THE EU KLUX KLAN IN AN IEDIANA COMHURITY

By

MERRILL M. JOfiib

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of . ' ,

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of History

1953

A {in}; $11}; g: L... .... I

The writer wishes to express his sincere
appreciation to Professor Madison Kuhn for his
inspiration and constructive criticism given

durinc the preparation of this essay.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

IRTHODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER

I. THE RISE 01‘» T3123 EJODEPEII mm:

II. THE. EL'JJOOD commu'ry . . .

:11. T33 ELAN cases TO stooo

IV. The KLAN IN mus col-sunny .

v. THE DECLINE 01“ Tim; KLAN . .

VI. CONCLUSION . . . e o

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . .

Page

13
23
A2
62
73
76
79

INTRODUCTION

The history of the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920's
is yet to be written. A careful check of the American
Historical fieview, Egg Mjssissipp; Valley Higggrigal
Review, 222 Reader's 92$22.£2 Periodical Literature, and
other bibliographies reveals Loucks' 292w§2.§l25.§;22
in Pennsylvanial, as the one lone study of this impor-
tant organization. The Klan was important, not so much
for any great achievement, but because it claimed a
membership of nearly 5,000,000 Protestant, native,
white, American citizens.2 The popularity of the Klan
revealed much about the hopes and fears of the American
people then, as well as for years afterward.

The facts of the Klan are difficult to obtain
because the Klan operated in secrecy, paraded behind
a mask, and attempted to rule by fear. The members
were under oath never to divulge the secrets of the Or-
der. Therefore, much of our common knowledge of the
Klan is based on rumor. Its official records are diffi-

cult to locate; indeed, it is doubtful if many such

 

1. Emerson H. Loucks, The £3 Klux Klan ig_Penn-
s lvania (Harrisburg, Pa., Telepraph Press, 1936].
5. Ray Allen Billington, '‘Ku Klux Klan," in James

Truslow Adams, ed., Qigtionagy of Amer can History
(New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1 '0 , III, 218.

records are extent. The Order was not active long enough
to accumulate extensive records. Furthermore, members
were reluctant to divulge much pertinent information con.
cerning Klan activity, not only because of the secret
oaths, but also, because the Order fell into public dis-
favor. The only written record left of the Elwood Klan
was the membership list which centained the names of the
individuals who joined the Order through 1923. The
minutes of the Klan in Elwood were burned in 19h3 by a
former Exalted Cyclops.

Since Indiana was a leading state in Klandom, it
seemed profitable and practical to make a case study of
a particular community in that state. The Elwood com-
munity was chosen for study because nearly one-half of
the eligible population were members of the Klan. Also,
the writer, having lived there during the early 1920's,
knew the community at the time. Further, he could enjoy
the confidences of the persons being interviewed. In
the absence of written records, it was necessary to make
four trips to the community to interview eyewitnesses and
former members. During the fifteen days spent in the
field, approximately forty peeple were interviewed.
peeple who were residents of the community during the
height of Klan activity and in many cases personal ac-
quaintances of the writer. The Elwood.§gll Leader, the

local daily newspaper, was examined page by page, covering

 

 

a period of nearly four years. In addition, court records
and personal letters have added bits of information. It

is hoped that this essay will make one small contribution
to a clearer understanding of the Ku Klux Klan. Only after
many similar studies are made, and the findings recorded,
will it be possible to write‘a history of the Klan on a

nationwide scope.

CHAPTER I
THE RISE OF THE MODER“! ELAN

The Ku Klux Klan was to a great extent another
manifestation of nativism which has occurred period-
ically in American history. From the time of the
state-ant attributed to George washingtcn at Valley
Forge, “put no one but Americans on guard tonight,“
down through the Know-Nothing movement which collapsed
over the greater issues leading to the Civil war and
including the antiocatholic American Protective Associa-
tion of the last quarter of the nineteenth century, we
have experienced ample precedent for the Klan. Nativist
movements have appeared immediately following peaks of
immigration and the resulting disturbances in the char-
acter of population.3

there have been four distinct waves of immigrants
arriving in this country. The first, which reached its
peak in 1855, began in 1831 and ended with the outbreak
of the Civil War. During this thirty year period four
million foreigners arrived on our shores. The second
wave covering the years 1862 to 1877, with a high point
in 1873. like the first wave consisted of immigrants

5. Valdimer 5. Key, Politics, Parties, and Pressure
5'9"".—

Groups (New York, Thomas Y. firewall, I§K§,, p. I ,,

from the British Isles and Germany. Nine million for-
eigners were added to our population during the third
great wave of immigration from.1878 to 1898, the peak
being reached in 1882. This save was predominantly
German and English speaking peeple, but in addition it
marked the beginning of the tide of immigrants from
eastern and southern Europe. It is significant too that
1882 was the year of the first federal control of immi-
gration. The fourth great save, extending from 1898 to
the outbreak of World War I, see over fourteen million
foreigners come into this country.h

The Know-Nothtng movement following the first wave
of immigration sought to instill pure Americanism in the
population by insisting on the separation of the church
and state, by maintaining public schools free from re-
ligious influence, and by lengthening the period of
naturalization of aliens. During the second great wave
nativism was reflected in the Democratic and Republican
platforms in 1878, the Republican containing a recommen-
dation for a constitutional amendment to prevent the use
of public funds to support sectarian schools. Nativism
found expression chiefly in the.American Protective
Association during the third wave of immigration. This
organization, founded in Iowa in 1887, reached its peak
of popularity in 189h and 1895.5
A“ h. thn Moffatt Mecklin, The Ku Klux Kl

Harcourt Brace and 00., 192h),‘§:.l§§.
5e Iblds. pa 1310

(New York,

Three conditions must be present for a nativist
movement to exist on any considerdble scale, all of
which were present in the United States in the early
1920's.6 First, there must be a large, recent Catholic
immigration. Twentieth century immigration for the most
part, was from Catholic countries located in southern
and southeastern EurOpe. Second, sufficient time must
have passed to obliterate the memory of‘the excesses of
the previous movement of this character. In the 1920's
most Americans had forgotten the excesses of the American
Protective Association movement. A third condition, is
a vague, widespread feeling of fear enhancedby the pinch
of economic want. The fear of Communism and the campaign
of 1920 with its emphasis on the League of Nations ques-
tion combined to create a feeling of fear of things
foreign. The economic slump of 1921, it must be remem-
bered, was nationside.

According to its Declaration the Klan was not or-
ganized specifically as a nativist movement but rather
as a Southern fraternal, ritualistic, and patriotic or-
der.7 The modern Klan, organized in 1915 by William J.
Simmons in Atlanta, Georgia,8 was a revival of the Klan
cf the Reconstruction period “remodeled and expanded”
into a ritualistic, fraternal, patriotic society of
”u~ b. Loucks:*XIEn, p. 15.

. Mecklin The Klan p 132.
g. Ibid‘. 5. 30 . .

national scope." The mannerisms, official titles, de-
signs of paraphernalia, regalia, banners, flags, and
emblems of the old Klan were retained by the new.9
Three of the charter members of the new Klan were mem-
bers of the old.10 The anti-Negro and law enforcement
aspects of the Klan were carried over from the Eocene
struction period; the anti-Catholic and anti-foreign '
aspects were direct decendants of previous nativist
movements.

The order languished in Georgia and Alabama with
fewer than five thousand members until June, 1920, when
the founder entered into a contract with Edward Y.
Clarke and “re. Elizabeth Tyler, two Southern promo-
tional experts. By terms of this contract Clarke be.
came head of the Klan's propaganda department with
complete control of organisation with Mrs. Tyler as
his assistant.11 Under this new leadership, which ex-
ploited the hates and prejudices of the post war period,
the Klan spread with amazing rapidity.12 By tradition
and spirit the Klan has been thought of as a purely
Southern institution. Its real strength was never in
the older south, but rather in that area west of the
Mississippi including northern and eastern Texas, Okla-

homa, Arkansas, northern Louisiana, across to California

 

. 85onstitution and Less of them ichts of th e Ku
Klux lan [Itlanta Georgia., 1521? , p. 5.
15. Necklin, lhch hen, p.
11. Ibid" p.""IT
12. Ibide: Pa 310

and Oregon, and later in the Biddle West with particular
strength in Indiana and Ohio.13 I

For organization and jurisdictional purposes the
Klan divided the United States into territorial divisions
designated aisealms, each Realm usually embracing a
single state. The Realms were divided into Provinces
consisting of one or more counties. Both the Realms
and Provinces were numbered in order of their formation.
A Klan was the local unit of the organization; its terb
. ritorial jurisdiction was called the Klanton, and it
usually extended.half way to the Klan nearest unless
otherwise designated by higher authority.1h

Two events were of extreme importance to the spread
of the Klan, although they were both quite accidental.
The first was the exposure of the Klan by the New York
Egglg, the findings of whichnwere published in eighteen
of the leading newspapers of the country including some
important papers of the south.15

Concurrently with the growth of the Klan after June,
1920, there was considerable crime and lawlessness in
some Southern states, particularly in Alabama, Louisiana
and Texas. In fact, the World reported fourlrillings,
one mutilation, twenty-seven tar-andofeather parties,

fortyoone floggings and five kidnappings between October

 

1 .' iblid.' p. 31.
14. Eonstitution, pp, 13-1h.
15o 5001:1111, The Klan. p. 1)“

1920 and october 1921.16 The‘flgglg stated that these
outrages were the direct or indirect result of Klan ac-
tivity. As might be expected Emperor Simmons most em-
phatically denied that the Ku Klux Klan had anything
to do vith them. The important point about the 32323
investigation was that it brought about an investigation
by Congress in October, 1921.17

without repeating the details of the evidence pre-
sented before the Congressional Committee, a few points
should be noted. Simmons was successful in turning
aside every effort of the committee to connect the offi-
cial Klan with the outrages that were attributed to it
by the|flgglgband a large part of the public, and the
investigators could not find enough concrete evidence

18 Bimmone' emphasis of the

to warrant federal action.
idealistic and fraternal aspects of the Klan was so
effective that it precluded any thought of wrong doing
and responsibility on the part of the Official Klan with
the activities of the local Klan. When he denied the
official Klan's responsibility for the action of the local
Klans, he put his finger on the real power of the Ku Klux

Klan: the local organization.19

 

—'_lb. 1131a" ‘p. i5

1 m. p. 10.
lg: IBTaJ p. 21.

190 mos PP. 29’30-

10

Since the Congressional investigators coul ‘ not
find sufficient cause for action against the Klan, it
could proclaim its innocence to the country at large.
After the exposure by the Egglg and the failure of the
failure of the investigators to substantiate the charges,
the Klan increased its membership by one million within
the following twelve months.20

“ third milestone in the development of the Order
in the United States occurred in Atlanta, Georgia, during
the Imperial Klonvokation held in the city in November,
1922. W. J. Simmons was ousted from his office of En,
peror and Imperial Wizard by a group of scheming and
ambitious men who thought he was neglecting the financial
and political possibilities of the Order. This group
created the position of iqueror for Simmons and gave hum
the harmless task of developing higher degrees and eitper-
vising the ritualistic aspect of the Klan. Dr. Hiram W.
Evans, a struggling dentist from Dallas, Texas, was elected
Imperial Wizard.with full executive and financial control.
Aiding Evans in this action was Fred L. Savage, a former
private detective, and David C. Stephenson, the personable
and energetic Grand Dragon of the Realm of Indiana.21

The effect of this change in leadership was soon
reflected in Klan policy and activity. In the South the

20. Hilliamg Shepherd, "The Fiery Double Cross,”
gollier's. vol. 82 (July 8, 1928 pp. 8-9.
21. Loucks, Klan, pp. L5 &.

ll

Klan had acquired an evil name under the Simmons-Clarke
regime because of masked lawlessness, and Evans wanted

to raise prestige by inaugurating reform. He annulled
the contract with Clarke and wnen the Atlanta Klansmen
objected to Clarke‘s dismissal, Evans disbanded the
Atlanta Klan. Charges of violation of the Hahn Act were
brought against Clarke and his influence was killed.22
Simmons was persuaded to retire and to sell his interest
in the organisation for $lh6,500. In addition, Evans
commissioned General Nathan B. Forrest as Grand Dragon

of Georgia with instructions to stamp out lawlessness in
the state. In an attempt to check unauthorized Klan demon-
strations and make it easier to apprehend nondmombers who
committed lawless acts while disguised as Klansmen, Erans
required all members to deposit their robes with the
door-keepers of their Klaverns when leaving.23 This
particular requirement was ignored in Elwood, Indiana,

as some members kept their robes for many years.

