-0, ' p 71‘] \ .___—.——_ . . .1. ‘. ‘ ~ I 9i§ "t" t:);0:0o ‘ "‘f:;;§ ‘ : ixgyigf:¢’f§!"”‘?‘:'“"!‘Y"i‘lt‘flg:fij'f‘3!‘y ' ' .‘_’ fiat": ASK???» '. £,.’- ' f *,|:r co - '0,Q: v Q. . .0 v.‘ ‘ ‘ THE. MODAL PATTERN OF DRESS AND ‘ i ITS RELATIONSHIP TO PEER ACCEPIAZNCEN; ' ' AMONG EIGHTH GRADE BOYS ‘ That: for Hm "Dam”. ofM. A. '~ MICHEGAN-SIATE unmasm “ ‘ ‘ I ; . I Mary LOuise Dillon. ‘ 196:3 a . . _ THESIS LIBRARY Michigan State University ABSTRACT THE MODAL PATTERN OF DRESS AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO PEER ACCEPTANCE AMONG EIGHTH GRADE BOYS by Mary Louise Dillon The purpose of this research was to discover whether there was a relationship between social acceptance and con- forming to a modal pattern of dress by a group ofeighth grade boys. This objective was entirely dependent upon an- other major objective, establishing the modal pattern of dress. The population was determined by the researcher's having observed extremes in dress among the boys in the school chosen for the study. A questionnaire was administered which included a check list and sketches of clothing items for the establish- ment of the modal pattern of dress; questions asking for an expression of opinions concerning boys' concepts of clothing behavior; and data for the construction of a sociogram. From the sociogram acceptance and degrees of ac? ceptance were available for the individual boy and the Mary Louise Dillon reciprocal friendship categories. By means of column counts of the IBM cards and the profile of each boy's items of dress, the modal pattern of dress was formulated into a two-dimen- sional structure: 1) what the boys did not wear and 2) what they gig wear. The technique for fixing the modal pattern of dress was unique to this study.v Having develOped the two frameworks, comparisons were possible. Conformity to the modal pattern of dress could now be studied in relationship to a number of different categories of social acceptance. The data thus assembled revealed that RFS members were more socially accepted than non-members or mutual pairs in this group of boys. They showed greater complete con- formity to the modal pattern of dress than did the non— members. Considering the larger RFS groups as indicative of a greater degree of social acceptance and conversely, non- group membership or membership in a mutual pair or an RFS of only three or four members as being less socially accepted. there was a greater percentage of RFS members in the large groups conforming than among the non—group members, mutual pairs and small group members. Mary Louise Dillon A comparison of the number of reciprocated choices and total conformity showed that as the number of recipro- cated choices increased, the percentage conforming to the modal pattern of dress increased. On the basis of choice status of the reciprocal friendship structures, the higher the choice status, the greater the number in the group that conformed to the pattern of dress. There were exceptions to this however among the mutual pairs, the Negro group and one RFS structure which was highly non-conforming. Choice status of the individual boy when compared to conformity to the modal pattern of dress showed that the boys with the greater number of choices conformed more than did boys with fewer choices. The "most p0pular" boy, the "best dressed" boy and the boy chosen to "dress like" category showed a high degree of conformity. The chi-square analysis was used with the data in this study, and although the findings were not statistically supported, they did show a trend in the direction of support. The major objectives of this research have been satis- fied in that the modal pattern of dress was established and the relationship between conforming to the modal pattern of dress and social acceptance for this group of eighth grade Mary Louise Dillon boys was determined. Although not statistically supported, the data showed greater conformity among the more socially accepted boys. THE MODAL PATTERN OF DRESS AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO PEER ACCEPTANCE AMONG EIGHTH GRADE BOYS BY Mary Louise Dillon A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Textiles, Clothing and Related Arts 1963 - Afip/LIX ' O r‘ : 4* .. / . ' I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to express her sincere appreciation and gratitude to Dr. Joanne Eicher for her guidance in directing this research, and for her encouragement and un— flagging enthusiasm throughout the project; to Dr. Mary Gephart for her suggestions, criticisms and timely words of encouragement; to Dr. Arthur Vener for his assistance in formulating the project and his help and criticisms as the study progressed; to Dr. Rosalind Mentzer for her suggestions and criticisms for the improvement of the thesis; to Arlene Bjorngaard for her help in structuring the sociOgram and the code book and also for her editing of the final c0py. The writer also wishes to express her thanks to Mr. Paul C. Garrison, Superintendent of the Richmond Community Schools, for permission to conduct this research; to Mr. C. W; Hemmer,principal of the school where the pretest was ad- ministered, for his cooperation; to Mr. John Dye, principal of the school used in this study, who gave his approval and cooperated fully in allowing the study to be given; to Miss Ioma Jean Hodson who helped schedule the pretest; to other ii teachers whose schedules were shifted on the test day to al- low use of the auditorium; and to the boys in the pretest and in the group used for the study who participated willingly and enthusiastically. Also, the writer wishes to express her gratitude to her niece, Colleen Spade Miller (Mrs. Richard), who served ably as an assistant in the administration of the test and who spent countless hours helping with the coding of the data. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Statement of the Problem 1 Review of Literature 2 Conformity 15 Summary 31 II. METHODOLOGY: PART I . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 The Community 35 Development of the Instrument 39 Administration of the Instrument 44 III. METHODOLOGY: PART II . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Operational Definition of Social Acceptance 52 Operational Definition of Modal Pattern of Dress 63 Operational Definition of Conformity to Modal Pattern 70 Summary of Methodology 73 IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Summary 104 V. QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS OF RECIPROCAL'FRIEND- SHIP STRUCTLIRES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 107 Isolates 108 Mutual Pairs 113 Reciprocated Friendship Structures 114 iv Chapter Page VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 121 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 -APPENDIX A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Table 12.--Occupational level of the chief financial contributor of the family by category of isolates, mutual pairs and RFS membership based on warner's scale Table 13.—-Educational level of population by isolates, mutual pairs and RFS's on status of chief financial contributor Table 14.--Dwelling area of pOpulation by iso- lates, mutual pairs and RFS's using warner's scale Figure C. Reciprocal Friendships: Eighth Grade Boys showing votes received in category of ”popular boy," "best dressed" and "boy to dress like.“ APPENDIX B O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 140 Questionnaire LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. The dress of eighth grade boys on the test day showing the distribution of boys in each category . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 2. The modal pattern of dress in terms of the article the boys do not wear and articles the boys g9 wear . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 3. Number and percentage in reciprocal friend— ship categories evidencing complete con— formity and conformity by all but one, two, three and four items respectively . . . 79 4. Number and percentage of each reciprocal friendship structure category evidencing complete conformity to the modal pattern of dress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 5. Number and percentage of boys evidencing com- plete conformity in relationship to the number of reciprocated choices each had in the RFS structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 6. Number of choices and percentage of choices received by each reciprocal friendship structure from own members and others, used in determining social acceptance by the whole group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 7. Number of choices received by each reciprocal friendship structure from own members and others: choice status of each structure and percentage of conformity by each structure . 96 vi Table Page 8. Choice status category of individual boys; number of boys receiving choices and per- centage of boys in each category conforming to modal pattern of dress . . . . . . . . . . 99 9. Conformity to the modal pattern of dress by boys chosen as the five most popular . . . . 101 10. Conformity by boys chosen as the five best dressed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 ll. Conformity by boys chosen most frequently as boys others would like to c0py in dress . . . 102 12. Occupational level of the chief financial contributor of the family by category Of isolates, mutual pairs and RFS members based on Warner's scale . . . . . . . . . . . 136 13. Educational level of population by isolates, mutual pairs and RFS's based on status Of chief financial contributor . . . . . . . . . 137 14. Dwelling area of population by isolates, mutual pairs and RFS's using Warner's scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 vii LI ST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page A. Reciprocal Friendship Structure-- Eighth Grade Boys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 B. Reciprocal Friendship Structure—- Eighth Grade Boys Showing conformity and degrees of conformity . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 C. Reciprocal Friendship Structure-— Eighth Grade BOys showing number of votes received by each boy for the categories of "most popular," "best dressed" and "boy to dress like" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Diagrams Matrix 57 Diagram used for determining number of choices made and received by each boy . . . 62 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Statement of Problem Authorities agree that young adolescents demonstrate conforming behavior to many patterns set by their peers; that being different is intolerable; that security rests only in being approved by their peer group.1 In this study the focus is on a particular pattern of conformity, clothing behavior, and with a particular group, eighth grade boys. Much research has been done on clothing behavior of adolescent girls, but very little has been done concerning boys. It is thought that boys as well as girls are concerned about clothing to the degree at least of wanting to be like the rest of the group. The purpose of this study is two-fold; 1Elizabeth B. Hurlock, The Psycholgqy of Dress (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1929), p. 183. Marynia F. Farnham, The Adolescent (New York: Harper and Brothers, Inc., 1951), p. 87. (1) to determine the pattern of clothing being worn by a group of junior high school eighth grade boys. (2) to investigate the relationship between the modal style of dress and social acceptance of the boy by his peers. Review of Literature The three years of junior high school are the form— ative adolescent years.1 As seventh graders they are eager, enthusiastic children, outspoken, grown up at times and quite childish and dependent at other times, intensely interested, Open and uninhibited. Their teachers and their parents are the ones they want to please. During the eighth grade a different personality with a different set of values begins to emerge. The eighth grader is more reflective, concerned with how others see him. and "tends to comply with the demands and mores of his peers.”3 He does not want to be conspiCuous by being dif- ferent from his peers and he is willing to go to extremes by 1Arnold Gesell, Frances L. Ilg and Louise Bates-Ames, Youth: The Years from Ten to Sixteen (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956), p. 181. 21bido I pp. 138-174. 3Ibid., p. 144. adult standards to conform to patterns of behavior set by his group. Teacher and parent approval is still desired, but if it conflicts with peer approval, peer approval will take precedence. Many lay writers complain of this unreasonable, to the adult, need to conform. ‘Bennett Cerf, when asked to ex- press an Opinion for McCall's magazine on the question, "What irks you the most?" answered, “The conformity I find in kids, including my own two boys. They all want to conform. They all want to dress, think, and act like their friends. They are afraid to stick their necks out to be different."2 Herman Wouk, in an article in Good Housekeeping called "The Terrible Teens" refers to their "Cabalistic small talk, their solemn rites of dress and gesture;93 lCaroline M. Tyron, "The Adolescent Peer Culture," lygtional Society for the Studyfof Education, 43rd Year Book, Part I (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press, 1944), p. 224. Ruth Strang, The Adolescent Views Himself (New York: McGraw—Hill Book Co., Inc., 1957), p. 312. Arthur T. Jersild, The Psychology of Adolescence (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1957), p. 209. 2 Bennett Cerf, "Frankly Speaking," McCall's Magazine (November, 1962), p. 30. 3 Herman Wouk, "The Terrible Teens," Good Housekeeping Magazine (January, 1958), pp. 60 and 170. Retail merchants catering to young adolescents take advantage of this desire to look alike, barbers are aware of it and can discuss what is currently the vogue, and teachers see it daily in their classes. Parents bemoan the fact that their son simply will not wear trousers that are not tapered an inch or two more, nor wear a tie because 'none of the other guys do“. But just how important is this to the boy himself? Is he more accepted by his peers because he conforms in dress? Does he think it is vitally important? Does he think he should conform? Will the popular boys conform and those without friends be the ones who do not? Searching the reading concerned with the more ob- jective study of adolescents one finds sociologists and psy- chologists pointing out this same conformity and labeling it the most important aspect of behavior of the early adolescent. The academic literature reviewed for this study in- cluded psychological or sociological information pertaining to the adolescent, his place in the American culture, his peer groups, his conformity, the relationship of clothing to each of these areas, and the five research studies which are relevant to this thesis. Adolescent Status "Adolescence" comes from the Latin verb adolescere which means "to grow" or "to grow to maturity.”1 This im- plies not just sexual maturity, but emotional, mental and social coming-of—age as well. Hurlock designates three stages of adolescence and sets the limits for boys at eleven to twelve and one-half as pre—adolescence, thirteen to seventeen as early adolescence and seventeen to twenty—one as late adolescence.2 This, ac- cording to Gordon, is ". . . about a year lag in the cycle and the general diffuseness of the structures" of the boys as com- pared to the girls.3 In many cultures when a child reaches sexual maturity, the adult members of the society hold special ceremonies to mark his position in the community and from then on the adolescent's behavior, dress, duties, and privileges are pre- scribed by the cultural patterns of the society. Davis says that status "designates a position in the general institutional system, recognized and supported by the 1Elizabeth B. Hurlock, Adolescent Development (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1955), p. 3. 2Ibid., p. 4. 3Wayne Gordon, The Social System of the High School (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957), p. 96. entire society, spontaneously evolved rather than deliberately created, rooted in folkways and mores."l Or consider Linton's definition: "The place in a particular system which a cer- tain individual occupies at a particular time."2 The adolescent really has no clear cut "place" or "position“ in the American culture. The uncertainty of his status is cause for feelings of unrest in the adolescent and gives rise to calling this a time of "storm and stress,? a "problem age,“ and the designation of young adolescents as "the terrible teens." The adolescent's ascribedrageestatusndoesinottdefine what is expected of him. Parents are one moment telling him he is Old enough to know better and the next embarrassing him unmercifully by introducing him as "my baby." The adolescent, too, vascillates between exhibiting relatively adult behavior and darting back to the protective security of childhood. "Unfortunately, the adolescent and his parents seldom have their moments together. When the adolescent is asserting himself, his mother and father will 1Kingsley Davis, Human Society (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1949), p. 88. 2Ralph Linton, "Concepts of Role and Status," Readings in Social Psychology, ed. Guy Swanson, T. Newcomb, and E. Hartley (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1952), p. 263. be pulling him back into childhood status; when he is feeling infantile, they are wishing for a young adult upon whom they may lean."l Gesell pinpoints the characteristics of the early adolescent. He describes the social characteristics of the thirteen year old, the age of most eighth graders, and those with whom this study is concerned. He finds the young adolescent confused by "interpersonal demands and by his father and mother, brothers and sisters, companions and teachers" and expresses the Opinion that all these demands "conflict and aggravate the confusion."2 "A society is peOple. A culture consists not of peOple but of ways of acting."3 From infancy a child has been learning to fit into the cultural pattern of his society. His behavior has been controlled from the beginning by regular attention to his body needs, then mild forms of discipline to teach him right from wrong, safeness from danger, acceptable behavior from unacceptable, until gradually the child is a socialized being knowing what is expected of him in his 1Caroline B. Zachry, "Problems of Adolescents," The Adolescent A Book of Readings, ed. Jerome M. Seidman (New York: The Dryden Press, 1953), p. 80. 2 Gesell, op. cit., p. 145. 3E. Adamson Hoebel, Man in the Primitive World (2nd ed., New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1958), p. 157. daily interactions with his age—mates, his family, and society in general. Then during adolescence in the United States society he is robbed of this well-defined behavior pattern, and he finds himself neither a child nor an adult. To achieve a kind of stability he seeks to identify himself with his own age group or peers. "In this urge to find comfort through similarity, adolescents are likely to become stereotyped in behavior and_ideals. They tend to form cliques for self- protection and fasten on petty similarities of dress and gesture to assure themselves that they are really somebody."2 James Coleman in his book The Adolescent Society gives another logical reason for the dependence on the peer group. His View is that our society is no longer as family centered as it was in the past. With our increased in— dustrialization, a son cannot apprentice to his father and be trained in a particular skill. For today's widely diver- gent career possibilities, highly specialized and long training is necessary, thus delaying further the assuming of % 1Davis, op. cit., Chap. 8. 2Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth. "The Course of Healthy Personality Deve10pment," The Adolescent: A Book of Readings, ed. Jerome M. Seidman (New York: The Dryden Press, 1953), p. 216. adult responsibilities. Neither can the child any longer help the family economically. All this has its impact on the adolescent. "He is 'cut off' from the rest of society, forced inward toward his own age group, made to carry on his whole social life with others his own age" and it is among these of his own age with whom almost all of his interaction takes place. Out of this grow "subcultures”“ with languages all their own, with special symbols and "with value systems that may differ from adults."1 Some writers concur with the concept of an adolescent subculture in which there are wide differences in values and behavior between adult and adolescent culture; others contend that the peer group subculture teaches adult culture with “essentially the same set of values, customs and mores that operates in the adult world"2 but does it in its own way. "The child brings into the peer group the culture of his family and community as clearly as he brings in the mud on his shoes."3 James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Society (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 3. 2 . . . . Bernice L. Neugarten, "Soc1al Class and Friendships Among Schoovahildren," American Journal of Sociology, LI (January, 1946'), p. 305-313. 3James H. S. Bossard and Eleanor Stoker Boll, The SOCiology of Child Development (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960), p. 531. 10 Whatever the reason for the formation of this peer group subculture, there is complete agreement as to its im- portance to the adolescent and his desire to conform to all the precepts of the group including manners of "speech, dress, interests, posture, attachment, or detestation.'.'l Gesell also concurs to the need to conform but he is more conservative in his statements as to the degree to which a thirteen year old will go. He concedes that the thirteen year old will be influenced by the choices of the group, but will exert some independence in his "heightened awareness of self."2 Among the twelve major psychological needs of adolescents as classified from educational and psychological literature Horrock includes acceptance and conformity. He describes acceptance as "being looked on favorably by others, being respected and approved; conformity is termed as "the need to be liked by others, to avoid marked departure from the mode . . . To avoid being different in dress, behavior, attitudes, ideals." He quotes Prescott as listing as major 1Farnham, op. cit., p. 87. 2Gesell, Op. cit., p. 145. 11 social needs, "(a) Affection, (b) Belonging (to social group), (c) Likeness to others."1 These findings were obtained by an analysis of a series of case studies. In an effort to satisfy these needs the adolescent finds more understanding among the members of his peer group than among the adult members of his society. In most adult- directed groups, only one aspect of his personality receives attention at any one time. Some groups seek to deve10p him physically, others look to his spiritual welfare and some to the social side. In his peer group he is regarded as a "total personality."2 Many advantages derive from recognition by peers. From them, the adolescent achieves a sense of security, a feeling of belonging, a cohesion of interests. He competes with his equals. This stage of deveIOpment is a training ground for the later emergence of an adult personality. Some adolescents may find such a sense of security among their peers, however, that they hang on too long and fail ever to achieve an adult status. Others, because of economic pressures in their homes are forced to take on adult 1John E. Horrocks, The Psychology of Adolescence (2nd ed., Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1962), p. 507- 509. 2 Tyron, op. cit., p. 236. 12 responsibilities very early. Still others see through the interdependence on peer approval and sidestep it to a more mature evaluation and become ". . . men before they learn to be boys. To become a man too soon may mean that one be- comes a small man."1 In the subculture of his peers there is a diversity of statuses to be obtained by the adolescent, the same as in an adult group. Some are ascribed due to age, sex, size, looks, physical handicaps. But because competition also ex- ists, many statuses are achieved by the way the boy plays his role. In the peer group one finds the leaders, the followers, the class clown, the brain, the diplomat, the politician, the hangers—on, the social climber.2 Cliques The larger body or peer group breaks up into cliques which are, according to Hurlock, " . . . a small, exclusive, non-kin, informal, face to face social group."3 Each con- sists of three or more members who band together because of having like interests, living in the same neighborhood, or lBossard, Op. cit., p. 537. 2Bossard, Op. cit., p. 534. 3Hurlock, op. cit., p. 129. 13 being from the same socio—economic background. These become closely knit, exclusive subgroups which can bring much satis— faction and security to its members, or much unhappiness and insecurity to the excluded boy or girl. Strang calls cliques "hierarchies of friends.“1 Coleman defines cliques dif— ferently. He says it is a " . . . group built around four or five, each member of which chose or was chosen by at least two others in the nucleus. The group was extended from the basic nucleus of four or five until the new person to be added was not in a mutual choice relation with at least two members of the group. If he was in a mutual choice relation with someone whose membership in the group was contingent upon his own, both were brought in. This was continued so long as the cycle of persons being simultaneously brought in was not larger than five."2 Some of these cliques may have been formed in grade school and will last perhaps through high school. Jersild and Gordon do not find much shifting in degree of acceptance in the junior high school.3 Strang finds that although there 1Strang, Op. cit., p. 298. 2Coleman, Op. cit., p. 183. 3 . . . JerSild, Op. Cit., and Gordon, Op. Cit. 14 is less shift during adolescence, clique membership is transi- tory and unstable. In this highly mobile society, families move from place to place; some parents may object to the choice of friends by an adolescent and bring pressure to bear; the adolescent may achieve membership in a clique of higher prestige, or be dropped for many kinds of picayunish reasons; or his needs and interests change. Although there are no rules, as such, for acceptance by a clique, boys band together more because they enjoy doing things together, and not so much from a sense of security that it brings them, nor because the group has a high degree of prestige. These are the motivating forces in girls' cliques. The person who is not accepted by a clique may have a mutual friend. The person with no friends is called an "isolate." He is on the outside looking in, and many times will sacrifice his own values and interests to secure recog- nition. A few usually highly intellectual individuals have no common interests with their peers and find no particular outlet in their company, but usually they can adjust to this lStrang, op. cit., p. 289. 2Horrocks, Op. cit., p. 516. 15 because they have more resources within themselves on which to draw.1 Just as the individual has a certain status among his peers, different cliques attain different statuses. Membership in the ones with the highest status is a sought for position. Even within the clique, one individual may hold a much more secure position than another. "High status was the resultant, at any one particular stage, of the needs and purposes of the group and the particular readiness of some individuals to Clarify, to represent, to give concrete expression to these group needs, purposes and objectives."2 Most adolescents value their membership in a clique to such an extent that if conformity is a necessary concomitant they will conform. Jersild says that it is "good strategy" to follow the pattern of behavior of the group.3 Conformity ‘ Referring to the literature, one gets the idea that conformity is behavior peculiar to adolescents and that l . . . . Eric W. Johnson, How To Live Thppuqh Junior High School (New York: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1959), p. 136. 2Tyron, Op. cit., p. 229. 3Jersild, op. cit., p. 221. 16 although it is aggravating and deplorable to the adult it is something the adolescent will outgrow. All members of society conform in some manner to norms set by the society, unless of course they can live in complete isolation. These norms are the controls of be- havior. The way an individual acts in reference to the norms is determined by the value he puts on approval or dis- approval by members of his society. And it is by approval of others "that the self can tolerate the self."1 "Conforming behavior must always be in reference to some norm or standard."2 Walker is very analytical in his treatment of conformity and his views are paraphrased below. Some aspects of conformity such as determining the difference between that which is desirable or undesirable, the degree of conformity which is "commendable" and the worth or value attached to the originator of the norm, are looked upon as "value questions" and any judgment in these areas is bound to be influenced by the person or groups making the judgment and by the point in time. 1Davis, Op. cit., p. 213. 2Edward L. Walker and Roger W. Heyns, An Anatomy for Conformity (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1962)! p. 40 l7 Kinds and classes of conditions which produce con- formity and kinds of people who do and who do not conform will yield to experiment and research. Behavior is viewed in the light of needs to be satisfied to achieve a desired goal. If the need is great enough and the goal desirable, the means of achieving it is all that stands between the individual and the goal. This "means" is called the instrumental act and conforming be- havior and non-conforming behavior fit into this category. Thus, if the goal is desirable enough, and conformity is the way to reach it, then conformity will take place. Conformity thus becomes "movement toward some norm or standard and non- conformity (is) movement away from such a norm or standard." This implies movement from one's original position. How far one moves in either direction from this original position depends upon a number of variables: 1) how well defined is the norm; 2) hOW’Well defined is the behavior that will satisfy the norm; 3) just what degree of importance the person attaches to the source of the norm; and 4) whether the person feels more competent to judge for himself than to accept the judgment of the reference group. Some peOple are often described as "conformists" or "non-conformists." It may be that the conformists have found 18 needs were satisfied more often by conforming and since this has been so they do not confine conformity to any one kind of behavior but practice it in all areas. Walker states that the need for affiliation has been selected as one of the human needs that "might be conducive to conformity more frequently than many others."1 It can be said then that Walker sees conformity in the framework of need satisfaction. Pepinsky, discussing Rokeach's research in the area of conformity and deviation says "the transmission of culture demands reliance on authority which is any source to whom we look for information on what to do." He divides conforming behavior into two classifications, rational and rationalized. "The latter is blind obedience, based upon a dogmatic struc— turing of belief that enables one to manufacture excuses for one's conformity. Rational behavior, which may seem to be conforming however, may actually be compliance to a source of reward and punishment, based upon a conscious awareness of how one has to act in order to survive. Knowing compli- ance, then, is not reprehensible but blind obedience is." Ibid., p. 10. 2 Harold B. Pepinsky, "Research Notes from Here and There--Conformity and Deviation," Journal of Counseling Psychology, VII (1960), NO. 2, p. 144-146. l9 Homans also has two kinds of conformity, but he does not see "blind obedience" in either kind. Each has some justification. He gives two reasons why peOple conform to norms set by the group. Some find conforming to the norm rewarding in itself. He argues that "if members of a group are to resemble one another in their behavior, some of them must find this similarity valuable or rewarding" and he empha— sizes that ". . . the important thing is not that the behavior is conformity but that it is valued." Others conform because of the social approval it brings them. Within the group the conformity of each is valuable to the others therefore they reward each other with "sentiments of liking."1 To understand Homans, some definitions of terms are necessary. He speaks of norms and values. Norms, according to Davis, “embody what ought to be"2 as seen by a society and values are the "relative worth"3 that members of the group attach to the norms. Values are held by individuals or groups. 1 . . George Caspar Homans, Socgal BehaVior: Its Elemen- tary Formp (New York: Harcourt, Brace and WOrld, Inc., 1961), p. 116. 2Davis, Op. cit., p. 52. 3John F. cuber, Sociology: A SynOpsis of Principles (New York: Appleton-Century—Crofts, Inc., 1955), p. 42. 20 Homans states that individuals conform to the norms as they apply to their own roles and statuses sometimes for the simple reason that the mere fact that they conform is beneficial. But other times, it is not the conformity that is valuable, but the approval that is given the individual by others of his group who do value conformity. He himself may not really think the conformity is very important, but he does value the approval. In other words, he was "bought by social approval." But the reason is not apparent, and the observer can not tell what was the original underlying motive. Those who fail to conform evidently find some Op- posing kinds of behavior valuable enough to forego the ap- proval of the group. But if the non—conformist can find even one person with his same values, they in turn can reward each other, and thus "rob the group of the greater part of its strength."2 This kind of activity can cause subgroups which are mutually hostile. Conformity would be most prevalent, then, where there are some who value the norms, some who. value the approval and an Opposition that is not united. 1Homans, Op. cit., p. 117. 2Ibid., p. 118. 21 Out of this Homan draWs an hypothesis which will be tested in this study; that so long as there is any link be- tween conformity and social approval, "the larger the number of members that conform to a group norm, the larger is the . 1 number that express SOCial approval for other members." Conformity in Clothing Behavigp Clothing becomes an Outward manifestation of mem— bership in a particular group and a recognizable badge of identification. "In all matters concerning appearance and clothes, adolescents are extremely interested in the apprOpri- ateness of their appearance as judged by the standards of their peer group." Marynia Farnham is specific about boys. "Although boys' clothes afford less SCOpe for their concern than do girls', they exploit what possibilities there are to the fullest. They become crotchety, fussy, dissatisfied, fearful that they will not be dressed to the last detail in accordance with the prevailing requirements. The shirt, the tie, the slacks are all subject to searching scrutiny lest they vary in some minute but vastly dangerous particular from what is 11bid., p. 119. 2Lester and Alice Crow, Adolescentipevelopment and Adjustment (New York: McGraweHill Book Co., 1956), p. 206. 22 accepted and therefore proper. The persuasion or advice of parents in these momentOus matters is likely to be ineffec— tive. The boy is his own court of last appeal, and has most decided notions of his own. Something, oh heavens, is too sissy; something else is impossible, nobody wears such things; but this is indispensible because everybody else has it."1 "With the oncoming of adolescence," says Luella Cole, "the boy or girl becomes acutely aware of social pressures and relationships. It is this sensitivity, that leads the ado- lescent into conformity characteristic of the period. Devi- ations in dress or manners from the mode of the group are painful. The boy or girl wants to have the same kind of clothes, to use the same slang expressions, to do the same things in the same way, to study the same subjects in school, and to enjoy the same forms Of amusement as his or her friends."2 \ Hollingsworth describes deviation from the pattern as "one of the keenest tortures to which an adolescent can be subjected." He says the adolescent will "torture the 1Farnham, Op. cit., p. 50. 2Luella Cole, Psychology of Adolescence (New York: Rinehart and Co., 1954), p. 211. 23 body" for the sake of the "right" clothes.l Hurlock calls it "mental anguish" to deviate from any detail of dress. Brooks finds this same "desire for approval of one's fellows“ and calls it "one of the most powerful forces af- fecting the adolescent." "Attention to clothes and personal appearance may be largely due to this impulse."3 One further quote to emphasize the agreement as to the importance of clothing conformity: ". . . if 'everyone' is wearing berets, it is almost impossible to persuade an ado- lescent to wear any other sort of headgear, no matter how formal the occasion or how inappropriate the beret; if 'no one is wearing berets, then an adolescent will not wear one even to keep the hair out of his eyes while sailing a boat. Apparently, one of the deepest of adolescent needs is the need to be supported and approved by his peers. . . . An adolescent cannot afford to risk the ridicule of his intimate friends because he is too dependent upon them for approval."4 lLeta S. Hollingsworth, The Psychology of the Adolescent (New York: D. Appleton—Century Co., 1928), p. 170. 2Hurlock, op. cit., p. 183. 3Fowler D. Brooks, The Psychology of Adolescence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1929), p. 193. 4Cole, Op. cit., p. 389. 24 The literature concerned with the adolescent boy and girl and their clothing behavior is directly related in three research studies. Findings in two others, although indirectly related to clothing behavior, are pertinent to this study. Vener'sl research, using 782 boys and girls in the Lansing, Michigan school system, of which 138 were eighth grade boys, sought by means of a questionnaire first to de- termine "(1) clothing awareness as related to (a) sex status, (b) age-grade status, (c) social class status and related variables, and (d) conceptions of self."2 Boys and girls both showed an awareness to clothing, but as expected, girls showed a greater degree than boys. Contrary to the hypothesis that the degree of awareness would become greater in the older group, he found that there was no appreciable difference in this category for either sex in the group studied. He concludes from these findings that the eighth grade is already “conscious of the symbolic importance of clothing in inter-personal relationships."3 lArthur Vener, "Adolescent Orientations to Clothing: A Social-Psychological Interpretation" (unpublished Ph.D. dis- sertation, Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology, Michigan State University, 1957), p. 1 Abstract. 