London, 1870) contained many quotations and the provisions of the several treaties signed by the powers during Wolsey's tern of office. Lord Herbert (1581-1648), soldier, ambassador to France, and author, wrote in a very chatty manner which made for interesting and easy reading. Interesting quotations were also found in John Strype, Egggg,(27 vols., Oxford, 1824). The Political Histerz of England (12 role., London, 1906), Vol. V, H. A. L. Fisher, From the Accession of £2231 VII to the Death of Henry VIII_11485-1547) was helpful in obtaining a general background of the politi- cal activity of the period. In this same aspect of re- search David Hume, The History of England,From the Invasion 104 of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688 (6 vols., London, 1848) and Charles Knight, Popular History of England (8 vols., London, 1867) were used. Arthur Don- ald Innes, England Under the Tudors (London, 1991) pre« sented a concise dissertation on the political aspects of flenry's reign. The translation by bdward G. Kerwan Erowne, of u. Audin, The Life of Henry the_§ighth and '- the History of the Schism of bugland (London, 1852) was scanned to see if any new approach was given. Like the other general histories of the time and life of Henry this seemed to be based on well documented sources. With the idea of not passing up any books pertain- ing to this period I checked the following and found they were of the general pattern concerning flsnry’a life: Charles E. Eoberly, The Early Tudors; Henry VII; Henry ‘Egll (London, 1887): Conyera Read, ghe Tudors (New xork, 1938); and Charles Harold Williams, England Under the Early Tudors (London, 1925). In such a study as this, in which two men were so closely allied, it was necessary to read biographical sketches of the two. The most generally accepted biog- raphy-is A. J. Pollard, Eenrz VIII (London, 1925), but I found Francis Beckett, HenryVII£_(New York, 1929) more interesting. I also felt that Hr. Hackett had stuck as close to generally-accepted ideas concerning henry's 11:0 ‘5 did fire POllards 105 The most complete story of Wolsey's life, and his participation in English diplomacy3wes found in handell Creighton, Cardinal Wolsey (London, 1888). Hilaire Belloc, Wolsey (London, 1930) also makes for interesting reading. Arthur Donald Innes, Zgn Tudor ftatesmen (London, 1934) contains a short synapais of holsey's life and participation in politics. To obtain the Scottish side of the problems are footing Englsnd and Scotland I turned to Andrew Lang, A History of Scotland from the Roman occupation (2 vols., Hes York, 1900) and John Hill Burton, The History of Scotland (8 vols., London, 1897). I found the latter of much greater assistance in this study than the former.