Since there had been but little lawlessness on the
part of the Klan in the Earth, D. C. Stephenson was under
no pressure to regain public approval by following the
reform methods used in the South. On the contrary, he

was in position to relax discipline. With Stephenson,

 

22.lebid. p. L8.
23. We: p. 4'48.

money became the important thing, recruiting was speeded

up, and members came in by the hundreds. The Klan was
‘3

' it
changed from an order to a movement.“*

kg

215'. E11101 FPO [$9-500

12

CHAPTER II
THE ELYJOOD COLLL-ZLTJITY

As late as 1850 Indiana's population was pre-
dominantly Southern, composed of emigrants from slave
holding states.25 The ancestors of these early settlers
in the south half of the state came through the Cumber-
land Gap or down the Ohio River, then north along the
streams and trails to the interior of the wilderness.
They were of good stock and had the best traditions as
well as the worst social views of the old Virginians.
From across the Ohio came many who were closely allied
to the poor whites of the South. MAny Scotch-Irish
Calvinists found their way into Indiana after migrating
from the highlands of Pennsylvania down the valleys
to Virginia and North Carolina. In general, they were
an energetic, industrious, sturdy, and religious group
of peOple. The life of the state was influenced for
decades by these settlers.26

 

25. Henry Clyde Hubbart, The Older Middle West
(Neva Yorkfi D. Afipleton-Century_53., 1556), p. 6”
enry, "Some Elements of Indiana's
Pepulation,"E Indiana Historical Society, rublications. IV-
(1908). 389.

Although Elwood is north of the old National Road,
which is generally considered to be the dividing line
between.the Southern influence in Indiana on the one
hand and the Horthern and New England influence on the
other, its population still shows definite influence of
Southern background. The Klan, under consideration in
this study, drew its members from Elwood and five towns
ships in the northern half of Madison Couty which was
settled by southerners. Pipe Creek Township was organ-
ised in 1833. The first settler, who came in 1830, was
a native of Ohio; of the next three, two were trom.§orth
Carolina and one from.Virginia. The first three settlers
in Van Buren Township, which was organised in 1837, were
from Virginia. The first settlers in Duck Creek and
“euros Townships were from southern Ohio and North Caro-
lina respectively. In 1838 two settlers came to Boone
Township from.Horth Carolina and or the next fourteen,
ten were from the same state, three from Virginia, and
one from Delaware.27

. One important result of the social views or the
early settlers on the life of the state was their treat»

ment of the Negroes who have never fared well in Indiana.

 

27.8 J. J. Ne ttervillez comp.,g§gntennial History

or Madison Count I diana Underson Indiana, Bistorians'
.ITsoc ation, 152%,, E, 255. ‘

 

Prior to the Civil War the 1Negro could not be a witness
against a white. Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden
to enter the state and they could.nake no legal contracts
according to the state constitution of 1850. One group
at the constitutional convention of that year advocated
the confiscation of property used to shelter a Negro or
‘mulatto.28 An acquaintance of the writer still points
with pride to the tree on the courthouse lawn in Marion
where two Regro youths were lynched in 1930.

The residents of the Elwood community have had,
and still had in the 1020's, a strong anti-Negro attitude.
For many years a local tradition has existed to the effect
that I'no Hegro should let the sun set on his head in
Elwood.” Grace Tyncr stated that a prominent early El-
wood citisen circulated a petition prohibiting any Negro
remaining over night in Elwood, thus giving rise to the
tradition.

In announcing a football game between the local
American Legion team and a visiting Negro professional
team, the local paper used as its headline, "All Black
Coons!”29 On another occasion, the local paper printed
an item headed ”Darkies Get Out of Town” concerning two
young Negroes who had Jumped off a freight train and

were taken into custody by a patrolman. 0n the way to

 

AéB. Hubbart e Older_hiddle West, p. kg.
29. Elwood 5a ”animating 12, 1922, p. 6.

16

police headquarters the two stated that they thought

they were in Muncie. They were told, however, that they
were in Elwood and tnat people of their race were not
welcome there. Hayor Faust told them that there were

folks of their color in Alexandria, just nine miles east and
he asked them.if they didn’t think walking in that direo~
tion would.be good. Whereupon the Hegroea replied yea and
started walking toward filexandria. The paper further atated
that "Elwood, while it has no Negro residents and does not
encourage their people to linger here, has never mistreated
anyone having business in this city or chance visitors,
either.“30

Indiana contributed to the American Protective

Association in its bitter campaign of hate against
Catholioim.31 That attitude did not entirely disappear
during the intervening thirty years as in Ihown by the

fact that some of the membera or the American Protective
Association joined the Klan in order to carry on the

fight. In this state, the Klan movement was largely an
axpreaaion of fear and suspicion of the Catholic Church.32
The early aettlera were members of the Hethodiet, Baptist,
Congregational, Presbyterian, and Christian Churchea which
were all antivpopiah.

30. Tim? ., any 18 1923, p. 1.

31. Humphrey J. Desmond, TheA P.A.movement (Was.ning-
ton, New Century Press, 1912): p. “ha.

32. Hecklin, 2§£.Klan, 9. 3h

17

As a reflection of the early migration, Elwood
is predominantly Protestant. The Christian Church,
which was organized in lBSh, was the strongest numeri-
cally in Madison County, and in 192i it had a congrega-
tion of twelve hundred.33 Although the Methodist Church
was organized in 1851, it did not attain the numerical
strength or the Christian Church.3h Other denominations
which had considerable strength include: the Baptist.
rrssbyterian, Episcopalian, United Brethren, and Congre-
gational Churches.35 The Catholic Church was not far
_ behind the Protestant churches in establishing itself
in the community. In 1865 the Catholics established
. a lission which served one Sunday each month, but it
was not until 1889 that it became a regular parish?6
which grew to a membership or twelve hundred and sixty-
five in 19217.37 It has played an important role in the
life of the community.

Elwood is an industrial and agricultural city
located some forty-five miles northeast of Indianapolis.
Like many other smaller cities in that section of the
state, Elwood enjoyed the gas boom of the 1890’s. On
December 1h, 1890, the Indianapolis Journal referred to
Elwood as the "gem.city of the natural gas belt."

f’ fig: ggtgervéflgélhgstogylgg Eadison Count , I, 167.

35. 1813.. 1, 171-78.

36. 1133., 1, 179-81.

37. Father Thomas J. Hammes letter to writer,
December 23, 1952.

 

18

Capitalists were expected to arrive that week from Cin-
cinnati, lndianapolis, and Columbus. To help its own
cause, Elwood gave a tin-plate company fourteen acres of
land on the old Kidwell farm near the well "Vesuvius,"

and that factory was the backbone of Elwood industry for
over forty years. ‘lhe factory owners sent their lawyer

to Elwood where his son, Wendell Willkie, was born in
1892.38 At this same factory James J. Davis, former Bec-
retary of Labor, spent his early years. Elwood had a pop-
ulation of 2,28h in 1890, but by 1900 it had.nushroomed

to 12.950 while the total population of Elwood and the five
townships included in this study had reached a total of
36.963.39

Shortly after the winter of 1905 gas gave out

almost everywhere in the gas belt and Elwood began to
decline. With the failure of natural gas, industry

closed or moved away and Elwood became an area of de-
clining population in a state that was increasing at a
constant rate. Between 1900 and 1920 the population of

the area drOpped by 30 per cent while the state as a whole
had increased by approximately 16 per cent.ho In 192h there
regained 15 industrial firms with 3,h50 on their payrolls.

 

38. John Bartlow Martin, Indiana; £2 Inter rotation
(New York, Alfred A. Knopf 00., I§E5). p. 7 .
39. United States Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth
Census‘gg the United States: 1310 Population, 0 .
as gton . 6., United States Government Printing
Office, 1915), p. 531-
hO. United States Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth C -
£23.23‘322 United States: lOgO Population, Vol. III. p. 2.

19

Among these firms were three canning factories which em-
ployed six hundred peeple on a seasonal basile-1 The
effect of emigration on this community is difficult to
evaluate. Economic motives are predominantly responsible
for migration whether internal or external. Emigrants,
however, are probably a little above the average of the
group from which they go in respect to intelligence and
adaptability. It is possible that their going might prove
to be a drain on the home community which would weaken it
in time.“2 It would seem that in an area of declining, or
stable population, the young and venturesome individuals
would be among the first to go, leaving the more conservative
element for the leadership in the community.

Politically, the community has been a Democratic
area in a generally Republican state. The peeple of
Indiana voted the Republican ticket in national elections
from.1896 through l92h, with the exception of 1912 when
the Republican Party splitJ‘3 Nadison County followed the
same pattern except in 1908 and 1918 when it gave a Demo-
cratic majority, and in 1912 when it gave a Progressive
plurality to Theodore Roosevelt.hh In local politics the

ccmmity was generally Democratic. W. A. Faust, a Democrat,

 

‘”* 'hl. ‘Nottorviiio History? of Hadison Com t; I 260.
h2. Warren S. Thom son, Po *ulation Proh unems (fie! York,
chraw-Hill Book 00., l9fi2), p.
h}. Edgar b. Robinson, The Presidential Vote,
18%3-1232 fiStanford University, “Stanford Univer sit ty Press,
p. 02e
flu. Ibid., p. 189

20

served as mayor of Elwood from 1922 to 1928 being suc~
seeded by Ed Bonham of the same party. Mayor Lewis served
from 1920 to 1922 and was elected on the Socialist ticket.
Democrat Frank Behymer was serving as trustee in Pipe
Creek Township at that time. v

The educational opportunities of Elwood were not
deficient; in fact, Elwood possessed a good school system
consisting of five elementary schools in addition to a
high school and a Junior high school, and it employed
seventy-seven teachers. The total enrollment for 1923-2h
was 2,500 which reflected an increase of 100 per cent over
the previous six years. The hiph school curriculum in-
cluded the usual academic courses of the timons well as
such vocational subjects as home economics, manual train-
ing, general chap work, metal work, electrical work, and
vocational agriculture. It also maintained an orchestra,
.band, glee club, and it offered students the opportunity
to have music lessons during school hours.145 In addition
to the public schools there was a parochial school through
the tenth grade with a total enrollment of 281 pupils.h6

The adequacy and use of the library would seem to
indicate that Elwood was a reasonably well-rend community.

A public library was organized in 1899, and the present

 

"is 25, Ketterville, Hi$t2£l.2£.gfléi§33 Count ' I'
2 01 e A
’16. Ibide' I. 2170

21

Carnegie Library was Opened to the public on June 1,

l90h, a.branch.maintained in Frankton and library privie
leges were granted to all residents of Pipe Creek Town-
ship.h7 In 192h the library owned a collection of 11,210
volumes and could well be proud of a total circulation

of 6h,392 volumeshe which was considerably above the average
over the United States as a whole. The number of volumes
circulated and the number of borrowers served during the
year constitute the most reliable and tangible yardstick
in measuring the library's social significance to the com-
munity. While such statistics cannot be qualitative, they
do show the number of citizens in a community who take ad-
vantage of certainafeatures of a public service which is
educational and cultural in nature)“;

Elwood was well served by newspapers: the local
paper, the Elwood.£_a_l_.l_.Leader, had a circulation of 3,162
which compared favorably with the daily circulation of
other newspapers in cities or comparable size in the state
of Indiana.5° The g‘;l L'eader's circulation is more im-
pressive when the competition with papers from larger
cities is considered: two morning papers, the Muncie

Morning Stag and the Indianapolis Star, as well as one

K7. 1513.,1,221.
LB. Evelyn Stickler letter to writer, December 13, 1952.
£9. Louis B. Wilson andk MauriceFu Tauber, The
Geography of Reading (Chicago, University of Chicago ”Press,
OP-
0. N. N. A yer and 80113', American Newspaper Annual

%Directorz (Philadelphia, N. W. Iyer and bone, 1525),

22

evening paper, the Indianapolis Eggs were popular in
Elwood.
Elwood had no Negroes, almost no Jews, relatively
few Catholics or foreigners. The strength of the Ku
Klux Klan must have resulted not from any problems
created by these groups, but rather from vague fears of the
unknown. To borrow from Harrison in the Atlantic, there
are few things a man can do with greater safety in his own

home in Elwood than to shake his fist at the Pope in Home.