2Ibid. 3Ibid., p. 48. 25 Social class status, ascertained by means of five re— lated variables, surprisingly showed no correlation to Clothing awareness, with the possible exception of girls who participated in many activities. Because adults of different social status show different degrees of awareness to clothing, it was expected that the adolescent group would respond in the same way. In seeking an explanation for this unexpected finding, Vener attributed it to the forces of the "American youth culture."1 Although the adolescent shows clothing awareness, he sees it in the framework of his peer culture and not that of the adult culture. Vener takes exception to the finding of Elkin and westlegzwmo call the adolescent culture a myth, and concurs with Gordon3 in the belief "that there has been a tendency to impose social class analysis too rigidly upon the social system of the adolescent."4 Ibid., p. 48. 2Frederick Elkin and William A. Westley, "The Myth of Adolescent Culture," American Sociological Review, Vol. 20 (December, 1955), pp. 680-684. 3Gordon, op. cit. 4Vener, op. cit., p. 58. 26 Clothing awareness related to the concept of self among the boys showed a negligible relationship, disproving the hypothesis that the less socially confident a boy the more aware of clothing he would be. Using the variable of "other-directedness" referring to those who are bound by the precepts of the peer group, there was a positive relatiOnship although only "moderately significant." In the area of clothing deprivation it was Vener's hypothesis that "the more aware of clothing the adolescent is, the more he will express sentiment of clothing depri- vation."2 The same variables, sex, age, social class and con- cept of self were correlated here as in the degree of Clothing awareness category. With the exception of the age category all the findings showed a negative relationship. The younger boys and girls were more concerned with clothing deprivation than the older ones. Vener points out that the older adolescent compensates for clothing deprivation by substituting other need-satisfactions. In the above category only the peer group was con— sidered as the referent in determining feelings of clothing lIbid., p. 56. 2 Ibid., p. 21. 27 deprivation. The importance of other referents was analyzed and it was found that although boys tended to refer to "mother" less than girls, the eighth grade boys showed a greater tendency to refer to mother than did the older ones. Peer reference received the second largest choice. Forty- two per cent of the eighth grade boys and 37 per cent of the twelfth grade agreed or strongly agreed with the statement that "I don't enjoy wearing my clothes unless my friends like them." Mother and peers were considered "highly salient" referents.l Cannon, Staples and Carlson's study related personal appearance and social acceptance.2 They used elementary, junior and senior high school pupils. Seventy—eight boys were in junior high school and they were considered as a unit throughout the study, not being broken down into grade levels. A rating scale devised for determining the personal appearance of the boys and girls was administered by the person doing the study and two assistants. The scale in- cluded (l) apprOpriate and suitable clothing, (2) grooming 1Ibid., p. 67. 2Kenneth L.‘Cannon, Ruth Staples and Irene Carlson, "Personal Appearance as a Factor in Social Acceptance," Journal of Home Economics, Vol. 44, No. 9 (Nov. 1952), pp. 710-713. 28 (hair, nails, teeth, face), (3) neatness and cleanliness, (4) becomingness and (5) fit of clothes and shoes. The scores which became higher with increase in grade level, showed a greater increase for girls than for boys. Then, by use of a sociometric test, the relationship between personal appearance and social acceptance was estab- lished. In only one junior high school was there any signifi- cant correlation coefficient in the boys' group. This finding was not unexpected as previous studies had shown the pOpularity of a person depends on many rather than one factor, and that these factors shift as the child gets older. The girls in the study did show a significant relationship be- tween personal appearance and social acceptance in the junior and senior high school. A study by Sachiko Masumoto concerned itself with "Relationship Of Dress and Behavior Associated with Dress to Social Participation of the Adolescent Boy and Girl."1 The adolescents in this study, however, were fifteen to seventeen years old. The data-procurement devices were a questionnaire and situational analysis stories. The findings 1Sachiko Masumoto, “Relationship of Dress and Be— havior Associated with Dress to Social Participation of the Adolescent Boy and Girl" (unpublished Master's thesis, Pen— nsylvania State University, 1958). 29 of this study again showed greater interest among girls than boys in clothing. As did Vener, Masumoto correlated clothing interest with father's occupation and educational level and found, in both instances there was no correlation. The desire to con— form was a positive finding, but the adolescent considered his own conformity more essential than he believed should be required of others to be socially accepted. Fewer boys than girls reported feeling uncomfortable in their peer group be— cause of the clothes they were wearing. A "major hypothesis" of wayne Gordon's studyl states that "the social behavior of the students of Wabash High School was functionally related to the general social positions they occupied in the social structure of the school." He sought to define the various forces which affect the social behavior of the adolescent. To do this, the academic, formal, and informal organizations of the school were analyzed. The informal organization refers to the pupils' relationships in his peer group as shown by socio- metric tests to delineate Choices of best friends. Gordon found that 85 per cent of the friendship choices were within the school. The boys' cliques were more l . Gordon. 22i_21Eo 3O numerous and less tightly integrated than the girls.1 "Con- formity to patterns of dress was likewise a major preoccu- pation among boys. Specific patterns, while less widely dif- fused than among girls, were carefully adhered tO among the elites."2 The conclusions of his study, relative to the in— formal organizations, although dealing with an older group of adolescents, are noteworthy: Relatively unintegrated groups reached a stage of maximum integration through associative competition which was followed by disassociation into polar noncommunicating groups arranged along a prestige continuum. This is most characteristic of boys' groups. The prestige values of the informal sphere were friendé ships, dress, grade level, clique incorporation, dating, and approved behavior. Clique behavior centering around prestige seeking was rigidly conforming. Closely related were the patterns of dress, dating, and moral behavior which were crucial to social position. 3 . . . Coleman's study dealt only inCidentally With clothing. His was a very broad and exhaustive study, which included all the students in ten high schools, to discover the nature of the "social climate" within the schools and lIbid., p. 96. 2Ibid., p. 119. 3Coleman, Op. cit. 31 the reasons for differences in climate among the schools. Again, clothing awareness was evident in the boys' replies, but to a lesser degree than among girls.l HOWOVer, in some of the questions directed toward determining who or what is important, the category of clothing was omitted from the boys' list of choices.2 Summary Much has been written to augment the statement that young adolescents demonstrate conforming behavior to many patterns set by their peers. Lay writers, sociologists and psychologists view conformity as symptomatic of the age. Sociologists and psychologists discuss it in terms of sub— cultures; awareness of social pressures and relationships; the need for security in a society which fails to define the status of the adolescent; and the means by which social values, customs and mores are learned. Within the subculture or peer group the adolescent finds security, a feeling of belonging, competition with his equals. Those with like interests, similar socio-economic 1Ibid., p. 37. 21bid., p. 72 and p. 231. 32 backgrounds, and proximity of living areas subdivide into more tightly knit groups called cliques. Clique membership is highly valued among adolescents and apparently conformity is a requirement for membership. The major hypothesis of this study is involved with one aspect of conformity, clothing behavior, and is stated as follows: I There is a relationship between conforming to standards of dress set by peers and social acceptance by their peers among eighth grade boys. A method of defining the clothing pattern of the group must be developed before any correlation between con- formity and social acceptance can be established. To the researcher's knowledge, no one has so defined a modal pat— tern of dress. Finding a way to do this is one of the purposes of this study. Chapter II discusses the community, school, the grade, the development of the instrument, pretest and ad- ministration of the instrument. Chapter III presents the method for interpreting social acceptance, modal pattern of dress, and conformity. Chapter IV analyzes the relationship of social acceptance to conformity. Chapter V describes the members of the group as they fit into the various friendship 33 structures. Chapter VI contains the summary and recommen— dations for further study. CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY: PART I This research is designed to be both descriptive, and exploratory. In order to know whether boys conform to a modal pattern of dress, it must first be established that such a pattern does exist. Secondly, the relationship be- tween the degree of conformity and the boy's acceptance by the group must be explored. The methodology for this study is presented in two parts. This Chapter, Part I, includes the following: (1) description of the community; (2) description of the school; (3) selection of the grade; (4) development of the instrument; (5) the pretest (6) administration of the instrument and (7) description of the pOpulation. Part II in Chapter III out- lines the Operational definitions of the three major concepts, social acceptance, modal pattern of dress, and conformity to the modal pattern. 34 35‘ The Community Richmond, Indiana lies at the eastern edge of the state and at the center of the north-south dimension. It is frequently referred to as the Quaker City having been settled in 1806 by North Carolina Quakers, as well as German and Irish immigrants. The community is a second class city with a pOpu- lation of 44,149. A large prOportion of those employed are supported by many highly diversified industries many of which originated early in the city's history and are just now passing out of the hands of family members and are being taken over by large corporations. The manufacturing industries employ 36.9 per cent of the working population. The white collar classification which accounts for 40.3 per cent, includes professional, managerial (except farm), clerical and sales personnel. The median in- come for a family is $5,583 as compared to $3,083 for the state as a whole. Eighteen per cent earn incomes under $2,000 and 12.2 per cent earn $10,000 or more. Seventh-five families are listed as having incomes of $25,000 or more. The largest grouping is found in the $3,000 to $8,000 range. Unemployment amounts to 4.6 per cent. 36 One per cent of the population is foreign born. Of 2,224 persons having one or both parents foreigh-born, 782 are of German extraction, 401 Italian and 208 English, with other nationalities represented in very small numbers. About seven and one-half per cent of the population is Negro. The community is quite stable. Many people are life- long residents. There has been an 11.7 per cent growth in the general population in the last ten years. Ninety-three per cent of all workers are employed within the county. What shifting there is occurs among unskilled laborers who come in from Kentucky and Tennessee when the factories have heavy work schedules, then as a slack period occurs they go back to the hills. The age range of the pOpulation is: under 18 years, 34.1 per cent; between 18 and 64 years, 55.4 per cent; and 65 and over, 10.5 per cent. The median school years completed for the group over 24 years old is 10.8 years which is the same as the state level.1 Earlham College, founded by the Society of Friends in 1847, is located in Richmond. It ranks among the best of the l . . U. S. Bureau of Census, Indiana General POpulation Characteristics, 1960 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1960). ' Home Town - U.S.A. (Richmond's Committee of 100, Inc.L 37 smaller liberal arts colleges and offers many facilities for advanced education to the members of the community. The school system Operates on a six—three—three plan. The facilities consist of 13 elementary schools, three junior high schools, one senior high school, and three elementary parochial schools. In the past year, four schools in the outlying area were annexed, and they are at this time being integrated into the system as additional elementary and junior high schools. There are 141 men and 271 women teachers in the Richmond Community Schools excluding the four schools recently annexed. Each junior high school has an enrollment of approxi- mately 700 to 750 seventh, eighth, and ninth grade boys and girls. The student body of one school is principally children from lower income families, another has the upper and lower extremes, and the third, used in this study, is more nearly a cross section than either of the others, with no one group predominating to any great degree. The distribution of the population within the various socio—economic levels in this third school was a determining factor in its selection for this study. Also, the boys at this school had been observed wearing extremes in dress, and 38 it was thought they would provide a good population for a study of conformity. There are no clothing regulations, as such, although extreme deviation from what is considered prOper school at- tire is generally handled by the dean or the principal. It is the Opinion of the administration that the school cannot dictate what the child wears. Although the researcher is a member of the faculty of this school, it was considered a better policy to associ- ate the questionnaire in the minds of the boys with studies about teen-agers and their opinions being made by the Univer— sity. The researcher's interest in the project was not made known to the boys, The eighth grade was selected in preference to seventh or ninth for several reasons. Because pupils come to this junior high school from five elementary schools, they still find, in the seventh grade, most of their friends among their earlier acquaintances. Also it is not until the eighth grade that they begin to assert their independence from parental control. By this time the peer group has become more im- portant than the adult groups for approval in matters con- cerning dress. 1Gesell, Op. cit., p. 181. 39 From the standpoint of clique structure, Johnson be— lieves that the eighth grade evidences the "peak of Cliquishness.”l Also, referring to Hurlock's delineation of adolescent stages, the seventh grader is a pre-adolescent, while the eighth grader is an early-adolescent.2 Why not the ninth grade then, where there would be an even better established pattern of behavior? In the parochial schools, children complete the eighth grade and then transfer for the ninth grade to the junior high school. These pupils are too new to judge fairly whether or not they fit into the clique structure of the class. For these reasons then, the eighth grade is the population for this study. .pevelopment of the Instrument Several data procurement devices were considered that could meet the requirements of this study and also fit into the school program without too much disruption. After careful study, the questionnaire was chosen because it could be administered simultaneously to a large lJohnson, Op. cit., p. 126. 2Elizabeth Hurlock, Adolescent Development (New York: McGraw—Hill Book Co., Inc., 1955), p. 4. 40 number of boys and could be completed in the home room period. It was a requirement of this study that all the boys be questioned on one day to eliminate from the responses any variations because of differences in weather or school events. Also, discussion among the participants could be held to a minimum if there were no time lag between questioning boys. A device to get a precise picture of the attire of each boy was a major consideration. From observation, con- sultation with clothing merchants who cater to the teen-age boy, discussion with barbers, and questioning of other boys not in the group, a series of questions calling for a check- answer was formulated. Each item of the boys' outer apparel and their hair styles were categorized in as many Choices as were thought necessary. In the Opinion of the researcher, much more extreme patterns in dress of the boys were in evidence in the pre- vious year than during this school year. Large numbers of boys had.been observed wearing their pants extremely low at the waist and so tight in the legs that they developed a peculiar stiff-legged kind of hOpping motion to get up and down the stairs. To get books out of the bottoms of the lockers was a difficult task because there was so little lee- way for bending the knees. 41 Obviously styles change among the boys as well as girls. No such extremes in dress were prevalent this year. This researcher waited in the fall of the school year to al- low time for a pattern to show itself. Then it was thought that after the new Christmas clothing appeared a strongly de- fined pattern would develop. By spring it was evident and obvious that these extremes in dress were not the accepted style this year and that the real pattern lay in the much more conservative appearance. However, the point of the study is not particular ipepp of clothing worn, but the pattern being worn by most boys. Technically, it makes no difference whether the dress is extreme or conservative. In structuring the questions to determine degree of conformity, Vener'sl study was used as a guide and a number of questions from it were adapted to this study (15, 16, 17, 38, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50 and 52). Masumoto's2 research furnished questions pertaining to social acceptance and de- gree of conformity (56, 55, 53, 20, 58, 57): others were developed for the purposes of this study. Where Opinions were sought, Open-ended questions were used to provide suf- ficient latitude for the responses. More questions were used l . Vener, Op. Cit. 2 . Masumoto, Op. Cit. 42 in the questionnaire than were analyzed for this study. Other data gathered will become a part of the larger study being done on the relationship of clothing and adolescent be— havior.1 Questions one through 14 were designed to supply descriptive data of the group. The sociogram was developed from answers to question 15. The purpose of questions 16, 17, 18, and 20 was to help determine the characteristics that boys feel are important when selecting friends. From these answers and from the replies to number 44 some evaluation could be placed on the boys' feelings of the importance of clothing to social acceptance. The modal pattern of dress was established by the responses to questions 21 through 37. The importance of conformity for self is revealed in the responses to questions 39, 40, 41, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, and 57. Questions 38 and 39 contrasted the boy's feelings about the need for others in his peer group to conform and how he feels his own popularity is affected by conformity. lJoanne B. EiCher, "Ninth Grade Girls"Attitudes and Behavior Related to Role, Appearance, Social Class, and Group rAcceptance" (research in progress for Michigan State Univer- sity Agricultural Experiment Station). 