CliAPTiJI—i III
THE; FLAG C 25138 TO ELL’FJOOD

The exact date of the charter of the Elwood Klan,
or flhe'White City Klan Ho. 19, as it was officially
designated by the Order, is not known. According to
a statement of the last Exalted Cyclops of the local
Klan, all records were burned in 19th with the excep-
tion of the membership list. The list showed that
one member paid the ten dollar donation September 15,
1922, and that the charter members paid their donations
prior to that date to a Mr. House in Indianapolis.55
This was nearly one year after the exposure of the Klan
by the New Ybrkwfigglg.and after the Congressional inves-
tigation which followed.

There was considerable talk about the Klan but
the editor of the Elwood‘ggll Leader did not know of
any members or of the local chapter before October 7,
1922.56 The general public first learned of the Klan
activity in Elwood then after a notice appeared in the
paper of nearby Tipton which announced a meeting to be

held in Kokomo. Elwood was to be represented at this

 

7

55. Membership list.
56. Elwood Call Leader, October 7, 1922, p. 1.

meeting. The public did not have to wait much longer
for more tangible evidence of Klan activity in the
community, for during the night of October 11, 1Q22,
ambitious Klansmen put up many posters of brown paper
bearing the initials K. K. K. The posters eere rather
crude, drawn with ink on meat'wrapping paper, affixed
with stickers to the window panes of many business places.
Several groups of strangers were in the city during the
morning and local residents-thought eVidence pointed
toward a Klan demonstration similar to those held in
many surrounding cities. Furthermore, reports of sev-
eral night meetings, which were held near the old fair-
grounds, followed the appearance of the Klan posters.57
The character of the charter members of the White
City Klan No. 19 followed the general pattern laid down
for the Klan by Emperor Simmons in establishing itself
in a community in that only the top stratum of society
was invited to Join. It would be extremely difficult
to choose a more reapected or influential group among
Elwood citizens. These men were the business, civic, and
social leaders of the community: among whose names ap-
peared on the membership list were physicians, merchants,
bankers, school teachers, and other professional peep-1e.58

""ng ism” October 11, 1922, p. 1.
S e Eemberehip List, p. l.

 

2S

W. H. Durr believes that they were all thirty-second de-
gree Masons.59 At this point in the recruiting process
a prospective member was given a questionnaire to complete
and return to a post office box. A photoetetic copy of
such an application form appears on the following page.
The questions which appear on the application are,
with some exceptions, closely tied to the objects and
purposes of the Order as given in the following excerpt
from the Klan Constitution:

The objects of this Order shall be to
unite white male persons, native-born Gentile
citizens of the United States of America,
who owe no allegiance of any nature or degree
to any foreign government, nation, institution,
‘seot, ruler, person or people; whose morale
are good; whose reputations and vocations are
respectable; whose habits are exemplary; who
are of sound minds and eighteen years or more
of age, under a common oath into a brotherhood
of strict regulations; to cultivate and promote
patriotism toward our Civil Government; to
practice an honorable clannishness toward each
other; to exemplify a practical benevolence;
to shielf the sanctity of the home and the
chastity of womahood; to maintain forever
white supremacy; to teach and faithfull in-
culcate a high spiritual philosophy through
en exalted ritualism, and by a practical de-
votion to conserve, protect and maintain the
distinctive institutions, rights, privileges,
principles, tgaditions, and ideals of pure
Americanism. 0

Question three indicates the possibility of discriminating
against some occupations. The answer to question six

might deny membership to a divorced man. Question eleven

 

leto the writer by W. H. Burr.
60. Constitution, Article II, Section I.

;_.,'-’ IMPERIAL PALACE

INVISIBLE EMPIRE

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan

(Incorporated)

   

JUN 23 192i .

AULIK 0' TH!

IMPERIAL WIZARD

Dear Sir: ‘ ,
We have been requested‘by one of your personal friends
to get in touch with you, and inform you of this organization.
And, in View of this request, we are sending you this form. When
we receive this with all the questions below properly answered by
you and if same is satisfactory we will impart to you the inform-
ation your friend desires you to have. Without delay you will fill
in, sign and return by early mail. You will find stamped envelope
enclose for this purpose. , -
. Very truly yours,
KNIGHTS OF THE KU KLUX KLAN,

 

 

Is the motive prompting your inquiry serious ?
What is. your age? ......................................................................................
What is your occupation? ......................................................................................................
Where were you born? . .............................................................
How. long have you resided in your present locality? ..................
Are you married, single or widower ? ......................................................................................................
Were your parents born in the United States of America ? ......
Are you a gentile or jew? .......
Are you of the white race or of a colored race? .....
What educational advantages have you ?...
Color of eyes ? Hair? Weight ? Height ? ........................
Do you believe in the principles of a PURE Americanism ?
Do you believe in White Supremacy ? .............
What is your politics ? ............................................................................ ‘ ........................
What is your religious faith? .................. . ............... --------------------------- '- ----------------------
Of what church are you a member (if any?) --------------- - - --------------
Of what religious faith are your parents? ..... .
What secret. fraternal orders are you a member of (if any ?).. . ‘
Do you honestly believe in the practice of REAL fraternity ?
Do you owe ANY KIND of allegiance to any foreign nation, government, institution, sect,

1e, ruler or person ? .............
l most solemnly assert and smrm that each question above 1s truthfully answered by me and

in my own handwriting and that below is my real signature.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Signed .................................................
Inquirer.
Business Address ......................................................... Residence Address ......................................................
Telephone No .......................................................
Date 19 Telephone No. ......................................
8.1—1!aboveisnotsnficienttosnswerquestion.thenmakeyoursnswerontheotbersideofthlsaheet.

the answer to correspond with the question.

P.)
ct

indicates that a chance combination of height, weight,
color of eyes and heir might exclude a men in spite

of his answer to the other questions. Huestion ten would
indicate some educational qualification forrmembership,
but that point is not mentioned elsewhere. Questions
seven, thirteen, fourteen, seventeen, and eighteen cover
an area which seem to be of no importance to a "patriotic,
ritualistic, and fraternal order." Question twenty was
put in no doubt to exclude Catholics, but it could con-
ceivable indicate a fear of Communist attempts at infil-
tretion.

The organizers of the Klan in Elwood knew of the
adverse criticism of the Order and took measures to counu
teract it. A meeting scheduled for October 17 was for
the purpose of discouraging any unfriendly feeling and any
thought of radicalism held by a few of "the good citizens”
in the community. The organization told the peOple it stood
for the betterment of mankind and the happiness of humanity.
All citizens who had received invitations were urged to
attend the meeting and receive first hand information con-
cerning the purpose, ideals and the truth of the Klan.61

Although no record exists of any serious interference
with filan parades in Elwood, with the exception of a few
fist fights precipitated by the ”Mad House Gangi'62

 

El. itlwood Cgll Leader October 12 1922 p. 1.
62. Told to tne writer'by Earl Trick. '

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2?

the_Klan leaders attempted to give such an impression to
the public. It was good publicity to magnify the dangers
and stir the community by alluding to some veiled threat

to the orderly and patriotic activity of this pure American
Order. No doubt this was calculated to increase interest
in the Klan and to insure a large audience for its public
demonstrations. The paid advertisement on the previous
page, which appeared in the Elwood 2511 Leader on December
S, 1922, is a typical example of such technique. It also
contains many of the ideas found in the Klan Articles of

Faith enumerated.heret

. Tenet: of the Christian religion.
. White supremacy.
. Protection of our pure womanhood.
. Just laws and liberty.
. Closer relationship of Pure-Americaniem.
. Upholding of the “onstitution of the United States.
. The sovereignty of our States Rights.
. Freedom of speech and press.
9. Closer relationship between capital and labor.
10. Preventing of the causes of mob violence and lynching.
ll. Preventing of unwarranted strikes by foreign labor
agitators.
12. Prevention of fires and destruction of preperty
by lawless elements.
i&. The limitation of foreign immigration.
The much needed ocal reforms.
15. Law and order.

' These articles are wficie.“ tly broad to attract nearly
all citizens and it was part of the Klan policy to stress
those articles as local conditions might dictate.6h As in

 

 

53: Louchsi’hlan, p. 33.
6b.. Ibid.. p. :0.

28

the paid advertisement, the Klan leaders stressed Amoricanism
and Protestantism, two terms that are interchangeable to a
nativist or a Klansnan. The pure American was of the old
American stock, and the old American Stock was Protestant.
“Protestantism is but the relicious phase of Americanism.“6S
Here in this advertisement the principles of the Klan are
being threatened, and the local leaders accepted the challenge.
As the recruiting camyeign continued in Elwood, the
Klan became less selective in its membership, the base was
broadened, and anyone, regardless of his station in society,
was acceptable provided he was a native born American, gen-
tile, Protestant, white and had the necessary ten dollars.
In one case the ten dollars was provided by the generosity of
a friend.66 The organization was so successful in its meme
bership drive that on December 18, 1922, the 1,018th member
was initiated into the White City Klan Ho. 19.67 By the
summer of IGBh the incredible number of thirtwaour hundred
names appeared on the membership list. This phenomenon took
place in an area which in 1920 showed a total repulation of
approximately twentyvsix thousand.68 Thus nearly one-half
of the adult male, American born, white, Protestant residents

of this area Joined the Ku Klux Klan within a period of two years.

 

65. Hecklin The Kéan p. 13h.
66 Told to.the'wr to; by C. N. McClintock.

O
67. Heisbershi List.
68. United EEates Bureau of the Census, Fourteent
eitheflnmsmm: 1222mm. 0 .-. "
P. 1 e

29

The White City Klan No. 19 was less than one year
Old when the Klear Konscience Klan No. h of the women's
organization of the Ku Klux Klan was established in
Elwood. On the night of May 18, 1923, two or three
hundred people took part in the organization of the
local women's branch of the Klan. Here again, the 2311
Leader reported that it was known that the project was
under way but there wasxno advance announcement as to
the exact date of the formal organization meeting.69
The women adepted, with minor modifications, the consti-
tution and ritual of the men's order. The donation was
only five dollars, four dollars of which was retained by
the Kleagle and one dollar sent to national headquarters.7O

Just five months later, on the night of October 18,
1923, the Junior Ku Klux Klan held an initiation ceremony
at the old fairgrounds.71 This marked the first appearance
of the Junior Klan in Elwood. On August h, 192h, the Junior
Order held a parade in Elwood, the first parade of Junior
members in the state. Fifty candidates took the oath prior
to the parade. "There was plenty to eat, interesting music,
and it was an orderly meeting."72 In fact, the local paper
regularly emphasized the "Orderliness" of Klan meetings,
suggesting a desire on the part of the editor to counteract
criticism of the Klan.
""E§: ’Elwood Call Leader, May 19, 1923, p. 1.

70 . Loucks ,ngTI-TSO .