43 The most popular, the best dressed and the boy the members of the group would like to COpy in dress were estab- lished by questions 19, 42, and 51 respectively. Pretest The questionnaire was first administered to seven boys at another junior high school in the same community. This group was carefully selected so that it represented various socio-economic and intellectual levels. The boys were instructed to act as judges for clarity Of the test and to comment on any phase which they considered not clear. As the result of this it became apparent that some device must be employed to make the description of the pattern of dress more highly structured. Sketches showing hair styles, shirt, sweater, sweat shirt, and coat types were added, as well as sketches picturing the normal waistline. The pretest was then administered to an eighth grade boys' home room at the same junior high school. The purpose was to determine the time necessary to answer the question- naire and also to test the suitability of the drawings as well as the adequacy of the whole deviCe. Since no sketches of kinds of material were feasible, trousers of various kinds, loaned by a local merchant, were 44 displayed with large placards designating twill, polished cotton and dark cotton plaid. The boys were free to look these over carefully. The researcher and two assistants were present to answer any questions. Not all the boys were able to complete the test in the one period. As the result of the pretest it was determined that the actual testing must be done over two home room periods of thirty minutes each. Since this was the case, it was de— cided to separate the questionnaire into two parts. The first day, questions concerning background and choice of friends would be administered. This would offer an additional advantage in that the replies concerning opinions and Characteristics of a new boy, a pal, and the most pOpular boy would not be biased in favor of clothing, having been in— fluenced by a pre-determined frame of reference. A sketch to depict the amount of tapering of the trouser legs and some minor changes in wording were done. lappinistration of the Instrument The revised questionnaire was administered to the eighty—three eighth grade boys assembled in the school audi- torium on two successive mornings during the thirty minute home room period. This location was not ideal because there 45 were no writing arms on the seats. However, the boys had been instructed to bring a notebook on which to write. To facilitate getting in and out of the rows to answer questions, the boys were seated in every other row. In order to prevent as much conversation as possible among the boys, they were asked to take every other seat. This spread the boys over a considerable area, so the public address system was used to make the directions audible to the entire group. Each boy was handed an envelope containing the first section of the questionnaire. This part supplied background data used in the description of the population. After the boys took the form from the envelOpe the first page was read carefully by the researcher. Emphasis was placed on the need for their cooperation; on the fact that the information would be held in strictest confidence; that neither their names nor any of the information given would be used in any way except for the purposes of the study; and that the study was being done at Michigan State University. This set the stage for a very receptive atti- tude by the boys. The researcher and an assistant familiar with the instrument then moved among the boys answering questions. 46 Upon completion of the questionnaire, the boy placed it in the envelope and it was collected. No one was dismissed until the end of the period. On the second day the garments showing the types of fabrics and the styles of trousers were displayed with the apprOpriate labels, at the edge of the stage. The envelopes used the day before were arranged in alphabetical order on a table. When all the boys had assembled they were given the second half of the questionnaire and told to begin. The same seating arrangement was used as the day before. When the boys finished, they came to the stage by rows, got their own en- velope, placed the completed questionnaire inside, and sealed the envelope. Description of the Population The questionnaire was administered to the total eighty-three regularly enrolled eighth grade boys in this co- educational junior high school. With the exception of one 12 year old and nine boys who were 15 years old all were 13 or in their early 14th year. 47 In 81 per cent (67)* of the families the father was the main financial support and in 48 per cent (40) of the group he was the only contributor. Mothers contributed to the support of the family in 43 per cent (36) of the families and in 10 per cent (8) she was the chief support. In 10 per cent (8) of the cases financial support came from some other source. This included four families who were supported wholly or in part by a government pension. The population of this school represents a socio- economic cross section beginning with upper middle class and moving downward, which is verified by the educational level and occupational status of the persons who are the main financial support of the family. An analysis of the educational level of the group as a whole shows the number and percentage of chief financial contributors in each category. * The number in parentheses is the actual number of families. 48 Number and Percentage of Chief Contributors of Family Income Indicating Educational Level of Chief Contributor Educational Level of Chief Contributor Category Number Percentage* No schooling 0 0 Some grade school 4 5.4 Graduated from grade school 5 8.1 Some high school 14 18.9 Graduated from high school 26 35.1 Some college 3 4.1 Graduated from college 21 28.4 Other education 1 1.4 Don't know and no response 9 10.8 *Percentages calculated on basis of the number re— sponding, except for those making ”no response". These were calculated on basis of whole group. Among the college graduates one has had some graduate school work, four have Masterksdegrees, one is a Ph.D. in mathematics and two are dentists. Among the mothers who support or contribute to the support of the family four graduated from college, two have had some graduate work and one has a Masters degree. 49 Occupational status ranged through all seven cate- gories of Warner's scale1 with the largest percentage in the semi-skilled Classification. Number and Percentage of Chief Contributors to Family Income Indicating Occupational Level of the Chief Contributor Occupational Level Category Number Percentage Professional 15 19.2 Semi-professional 4 5.1 Clerks and kindred workers 11 14.1 Skilled workers 11 14.1 Proprietors of small businesses 6 7.7 .Semi-skilled workers 21 26.9 Unskilled workers 10 12.8 No response 5 6.0 . . . . . 2 Warner, in his ReVised Scale for Rating Occupations takes cognizance of the fact that occupations are "two— ”. 3 . . . . . . dimenSional,", i.e., Within all ClasSifications there are varying levels of skills and prestige. The above 1W. Lloyd Warner, Social Class in America (Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949), p. 123. 2Warner, op. cit., pp. 140-141. 3Ibid., p. 136. 50 Classification has been redefined according to the Warner scale to consider the other dimension of the occupations. The chart below shows a descending progression. Those with the smallest number have the highest ranking. Number and Percentage of Chief Contributors to Family Income Indicating Rank Order of Occupational _ Status of the Chief Contributor Occupational Status Number of Category ' Individuals _ Percentage 1 5 6.5 2 12 15.6 3 6 7.8 4 18 23.4 5 13 16.9 6 18 23.4 7 5 7.8 8 no response 6 7.2 warner's Revised Scale for Rating Occupations. Eighty-eight per cent of the boys attended this school in the seventh grade. Eleven per cent entered this school in the eighth grade from out-of—town. Eight boys are Negro. There is no predominate foreign element. The dwelling area category is a cursory evaluation made only on the judgment of the researcher who is quite 51 familiar with the area within the school boundaries as well as the entire city. Warner'g'scale applies here also and the rank is again in descending order. Number and Percentage of Chief Contributor to Family Income Indicating Rank Order of Dwelling Area Lived in by Family of Chief Contributor Dwelling Area Number of Category Families Percentage 1 very high 0 0 2 high 0 0 3 above average 4 5.3 4 average 45 60.0 5 below average 19 25.3 6 low 4 5.3 7 very low 3 4.0 8 information not available 8 9.6 1Warner, op. cit., p. 153. CHAPTER I I I METHODOLOGY : PART I I Operational Definition of Social Acceptance To be socially accepted by his peers is a necessary concomitant for the development of self for the adolescent. To determine the degree of acceptance and/or rejection in interpersonal relations by members of a group Moreno de- veloped a technique for measuring and quantifying this ele- ment of human interaction and called it a sociometric test.1 This device can be used for "determining the degree to which individuals are accepted in a group, for discovering the re— lationships which exist among the individuals and for dis— closing the structure of the group itself."2 Moreno set up certain criteria for the administration of a true sociometric test. He stipulated that the test should be seen by the participant as a way of bringing about lJacob L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive? (Beacon, N.Y.: Beacon House Inc., 1953). Mary L. Northway, A p..... of Sociometry (Toronto, Canada: university of Toronto Press, 1952), p. 1. 52 53 desired social change, thus supplying a motive and a purpose for the subject making responses. Questions such as, "With whom would you like to serve on a committee to prepare a science report?" or "Whom would you like best as a tent mate if you were going camping?" would be within the framework of the criteria. Also possible number of choices or rejections should be unlimited; the test should be done in private; and the questions should be understandable by the group. "Only such a test can be correctly called sociometric . . ." When no criterion is used but the person is merely asked whom they like or dislike, this Moreno terms "near-sociometric."l Bjerstedt, quoting Polansky, Lippett and Redl says that such a test "may be described as neither sociometric nor near-sociometric, but rather as projected '1iking' reactions in an undetermined setting.“2 This projected '1iking' reaction test has been widely used. However if any test is to be worthwhile it must be (1) valid and (2) reliable. In other words, does it test what it is meant to test and can it be expected to produce the same results again and again? lMoreno, Op. cit., p. 105-106. 2Ake Bjerstedt, fThe Methodology of Preferential Sociometry," Sociometry Monographs, XXXVII (Lund, Sweden: University of Lund, 1956), p. 36. 54 In using this modified sociometric device, there can be no right or wrong answers and so the validity of the test is self-evident, or the test has "face validity"; that is, the relevance of the measuring instrument to what one is trying to measure is apparent "on the face of it."1 Jersild's analysis of the degree of acceptance is very penetrating. He finds that the most socially accepted person is not necessarily the one with the highest degree of personal adjustment, but his status may be the result of highly calculated behavior on the part of the individual to maneuver himself into this position.2 Tyron questions the validity of the sociogram because some will choose friends or be chosen because the Chosen one may enjoy a high position in the group. To be thought to be friends with such a person awards position to the Chooser.3 As to the reliability of the sociogram Jennings says that "choice position is slow to change" and that "sociometric lClaire Selltiz, Maria Jahoda, Morton Deutsch and Stuart W. Cook, Research Methods in Social Relations (New York: Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 1960), p. 165. 2Jersild, Op. cit., p. 215. 3Tyron, Op. cit., p. 230. 55 measurements may therefore be considered reliable."1 Also Pepinsky recognizes that changes in choice could and do occur, but these are the results of change in behavior and not a reflection of the reliability of the test.2 The type of questions in this study was not within any definite framework, but simply asked the respondent to name "the pals with whom they spend a great deal of time in school and out of school." (Question 15, page three of questionnaire) The number of possible choices was unlimited. This technique is a widely accepted practice and was the method employed by Bjorngaard and Williams in their research.3 The raw data in this study of social acceptance con- sisted of names of pals chosen by the boys. These names were (1) placed on a matrix, (2) develOped into a sociogram, (3) analyzed for numbers of reciprocated choices, and lHelen Hall Jennings, Leadership and Isolation (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1950), p. 27-31. 2Pauline M. Pepinsky, "The Meaning of Validity and Reliability," Journal of Educational and Psychological Measurements (1949), pp. 42-49. 3Arlene Bjorngaard, “The Relationship of Social Class and Social Acceptance to Clothing and Appearance of a Selected Group of Ninth Grade Girls" (unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, 1962). Madelyn Williams, "Opinions on Clothing, Appearance and Social Acceptance as Factors in Group Cohesion of Ninth Grade Girls" (unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, 1963). 56 (4) compared to obtain the "choice status" of each boy. "Fol- lowing the assumption that every choice has the same meaning (under a given criterion), it is only common sense to believe any individual's "popularity" or "acceptance" will be directly prOportional to the number of choices which he receives, called his "Choice status.“l Construction of the Matrix The matrix was the first step in organizing the social structure of the group. It was made by constructing an N and N table to cross—tabulate the chooser and the chosen. Each boy was assigned a code number and is identified here- after by this means, thus insuring anonymity. If 02 chose 05 an X was placed in the horizontal column 02 under 05. If 05 also chose 02 then an X was placed in the 05 horizontal column under 02. Each of these X's was circled and joined by a line to indicate a reciprocated choice. Also, if 02 chose 03 then an X was placed in the horizontal 02 column under 03. Since 03 did not choose 02 this X was left standing alone as an unreciprocated choice. lMarie Jahoda, Morton Deutsch and Stuart W. Cook, Research Methods in Social Relations, lst ed., Part 2 (New York: The Dryden Press, 1951), p. 569. 57 Matrix Code Number for Chosen H 01-02'03104'05'06' > 83 Total 3% o 01 01 O ,.C‘. U 02 , x 02 '5' ‘H 03 1:) 03 H l (1) .Q / E 04 / 04 g 7 05 ,, 1 ® 0,5 '0 q, 41’ 8 83 83 Total ' This process was repeated for all the choices made by each member of the pOpulation. First choices were differentiated from subsequent choiCes by using a different color for the X's. From this matrix the number of choices each individual made, received, had reciprocated, or rejected was visually presented. Sociogram The information available from the matrix was then used to structure a sociogram, Figure A, which revealed in even more graphic form the configurations within the entire group. The sociogram is a widely used method to determine Reciprocal Friend- - ships Eighth Grade Figure A 59 the friendship patterns of a group and to judge the degree to which an adolescent is accepted or rejected by his peers. In this study the individuals on the sociOgram were represented by circles. The lines extending from the Circles to another circle represent the number of reciprocated Choices or ties. The boys with no reciprocated choices became isolates. Four categories of isolates were designated and indicated as Isolates Isolates , Isolates and Isolates . On the socio- 1' 2 3 4 gram Isolatesl are those who made no choices and received none. Those in this category are known as pure isolates and also as accurate perceivers in that they recognized their iso- lation. Isolates2 are ignored, having made choices but re- ceiving none; Isolates3 are self isolates because they made no choices but did receive some; and Isolates4 made and re- ceived choices but none matched thus the term confused for this group. In the group of boys in this study 21 (25.3 per cent) of the 83 were isolates, which is a considerably larger per- centage than was found among the girls studied by Bjorngaard. lBjorngaard, Op. cit., p. 31. 60 Ausebell refers to studies done by Bonney on younger groups of boys and girls in which the boys' groups were found to be less tightly knit than girls'. The implication is made that the same holds for young adolescents. Those members who had only one choice reciprocated became mutual pairs even though they may have made many other choices. This same pattern was followed throughout and the other more involved structures were formed by this same method. Accurate perceivers identified by short—line pro- jections around the circle, may occur in these structures so long as each choice made and received is reciprocated. The following chart summarizes the structure of the reciprocal friendShips in this grade. 1David P. Ausubel, Theory and ngblems of Child 9e- Ji velopment (New York: Grune and Stratton, 1958), p. 478. 2Since this sociogram was not intended to show more than reciprocated friendships among the eighth grade boys it was termed in this study a Reciprocated Friendship Structure, but to avoid confusion the term sociogram will be used. 61 Number of Individuals and Number of Structures in Each Category of Group and Non-group Membership Category of group or non-group Number of Number of membership Individuals Structures Isolates 21 --- Mutual Pairs 6 3 Triangles 10 3 Chains l4 4 Complex Structures ' 32 2 Totals 83 Degree of Acceptance Choice status is indicative of an individual's social acceptance. The same technique can be used to calculate social acceptance of a group. "Depending on the criterion, CSi will measure leadership, social acceptability, influence, and other characteristics."1 CSi refers to a person's choice status and it equals the number of persons choosing an individual. Sometimes the number of choices is divided by the number of individuals in the test population minus one (because no individual chooses 1Jahoda, Op. cit., p. 573. 62 himself). However Jahoda says that the index is "widely used without the (N—l) factor."l To ascertain Choice status of each group, of each boy, and of the friendship structure to which he belonged, each member's choices were analyzed. Referring to the socio- metric matrix a diagram was made for each boy as shown below. «A» The center circle is the boy being analyzed. The 79 is his code number. The small number above the 79 is his RFS number. Each circle around the center represents another boy who chose 79 or was chosen by 79. The number outside the Circle again refers to RFS membership. This boy is a member 1Ibid., p. 571. 63 of RFS9 and he made all of his choices (five) within his own RFS group, each of which was reciprocated in this case. Had they not been reciprocated the single pointed arrow would extend from the center but not touch the outer Circle. Number 79 received four Choices from members of RFS and one 8 from RFS9 which were not reciprocated. To facilitate reading, the reciprocated choices were done in one color and the unreciprocated in another. By compiling this infor- mation the choices within a group and to another group could be studied, as well as each boys personal choice status. _Qperationa1fipefinition of Modal Pattern of_press The questionnaire yielded information in two areas which were necessary for this study; the sociometric data from which the social acceptance was ascertained and the kinds of clothing being worn on the specific day by the eighth grade boys from which the modal pattern of dress was established. All data were coded and punched on IBM cards. Column counts of each item of clothing gave the distribution within each category. Table 1 shows this distribution. Table 1.--The dress1 64 of eighth grade boys on the test day, showing the distribution of boys in each category Main Categories Variations within the NUmber of of Dress2 Category Boys Wear- ing Each3 Hair Style Hollywood 25 Madison 20 Flattop 15 Crewcut 12 Ducktail 8 Other 2 Shirt Style Sport shirt 78 Sweater 11 T—shirt 2 Sweat shirt 2 Pants Legs Moderately draped 47 None or very little drape 23 Tightly draped 11 Other 2 Pants worn at normal waistline 52 Slightly below 28 Very far below 2 Coat Windbreaker 27 Trench coat 26 Sports jacket 5 Sweater 4 Other 4 Suburban 3 Leatheret 3 Benchwarmer 2 Tie Wearing a tie 0 Suspenders Wearing suspenders 0 Vest Wearing a vest 0 Table 1.--Continued 65 Further Details of Number of Main Categories of Variations within the Boys wear- Dress Category ing Each Shirt Open at neck with T—shirt 35 showing Long Sleeves 46 Short Sleeves 29 Shirt tail Worn inside pants 47 Worn outside pants 34 Shirt tail pointed 4 Pants Type of fabric Twill 21 Dark cotton plaid 14 Polished cotton 13 Wool 5 Corduroy 5 Styles Slacks 30 Continentals 36 Blue jeans 9 Levis 8 Coat Decoration on coat 1 1 The term dress refers to all aspects of appearance. 2 . . The categories of shoes and socks were omitted due to an oversight. 3 . . . In some instances the totals of the figures in the categories is less than 83 due to a "no response" by the boys. In the case of shirt style, the total is more than 83 because some of the boys were wearing two items in this category. 66 Some items in the questionnaire were not included in the tabulation because the distribution was so divided that each item was checked about the same number of times. This applied to color in all instances. I From these figures on the table the modal pattern of dress was established. Mode, in statistical terms refers to the "score that occurs with the greatest frequency.“1 This is the only way these numbers could be interpreted to have any meaning in this study because they have “no relation of order to one another." wmere the distribution became bimodal or multimodal in the same category these then became alternate choices within the modal pattern. With this method of interpretation, the modal pattern then resolved itself in terms of what the boys did pgp wear and what they gig wear most frequently. Vests and suspenders were seen being worn by some of the Negro boys and a few others during the time the Clothing patterns were being observed, but as shown in Table 1 none were being worn on the test day. The mildness of the day may have been a determinant in this item as well as in the number of boys (nine) not wearing coats. 1 Selltiz, op. cit., p. 411. 2Selltiz, Op. cit., p. 411. 67 No ties were worn at the time of the test. Boys on the athletic teams at this school do wear a white shirt with a tie and jacket on the days the team plays a game at an- other school. Others had been observed wearing them on occasion. Decoration on coats refers to emblems of various kinds usually across the back of a jacket, either on a wind- breaker or on a leather jacket. Only one boy was wearing an outer coat so decorated. Pants worn very low at the waistline and extremely tight in the legs were pgp being worn this year. Only two of the boys (2.4 per cent) were wearing the low waistline and 11 (13.3 per cent) were wearing very tight pants legs. One boy, answering the question, "Does the clothing a person wears influence the way you feel about that person?" said, "He may be wearing very pegged pants, dirty shirt etc. would not help me to like him." T—shirts or sweat shirts in place of a sport shirt or dress shirt were seen on only two boys (2.5 per cent). Pointed shirt tails, so pOpular in the past, were worn by only four boys (4.9 per cent) and the ducktail hair style was favored by only eight boys (9.6 per cent). One boy made sure to qualify the description of his ducktail by adding that "it has a wave in front, but not like a hood." 68 Sports shirts were being worn by 95.1 per cent of the boys. The types and kinds varied through four ranges. Six- teen boys wore a plain fabric sport shirt, 17 had figured material, 15 had plaid shirts and 20 wore the shirt of the knit fabric with the three button neck opening and the small emblem on the shirt. Sketch E, (Questionnaire p. 10) the polo type Sport shirt, was worn by only two boys. Sketch F (Questionnaire p. 10) is very much like C except for the neck opening and it was worn by three boys. No differentiation was made concerning wearing the pants at the normal waistline or slightly below, nor wearing the legs slightly tapered or as bought. -It was obvious that most of the boys did not make too much distinction between the choices in these categories. This was evidenced by the fact that of the 37 who were wearing Continentals 23 said they were wearing them at their normal waistline. Conti- nentals are cut to be worn slightly below the waistline and the legs of them are also slightly tapered. The hair styles category develOped a multimodal pat- tern. Twenty—six boys wore a Hollywood style, which is very Short all over except for a lock in the front which is long enough to comb either forward or back. The Madison, chosen 69 by 20 of the boys has the hair a bit longer all over, enough so that the hair can be parted. The name flattOp is descriptive of the style Chosen by 15 of the boys. The hair on the tOp of the head is cut to give a flat look. Many boys use a wax on the hair to make it stand up, thus accentuating this look. The crew cut is clipped quite short all over the head. Twelve boys were wearing their hair this way. The ducktail features the deep waves and the back swept look. Only eight boys are wearing this style. One of the two wearing "other" styles said, "My hair is fairly long. I don't comb it much." The second "other“ had a style that was very much like a Hollywood but the boy explained that the lock in front was a bit longer than the conventional Hollywood style. Of the 74 boys wearing coats to school on the day of the test 27 wore Windbreakers, 26 wore trench coats, five wore sports jackets, four wore sweaters as coats, four had some other kind of outer garment, three wore suburban jackets, three had leatheret coats and two wore benchwarmers. Of the trench coats, 12 of them were worn by boys in RFS Six being 9! green and six black. 70 A review of the column counts for each category of clothing revealed those items which were worn most frequently. From these figures the modal pattern of dress for the eighth grade boys on the test day was develOped as is shown in Table 2. Operational Definition of Conformity to Modal Pattern In order to determine the conformity of the boys by group and non-group membership it was necessary to construct a profile for each boy within the categories of the modal pattern of dress. This was done by means of a chart on which each of the items of apparel and the choices within each category were marked off in vertical columns across the chart. The kinds of isolates and the RFSs were arranged so that they could be read in the horizontal columns. A dif- ferent color of pencil was used for each clothing category and heavy lines in color separated the vertical columns which pertained to each set. From the IBM counts it was possible to separate the boys into their RFS structures and from this another count was made to determine the boys in each subdivision. Each item of clothing was then checked in its respective column for each boy. 71 Table 2.--The modal pattern of dress in terms of the articles of apparel the boys do not wear and articles of apparel the boysIQQ‘wear Article or style Number of boys Number of boys boys do not wear not wearing _ responding to article - question Vests 82 82 Suspenders 82 82 Tie 80 80 Decoration on coat 73 74 Belt line of pants worn very low ‘ 80 82 T-shirt in place of a shirt 79 81 Sweat shirt 79 81 Pointed shirt tails worn outside of pants 77 81 Ducktail hair style 75 83 Legs of pants extremely draped 72 83 Article of style boys pp wear Sport shirts 78 82 Pants worn at normal waistline or slightly below 80 82 Hair style: Hollywood, Madison, Flatt0p or Crewcut 72 82 Pants legs draped slightly or as bought 70 83 Outside coat; Trench or Windbreaker 1 53 74 72 By means of this Chart each boy's attire within the framework of his position On the sociogram could be seen. If a boy was wearing an article of clothing which was ppp a part of the modal pattern, or was ppp wearing an item of clothing which_yg§ a part of the pattern, the circle on the sociogram which represented him was colored. A different color designated each item. Each clothing category was checked out on a separate sociogram. Having gone through the entire pattern of dress for each boy, those individuals whose circles remained uncolored were the ones then who conformed completely to the pattern. If the boy differed in only one item from the modal pattern, then only one of the circles representing him in the set of sociograms was colored. If he differed in two items then two of his circles were colored, and so on. This provided a method of determining the degree of conformity of each boy. 73 .ggmmary of Methodology This descriptive and exploratory research was con— ducted in a small city in Indiana where employment was largely in diversified industries. In the junior high school selected for this study, the socio-economic background was more nearly a cross-section through the various strata than in the other two junior high schools in the city. Also boys here had been observed wearing extremes in dress and it was thought this would furnish a good setting for a study of conformity in dress. The eighth grade was selected for the pOpulation because friendships were thought to be more stabilized here than in the seventh grade. A questionnaire was selected as the method used to procure the data. The instrument was administered to 83 boys during two home room periods of 30 minutes each on two suc- cessive days. Background data concerning the pOpulation was secured the first day and the more specific data for the study was obtained the second day. Social acceptance by peers was measured by means of sociometric analysis. The device used in this research was a modified type of sociometric testing termed "projected 74 '1iking' reactions." The group was then structured into three main categories; isolates, mutual pairs and RFS members. Choice status defining which category of boys rated as the most cohesive and the most sought-for group was de- termined. All data were punched on IBM cards and the modal pattern of dress was formulated from the column counts. The pattern became two-dimensional in that there were items which the boys did ppp wear as well as items they gig wear which constituted the pattern. A profile of each boy's Clothing items was made as a means of determining conformity to the modal pattern of dress. This profile was designed to give also the boy's position within the framework of the sociogram. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF DATA This research sought to discover whether there was a relationship between social acceptance and conforming to a modal pattern of dress by a group of young adolescents. This objective was entirely dependent upon another major objective discussed in Chapter III, establishing the modal pattern of dress. A technique for defining social acceptance--socio- metric analysis—-has been well developed by previous research. With these objectives in mind for this study, a major hypothesis and two sub—hypotheses were formulated which were stated as follows:, Majo; hypothepip: There is a relationship between conforming to standards of dress set by peers and social ac- ceptance by peers among eighth grade boys. ‘§gp-hypothe§is A: The degree of conformity to the modal pattern of dress is positively related to group ac- ceptance. 75 76 Sub-hypothesis B: Conformity to the modal pattern of dress is positively related to the degree of acceptance: The more ties the boy has the greater the conformity, or con- versely, the fewer the ties the boy has the less the conform- ity. Employing the techniques described in Chapter III, data were available for analysis in three areas to test these hypotheses: social acceptance; modal pattern of dress; and conformity to the modal pattern. The sociogram and its use in determining social ac— ceptance were defined in Chapter III. A modified form which used "projected liking" reactions indicated the friendship structures of the pOpulation and the varying degrees of social acceptance or isolation. Twenty-one members were isolates, six belonged in mutual pairs, 14 were divided among four chains, 10 were grouped in three triangles and 13 and 19 re— spectively made up the two complex structures. The members of structured groupings (except for mutual pair members) will hereafter be referred to as RFS members, and the structures will be referred to as RFS.l Establishing the modal pattern of dress, was ac- complished by methods described in Chapter III. The profile 1 Supra, Chap. iii, p. 58. Figure A. 77 of each boy's clothing yielded necessary data plus the boy's conformity and degree of conformity to the pattern. Analysis of the profile showed total conformity to the modal pattern by 39 boys (47.0 per cent). The RFS structure illustrated in Figure B shows those exhibiting complete conformity by shaded circles and degrees of deviation by markings which are explained in the key. Eight boys declared this was an atypi- cal day as they were dressed differently from their usual attire. Comparing isolates, mutual pairs and RFS members' conformity to the modal pattern became a test of the major hypothesis of this research.1 Table 3 shows conformity to the modal pattern of dress by group and non—group members. Also shown is deviation from the modal pattern by all but one, two, three and four items, respectively. Of the 21 isolates, eight conformed completely to the modal pattern (38.1 per cent). In the literature many references were made to the point that being different from the group is "painful,"2 "torture“3 and "mental anguish"4 lSupra, chap. iv, p. 73. 2Cole, op. cit., p. 21. 3Hollingsworth, Op. cit., p. 170. 4Hurlock, Psychology of press, p. 183. 78 Reciprocal Friendship _ , - Eighth Grade Boys ’? @4 \ ’Q /‘\ RFS RFS 5 6 6:3 1 O @ @ Isolates‘ 2 OO@ Isolates3 @@ Isolates Figure B. RFS 9 f KEY (1’. _ @1 Deviates: Times-l 6 2 ® 3' © 4 % Conforms 79 OHOB m pcm N mBOH paw mum mcEsHOO .pwmmmHHOO .mumsvaHno mHnu mo coHumusmEoo CH Q .pwmmeHou OHOB mum wCEsHOU .mnmsvmlHno anu mo coHumusmEoo ch 8A onm. tutp H 84 u x Q N 0H.Aonm. 6.6 m 83.4 n ax OOH mm v.~ m ¢.N m m.MH HH m.¢m mm O.>¢ mm HmuOB OOH Om O.m N m.H H n.OH O ¢.Om SH O.mm Om w.mmm OOH O O O O O h.OH H n.0p w h.OH H .m.2 OOH Hm O O m.¢ H O.mH e H.mm m H.mm m mwumHowH whom mwom whom whom whom whom x .02 X mo .02 S mo .02 S mo .02 A mo .02 x mo .02 mEOuH mEOOH mEmuH EmuH mco meuomwumu Hmpoa a pan HHm m pun HHm m use HHm use HHm aH mpHspomcoo mHempcmHnm muHEnowcou OOOHQEOO HmooumHomm >Hm>HuommmmH .mEouH HOOH new money .oBu .mso HOD HHm >9 huHEHOwcoo pcm muHEHomcoo mumeEou OCHOCOOH>O mmHuommumo mHnmpcmHHm HmooumHowH CH mmmucmoumm pcm uwflaszli.m OHHmB 80 for the young adolescent. Being accepted was listed by Horrocksl as one of the major psychological needs of adoles- cents. Coupling these two concepts, it might be expected that more isolates would have conformed to the modal pattern than did in this population. However, the definition of con- formity for this study was very rigid. Had "conformity" a1- 1owed deviation by at least one item of dress, then 16 of the 21 isolates or 76.2 per cent would have met the requirements. Mutual pairs showed the lowest percentage (16.7 per cent or one out of six) of complete conformity to the pattern. The fact that each member of a mutual pair found one person with whom to share his values, according to Homans,2 may be reward enough to forego the approval of the group. Mutual pair members can lean on each other and find that their need for recognition is satisfied. However, when the number of those conforming in all but one item of dress was added to the number who showed com- plete conformity, then five out of six boys (83 per cent) did conform. Considering these figures, the statement that they rewarded each other sufficiently to warrent non-conformity is lHorrocks, Op. cit., pp. 507-509. 2Homans, op. cit., p. 118. 81 limited by the narrow margin by which they ventured to oppose the group norms. It must be pointed out however, that the one item by which these boys varied from the modal pattern1 was an item strongly divergent from the pattern. Very tight pants legs accounted for one boy,wearing a sweater in place of a shirt accounted for another and the other two were wearing Sports jackets. Of the entire population only eleven boys wore very tight pants legs, eleven wore sweaters in lieu of shirts, and only five wore sports jackets. Three mutual pair members wore sports jackets. In the complete conformity category, the trend among the RFS members was in the direction of the hypothesis which stated that there is a relationship between conformity to the pattern of dress and group acceptance. These members showed 53.6 per cent (30 out of 56) conforming completely to the modal pattern. This percentage was larger than was shown by isolates (38.1 per cent) and mutual pairs (16.7 per cent). When complete conformity combined with conformity in all but one item of dress was analyzed for RFS members, 47 boys out of 56 (84 per cent) came within this criterion. ‘. lSupra. chap. iii, pp. 64—65. 