71. Elwood Call Leader, October 18, 1023, p. l.
72. Ibid., Kugust a, 192h. p. 1.

 

 

30

From outward aypearances, the chief business of the
Klan was to hold outdoor meetings and initiations, burn
fiery crosses, and follow up with a parade. These activi-
ties were widely publicized, drew huge crowds and, it seems
safe to say that they were the most effective means of re-
cruiting. It can be doubted that the Klan leaders were
actually afraid that their first parade in Elwood scheduled
for December 9, 1922, would be prevented. But how better
could the event be advertised than to appear to be appre-
hensive about the safety of the participants. It was not
uncommon practice to have searchlights at outdoor initia-
tions. These searchlights were mounted on a platform about
fifteen feet above the ground to enable the operator to
sweep all parts of the area and detect any spies who might
be attempting to gain admittance to the ceremony.73

So far as is known, crosses were not burned in the
Elwood area to frighten or harm any particular individual,
or warn anyone to leave the community. They were a spec-
tacular and an economical method of letting the public know
about and adding to the mystery of the Order. The Elwood
Klan would send requests to the Klane in neighboring cities
to send members to participate in local parades. The White
City Klan No. 19 would in turn send representatives to other

cities to help swell the line of marchers for their parade.

 

:73. Told to the writer by Donald Brown.

31

In the months that followed the initial appearance
of the Klan in Elwood there were numerous parades and
demonstrations in the city asvvell as in surrounding
communities. Elwood was well represented at the meetings

held elsewhere and the gall Eeader gave publicity to such

 

events. It has not been established that the editor of

the gall geader was a Klansman but the publicity of the

 

local chapter was never unfavorable in the early years
and usually all items conceniing the Klan appeared on the
front page.

Summaries of a few articles in the gall Leader will
serve to illustrate the favorable publicity given, as well
as the nature of Klan activities.

Several Elwood peOple attended a parade in Anderson
on Saturday night, October 28, 1922.7“ Some two hundred
Elwood Klansmen participated in a parade in Tipton on
Saturday night November 18, 1922.75 On November 27th,
several hundred men were initiated by the Klan while two
thousand Klansmen werein attendance. Scores of peeple
watched while the members drove through the city to the
south and into a field where everything was in readiness
for the ceremony. A spotlight was mounted on a platform so

that the entire field could be kept under surveillance.-76

 

7h. Elwood gall Leader, October 30, 1922, p. l.
5. Ibid., November 20, 1922, p. l.
76. Ibid., November 28, 1922, p. l.

32

5 large crowd witnessed a parade and Klan meeting
Saturday night, December 9th. Approximately three hun-
dred robed marchers participated in the parade which ended
at the armory, but only a few marchers entered the building.
The remainder went to their parked cars and then on home to
Tipton, Anderson, Muncie, and possibly some other towns
nearby. The parade was headed by several men on horseback,
accompanied by a good band from Muncie and one from Alexandria.
The bands played patriotic airs along the way including

Onward Christian Soldiers. A huge fiery cross was kept

 

burning at the south end of the building during the exer-
cises. The words of the ritual were spoken so that they
were plainly audible to the audience. The oath pledged
allegiance to the nation and the flag, reverence to God,
and the protection of womanhood. The ceremony was given
the most respectful attention by the large crowd which at
the close of the meeting joined in the singing of America.
The Reverend P. E. Greenwalt pronounced the benediction.77

An item in the Call Leader announced that Reverend

 

Blair of Atlanta, Georgia, who was a national Speaker for
the Klan, would speak hiElwood the following night on the
full object and purpose of the Ku Klux Klan. A cordial

invitation was extended to the public to attend the meeting.78

 

??. Ibid.,vDecember 11, 1922, p. l.
78. b ., December 19, 1922, p. l.

_—-—-——

33

Two days later the Call Leader gave gront page space

to the meeting. Reverend Llair, a Christian pastor,

gave a "sincere speech which lasted over one hour."

He spoke on pure Americanism and explained why member-

ship in the Klan was confined to certain citizens and

denied to others. "He was given the closest attention

by the audience and some congratulated him for his talk."79
The Elwood chapter initiated twenty members into the

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan in the Nethodist Church in

Frankton, January 18, 1923. The ceremony performed

before a packed house was followed by several speeches

by hooded figures.80
A "meeting for Americans" was held in the Phi Delta

Kappa hall on South Anderson street on the night of

January 31, 1923. All white, Protestant, gentile Ameri-

cans were invited to attend. The Call Leader stated that

 

"Mr. Flickinger is a fOOd tm_ker, has good delivery and
will no doubt say some interesting things."81
A notice of a street demonstration to be held April

hth appeared on the first page of the Call Loader April 2nd.

 

It was anticipated to be the largest demonstration ever
staged in that part of the sta,e, and representatives from
a number of neighboring places were expected.

79. ‘Ibid.,December 21, 1922, p. l.

80. Ibid., January 18, 1O23, p. 1.
81. 1513}, January 31, 1923, p. 1,

3h

“embers of the Klan were notified of a change in the
location of the Klan meeting to be held on Saturday night,
April 5th, by a news column in the £311 Leader of that
date. The place of the demonstration and naturalization
was changed from the Frazier grove to the grove "situated
on the old Lender farm southwest of the city." The public
was cordially invited and those who.wished to attendvvcre
instructed to drive south on Anderson street to J and then
west on J to the end of the street. No street demonstration
was scheduled for that evening.

Elwood was represented at a state meeting held at Fort
Wayne where Imperial Wizard Evans was the principle speaker
of the meeting. A special train consisting of eight coaches,
all of which were packed with residents of Elwood and immediate
vicinity, left the city at one o'clock in thb aftenuoon for
Fort Wayne.82

The next public demonstration to receive the 2311
Leader's publicity, was sponsored by the Elwood Klan in
Summitville, April 17, 192h. The Elwood chapter was
assisted by Klansmen from Anderson, iarion, Alexandria,
and Huncie. The marchers consisted of fifty women, one
hundred and fifty men, a Junior Klan bugler and the Summit-
ville drum corps. An automobile bearing an illuminated

cross followed the drum corps in the parade. An unmasked

 

82. Ibid., Eovember 10, 1923, p. 1.

35

speaker, an Elwood resident, addressed a crowd of two

thousand peorle in the grove east of the high school.83
An announcement of a Klan parade and meeting to be

held in Elwood on Saturday night May 3rd, 192;, apyeared

on the first page of the gall Leader for that day. The

 

announcement stated that Klansmen from Kokomo, Anderson,
Munoie and other places would participate in the ceremonies.
The notice stated that there would be good speeches and
music starting at nine o'clock at the old fairgrounds.
Complete directions for the line of march were included
in the announcement.
This meeting which proved to have drawn the largest
Klan crowd of the year was attended by representatives
from five counties. Six traction cars of Klansmen came
from Kokomo. "They enjoyed a program of speeches and
music and had lots to eat." One thousand men and women
marchers and a women's band participated in the parade.
The city never had a more "orderly meeting."8it
Several hundred Klansmen from Elwood attended a huge
parade and celebration held at the state fairgrounds in
Indianapolis, Saturday night, May 2h, 192h. The parade
had been planned originally to lead through the Negro and
foreign sections of the city, but at the last minute, the

Klan acquiesced to the request of the business men and city

 

§&.' Elwood Call Leader, April 19, 192h, p. 1.
8 . Ibid., Fry m 2~, p. 1.

 

 

              

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36

officials to by-pass those sections. There was no trouble
and all Klansmen agreed that the meeting was a "great
affair.“ No accidents were reported on the trip although
the roads were "filled with automobiles of parties returning
until the early hours of Sunday norning."8S

The Elwood Klan received an invitation to participate
in a parade and demonstration held at Kempton on Thursday,
June 26,192LL.86 The local cha ter sent many representatives
to the Klan district meeting at Anderson July Blst.87 The
Elwood Klan made a creditable showing at the state meeting
for men and women held in South Bend November 8, 192h. A
special train carried the local Klansmen and a band to the
meeting place.88 I

It wouldzseem that t1.e intero: t in parades and public
meetings of the Klan was greatly diminished as the first
Klan parade in many months was to be held in Elwood Saturday
night May 2, 1925. After the parade, a public meeting was
scheduled to be held at the central playgrounds at North A
and 16th streets. Supper wcs to be served in the Klan hall
from five to seven o 'clock where plenty of food was promised
for thirty-five cents per person.89 On Monday, Sertember
8th, local Klansmen attended a picnic at Anderson which was

sponsored by the Ku Klux Klan of several counties. After the

picnic a street demonstration was held.90

85. Ibid., May 26, 192141, p. l.
lbid., June 25a g? p. 1.

BE; .- 0, Amuetfi 9igp1.
ISTE., NovemberB , p. .

89. 1336., May 2,192 , 1p. i.

90. ZEZE., September , 1925, p. l.

 

37

An organization with such a program and such pub-
licity was hardly secret.

In his plan for furthering the philosophy and ritual
of the Klan, Colonel Simmons conceived the idea of setting
up various degrees in the Order. For those members who
wanted a little more than the first degree at ten dollars,
he created a second degree with a twenty dollar fee.
Beyond that was the third degree at forty dollars and the
fourth degree at eighty dollars. That the Colonel was not
completely altruistic in this scheme is indicated by his
estimate of the numbers who might prove willing to pay the
price for further degrees.91

When a member grew tired of being on an equal footing
with so many fellow Klansmsn, or wanted to be a little
more exclusive, he could, upon payment of the additional
fee, advance into the higher level of Klandom. Early in
April, 1925, it required six special coaches of the
Indiana Union Traction Company to furnish transportation
for all those wishing to take the second degree at Indiana-
polis. Fully as many more went by auto, making approximately
one thousand from the White City Klan No. 19 who advanced in
the Order. It was reported that all felt this experience
was worthwhile.92

 

1. William 3. Shepherd "Ku.Klux Koin," Collier's,
vol. 2 (July 21, 1928), p. is. A
' 92. Elwood Call Leader, April 6, 1925, p. 1.

 

38

No doubt many from Elwood took the third degree
but there were only two who joined the select circle
of the fourth degree: W. H. Durr, and Dr. J. C.
McDaniel.93

Just as the Know-Nothings and the American Pro-
tective Association had circulated spurious stories in
the nineteenth century in order to discredit the
Catholic Church, the Klan circulated the same and ’
similar stories in the 1920's. These accusations were
no doubt intended to impress the credulous with the
alleged danger that faced the country and to influence
the wavering individual into Joining the Klan. These
propaganda stories were repeated in Elwood.

According to rumors all Catholic churches contained
ammunition and weapons in their basements. A drayman
was said to have been delivering a number of heavy boxes
to the St. Joseph Church in Elwood, and in the process
of unloading, dropped a box on the pavement which broke
cpen, disclosing a number of rifles. In order to prevent
the public from learning of their arms and ammunition,
the Catholics would never permit state boiler inepectors
to enter any building owned by the church.

The Klan warned that the Catholic influence in America

existed in many unexpected places. It had even penetrated

 

93. Told to the writer by W. U. Durr.

39

the design of American paper currency, for Klansmen
believed that the decoration around the edges of the

one dollar bills of 1917 were Catholic crosses of special
significance in whose corners appeared the picturosof the
Pope in profile.

Another story, which was believed to be true by many
local citizens, was designed to place responsibility for
violence on the Klan. A Catholic business man in Muncie
had some repair work to be done in Elwood and knowing the
antiuflegro sentiment in that city sent a Negro to do the
work. Shortly after the arrival of the Negro he was told
by Dr. icDaniel that he might receive bodily harm if he
remained in Elwood. EcDaniel however, made it clear to

he Negro that the Klan would not harm him, but someone
else might do so and accuse the Klan of the act. At that
point the Eegro made preparation to leave immediately for
Huncie and stated that he had "told his boss he shouldn't
go to Elwood."9k

A prominent minister of a Protestant church active
in the Klan was extremely active in liquor law enforcement.
A rumor persisted that the minister was the object of the
wrath of certain Catholics who, objecting to his Klan ac-

tivities, planned to do him bodily harm. He met two of his

 

9h. T314 to the writer by Edgar Jones.

IiO

\

shot as on the street who told him that they would thrash him

if he did not "go back into his church and stay there." The

good pastor, a rather large man, is reported to have ans-

wered, "now is a good time to start. I have never felt

better in my life." No blows were struck, but the ill

feeling continual. Finally, a Catholic woman, whom the

pastor befriended, warned him that the Catholics were

go-ng to attack him in his parsonage. He obtained fire-

arms and was prepared to defend himself in case the attack

was attempted. No violence occurrel, Klansnen believed,

only because a warning had been sent by the huncie Klan

‘ - f a QC

to the Catoolics wno had mace the tareat.-'
The Klan employed the boycott in Elwood. During

Klan business meetings the intended victims of the boy-

cott were discussed and watchers were appointed. They

were given instructions as to their stations as wollzis

the hours to be covered. Boycotts were effective in small

towns where merchants as well as most residents were known

personally by the Klansmen. The Cohn Clothing Company

went out of business in Elwood, some believed that a Klan

boycott was the cause.96 The firm consisted of a Jewish

merchant and his three sons. The sons were popular with

the younger people, prior to the Klan, and belonged to a

 

95. Told to the writer by C. N. McClintock.
96. Told to the writer by P. E. Greenwalt.

Al

local fraternity. ”he fraternity numbered among its
members some Klansmen and on one occasion in early 1923
permitted the use of its hall for a Klan meeting. In
November, 1923, the Cohn family disposed of their busi-
ness and left the community.97

A salesman for Camel cigarettes met considerable
resistance among some of the tobacco merchants in Elwood.
Lorah Wilson, one of the proPrietors of Wilson Brothers
Cigar Store, state& that he had no sale for Camel cigar-
ettes. His customers refueefi to buy Camels because the
manufacturers were reporteély Catholics. Furthermore,
he was told, Klansmen boycotted Camels because of the
hidden Catholic propaganda on the package which new in
he design of the cross-like letter "t's" on the packages.
In Spite of remonstrances on the part of the salesman,

Camels fared none too well in Elwood for many months.98

 

' §g. Elwood Call Leader, November 1h, 1923, p. l.
9 . Told to tfie writer by Edgar Jones.

CHAPTSR IV
THE KLAN IN THE 0025.}de ITY

Within a few months after the Klan was organized
in Elwood it became an active force in the community.
Local ministers spoke on its behalf in public meetings.
While it did not assume a vigilante role, the Klan did
press the public officials for a.more effective law
enforcement policr. It was successful in introducing
some Bible study_into the public schools. Attitudes of
the Klan were plainly discernable in preposed legislation
and in some laws that were enacted.

There is no doubt that the commercial element was
an important factor in the rapid growth of the Klan.
It must be admitted that the Order was in the hands of
extremely able promoters and it was well organized from
the Imperial Wizard down to the local Kleagles. The
money incentive existed and several individuals benefited
from each ten dollar Klecktoken (initiation fee). The
Kleagles were paid on a commission basis, four dollars
0f the ten, and a3 a Pasult, there was considerable amount
of selling done on the part of the Kleagle. In Elwood,

any member who turned in the name of a prOSpect to the

1+3

Kleagle would receive one dollar of the fee upon the
payment by the new member.99 This added another link
in the chain of recipients who benefited directly from
the Klectokens.

In addition to the direct benefits resulting from
the Klecktoken there was the matter of hired, or pro-
fessional speakers. On at least one occasion the
Reverend E. 8. DeHiller of the Christian Church in El-
wood Spoke for the Klan at a public meeting in the city.
A prominent Methodist minister has stated that he made
speeches for the Klan. This is not to say that these
particular men of the cloth were hired.by the Klan nor
is there any attempt to question their sincerity in
their activities. Nevertheless, it was general policy
of the Klan throughout Indiana to hire Protestant minis-

ters as Klan speakers .100

It may be of interest here
to point out that there were nearly eleven hundred Prot-
estant ministers who were members of the American Pro-
tective Association.101
However important the financial sopect of the Klan
may have been in the membership growth there were addi-.
tional and more important reasons for men joining the

-Order. The appeal-of the Klan to law and order was

 

99. Teld to the writer by W. 0. Miller
100. Harrison, in Atlantic ”1 onthly, p. 678.
101. Desmond, The—1.P.1.Movement, p. is.

ht

effective, especially during the uneasy and lawless times
of the early 1920's. Bootleggers were a special target

of the Klan. Mayor Faust was criticized by the Klansmen
because they felt that he was too lax in his liquor law
enforcement. However, Faust stated that there were three
times as many arrests and convictions on that charge under
his regime as had been made under his predecessor's term

102 Klan leaders knew of the appeal of law

of office.
and order. In reporting meetings of the Klan the Elwood

Call Leader made many references, such as "the orderliness

 

" "Elwood has never

of the meeting," the "orderly meetinr,
had a more orderly meeting,” or ”Chief Parsons says he
wanted to thank everybody for being on their good behavior
Saturday evening and says the orderly conduct of the crowd
was commendable.103
The Klan gained the support of many of the best citi-
zens through its stand for law and order.10h In Elwood
the Klan exerted pressure on the police officers to enforce
the laws governing pool rooms. Police raided various pool
rooms in the city and warned proprietors to comply with

the law. "It is understood that some pretty strong pressure

has been brourht to bear to stimulate law enforcements."105

 

102. Told to the writer by W. A. Faust.

10 . Elwood Call Leader, Ray 5, 192h, p. l.
10 . Mocklin, The Klan, p. so.

105. Elwood CallfiLeader, Kay 10, 1923, p. l.

1+5

In neighboring Tipton proprietors of cigar stores
and pool rooms received warnings from the Ku Klux Klan
that they must clean up and "existing evils must be
abated.” The notices in the Tipton paper were directed
at all law violators in Tipton county. "The Bootleggers
were told to ply their trade elsewhere, merchants were
reminded that the sale of cigarettes and tobacco to
minors was illegal and pool room owners were notified
to forbid minors to enter their places of business."106
Clyde Bates, a pool room owner in Tipton, was arrested
for selling baseball pools and lottery tickets. Charles
Tudor was arrested for permitting minors in his pool
room.107 1

The Indiana Legislature enacted a law in 1907
permitting farmers to organize for the purpose of
protection against horse thieves and other felons be-
yond the prompt attention of officers from nearby cities.
Twelve local chapters of the Horse Thief Detection Associ-
ation organized in Madison County}03 Members of this
association in Elwood received police powers from the
board of County Commissioners March 15, 1923.109 Among
those authorized to carry arms were Earl Trick, Charles
McClintock and A. J. Bannon; the first two of these were

Klansmen. Many members of the Horse Thief Detective

 

106’ Ibido’ MAY 3, 1923’ p. L].
107. TEIE., say 76 1923 p. 1.
1080 ibIde’ May 2619 p. 1.
109. March i6,1923, p. 1.

w"

A6

Allociation were llso’membera of the Klan. In the words
of A. J. Bannon. "The Klan took over the Horse Thief
Detective Association in Elwood.”

It VII these men who patrolled the highways and
directed traffic in the cities during parades or demon-
strations. This was potentially the most dangerous sepect
of the Klan in the community. The mere knowledje that a
man could wear a mask and legally carry arms was cause 0-
nough to make men rear for the safety of their very lives.
There is no record of any violence as a result of this
situation, but the presence of the conrtant threat was a
dilturbing factor in the community.

In their meal for law and order, the Klan-dominated
Horse Thief Detective Association members were impatient
vith, and critical of the courts for their slowness in
trying cases. They so criticised the courts that Judge
Kittinger of the Circuit Court in Anderson, the county
lest, stated that the directing association officers were
doing more to destroy morale and to obstruct the common
good than could be restored by all the decent citizens in
the community.110

One case in particular which created considerable
interest on the part of the association members was that

Clifford Csrmody of Anderson. Carmody was arrested by

.0

116' .........IbIa09 Ipril 21%: 19214—1 p. 10

in

tho captain of the Anderson association and raiders who
allagod ho was caught in the act of pouring “white mule"
into the kitchen sink. At the trial, the defense claimad
that the warrant should not have been issued to a person
who was not a proper officer. The trial was continued
until June 28th on the motion of tho prosecutor who said
he was making the motion at the request of the counsel
for the association who wished to occurs additional help
from Crawfordsvillo. The court room was well filled.by
members of the association and Judgo Kittingcr took
occaaion to tell them that in his interpretation of the
law they had no right to be called constables or to make
arreats.111

Again on Juno 29, a largo number of association
members were present in the court room to hear the trial
of Carmody. Nothing val done howcvcr. on this case as the
court was changed in another trial. Anattompt to act a new
data by tho two aidaa andod in disagreement, and Judge
Kittingar act tho new date for Auguat 5th. Barora time
for the new trial Carmody aaa triad on another but aimilar
charge, brought by rcdaral prohibition officora. The
Andoraon Herald stated:

III. Elwood Call Loadar, May 28, lQZu, p. 1.

is

Cermody surrendered to the sheriff yesterday
and atarted to serve a centence of thirty daya
impoeed in circuit court. The sentence which
included a fifty-dollar fine, was for the viola-
tion of the prohibition law for which Cermody
was arrested several months ago by federal offi-
cers. The officers told the prosecutor, according
to Mr. Smith's statement, that if Carmody would
enter a plea of guilty and accept his sentence
that further action would be drapped by the fade
eral officers. Another coarse preferred against
Cermody by the horse-tiief detectives is not for
trial on August 5th. ‘

Since the court records contain no further mention of
Carmody, it must be assumed that the case brought by the
Horse Thief Detective Association was disniseed.113
For many, the Klan had.e strong patriotic appeal.
Most people quite properly admit of being patriotic.
In the 1920's Americana were thinking in terms of "America
first." The nation had only recently repudiated any
entangling alliance with foreign countries: it wanted
no foreign "isms.” The Klan stood for one hundred per
cent Americaniem and it ran an instrument through which
the common man could give expression to his patriotism.
When the Kleegle stepped forth after arousing speech
and asked the listener where he stood, it was difficult
to reciet.
much of the outward appearance of patriotism was
of the flaguwaving variety in Elwood. A group of resi-

dents registered complaints to the mayor to the effect

 

$12. Andereon Herald, July 17, 192k, p. l.
113. W. G. Johnson letter to writer, February 17, 1953.

1L9

thet there was no flag flying from the city hell and none
trom.the nearby flsg pole. Shortly thereafter the flag!
were put up, not only on the flag pole, but inside the
building as well.11h The only criticism.the Klan had of
Lee Hontgomery, trustee in Boone Township, was his failure
to keep the flags flying from the poles on various school
grounds.115

The remarks of many former members of the Klan in
the Elwood community indicate that the appeal to anti-
cetholicisn was the strongest single reason given for
joining and upholding the Klan. This phase was seldom
referred to by the articles which eppesred in the 33;;
Leader except by way of strescing Protestantism. To
d Klsnsmnn, Protestantism was almost synonymous with Amor-
icsnism. Protestants landed st Plymouth Rock, most colone
ists were Protestants, and therefore, they were the pure
American stock. When the bends played Onward Christian
Soldiers it e purede, the music use described as patriotic.116
Chester Thorns stated thet in his opinion the Klan in Elwood
one an expression of anti-Cetholieism. He thought there was
an unusual smount of religious hatred in the ares.

The school question had been stressed by previous

netivist movements in America and the Klan gave the schools

llh. Elwood Cell Leader, January 31, 1923. p. l.
115. Told to t e writer by Lee Montgomery.
116. See page 32.

coneidereble attention in the 1920's.117 The school question
was not so much one of opposition to Catholic schools as it
was the control of the education in the public schools. To
be euro, there was opposition to the Catholic schools but
that did not receive as much attention from the Klan es the
question of how well the school children were developing
Christian character. Klensmen vented to put the Bible in
the eehoole and offer religious training.118 It has been
eteted that Klensmen had four criteria for judging schools
in respect to pure Americaniem. First, the Bible should
be read according to the law and it should be a Protestant
version of the Bible. second, there should be a prominent
diepley of the American flag. Third, there should be no
Catholic teachers in the system. Fourth, there should be
no recognised symbols of Catholic or foreign or-i;;;in.ll9
If these four criteria were met the school was considered
by the Klan to be in orOper condition, regardless of the
curriculum, long th of term, urulnlrlg of the teacher: and
adequacy of the physical equipment.