82 Having used this method of combining the two cate— gories of conformity, a quite different set of figures was presented than when complete conformity was the basis for judgment. The percentages of boys who now conformed within this framework were: isolates 76.2 per cent (16 out of 21), mutual pairs 83 per cent (five out of six) andiRFS members 84 per cent (47 out of 56). Numbers conforming by all but two, three and four items respectively became too small to warrant any further analysis. On the basis of the RFS members, these findings partially supported the hypothesis in that there is a posi- tive relationShip between conformity to the modal pattern and group acceptance. In order to investigate further the relationship be— tween conformity and social acceptance and to determine by statistical methods whether the trend of these findings was in the direction of the hypothesis, a chi—square analysis was done. The relationship was sought between complete con- formity and a) isolates, mutual pairs and RFS members; b) isolates and group members (mutual pairs plus RFS members) 1Perhaps a more careful study of the items which caused the break from the pattern and a weighting of items by degree of divergence could be worked out which would show more of a trend in the direction of the hypothesis. 83 and c) number of reciprocated choices, but the results in each case were not significant. It was not possible to do the chi-square analysis for complete conformity and conformity by all but one item, nor for further breakdown by degrees of conformity because more than one-third Of the cells fell below five.l Having analyzed conformity in relationship to the major categories in the sociogram, a further study of the grouplnzkinds of isolates, mutual pairs and types of RFS membership showed in more detail the conformity within the various structures of the sociogram. (See Table 4) Considering membership in the larger groups as indica- tive of a greater degree of acceptance, and conversely, non— membership or membership in a mutual pair structure or an RFS of only three or four members as being less accepted, these findings were used to test the hypothesis that conformity to the modal pattern of dress is positively related to the de— gree of acceptance. 1 Table 4 Shows isolates, mutual pairs, and RFS mem- bers and the number and percentage of each who conformed l . ; . x- . . Sidney Siegel, Nonparametric Statistics for the Be- havioral Sciences (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1956), p. 110. 84 Table 4.—-Number and percentage of each reciprocal friendship structure category evidencing complete conformity to the modal pattern of dress Reciprocal Friend- ship Structure Total Number Number Per cent Category in Category Conforming Conforming Isolatesl (Pure) 5 2 40.0 Isolates2 (Ignored) 4 2 50.0 Isolates3 (Self) 3 1 33.3 Isolates4 (Confused) 9 3 33.3 Isolates as a Group 21 8 38.1 Mutual Pairs 6 1 16.7 RFSl 3 1 33.3 RFS2 3 1 33.3 RFS3 3 0 0.0 RFS4 5 0 0.0 RFS5 3 2 66.6 RFS6 3 2 66.6 RFS7 4 1 25.0 RFS8 13 9 69.2 RFS9 19 14 73.7 Total 83 39 47.0 85 completely to the modal pattern. Throughout this analysis only complete conformity was considered. Five of the boys were pure isolates and two (40 per cent) met the requirements; two of the four ignored isolates (50 per cent); one of the self—isolates (33.3 per cent) and three of the nine (33.3 per cent) confused isolates conformed. According to the literature, the ignored isolates could be expected to show the larger percentage of conformity. Although the very small number here was insufficient evidence for any trend, the data did show some tendency toward greater conformity by the ignored isolates than by the other kinds of isolates. Being ignored means that they made choices but re- ceived none, thus seeking recognition by others but being denied. Belonging to a social group and being liked by others were cited by Horrocks2 as two of the major social needs. Conformity may be looked upon by these boys as one way to court approval and gain membership according to Brooks.3 1 . . . . For explanation of the terms describing isolates see Supra, chap. iii, p. 59. 2 Horrocks, Op. cit., pp. 507-509. 3 Brooks, Op. cit., p. 193. 86 Or as Walker said, "If the goal is desirable enough and conformity is the way to reach it, then conformity will "1 take place. Mutual pairs again presented the lowest percentage . . . 2 . of conformity. Referring to Figure B, two mutual pair groups showed no conformity and one member of the third pair did conform. RFSl and RFS2 each had 33.3 per cent conforming (one out of three); RFS3 showed none conforming. RFS4 was a group composed solely of Negro bOys and none of them conformed to the pattern set by the group. Two of the boys in this RFS4 said they were dressed differently on the test day to impress a new girl. RFS5 showed 66.7 per cent conformity with two out of three, and the same was true of RFS6. RFS7 had only 25 per cent conforming or one out of four. RF88 showed nine out of 13 (69.2 per cent) conforming and RFS9 had the largest number, 14 out of 19, (73.7 per cent). With the exception of RFS3, RFS4 and RFS7, who repre- sented only 14.6 per cent of the group, there was a steady gain in percentages conforming to the modal pattern with lWalker, op. cit., p. 10. 2 . Supra, chap. iv, p. 76. 87 increase in size of the RFS. The RFS8 and RFS9 represented 38.5 per cent of the group. Nine of the 13 members of RFS8 (69.2 per cent) and 14 members of RFS (73.7 per cent) showed 9 complete conformity. Social acceptance and conformity to the modal pattern in this group showed that as size of the group increased, conformity generally increased. The next analysis was made to test the hypothesis which states that the more reciprocated choices the boy has, the greater the conformity or conversely, the fewer recipro— cated choices the boy has the less the conformity. The number of reciprocated choices a boy has is a strong indication of his social acceptance within his own group and in the group as a whole. Numbers of reciprocated choices were studied and compared to conformity to the modal pattern and are tabulated in Table 5. vAll groups except the isolates were included in the one-choice category. There were 25 boys who received only one choice and 11 (44 per cent) conformed to the modal pattern. Boys with two choices were found in all RFS structures except the mutual pairs and the isolates. Out of a total of 88 22 boys, ten conformed completely to the modal pattern (45.5 per cent). Table 5.——Number and percentage of boys evidencing complete conformity in relationship to the number of reciprocated choices each had in the RFS structure NUmber of Reciprocated Total Choices Number in Number Percentage Category Category Conforming' Conforming 0 Reciprocated Choices 21 8 38.1 1 Reciprocated Choice 25 11 44.0 2 Reciprocated Choices 22 10 45.5 3 Reciprocated Choices 7 4 57.1 4 or more Recipro— cated Choices 8 ~ 6 75.0 Totals 83 39 2 X = 3.66 4 d.f. .50)P).30 The boys with three choices were from RFS7, RFS8 and RFsg. Of these, 57.1 per cent met the standards of dress (four of the seven.) 89 Of those boys having four or more reciprocated Choices, seven of them were in RFsg, and the eighth was in RFS8. Of this number, six showed complete conformity to the modal pat- tern of dress. One of the boys in this group explained that he was wearing a sweater on the test day, but usually wore a sport shirt. Also he was careful to tell the researcher about the slightly longer lock of hair in his Hollywood haircut which was evident only on close scrutiny. Evidently he wished to exert some independence in his "heightened awareness of self."1 This analysis tended to support the hypothesis being tested, showing an increasing relationship between number of reciprocated friendships and degree of conformity. The chi- square analysis, however, was not significant. To test the hypotheses of this research again, an- other measure of social acceptance, choice status,2 was ana- lyzed. This was done for each group and each individual boy. By studying the direction of the choices of group and non-group members, (i.e., whether they made their choices of best pals within their own group or sought membership in lGesell, op. cit., p. 145. 2 Supra, chap. iii, p. 56. 90 another group), it was possible to determine which one showed the most cohesiveness, which showed the least and which was the most sought—for. The groups ranked by choice status were then compared to conformity to the modal pattern. Considering each group's choice status as being "directly prOportional to the number of choices (it) re- ceives,"l Table 6 was formulated. This choice status for each RFS group including the isolates and the mutual pairs revealed that some groups showed more cohesiveness than others and membership in some groups was more sought than in others. RFS9 was tightly knit, the members having made 78.6 per cent (81 of 103) choices within their own RFS. Of the 22 choices made outside RFsg, 40.9 per cent were made to RFSB, two to RFS6 (9.1 per cent), four to RFS5 (18.2 per cent), two to RFS2 (9.1 per cent) and five (22.7 per cent)to isolates. RFS kept only 50 per cent of their choices (35 of 8 70) within their own RFS and of the 35 Choices out of their group 26 (74.3 per cent) sought ties with RFsg. The others were made into group six (one or 2.9 per cent), four (one or 1Jahoda, et. a1., Op. cit., p. 563. 91 m N H H H H H v.0m fl HH N N H N ¢.¢V w m m N N H 0.0% NH NH fl N O.mh o m m H h.mm w h o 0.00H w m h o H H H 0N 0.0m mm on m . m m N v N m 0 Nb Hm MOH mhm “ it . H N m w m o h m m musuozuum wusuosuum mpmz anommumu mmumH :30 CH CHnuHB mmOHOQU musuosuum IOWH m.z mmm mmm mmm mmm mmm mmm and mmm mmm mmmpcmoumm mew: mo mHempcmHnm mumnuo NO musuosuum mnu oucH mpmz mOOHOLU mmOHonU HOQEOZ HmooumHumm msoum OHO£3 may NH wusuosuuw may mo Hmocmumwoom HmHoom mchHEuwump CH pom: .muonpo pcm mumHEmE C30 Eoum ousuonuum mHnmpcmHuw HmooumHomu some we pm>Hmomu mOOHOQO mo mmmucooumm pcm mOOHono mo HwQEOzns.O OHQMB 92 :.m5umum OOH0£O= poEHmu mH wocmumwoom HmHOOm mo musmmmE mHHB 0H0 om ousuosuum Loom mo ONHm How wusuosuum mHnmpcmHuh Hmooanomm mom .HHH .mmau .mumsm N H OOH H.m m.N ¢.O H.H O m.N m.N H.H N.N H.m H.MH ¢.O© mmmncwunwm th mN h m o h h m o OH om moH mbN OHMHOB ..... mhdm H mOMMHOmH H N N H m m N mOMMHOmH Mwa m mOHMHOmH v H N N N m mH v mOHMHOmH 0.00H N N @Im m 0.00 N m helbm H H 0.0m N w leom .m.2 93 2.9 per cent), one (one or 2.9 per cent) and isolates (six or 17.1 per cent). RFS7 was 100 per cent self—contained. A referral to the socio-economic, educational and dwelling area levels (See Tables 12, 13 and 14 in the Apprendix A) plus the deviation of this group from the clothing pattern set them apart as a kind of sub-group. RFS6 made seven choices and six were within their own group (85.7 per cent). The one outside choice was to RFS RFS stayed within their own group in 75 per cent of 9' 5 the choices (six of eight); the two outside choices were to RFsg. Of 17 choices made by RFS 12 (70.6 per cent) were 4 within their own group. Three of the five outside choices were to white boys and two to the Negro mutual pair. RFS3 made nine choices, only four of which they kept within their own group (44.4 per cent). Two were made to RFS7 which was understandable for when compared to other indi- cators of social status, these two RFS's were very similar. The boys' intellectual level was on a par also. -All of them were very low achievers. Eleven choices were made by RFS and only four were 2 for their own group (36.4 per cent). They scattered one 94 each (9.1 per cent) among RFS's nine, eight, seven, five, and four, mutual pairs and isolates. RFSl placed three of seven choices (42.9 per cent) among the isolates. Mutual pair 50—521 made 50 per cent of their choices between them and one each in RFS7 and RFSZ. Pair 37-67, which were two Negro boys, made five choices and three (60 per cent) of these to RFS The three-nine pair 4. were accurate perceivers chooSing each other only. Isolates have no group as such but the confused iso- lates made 15 choices; three toRFS9 (20 per cent); two each to RFS's eight, seven, and five (13.3 per cent each); one to RFSl (6.7 per cent); one to a mutual pair (6.7 per cent) and four to other isolates (26.7 per cent). Self isolates made no choices. The ignored isolates made nine choices; three to RFS (33.3 per cent); one to RFS 9 8 (11.1 per cent); two to RFS4 made by the one Negro boy who was an isolate (22.2 per cent); two to mutual pairs (22.2 per cent) and one to an isolate (11.1 per cent). The entire 83 boys made 275 choices. Of this number 60.4 per cent were within their respective groups. One hundred nine choices were distributed among other groups. 1' I O 0 I I Supra, chap. iii, p. 58. See ReCiprocated Friend- ship Structure. 95 RFS9 received 36 or 13.1 per cent of the choices made by other than their own members and 78.6 per cent of their own members' choices. Although the isolates had the next largest number of choices, the fact that they made all their choices outside the framework of any group made the comparison here unrealistic. A comparison of Choice status of the RFS's, mutual pairs and isolates with conformity to the modal pattern of dress was made in Table 7. RFS9 with a total of 117 (42.5 per cent) Choices re- ceived was, on the basis of choice status, the most sought- for group. Fourteen of the 19 members (73.7 per cent) con- formed to the group pattern of dress. (See Table 7). RFS8 had the second highest choice status with 49 choices received (17.8 per cent). This was considerably lower than for RFS9. Of this RFSB, nine out of 13 (69.2 per cent) conformed to the modal pattern of dress. RFS4 was third with 19 choices (6.9 per cent). No one in this group dressed according to the style set by his peers. Again, this was the Negro group. It would be inter- esting to check their mode of attire to see if there is con- formity in their deviation. 96 Table 7.--Number of choices received by each reciprocal friendship structure from own members and others; choice status of each structure and percentage of conformity by each structure Rank Orders Number of Number of Total Numbers Percentage of of Choice Choices Choices of Choices Re- Conformity by Status of Received Received ceived or Structure Reciprocated from Own from Choice Status Friendship Group Other Category Structure Structures RFS9 81 36 117 73.7 RFS8 35 14 49 69.2 RFS4 12 7 19 0.0 RFS7 8 6 14 25.0 RFS 6 7 13 66.6 M. P. 6 7 13 16.7 RFS6 6 3 9 66.6 RFS2 4 3 7 33 3 RFS1 4 1 5 33.3 RFS3 4 0 4 0.0 Isolates 4 19 19 33.3 Isolates 3 6 6 33.3 Isolates 2 0 0 50.0 Isolates l 0 0 60.0 97 The confused isolates had 19 choices (6.9 per cent) and there were three out of nine in this category (33.3 per cent) who conformed. RFS7 received 14 choices (5.1 per cent) but only one member of the group conformed (25.0 per cent). RFS5 with its 13 choices (4.7 per cent) conformed in 66.6 per cent of the instances by having two of its three members meeting the standard. RFS6 received nine choices and showed one member conforming (33.3 per cent). The mutual pairs as a group had 13 choices (4.7 per cent) but they had only one of 6 members (16.7 per cent) conforming. Seven choices were received by RFS with a conformity 2 of 33.3 per cent (one of three). RFS3 was the least sought- for group having received only choices made by RFS3 members. No one in this trio conformed. The self isolates had six choices and again one out of three conformed (33.3 per cent). Fifty per cent or two of four of the ignored isolates conformed to the pattern. The pure isolates had 40 per cent conformity or two of five. These data offered strong support to the hypothesis that there was a relationship between conforming to standards of dress set by their peers and group acceptance. 98 Here, degree of acceptance of each structure in the sociogram showed a positive relatiOnship with conformity to the modal pattern. A review of Table 7 shows the groups in a descending order of choices which corresponds to the de— scending percentages of conformity. Homans made two hypotheses, one of which was stated in the literature, that so long as there is any link between conformity and social approval, "the larger the number of members that conform to the group norm, the larger is the number that express social approval for other members." This was supported by these data. RFS9 and RFS8 'were the ones receiving the largest expression of social approval and the ones conforming to the modal pattern in the greatest percentages. "The higher the rank (or status) of a person within a group, the more his activities conform to the norms of the group," and ”the larger the number of members that like other members, the more similar the activities of the members in conformity to a norm," were two further hypotheses of Homans' which amplified the significance of the choice status findings.2 lHomans, op. cit., p. 119. 2Ibid. 99 The choice status of the individual boys was done by the same method as for the group, i.e., counting the number of times he was chosen by others. Numbers of choices ranged from 12 for one boy to 0 for 12 boys. This was related to conformity to the modal pattern of dress. Table 8 shows this breakdown. Table 8.—-Choice status category of individual boys; number of boys receiving choices and percentage of boys in each category conforming to modal pattern of dress Number of Number of Number Percentage Choices Boys Conforming Conforming Received Receiving or Choice Choices Status Category 12 1 1 100.0 11 3 2 66.7 10 1 1 100.0 9 2 1 50.0 8 l 1 100.0 7 1 1 100.0 6 4 2 50.0 5 7 3 42.9 4 9 4 44.4 3 11 4 36.4 2 l8 9 50.0 1 13 6 46.2 0 12 5 41.7 He bo1 Que am: PEI 2,71 d 100 Those boys who received the higher numbers of choices showed a larger percentage of conformity to the modal pattern of dress than did those boys with fewer choices. The findings offered further support to the hypothesis that conformity to the modal pattern is positively related to the degree of acceptance. Three other categories to compare with conformity were the "most pOpular" boy, the "best dressed" boy and the boy chosen most frequently as the one they would care "to dress like." The five receiving the most votes in each cate- gory were chosen as the basis for study. Numbers became too small to consider any others. For the most pOpular boy, number 40 received 37 votes. He also had the highest choice status, appeared at the tOp of both the best dressed list and was the boy chosen most fre- quently as the one they would care to dress like. Conformity among the most popular was 80 per cent (four of five) and 80 per cent belong to RFS (See Table 9 on the following page. 9. Figure C, Appendix A shows numbers of votes received by indi- vidual boys in each category.) 101 Table 9.--Conformity to the modal pattern of dress by boys chosen as the five most popular Code Number of Choice RFS Conforms Number Votes Status Membership '————-——— of Boy Received Yes No 40 37 12 9 X 13 22 11 9 X 42 22 3 6 X 43 22 5 9 X 79 15 10 9 X All of the tOp five of the "best dressed" conformed to the modal pattern of dress (100 per cent) and all of them were also members of RFS . ( See Table 10.) Table 10.—-Conformity by boys chosen as the five best dressed Code Number of Choice RFS , Conforms Number Votes. Status , Membership of Boy Received Yes No 40 28 12 9 X 43 7 11 9 X 20 5 9 9 X 35 4 6 9 X 15 4 7 9 X 102 Conformity to the modal pattern of dress was also high among the boys chosen as those the others would care to dress like. (See Table 11.) Seven boys were studied in this cate— gory because there was a three—way tie for fifth place. Table ll.