Klenemen believed that the Catllolic influence in the
public schools wee increasing and it was necessary to be
constantly on the elert to prevent further encroachment.

The first evidence of Klan influence in the public schools

 

11 e LOUOkB “3:18.11 e 13.
11. §b1d."pi)—I.1T§I+6.E3eh

1190 ......... e, Pe139-

51

in the community appeared in the early part of 1923.

The Elwood.§gll Leader for March 12, 1923, stated, "It
is understood that a number of citizens have been urging
that the Bible be studied in the city schools.” Legal
Justification for the teaching of the Bible in Indiana
public schools was based on a law passed in 1865 which
stated that ”The bible shall not be excluded ... from
the public schools."

Mr. Arthur s. Kenold, Superintendent of the Elwood
school system instituted a Bible course. as secured the
help of a minister, an honorary nonbcr of the Klan, who
made the outline for the course. The Klan was still
highly secret concerning its membership, and at that
time Mr. Konold did not know that of the school board
were members of the Klan but he suspected that the Klan
influence was very strong in that direction. In spite
of Mr. Konold'e coOperation and enthusiasm regarding the
Bible course, he was not serving in a satisfactory manner.
He was not a.menber or the Klan, nor in sympathy with the
Order and was soon given to understand that the organiza-
tion Opposed him, and it helped to force his resignation.120

The Klan agitation for fiible reading in all public
schools was reflected by the donation of Bibles to various

Iohooll. 'Principals of each of the six schools in Elwood

 

iio. A; W. Ronald letter to writer, July 6, 1952.

52

were given a copy of the King James version of the Bible

for daily reading. On the fly leaf of each Bible appeared

the inscription, 'Presented to the schools of the city of

Elwood, Indians, by a group of men and women who believe

in thorough American ideale of faith and patriotiem'."121
In the spring of 192h the teachers of all rural schools

in Boone Township received bibles for daily reading. The

writer was teaching there at the time. Hr. H. L. Montgome

cry, the township trustee and a Klaneman, was asked by the

Klan if he would give his permission for such a donation.

Under the circumstances he stated that he could not refuse

to grant this permission.123
A highly respected Catholic teacher in the Elwood

public high school was conaidered a spy for the Catholic

Church 133 members or the Klan.123 Many of the public

school teachers in the Elwood area were members of the

Klan, although there was no concrete evidence that pres-

sure wae brought to bear on the school board to hire only

Klansmen as teachers. 0n the contrary, Lee Montgomery was

never questioned by the Klan concerning his choice of teachers.
At a political meeting in Elwood the subject of free

text booka for eohoola by the state was being discussed.

Earl Trick related that a Catholic proposed a motion to

 

‘121:“ Elwood 5311 Leader, April 16, 1923, p. l.
122. Told to the writer by H. L. Kcntgomery.
123. Told to the writer by Earl Trick.

 

53

tho offoct that tho stoto furnish trco toxtbooko for
all ochoolo. Inmodiotoly o Kloncmcn protootod tho yard-
in; of tho nation and suggootod changing it to rood, all
pfiblic ochoolo. Tho motion with tho changod wording woo
pooood. l

Willion»A. ficflinn, o mombor of tho boord of truotooo
of tho Whito City Klon Ho. 19, woo oloctod ototo roprooon-
totivo from Hedi-on County in 192k. During tho 1925 too-
oion of tho Gonorol Aoaombly ho introduood oi: billo bororo
tho Houoo; ono, which concornod tho rogiotrotion root or
cptonotrioto, booomo low.12h Ir. flcflinn intrcdncod Houao
3111 no. th, which would permit pupils to bo oxcuocd from
school for two hours of religious education pcr rook.125

126

Ho lotor‘withdrow this bill and votod for 0 similar one

‘ohich poosod tho Houoo by o voto of corontyuoix to 311127
but woo not cignod‘by tho govcrnor.128 Kr. Molina favored
loot of tho oo collodttxlon Loco“ which were introduood
during tho 1925 ooooiono. Ho voted for o bill prohibiting
the wooring or religious garb by percono ongogod in teachin Hg
ihrtho public so cololla9 o bill which provided.for tho
rooding of tho A-oricon roviood voroion of tho Holy Biblo
in the common public ochoclo of tho otot03130 o bill providing

125.1n31ana Gonorol Aooombly House Jgurnol 1225
(Indionopolic, 192%), p. 169. K '

125.113 o, p. ‘

126: $81., P. 521+: '

1270 E O, p. g5. ( ’

128. m o, p. 3. .

129. 1811, p. 170.

130. o, po 72]..

A

Emmi

 

B

for the teaclfl mg of too Constitution of the State of
Indiana and of the United States of America in public,
private, and parochial schools in the stete;131 and 3
ill which authorized tax-supported institutions of high-
er education in the state to permit students to elect
courses in Biblical and religious instruction provided
by religious organizations and to receive credit for such
instruction.132 The latter two bills became law.
Since the Korea Thief Detective Association was a
Klan organization in effect, it is surprising that fir.
McMinn voted for a bill to abolish the Association.l33
This bill passed the House by a vote of fifty-two to thirty-
five but was indefinitely postponed by the Senatefl'fli
At least two other school bills, which were aimed
directly at Catholics were introduced in the General As-
sembly. One bill stipulated that all public school teach-
ers must be graduates of public schools. The other bill
called for the abolition of parochial schools in the State
of Indiana.135 ' I I
As we have seen earlier in this essay one of the ar-
ticles of faith of the Klan was a closer relationship ban
tween capital and labor, and another was directed et un-

warranted strikes.by foreign labor agitators. Although

 

El. 131.‘ fbid. p. 692.
132. Ibld.: p. 69?.
13 0 lbld., Po h§+-
13 o Ebi ido' Po 903.
135. “I cod Cell Leader, January 13, 1925, p. 1.

55

\
toctory monogamont peroonnol woo represented in the White
City Klan Ho. 19, there was not much evidence to support
tho theory thot employers were in favor or the Klan in
Elwood. However, o foreman in o glass factory tried to
influence one or his men to join.136 In Boone Township,
on oroo in which 90 per cent of the eligible men were
Klonomon, o form owner refused to continue renting his
{own to o man who would not Join the Klon.137

There woo o miocollsny or roooono for the growth of
the lion in oddition to thooo olroody diocuoood. Some
thought thot it woo juot oomothing to “belong to” ond
joinod bocouoo their.trtondo did. Othero woro ottroctod
by tho mgotoriouo noturo of the ergoniootion oooing in
it on opportunity to oocopo the monotony and.borodom or
overydoy life. Hero woo on opportunity to be o Knight
of the Invioiblo Empire at o reooonoble price.138

After considering oll the roooono given, it hardly
occounto for the foot that nearly ono~holf the eligible
population in the oreo Joined the Order in ouch o short
time. Elwood connot be conoiderod on illiterate community.

There were no Negrooo, vory row foreign born, ond only a

hondrul or Jowo. Tho Cotholico wore on old, otoblo

 

136. Told to tho writer by Edgor Noble.
13 . Told to the writer by Joooo Little.
13 . Told to the writer by Donold Brown.

56

element in the community. The underlying reasons for

the phenomenal growth of the Klan must have been the
lack of critical thinking, and the lack of real tolerance
on the pert of a large segment of American society in

the 1920's.

The Klan came to be accepted in the community as a
part of everyday life, it had lost much of its secrecy,
and it entered into a phase of respectability. ‘The
women were members, the children were members, so it
became an organization for the entire family. Local
ministers spoke in defense of the Klan at public meetings,
and Elwood residents spoke unmasked at Klan meetings in
neighboring towns. In early April, ngh, to the delight
of most Indians boys, a Junior Ku‘Klux Klan basketball
tournament was held in the local armory. The Elwood
Juniors lost in the semi-final round to Kokomo while the
Juniors from flew Philadelphia, Ohio, defeated Kokome for
the championship.139

A daily vocation.Bible school with an enrollment of
two hundred children, operated in the Klan hall, Bondsy
through Friday fron.nine to eleven-thirty every morning
for a period of four weeks. The school began on June 15,

1925, being open to any child from five to fifteen. It

 

139. ElwoodLCall Leader, April 7, 192h, p. 7.

 

57

was not denominational nor was it intended to teach Klan
principles. The teachers were from.vsrious Protestant
churches. Patriotic exercises were a part of the school
pregram. At the close of each session the fits; Spangled
Banner was played while the children stood at attention.
Then they gave the pledge of allegiance to the flag,
followed by the singing of America. After this came the
pledge of allegiance to the Christian flag and the Saviour,
and finally the group sang m 29 f3; m.mo This
is another example of how Klansmen fused Americanism and
Protestantism.

From 1922 through 1925 the Klan distributed baskets
of food to the needy families in Elwood at Christmas time.
The recipients of these donations were thoroughly investi-
gated as to their need and worthiness by the committee of
the local Klan.ml In order that the Klan should receive
full credit, in the eyes of the public, for its charity,

a communication went to the‘ggl; Leader requesting publi-

cation about a donation to an individual. The following

appeared in the paper under the heading, "Another Good Deedt"
Wednesday evening at his home, hlS South

21st Street, Beecher Moore, whose illness has

been noted for such an extended time, was made

very, very happy by a liberal financial donation

which was presented to him by members of the Ku 1A2
Klu; Klan. .It was a great help...deeply appreciated.

m6. IEIaa 3m. 19 1925 p. 1.

lhl. [Sid.: December 22, lQZS p. l.
.'

m2. ”Eb ids. JmWy 27. 1923. P. 1e

Ia. ‘L‘

 

58

Ilny donations were made to churches by the Klan.
The donors usually appeared hooded and interrupted the
service to make their gifts and leave the church immediate-
ly. Host ministers would make some mention of the bone-
volence during the sermon although this use not always
the case. The Reverend E. A. Briggs, of the Methodist
church in Boone Township, accepted a donation during the
service. He was asked by one of the donors to acknowledge
the gift during the sermon, but he failed to do 80.1h3

For several months the Klan rented a building on
South.Anderson street for its headquarters, then consider~
able sentiment developed in favor of purchasing a building
for a permanent home. 3. C. HeDaniel opposed the purchase
of a building. In the first place, he did not think the
Klan could afford the luxury of a building, and secondly,
he did not believe the organisation would be of sufficient
stability to warrant the investmentfim In 1923, he stated
that in his opinion, within a short time there would be no
more than seventy-five active members in the local chapter.
During the course of discussion and negotiations considere-
ble dissension arose over the choice and cost of a building.

in agreement however, was reached, and in June, 1924, the

 

1L .. Told to the writer by Lee Hontgomery.
. Told to the writer by Edgar Jones.

59

White City Klan No. 19 purchased the property at thO
West Main Street from the First Rational Bank for the
eum of $11t500. Serving for the Klan as trustees at
that time were: William hominn, Walter Holland, and
Carl Boyer.1h5 ‘

Klankraft, the philOBOphy of the Klan, became a
religion to acme of its members; The sincerity of these
people can hardly be doubted in the light of their be-
havior in times of bereavement. There were several
funeral: in Elwood at which the Klan participated. In
one case the body or the deceased val robed ae well ee‘
the pallébearera and acme of the mournere..1’+6 In
another instance, after the funeral aervice in the church
the Klanemen vent to the basement, donned their robes
and accompanied the body to the cemetery.lh7

There was at leant

one instance in Which the Klan

was thought to provide more appropriate environment

than the home or the church for the performance of the
marriage rites. .An Elwood girl and Reverend Wagner,

pastor of the Christian Church in Alexandria were married

in a typical Ku Klux Klan eetting. The wedding wee witneeeed

by a crowd of five thoueand in a grove three miles north of

 

1&5. Madiaon‘éounty, Recorder'a Office, Tranefer
Recordeg ngha h
. Elwood Cell Leader' February 27 192 p 1.

m7. Ibid.', B‘T‘o ohm .3923, p. 1. ' ' '

60

Alexandria. Reverend Hybarger, of the Baptist Church
in Creates, performed'the ceremony in the flickering
light of a fiery cross. Vocal music was provided by
a member of the Klear Konscience Klan. All partici-
pants were rebed. The groom was fine secretary of the
Klan in Alexandria and the couple planned to live in
an apartment in the building in which the Klan heed-
quarters was located.l""8

Humorous suppers and social evenings to which the
public was invited were held in the Klan hall. On
January 26, 1926, a box supper for the benefit of the
Junior Klan band was held in the Klan hall. Lee Draw-
hon, the auctioneer, donated his services for the evening.
A large crowd attended the supper and the boxes brought
good prices so that a sizeable sum of money was raised
for the band.lh9.

There was close cooperation between the Klan and
the women's branch of the Order. The women used the
Klan hall for their headquarters until August 1925, when
the Klear Konscience Klan No. R purchased one-half inter-
est in the building from the White City Klan No. 19.150
No specific reasons were available as to why this trans-

action was made after the women's branch had been using

 

EH5. Elwood Call Leader, Au net 15, 192k, p. 1.

11.9. Ibid" T‘anuWy 9, 192 , p.'1.

150. “Edison County, Recorder's Office, Transfer
Records, 1925. -

61

the Klan hall for over one year. However, as has been
mentioned earlier, the White City Klan Ho. 19 reached
its membership peak in 192h. In addition, many members
paid no dues after their initiation while many others
paid for only a few months. Therefore, we may safely
say that the sale of the property offered a means of
retrenchment to an organization which was finding it

more difficult to maintain a state of solvency.

CHAPTER V
THE DECLINE OF THE KLAN

The Klan in Elwood reached its peak of 3,LOO members
in ngh and then steadily declined. It declined because
of its political activity, corrupt leadership, and the
effect of external influences.

The final stage in the evolution of nativist move-
ments in this country has been their entrance into
politics. This was true of the Know—Nothings and the
American Protective Association, as well as the Ku Klux
Klan. In a democracy it would seem that the only way
to settle great social issues is in the political arena,
but when an organisation enters politics it must become
a political party or attach itself to an existing party.151
American history has shown that when this happens, the
movement disintegrates. The issues that gave the Klan
its strength; namely, White Supremacy, pure Americanism,
anti-Popery, and anti-Semitism, do not lend themselves
to political success. many sincere men were united in

furthering Klan objectives but they could not forsake their

political loyalty to carry out these objectives.

 

_. lSl. Mecklin, 2‘29 flag, pp. 142-19.

63

The political activities of D. C. Stephenson, the
Grand Dragon of the Realm of Indiana, contributed to
the disruption of the Klan in Elwood. As stated earlier,
Stephenson changed the Klan from a patriotic and fraternal
order to a political movement. He broke with the national
organization and attached his following to the Republican
party. He not only controlled the primaries, but elected
his candidate, Ed. Jackson, governor of the state in 192h.152
After the election many Democrats realized that they had
been misled and dropped their membership in the Klan be-
cause it was too closely connected with one political
party.153
Elwood Klansmen were active in state as well as in
local politics. In June l92h seven delegates, some of
whom were Klansmen from.Pipe Creek Township, attended
the Democratic state convention in Indianapolis. The
Klan claimed 330 members among the convention delegates.
There was considdrable speculation in the gall Leads;
concerning an antiexlan plank in the party platform that
year.15h The convention did adopt a ”freedom and liberty"
plank, but this failed to bring about the expected schism
in the party. There was neither strong pro-Klan, nor strong
anti-Klan sentiment sufficient to dominate the convention.155
""‘1E;§. iHarrison, In Atlantic, p. 682.

S . Told to the writer by W. H. Durr.

1
1,4. Elwood Call Leader June 3 192A p. 1.
15;. man I‘m. 5717,3211. p. 1.’ '

 

61;

At a parade held in Elwood before the primary the
Klan took occasion to campaign against Mayor Lew Shank
of Indianapolis, who was an antiaxlan candidate for the
nomination for governor on the Republican ticket.1§6
Publicity in thepggll Leader to the Klan slate of candi-
dates included both Democrats and Republicans};7
Opponents in campaigns for local office were sometimes
members of the Klan; consequently, a Klansman would be
victorious over another Klansman.158 There was little
or no evidence to show that either major political party
was favored by the Klan in local elections.

An exception to this impartiality occurred at the
voting place in Boone Township. A Republican appeared
with a stack of handbills shortly after the polls were
Opened, and he placed a stone on them to keep them from
blowing away. A Democrat asked what they were and learned
that they were lists of the candidates endorsed by the Klan
which had been delivered the night before. Lee Montgomery,
the Democratic candidate for trustee, examined the list
and upon finding that no Democrats were endorsed, kicked
the stone off and let the bills blow away.159

157: ig‘igx ggogérlgng'igéuf'p. 1.

158., 1513., November 5, 192A, p. l.
159. Told to the writer by Lee Montgomerr.

 

65

A story was told that a certain county commissioner,
a Klansman, refused to purchase materials for the county
from a business concern in which an Elwood bank held an
interest. Upon the commissioner's refusal, one of the
bank officials campaigned against him.because he was a
member of the Klan. The influence of the banker may be
cpen to question but the incumbent'e opponent, who was
also a Klansman, won the e1eotion.16°

There was no lack of dishonorable men throughout
the United States who worked their way into the leader-
ship of the Klan. In Indiana Stephenson was the most
notorious of such leaders. The Stephenson scandal, as
a result of his murder or an Indianapolis girl, caused
many Elwood Klansmen to desert the organization. He did
not testify at the trial because he had been assured that
the Jury was rigged and would not convict. Also, Governor
Jackson owed his office to the Klan leader and would im-'
mediately grant a pardon if necessary. However, the Jury
did convict and the Judge sentenced Stephenson to life
imprisonment.161 He was never pardoned.

The events which took place on ”Klan Day" at the

cheuteuqus in Noblesville, where Stephenson was being

 

160.gfiTold to the writer by Earl Trick
161. Martin, Indiana, pp. 196-98.

66

held for trial, brought home to the Klensmcn in Elwood
the unsavory character of Klan leadership. On August 1,
1925, handbills were distributed in Elwood announcing
that Sunday, August 9, had been designated as ”Klan Dey.”162
At this meeting Imperial Wizard Evans and other Klan of-
ficials made speeches. The city was under the couplets
domination of the Klan and hooded.men controlled street
intersections. Threats were made on Stephenson's life
if he disclosed the Klan's political secrets. It seems
that there were many people interested in silencing
Stephenson.163
In the words of one Elwood former Klansmen ”the
rough necks and creeks spoiled the Klan."16h With the
loose accounting methods in use by the Klan, the oppor-
tunity for graft and embezzlement was ideal for unprin-
cipled men. There was no lack of such men who seized
this opportunity to take advantage of the situation.
The Klan had.been organised in Elwood_scercely six months
when the local Kleagle, Irwin R. Hignett, became involved
in financial difficulties of questionable character. The

state Kleagle was obliged to make good a considerable

amount of money.165 Hignett went to London, Ontario, where

 

152. Elwood Call Leader, August 1, 1925, p. l.

163. Robert I. Butler, 80 The? Framed Stenheneon
(Huntin ton, Indians, The AuthBr, Iqhfi}, ppJ~l - ‘.

1 a. Told to the writer by the Reverend Al Jones.

165. Elwood Call Leader, Esrch 19, 1923, p. l.

67

he made public the secrets of the Klan in a series of

166

notepsper articles. He was a man of shady character.
One informant helped the woman who was living with Hignett
to pack and leave town. That informant recalled that the
woman had eighteen pairs of shoes and an expensive, lux-

urious wardrobe. The Klesgle was the envy of other Klaus-
men, as several men in the White City Klan Ho. 19 coveted
his lucrative position.167

A former Klan official stated that someone sold the
band uniforms of the Elwood Klan but no one knew what
havpened to the money received from the sale.

Evidence of disaffection within the Order‘began to
appear on the pages of the local paper. Early in 192i, a
minister who had been banished from the Klan, spoke to a
crowd of three hundred Klansmen in neighboring Tipton. He
predicted that the Klan would disappear within a year or
so because of the machinations of Imperial Wizard Evans.
The leaders of the Klan only wanted the money of members
according to the speaker. He urged them to renounce the
Klan and join the Knights of the Flmming Sword, 3 new or-
ganization led by the deposed Emperor Simmons.168

In addition to the Stephenson faction, other rival

organizations of the Ku Klux Klan appeared and took members

 

" 16b. 'Ibid., March 2h, lGEL, p. l.
167. 'TBIE to the writer by Chester Thomas.
168. Elwood Cell Leader, February 29, 192u, p. l.

68

from it. The Independent Klan of America, formed by
acceding Klansmen, maintained headquarters in huncie.
The new Klan affiliated with the Knights of the Flaming
Sword. D. C. Stephenson and the Reverend Daisy Barr
were accused of mishandling Klan funds by officials of
the Independent Klan}69

The Klan loot influence when it failed to produce
the lane it had promised. In Indiana the Klan promised
a law to abolish private school: and thus force all chil-
dren to attend the public schools. It promised to require
all teachers in the public schools to be graduates of the
public schools, reducing the possibility or further
Catholic influence.

The Indiana Klan leaders had promised to establish
a_truly "100 per cent American“ university for the benefit
of Klsnemen and their children. Announcements in the press
had stated that the Klan had completed negotiations for
taking over Valparaiso University. After the elapse of
some time and no action had been taken by the Klan, the
members began to ask questions about the funde which had
been raised for the particular project. The leaders finally
came up with the answer that because of e-legsl techni-

cality, the Klan could not contribute to the University. The

lawyer, who came to the rescue, boasted of a thirty thousand

 

169: fbicf" Harch 25', 1739111., p. l.

69

dollar fee for his services. Many members of the Klan
lost interest and paid no more dues after this erposure.170
Cedric Tubbs, an Elwood Klaneman, stated that "buahela
of money"was collected at the big Kokomo meeting for the
purpose of establishing a university. Nothing further was
ever reported c3nc erring the diaposition of t 113 money.
Organizations in opposition to the Klan sypcared.
In June of lQZL, the gal1_§§ader published an article
concerning an order that we: organized in Linnsburr, Indi-
ana, known as the Militant minute Men of Indiana where
two hundred men were initiated at the organizational
meeting. The object of the order was to offset the in-
fluence of the Klan in the 192L election. The 95;;
Leader stated that there was "money in it for someone.”171
Another organization called the Order or Good Indians was
formed in various parts of Indiana. It was said to have
been anti~Klan and anti-prohibition. An organizer, who was
to receive ”so much per for each member," operated in Kokomo.
Although this was an anti-Klan order, it was refused the use
of the Yhights of Columbus hall in that city.172
The more intelligent members of the Klan withdrew from
the Order when they realized tllat the Klan had no constructive

program. Any organization must have some program on which

 

170. Moore, In Indcnm on p. L7L. .
171. Ellwood Call Bean? , June 21,192L, p. 1.
172. Ibid., Unne H24, p. l.

70

to build if it is to flourish and maintain itself in
society. It must offer concrete proposals for solving

he real problems of the day. The Klan offered no such
program. In fact, ”the Klan could not point to a single
greet constructive movement which it has set on foot."173

Before enumerating other rescone for the decline of
the Ku Klux Klan it is helpful to recall the general
conditions of the United States at the time of the Klen's
rapid growth. There was the intense nationalism and the
fear-and distrust of all things foreign. The Big Red
Scare was still fresh in the.minds of the people. From
across the country there was agitation for the restriction
of immigration. Finally, the country was suffering from
the post war depression.

By 1925 these conditions were no longer of commanding
concern. The postvwer fear of foreign influence had sub-
sided. Cslvin Coolidge was safely in the White House and
the country was returning to normalcy. It was clear that
America would remain free of foreign political commitments,
and the Big Red Scare subsided. The public realised that
there had never been sufficient cause for the panic that
swept the country. Communism had not marched over Europe
so it became apparent that it would not cross the Atlantic '

and engulf the United States.”1+

 

17?. Bucklin: The Klan, p. 2L0.
174. Frederick Eerie Ellen Unix Yesterdex(New York,
,Harper and Brothers, 1931), p. 76.