--Conformity by boys chosen most frequently as boy others would like to COpy in dress (More than five given be- cause of equal number of Choices in the fifth place) Code Number of RFS Conforms Number Votes Membership '——‘————' of Boy Received Yes No -40 14 9 X 79 6 9 X 43 4 9 X 22 4 8 X 31 3 8 X 35 3 9 X 66 3 4 X Fourteen boys preferred their own way of dressing. Thirty of them did not answer the question. The reasons for wanting to dress like any certain boy were, in part, revealing. One response was, "The colors they wear blend in well." "There [pip] pants aren't extremely tight and their shirt tails don't hang out." A boy who chose number 79 and number 22 c. ‘1. Av LL 103 wanted to dress like them, "because they always have on some- thing sporty." Some of the comments by the boys who chose number 40 as the best dressed were: “Because he has real neat clothes and I don't have as many." "He allways [sic] is the first with fasions [sic] when they get here." "looks more neater." "because he is an average dresser and popular." Some who chose themselves explained why in the following ways: "I pick out my own Clothes and my parents let me dress the way I want to dress because they think I have good taste. I wouldn't want to dress like anybody else in particular." (This boy is a member of RFS9 and one of the most capable boys in the group). "Because I like what I wear so I wear it if I wanted to look like someone else I wouldn't be myself I'd be someone else and I don't want that." [sic] Number 40 and number 43 were selected for all three categories in this analysis and number 35 was chosen for two categories. Each of these boys conformed to the modal pat- tern of dress. The data showed a majority of these boys conforming to the modal pattern which was further evidence to support the 104 hypothesis that conformity is positively related to the de— gree of acceptance. Summary This research was designed to discover whether there was a relationship between social acceptance and conforming to the modal pattern of dress by a group of eighth grade boys. The data collecting device was a questionnaire from which were established the modal pattern of dress; Opinions concerning boys' concepts of clothing behavior; and data for the construction of a sociogram. After defining social acceptance and the modal pat- tern of dress, conformity and/or degrees of conformity were analyzed in relationship to a number of different categories. The data revealed that RFS members showed greater complete conformity to the modal pattern of dress than did the non-members. The figures for degrees of conformity beyond deviation by more than one item became too small for con- sideration. When conformity by all but one item was added to complete conformity a much larger number of boys could be considered as conforming to the modal pattern of dress. m; TIC CC wi dr . s~ ‘ 105 Considering the larger RFS groups as indicative of a greater degree of social acceptance and conversely, non- group membership or membership in a mutual pair or an RFS of only three or four members as being less socially accepted, there was a greater percentage of RFS members in the large groups conforming than among the non-group members, mutual pairs and small group members. A comparison of the number of reciprocated choices and total conformity showed that the number of reciprocated choices increased, the percentage conforming to the modal pattern of dress increased. On the basis of choice status of the groups and non— group structures, the higher the choice status, the greater the number in the group that conformed to the pattern of dress. The exceptions in this study were found among the mutual pairs, the Negro group and RFS which was a highly 7 non-conforming group. Choice status of the individual boy when compared to conformity to the modal pattern of dress showed that the boys with the greater number of choices conformed more than did boys with fewer choices. The "most popular boy," the “best dressed boy“ and the "boy chosen to dress like" category showed a high degree of conformity. 106 The next chapter will be a qualitative analysis of the Reciprocal Friendship Structures. CHAPTER V QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS OF RECIPROCAL FRIENDSHIP STRUCTURES In an effort to understand better the composition of this group of boys and perhaps to illuminate their social acceptance or rejection in terms of their conformity, an analysis of the groups was undertaken. This was not an at— tempt to explain the conformity or lack of it by this par- ticular population in any generalized way, but to present relevant and pertinent data which was available to the re- searcher. As cited in the literature reviewed in Chapter I, there are those who find rewards accruing to conformity, but the reasons for conformity are not necessarily apparent to the observer and the conformist may not even underStand his own motives for this behavior. No attempt was made to discuss each boy in the group, nor each group, but where some characteristic of the group or of the individuals within the group (known to the researcher either from observation or from the openéended responses on 107 tn .716 ME twee Hm] 108 the questionnaire), would lead to better understanding of the composition of the structure, a brief summary was made. A breakdown of educational, occupational and dwelling area statuses into the Reciprocal Friendship Categories, using the status of the chief financial contributor in each case, charted in Tables 12, 13 and 14 in the Appendix A will be referred to in this analysis. Theigsolates The twenty-one isolates in the study comprised 25.3 per cent of the group. There was no concentration of them in any one of the three status characteristics used to de- scribe socio-economic background, but they were fairly well scattered throughout the range.1 Intellectually, some were classified as very low, but nine were average or above, (based on 1.0. only). A study was made by Bonney in which teachers' judg- ments and student choices were compared "in regard to the number of friends possessed by high school students." All data referring to socio-economic status were calculated on the basis of the status of the chief financial contributor of the family and are shown in Tables 12, 13 and 14 in the Appendix A. 2Merle E. Bonney, "Sociometric Study of Agreement Be- tween Teacher Judgments and Student Choices - In Regard to the Number of Friends Possessed by High School Students," Socio- metry, X (May, 1947). pp. 133-146. 109 The teachers were asked to decide whether they thought the - pupil had a large number of friends; an average number of friends; or very few friends. These judgments were compared to the students' choices and it was found that the teachers had been mistaken in many instances, even when the pupil was well known to them. With this group of isolates it was surprising how many mistakes there would have been had this researcher-made the same kind of evaluation. Looking at these boys through the eyes of an adult some would have been picked as isolates, but from the same vieWpoint others' rejections seemed unexplainable. One of the pure isolates1 was a rather large, pudgy fat foy with a high-pitched voice. He constantly sought at- tention in class which was annoying to the other boys. Also he was relatively new to the group having entered the school in the beginning of the eighth grade. In response to question 58, "Have you ever felt uncomfortable in your own group be— cause of the clothes you were wearing?", this student re- sponded, "Yes," and added this explanation, "Seems like most of my pants are too large even though I am very heavy and my mother always gets the same kind for me." His manner of dress did not conform. lSupra, chap. iii, p. 59. 110 .Another pure isolate was respected for his mental capacity and although he was very modest about his attainment he was not among the chosen. He had put the name of one person on his questionnaire as a best friend but erased it. This boy conformed to the modal pattern of dress. Referring to the replies to the question, "Does the clothing a person wears influence the way you feel about that person?" only 14.5 per cent of the whole group answered, "Never." Of those who explained how they were influenced 61.9 per cent indicated that they would reject a person on the basis of "leppy“, "dirty" or "smelly" clothes. This reasoning would account for four more isolates. One of the self isolates who was quiet and moody, took a surprisingly belligerent attitude toward questions 46, 49 and 51. (See Questionnaire in Apprendix B) When asked to check responses to the statement, "I like to know whether other fellows like or dislike my clothes," he disregarded the choice answers and wrote, "None of their business" across the check list. He penciled a big, heavily written “Nobody" as the fellow he would like to dress like, and nobody's criticism of his clothes would bother him. His pattern of dress con- formed. He received two choices, one from another isolate and one from RFSZ. 111 Another self isolate was "never satisfied" with the clothes he wore to school, but he never wanted to know what others think about his clothes. He "strongly disagreed" to the statements, "I act differently when I come to school dressed up"; "When I am in school, I feel self—conscious be- cause of my clothes." He never wanted to know what others thought of his clothes and being dressed like the rest of the fellows emphatically did not give him a feeling of confi— dence, but he had clothes that he did not enjoy wearing to school because they were "not what the other fellows are wearing." The third self isolate had clothes he did not enjoy wearing because they were "hand—me-downs" and "I don't like them." He was uncomfortable at school "all the time because I feel like I don't belong." This boy came from a very un- satisfactory home environment which had upset him very much. He was pleasant and worked hard. He received one choice each from groups four, nine and eight. Among the ignored isolates, one was a Negro boy. There were eight Negroes in the entire class; two made up a mutual pair; five made up RFS and one was ignored. He was 4 chosen by no one although he made four choices, all amohg the Negro boys. He conformed in manner of dress. 112 Another of this group of isolates who also conformed, was ignored for reasons which were not evident to the re— searcher. Seemingly he had the qualifications the boys look for when they choose a friend, but he was ignored. He made three choices all in RFS9 among the boys in the most closely knit clique of the group. A third ignored isolate entered the school as an eighth grader. His mother was gravely ill and died during the year. The boy had been absent frequently to visit her in an out—of—town hospital. At school he seemed lost in his own thoughts and withdrawn from the group. He was only a fair student. His manner of dress did not conform to the modal pattern. One of the confused isolates, in response to the question, "Have you ever felt uncomfortable in your own group because of the clothes you were wearing?" responded, "When someone looks and calls me a 'peasant' or 'simple' be— cause of clothes." Another was often uncomfortable in his own group be— cause of his clothes. It was his opinion that "people that look nice almost always come from good families." This boy had been characterized by some of the teachers as a "mama's 113 boy." Three more of these confused isolates were in the "leppy" "dirty" and "smelly" category mentioned earlier. Conformity within the various types of isolates was 38.1 per cent. Considering the emphasis that was placed in the literature on the need to conform to group norms as being a way to win social acceptance, the percentage of conformity was smaller than was expected for the isolate. The self iso- lates did not choose to seek acceptance, but the ignored and confused isolates did. Mutual Pairs The socio—economic status among the mutual pairs showed ranking in the three lowest occupational categories only. Edu- cationally, two chief financial contributors had some grade school education, two some high school training and one had graduated from college. The sixth boy made no response to the question. This group accounted for two of the three for the entire group who lived in a very low rated dwelling area; one lived in a below average area and two in average locations. Their group status was low also.l Only one out of six con- formed to the pattern of dress. l . Supra, chap. 1V, p. 75, and Table 7, p. 96. 114 One factor common to each of these pairs was that in each case the two boys lived in the same neighborhood. One was a pair of Negro boys who lived in the slum area of the city. Of this pair one had a very low 1.0. (66). He had learned to write his first name and that was about the limit of his achievement. His friend was very solicitous and pro- tective toward him. Each received choices from one member of the Negro RFS and each chose within the group, but the 4 choices were not reciprocated. In the second pair both boys were shy, retiring, and poor students. They never misbehaved but they never did any- thing either. Reciprocated Friendship Structures RFSl had a socio-economic background which was medium in the three categories used to determine this status. The occupational level for this group was one chief contributor at the fourth level, one at the third level and one in the "no response" category. Levels refer to the range of this scale which was from one to seven, one being the highest rank. Educationally, one chief contributor graduated from high school and the schooling of the other two was not known. 115 Dwelling area was average for two and the information was not available for the third. All three of these boys were low achievers, two be- cause they were lazy and one from lack of ability. One boy conformed to the pattern of dress. RFS3 was a group whose members deviated in all pat- terns of behavior. All had very low mental ability. One based his choice of a popular boy on whether or not he was a good fighter. Each had been a disciplinary problem at school. The tables showed one chief financial contributor with an occupational level of six, one at five and the third was not known. The education of one of the chief contributors amounted to "some high school" and there was no response con- cerning this category for the other two. Dwelling area was low for one and below average for the other two. There was no conformity to the modal pattern in this group. Among the RFS4 members, social status did not seem to be a determining factor in their group acceptability. For this Negro group, the occupational level for two chief finan- cial contributors was seven, the lowest position on the scale; one was at five and two were in the fourth ranked position. Schooling amounted to "some high school" for three; "gradu- ated from high schoor‘for one; and one's educational level was not known. All lived in below average dwelling areas. 116 Although the RFS4's were fourth in number of choices received, the choices were made by the other Negro boys in most instances. In making choices of friends, 76.2 per cent of this group chose within their own group. Of the five choices made outside the group, only three were among white boys. These were made by the best student of the group who was recently elected vice president of the student council. He received one choice from group eight. None of these boys conformed to the pattern of dress. The occupational levels for the chief financial con— tributors in RFS5 were four, two and one on the Warner Scale. The ranking, educationally, showed two college graduates and one high school graduate. Dwelling area for all three was average. Each of these boys lived within a block of each other and the friendship of two of them began in the same elemen- tary school. The parents of two were connected with the college. One boy was a straight A student with exceptional knowledge and ability in many areas. His whole background was academic. He strongly disagreed to all questions asking about clothing related to others' and his own pOpularity, but he thought he could tell a little about other fellows by the way they dress, and once in a while he liked to know what 117 others think of his clothes. His manner of dress conformed to the modal pattern. One other of this group of three also conformed. RFS for some reason had been separated from RFS 6 9 within the last year. It was observed one boy in this group had clothes he did not enjoy wearing because they "are not what the other fellows are wearing" and his pants are not draped enough. Another one, in commenting about the choice of the best dressed boy said, "They look expensive. (I'm sure they have a lot more clothes than I.) I don't always get the clothes I want." His own clothes are ". . . not the way I want them." There were a number of children in this family; all were always neat and clean, but not expensively dressed. The educational level of the chief financial con- tributors was above average with two college graduates and one high school graduate. Occupationally the ranking was at the sixth and second levels for one and two contributors respectively. Dwelling area was average in all three cases. This group showed 66.7 per cent conformity. RFS7 showed a very low rating in all three social status categories. Three chief financial contributors were in sixth place and one in fourth place occupationally. Only one for this group had some high school education, two had 118 completed grade school and one had some grade school education. Dwelling area was very low to below average. They received only six choices from the rest of the group. Only one con- formed to the modal pattern. The boys in this group were referred to earlier as being 100 per cent self-contained in that all four members were accurate perceivers. Three of this group were "non- conformists." All three wore duck tails, two wore tight pants, and one wore a sweater instead of a shirt. One boy was very small compared to his age mates. His pants were the tightest and his hair style the most extreme. RFS8 with 13 members was the second most socially ac— cepted group. Its socio-economic status showed a rather wide range in the occupational and educational categories. In the occupational ranking the range was from six to one with the largest number (five) at the fourth level, one each in the three, two and one positions, and two and three in the sixth and fifth places respectively. Information was available for 11 of the 13 in the dwelling area category and all were average. Conformity here was 69.2 per cent or nine out of 13. No one particular boy in this group stood out: they were the essence of mediocrity. One deviant said of his hair style 119 which is a ducktail, "a wave in front, but g2; like a hood." This group seemed to be the least cohesive of the lot. Only 57.5 per cent made choices within their own group, while 77 per cent made choices in group nine. A careful study of Tables 12, 13 and 14 (See Appendix A) showed that RFS which was most socially acceptable by the 9 group was also most socially acceptable on the basis of those criteria which are judged by adults as being indicative of status; occupation, education and locale in which the family lives. The spread in the occupational category for the chief financial contributors of the RFS9 group was from five to one, with seven of the 19 at the two level, three at the one level, four at the four level, two each at the five and three levels. One boy made no response to the question. Educationally this group showed a larger number of chief contributors to the family income in the upper classifications. None were be- low high school graduates, twelve were college graduates, and one other had some college training. The "other education" member was a registered nurse. Dwelling area for two boys were above average and only two were below average. This group had the highest percentage of conformity to the modal pattern of dress. (73.7 per cent or 14 out of 19) 120 The boys in this group were leaders among their peers. Number 40 received the most votes as the best dressed, most popular and the one most other boys wanted to dress like. However one boy in this RFS, but in a clique other than the one containing the two most popular and best dressed boys, added this comment, "These are pOpular only because they act off and most kids are scared of them.