71

The immigration restriction legislation of 192L
tended to alln the fears of the Klnnsmcn that hordes of
en Joufixl “ nier“*oi to '7; -...i-n l; .H . .
ali~ s 1 xur“ , ‘lu‘= t 3 ctrni o” retive stock
Economic conditions throughout the country were much im-‘
proved over the post-war depression. On February 1h, 192h,

the Elwood Call gender published a report from Washington

 

on the economic conaitions in indiena, mentioning espec-
ially, the increase in mining and in steel production. The
gall-Leader also stated that there was no surplus of labor
end that All local plants were operating at full capacity.
The Klan warnings that foreigners and Negroes would put
native American: out of jobs were empty.

The life in the small towns and rural communities was
not as monotonous by the end of the decade as it had been
at the beginning. The gap between living standards in the
small town and the city was narrowing. The widespread
construction of paved highways, the increase in ownership
of automobiles, and the novelty of he radio, all imparted
a sense of well being. It was no longer necessary for men
to go to tne Klan meetings, to engage in night riding, or
to burn fiery crosses in order to escape boredom.

The last recorded act of the White City Klan Ho. 19
was the sale of the Klan building to the Benevolent Order
of Americans in 1929. Some of the former Klansmen interviewed

were members of the letter organization, althOUgh this fecii

was never revealed. In 1933 the property passed into

private hands thQ it has 8016 t) HUJL C. Makinfl of
Bilami County .1'3

175. Fadison Snufity, Bocordsr's Cfflue, Tran.fer
Records, 1929; 1933.

CONCLUSION

Nativism is deeply rooted in large segments of
American society. It lies dormant for long periods of
time, only to burst forth during periods of great social
upheaval, which usually follow high peaks of immigration.
In the 1920's nativism appeared in the form of the Ku
Klux Klan.

The Elwood community provided the ideal milieu for
the growth of the Klan. Here was an area where a high
percentage of the pepulstion was composed of native born,
white stock and a small, stable Catholic element. On
the basis of the conditions in this community, it would
seem that the intensity of Klan activity varied inversely
with the number of its avowed enemies.

In completely rural Boone Township, the theory that
the Klan did not thrive in farm ng areas is refuted.
As a matter of fact, a higher proportion of the yopulstion
in Boone Township belonged to the Klan than in the remaining
parts of the area studied.

Although the Klan attracted a large following in Elwood,
it did not offer a prOgram that could withstand investigation.
The minutes of the business meetings were burned. The mem-

bership list is the only tangible record left of an organization

71+

that once included 3,LOO members. Former members would
like to forget that they had affiliated with the Order.
Some realized their mistake, others were content to blame
human frailty for the disruption of the Klan and had no
criticism of the Klan itself.

The Elwood Klan showed evidence of dissension after
it entered politics. It is extremely difficult for a
fraternal order to participate in the rough and tumble
tactics of party politics and at the same time maintain
harmony. It may be possible to retain a degree of harmony
for a time, but sooner or later, rifts develop within the
order.

A secret organization which enters into the everyday
life of the community cannot maintair its secrecy. Klansmen
could renain unidentifi d in a parade, but when they went
to tieir own hell they could not escape detection. The Klan
Bible school was open to all children of certain ages, but
it cannot be assumed that any axespt Klansmen's children
attended. When the Klan lost its secrecy it lost much of
its strength.

Of all the appeals of the Klan it must be admitted that
the fraternal appeal was the most lasting. After the Klan

lost its secrecy and strength it lingered on as a fraternal

or social club for the entire family. However, a permanent
fraternal club cannot be built on hatred, prejudice, and

intolerance.

75

Former Klansmen gave various opinions as to the
cause of the Klan‘s growth as well as to the cause of
its subsidence. Only a few questioned the tenets of
the organization. The attitudes which were present in
the 1920's still exist to some extent. It seems safe
to conclude that, after the passing of sufficient time
to dull the memory of the Klan, nativism may reappear

in some form.

DJ

bIBLIOGhATHICAL NOT

‘

Personal inter'iews contributed the most information
concerning local Opinion of the cause, activities, and
disruption of the Klan. Approximately forty individuals
were interviewed, the majority of whom were former
acquaintances of the writer. The writer was introduced
to some by a friend who was a former member of tne Order.
1“any interviews were unsatisfactory because of the guarded
answers to Questions.

The membership list of the White City Klan No. 19
was made available by a former official upon the condition
that no names be revealed. This list was arranged in
numerical order and the date of each member's payment
was entered after his name. There was no date following
the charter members' names, only the statement as to wnom,
and where the payments were made. The word "banished" was
written in red ink following the names of six or seven
members. Transfers of membership to and from otner Alana
were noted. This list, which included all members through

December, 1923, was kept in moldy, leather, loose-leaf

notebook.

 

The Elwood gall Leader, the local daily neWSpaper,

was invaluable as a chronicler of the public activities

77

of the Klan in the area. The Call Loader had no editorials

 

so the news items constituted the only means of interpreting
its editorial yolicy. From the frequency of items appearing
in the paper it would indicate that Klan coverage was quite
complete. \

The Trarsfer Records, in the Recorder's Office in
Anderson furnishei information concerning real estate
transactions. The names of the individuals who were
empowered to act for the various orders were listed

therein. The House Journal of the Indiana General Assem-

 

bly, 1925, revealed the record of the members of that body,
although the Journal did not include debates.
Earl Trick, now livinr in Frankton, loaned his copy

of the Constitution and Laws 25 the Kni-hts of the Ku Klux

 

 

Klan Atlanta, Ga., Krights of the Yu Klux Klan, 1921).
Personal letters were received from: A. W. Konold,
of Winona Lake, Indians; W, H. Burr, Evelyn Stickler, and

the Reverend T. J. Hammes, all of LIWOOd; W. G. Johnson,

of Anderson, Indiana.

 

Emerson H. Loucks, The Ku Klux Klan in Pennsylvania

 

(Harrisburg, Telegraph Press, b936), is the only study of
the Klan known to the writer which has been published since
the 1920's. It gives an excellent background of nativism
and a detailed account of the Klan in Pennsylvania, based on

personal interviews, court records, and official Klan documents.

78

It is a well documented, sczolarly monograph. J. J. Hetter-

ville, comp., The Fortnuuial Historv of [alison County,

-

 

 

fl

2 vol. (Anderson, Indiana, Elistorian's association, 1325),
was sopoe islly aluaole for the wistory of the area.

Jenn 5. Hartin, Indiana (New York, Alfred A. Knopf Company,
19h7), devoted one chanter to » orneroon and the Klan in

the state. 2sartin also traces briefly the economic develop-

~

ment of Indiana. John A. Hecklin, The Ku Klux K131 (New

 

Q ~ 7" R ‘ g A
form, narCOUrt,urace and Company, 192%), is an undocumented,

N

psychologicsle tudy of ti'le argcal of the lan. He gives
an R storicol ace cunt of tr e Elan and discusses the ancient
hates and prejudices of the American resple.

William 3. Shepherd, "Tho Fiery Uoulle Cross," Collier's,
vol. 32 (July 7, 1912 3'; Horton Larrison, "Gentlemen lrom
Indi na," (Atlantic figrthlz, vol. lkl (Hay, 1923}; Sanuel
Taylor moors, ”A Klan Kingdom Collagses," Independent,
vol. 113 (December 6, 1922), all gave popular treatment of

Klan act ivity in Indiana. oriodice ls of .e l;2C's con-

tain numerous artiol as on the Klan in the United State:.

-—v- .

bl I ~“‘ ‘.‘ “_ ‘V 1J1?!
MdHUIUU-LJ41 .1

Primary Sources
anngirutjon and Laws.;£ t‘g {gifhtak phg‘gg‘glgg K a
blanta, 1321.
"“"*n ’-v“nr‘. Tnfii nayolia, 1925.

Indiana. Lunerr.1 L330 blv LIEU” v31. ”I I
T“. ”mm-.-

Iniiuna Historical Soclct;r, ”uhlicnficua IV, Indiamapolis,

1908.

Hadison County. Recorder' 5 Office, Transfer Records, IQZL,
1925, 192?, 1933, And::sa:1,In;3Tanu.

.- v
;'""" yewq‘r ‘1: JJ‘gQ‘.

 

 

United 'tatas. ‘Euloau of $0 Censu3,Th1rtacrt“ fsfisus of

the United States: 1910 Population II. L'a? Shington,
“"EIOJL lIT :ILL1; WEico, 1313.

U. WC.’ L’. ‘0’. Uk q‘Lgn

----Fourteorth:£pnsrs cf the Uh't:i ‘tntea: 1. ulation,
III. WashingtonIT3. 5., U. a. Government
Office, 1922.

?.C 2 0:.
1r: ntin

Corrospondcnoo
W, H. Durr to writer, December 18, 1952.
Father Thomas J. Hummus to writer, December 23, 1952
w. 3. Johnson to writer, February 17, 1953.
A. W. Konold to writer, July 6, 1952.
Evelyn Stiokler to writer, December 13, 1952.

80

Burro-n- E’IIY

Secondary bourcea

 

 

Adam-i: James Trualow. ed.. Dictionagx of gmgpicfin Eigtary.

Allen Frederick Lewis firlv Yostavdar You York Harmer and
a ’ mw haw ' . )-
mroa., 1931. ‘

AYBP. E. W., and Sona', American zUv‘Ud or finnus‘

5‘. a

4,:I1.,3"‘C~’ "f’i‘l’, “1“131'0“! 3171' . '18, ,ygp gnu Sons. “$33.

W

'7‘"

Eutlmp, uobcrt 1, Sq Jggv Frajnnd Sbe3} enso., Huntington,

Indiana. :h‘6 AULILOI', 1911b.

Desmond, Humphrey J., The n. .3. fiovcmout Tashinrton,
Now Giantury Press, 1715.

 

Eubbart, Henry Clyde, Th3.91di r Fiddla East, New York,
D. Appleton-Gentury, 193».

 

Key, andimar 0., Politics, Partiea anu 1%: 3333?» 'rovrc,
no» York,T1omas Y. CroweII, 1955:

 

Loucks, Tho"son ?., The P~u Flux Klan In Pennqvlvovja,

”up-Q'—

Harrisburg, Pa., 1éiéh1ayx 1133b, ,1.

 

 

Martin, John Eartlow, Indiana, An InJorerEPf1~ , Few York,
”‘1 A "" I‘ C I’nqpr. r g .
£43211}, Job W "offat, The Kn Klut E1a.Rew York, Harcourt,
Brace and b0., 1'}24.

 

 

Nettorvillog J. J.. Comp-p Canton inl fin“~" 3? Tniivon
Co“‘t", In‘1""a Anlnraon Tad. Elstofitn.na' 38500.
6

Robinson, Edgar L., qhe lrug idevtiyl ”035,1 m(-1«aa

 

1%,
Stanford Univ.,% k mnforfifUniverslty lress, I)34.
“on“"oI Tarven S., P onlntion Problems, flew lork, McGraw-

 

H111 book 60., 1’34d.

Eilson, Louis E. ., and Tauber, ma“-1co P., Tho -33"*1“E” Of
Fon4-:4, Chicaro, University of Chicago Iress,1938.

 

Bl

BIBL IOGRR Hi!

Periodicals

Harrison, Morton, ”Gentleman From Indiana," Atlantic Eonthly,
V01. m1. may, 19280

Moore, Samuel Taylor, ”A Klan Kingdom Collapses," Independent,
vol. 113, Decembor 6, 192h.

 

Shophord, William 0., "The Fiery Double Cross," Collier'a,
vol. 82, July 7, 1928.

 

Shepherd, William 5., "Ku Klux Koin," Collior's, vol. 82,
July 21, 1923.

 

newspapers
Anderson (Indiana) Herald, July 17, 192%.
Elwood (Indiana) Call Leader, July 1922 - March, 1926.

'V"

 

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