“ The purpose of this qualitative analysis, as stated at the beginning of the chapter, was not to draw any general- ized conclusuions about the reasons for conformity by some and not by others, but simply to make available to the reader data which might be indicative of the composition of the group and non—group members. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS The primary objective of this research was to investi- gate the relationship between conforming to the modal pattern of dress and peer acceptance among eighth grade boys. It evolved from the researcher's having observed extremes in dress among the boys in the junior high school chosen for the study and her being interested in investigating the importance of this kind of clothing behavior to the interpersonal rela— tionships of the group. The primary objective was entirely dependent upon an- other major objective, establishing the modal pattern of dress. A technique for defining social acceptance had been well developed by previous research. The data-collecting device was a questionnaire which included a check list and sketches of clothing items for the establishment of the modal pattern of dress; questions asking for an expression of Opinions concerning the boys' concepts of clothing behavior; and data for the construction of a sociogram. 121 122 Analysis of the data yielded information in two areas which were basic to this study, social acceptance and the modal pattern of dress of this group of eighth grade boys. From the sociogram, acceptance and degrees of acceptance were available for the individual boy and the categories of group and non-group members. The modal pattern of dress was formulated and de- veloped into a two-dimensional structure: 1) what the boys did 39; wear and 2) what they gig_wear. The technique for fixing the modal pattern of dress was unique to this study. After defining social acceptance and the modal pat- tern of dress, conformity and/or degrees of conformity were analyzed in relationship to a number of different categories. The isolates, mutual pairs and RFS members were compared to determine conformity by the reciprocated friendship structures. A further breakdown was made by considering the kinds of iso- lates, mutual pairs and the types of RFS membership. The number of ties the boy had being considered as a measure of social acceptance was next studied to support the hypothesis that the degree of acceptance was related to conformity. The degree of social acceptance of each group and . . l non-group structure was determined by chOice status ‘and l Supra, chap. iii, p. 56. 123 again the comparison was made between this status and con- formity. Each individual boy's choice status was calculated and analyzed within the same framework. The final analysis concerned the "most popular, the "best dressed"and the boy chosen most frequently as the one the boys would care "to dress like." The data revealed that RFS members showed greater complete conformity to the modal pattern of dress than did the non-members. Comparisons were made to test the hypothesis that de- grees of conformity to the modal pattern of dress were posi- tively related to group acceptance. These findings were not statistically supported although there was a trend in the direction of the hypothesis. The definition of conformity for this study was very rigid. When it was relaxed to in- clude those boys who deviated from the modal pattern by only one item of dress, many more boys then could be said to con- form to the modal pattern. These findings could not be checked statistically, but they favored the hypothesis. Considering the larger RFS groups as indicative of a greater degree of social acceptance and conversely, non- group membership or membership in a mutual pair or an RFS of only three or four members as being less socially accepted, 124 there was a greater percentage of RFS members in the large groups conforming than among the non—group members, mutual pairs and small group members. -A comparison of the number of reciprocated choices and total conformity showed that as the number of recipro- cated choices increased, the percentage conforming to the modal pattern of dress increased. On the basis of choice status of the groups and non— group structures, the higher the choice status, the greater the number in the group that conformed to the pattern of dress. The exceptions in this study were found among the mutual pairs, the Negro group and RFS which was a highly 7 non—conforming group. Choice status of the individual boy when compared to conformity to the modal pattern of dress showed that the boys with the greater number of choices conformed more than did boys with fewer choices. The "most popular boy," the "best dressed boy" and the "boy chosen to dress like" category showed a high degree of conformity. This research supported findings from other studies referred to in the literature. Homansl had formed an lHomans, op. cit., p. 119. 125 hypothesis which was stated earlier, which said that so long as there is any link between conformity and social approval, "the larger the number of members that conform to the group norm, the larger is the number that express social approval for other members." This was evidenced by the data related to the RFS structures. RFS9 was the largest group; the one which showed the greatest liking for group members (on the basis of choices made within the group); and the one with the greatest number of members conforming to the modal pat- tern of dress. Also, the significance of choice status was more firmly supported by Homans' statement concerning status and conformity: "The higher the rank (or status) of a person within a group, the more his activities conform to the norms of the group."1 This was also evident with the "most pOpular boy." The objectives of this study were satisfied by de- veloping the modal pattern of dress and relating conformity to this pattern and social acceptance. -Although the findings were not statistically supported, the trends were in the direction stated in the hypotheses. Those boys who were 1Ibid., p. 9. 126 socially accepted by the group did exhibit more conformity to the pattern of dress. Suggestions for Further Study This study was exploratory in part. Additional studies using the same technique Would be necessary to test the method employed here. Studies with much larger groups should give an even better defined modal pattern of dress. Other findings pointed to some clues to further studies that might be done concerning conformity to a modal pattern of dress. The possibility of comparing various ethnic groups of young adolescent boys and conformity pre- sented itself with the study of the RFS4 group in this study. The scholastic achievement of the individuals within the various friendship structures, and among the individual boys also was suggested by consideration of the groups in this study. No actual comparison was made in this research be- tween social class and conformity but a study of the tables showing the three indicators of social class status (Tables 12, 13 and 14 in the Appexdix A) do show a trend in the direction of higher social class exhibiting higher conformity. 127 Also Ausubel,l in reviewing a study by Bonney, had pointed out a consistently high relationship between status within the group and social class status. This finding held true in this research. Methodological Recommendations Although the technique described for securing the modal pattern of dress was manageable for the size group used in this study, there was some confusion apparent on the questionnaires of some of the slower boys of the group. Where there was any doubt, individual boys were told that their questionnaire had been returned in order to understand better the meaning of their responses. This did not happen in many cases, but if a larger population were used, this could present a considerable pro- blem. One factor necessary for a study of this kind is the securing of the clothing pattern of each boy on the same day, preferably in the same morning or same afternoon. Taking full length color pictures of each boy would be one possible solution. An added advantage would be the availability of the picture at any time. lAusubel, op. cit., p. 478. 128 If the same method were to be used as described in this research, the category of shoes and socks should be in- cluded. Regarding the format of the questionnaire, it is sug- gested that none of the questions should be indented on the typed page of the questionnaire. It was thought that some of the "no responses" were due to this one factor. Contributions of Study This researcher believes that the main contribution of this study was the formulation of a method for establishing the modal pattern of dress. Much has been written and spoken about the kinds of dress being worn by members of various kinds of groups at definite periods in time, but generally these statements have been based on studies of fashion trends found in magazines, catalogues and books current for the period. Those fashions shown in the periodicals were not necessarily accepted by the population as the kind of clothing they chose to wear. The method used in this study revealed the kind of dress actually being worn on a particular day by a particular group. The fact that this research was concerned with boys and their clothing behavior was in itself a contribution. 129 Many studies have been done concerning girls' clothing be- havior but only a few studies have included boys and to this researcher's knowledge none have been done for boys exclusively. One might consider a much less specific, but no less important contribution. Adolescents are a very important element of American society and the "strategic groups for social change"1 as witnessed by the emphasis dictatorships place on inculcating their ideologies on the youth. A study which undertakes to reveal better understanding of these young people may contribute to general knowledge regarding human behavior and its changing aspects. 1Lawrence K. Frank, "The Adolescent and the Social Order," National Society for the Study of Education, 43rd Year Book, Part I (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press, 1944), p. 7. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ausubel, David P. Theory and Problems of Child Deve10pment. New York: Grune and Stratton, 1958. Bjerstedt, Ake. "The MethodolOgy of Preferential Sociometry," Sociometpy Monographs, XXXVII, Lund, Sweden: Univer- sity of Lund, 1956. Bjorngaard, Arlene Louise. "The Relationship of Social Class and Social Acceptance to Clothing and Appearance of a Selected Group of Ninth Grade Girls." Unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, 1962. Bonney, Merle E. "Sociometric Study of Agreement Between Teacher Judgment and Student Choices - In Regard to the Number of Friends Possessed by High School Stu- dents." Sociometry, X (May, 1947), 133—146. Bossard, James H. S. and Boll, Eleanor Stoker. The Sociology» of Child Development. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960. Brooks, Fowler D. fNuePsyghology of Adolescence. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1929. Cannon, Kenneth L., Staples, Ruth, and Carlson, Irene. "Personal Appearance as a Factor in Social Acceptance," Journal of Home Economics, XLIV (1952), 710-713. Cerf, Bennett. "Frankly Speaking." McCall's Magazine (November, 1962), 30. Cole, Luella. Psychology of Adolescence. New York: Rine- hart and Company, 1954. Coleman, James S. The Adolescent Society. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961. 130 131 Crow, Lester and Crow, Alice. Adolescent Development and Adjustment. New York: McGraw—Hill Book Company, 1956. Cuber, John F. Sociology: A Synopsis of Principles. New York: .Appleton—Century-Crofts, Inc., 1955. Davis, Kingsley. Human Society. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1949. Eicher, Joanne B. “Ninth Grade Girls' Attitudes and Be- havior Related to Role, Appearance, Social Class, and Group Acceptance." Unpublished research in progress for Michigan State University Agricultural Experiment Station. Elkin, Frederick and Westley, William A. "The Myth of Adolescent Culture," American Sociological Review, XX (1955), 680-684. .Farnham, Marynia F. The Adolescent. New York: Harper and Brothers, Inc., 1951. Gesell, Arnold, Ilg, Frances L. and Ames, Louise Bates. Youth: The Years from Ten to Sixteen. New York: Harper and Brothers, Inc., 1956. Gordon, C. Wayne. The Social System of the High School. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957. Hoebel, E. Adamson. Man in the Primitive World. 2nd ed. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1958. Hollingsworth, Leta S. The Psycholoqy of the Adolescent. New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1928. Homans, George Caspar. Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1961. Home Town - U. A. A. Richmond's Committee of 100, Inc., 1961. Horrocks, John E. The Psychology of Adolescence. 2nd ed. Boston, Mass.: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1962. 132 Hurlock, Elizabeth B. Adolescent Deve10pment. New York: McGraw—Hill Book Company, Inc., 1955. . The PsycholOgy of Dress. New York: The Ronald) Press Company, 1929. Jahoda, Marie, Deutsch, Morton, and Cook, Stuart W. Research Methods in Social Relations. lst ed., Part II, New York: The Dryden Press, 1951. Jennings, Helen Hall. Leadership and Isolation. New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1950. Jersild, Arthur T. The Psychology of Adolescence. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1957. Johnson, Eric W. How to Live Through Junior High School. New York: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1959. Linton, Ralph. "Concepts of Role and Status.“ Readings in Social Psychology. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1952. Masumoto, Sachiko. "Relationship of Dress and Behavior As- sociated with Dress to Social Participation of the Adolescent Boy and Girl." Unpublished Master's thesis, Pennsylvania State University, 1958. Midcentury White House Conference on Children and Youth. "The Course of Healthy Personality Development," The Ado- lescent: A Book of Readings. Edited by Jerome M. Seidman. New York: The Dryden Press, 1953. Moreno, Jacob L. Who Shall Survive? Beacon, New York: Beacon House, Inc., 1953. Neugarten, Bernice. "Social Class and Friendships Among School Children," American Journal of Sociolggy, LI (1946), 305-313. Northway, Mary L. A Primer of Sociometry. Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1952. 133 Pepinsky, Harold B. "Research Notes from Here and There—- Conformity and Deviation," Journal of Counseling Psychology, VII, No. 2, 1960, 144-146. Pepinsky, Pauline M. "The Meaning of Validity and Relia- bility,“ Journal of Educational and Psychological Measurements, (1949), 42—49. Selltiz, Claire,Jahoda, Marie, Deutsch” Morton and Cook, Stuart W. Research Methods in Social Relations. New York: Henry Holt and Company, Inc., 1960. Siegel, Sidney. Nonparametric Statistics for Behavioral Sciences. New York: McGraw—Hill Book Company, Inc., 1956. Strang, Ruth. The Adolescent Views Himself. New York: McGraw—Hill Book Company, Inc., 1957. Tyron, Caroline M. "The Adolescent Peer Culture," National Societyyfor the Study of Education. 43rd Year Book, Part I. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago, 1944. U. S. Bureau of Census. Indiana General Population Character- istics, 1960. Vener, Arthur. "Adolescent Orientations to Clothing: A Social—Psychological Interpretation.“ Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1957. Walker, Edward L. and Heyns, Roger W. An Anatomy for Con— formity. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice- Hall, Inc., 1962. Warner, W. Lloyd. Social Class in America. Chicago, Illinois: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949. Williams, Madelyn. “Opinions on Clothing, Appearance and Social Acceptance as Factors in Group Cohesion of Ninth Grade Girls." Unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, 1963. 134 WOuk, Herman. "The Terrible Teens," Good Housekeeping Magazine, (January 1958). Zachry, Caroline B. "Problems of Adolescents," The Adolescent: A Book of Readings. Edited by Jerome M. Seidman. New York: The Dryden Press, 1953. APPENDIX A 135 136 Table 12.--Occupational level of the chief financial contri- butor of the family by category of isolates, mutual pairs and RFS membership based on Warner's scale Read in descending order 1 = highest rank Reciprocal Friendship Structure No Categories 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Response Total Isolates 2 6 5 4 1 l 2 21 Mutual Pairs l 4 1 6 RFSl 1 1 l 3 RFS2 l l 1 3 RFS3 l 1 1 3 RFS4 2 l 2 5 RFS5 1 l l 3 RFS6 1 2 3 RFS7 3 l 4 RFS8 2 3 5 1 l 1 l3 RFS9 2 4 2 7 3 1 19 Totals 5 18 13 18 6 12 - 5 6 83 137 mm m H HN m 0N wH m v mHmpOB mH H NH H m mmmm m MH m o N N mmm h g H N H mmm m N H @mmm m N H mmmm m H H m vmmm m N H mmmm m H N Nmmm m N H Hmmm o H H N N muHmm stusz HN m H N 0H m H H mmumHomH m h. o m w m N H 30cm . Hoonom Hoonom meHommumu u.con Ho COHumo mmmHHou anm Hoonom mpmuw Hoonom mnsuosupm mmgommom Ispm Eoum mmeHoo Eoum anm Eoum mpmuo mHnmpgmHum ku09 oz Hoguo .Umuo meow .pmnw mEom .Umuo oEom Hmooanomm Houanuucoo HmHogmgHm moHno mo msumym so mmm paw mHHmm HMDDDE .mmpmHOmH an COHumHomom mo Hm>mH HMGOHumUSUMII.MH wHQmB 138 QHMUW m .HQCHMZ k. mm w v mg mH g m mH H N vH N mmmm mH N HH mmmm w m H hmmm m m ommm m m mmmm m m «mum m N H mmmm m H H H NEE m H N Hmmm m H N H N mHHmm Hmspsz HN N N m m m mmuwHomH H N m w m o h mHanHm>¢ meHommumu meuoe no: HmHm anm ommuw>¢ mmmum>< mmmum>¢ 30H 30H wusuosuum :oHumE mum> w>on< 30me muw> mHnwpgmHum InomcH HmooumHomm ummann n H umpuo mgHUcwommU CH Umwm *mHmom m.ngum3 mchD mfmmm paw mHHmm Hmsusfi .mmumHOmH an COHumHsmom mo mwnm mcHHHmznli.vH mHQMB Reciprocal Friendships Eighth Grade Boys Isolatesl COO Isolates2 gee“: Isolates3 ciao e @an- Isolates4 Key: Category: Popular Boy Best Dressed Boy to Dress Like 6 Io|~ Votes received (outside circle) Top Number Middle Number Botton Number Figure C. 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(“a U m .L‘ , go on to # is it %y I)S plain? 2) decorated? If decorated, how is it decov: a V ace shouches ) , t-Cds school emblem on it or any at: ... '"f I W I ":5 - . , . -V .. ram,” I”. 5 ‘. V ¢- -0 60?? 9. -'i- ‘ r ‘ r. J.:.) flu-”JV aeratisn? ' -‘5‘Q’M .l a | - . H. .l - . .’ -.- \ 1, 1L _., g (11 no . go on to ”:9; H | "r’. C' A 7‘ I .2313 I " f 8, check the type of 51111t "0; ar- vszrlng. 13; 19 f? 12 "o the sletvc 16n_ 5th in the 5:0 Ltc;ca¢ 1) like sketch A 7 L (a plaj.n materia.1) 2) like Sketch B (a figured mwterwul) 3) like sketch G A, __ (a laait shirt) 4) lilze sketch D‘ (a) plaid material) 50 like hatch E 1 _ (a 3030 shirt) Stritef 11M11 Pla’n .1. 6) like Sketch F (a :1’tt shi-:. open at tn? ucck with 7'1 1n ...L 117-”i uL’lO‘Iifir.‘ 7‘ other __ , describe .._.... -‘ ‘n-v‘ 'W £4- -4. CD % —w 5 1. Elk , 1‘." r 1w29~fa .P _ 1. _ ”f ‘. r .1 _ ' ' i .‘-' _' i .9 .‘ J31? ‘ .5 '9 I I " ‘1 i I‘ ~ . : "l‘l‘zx * , “r“ ‘7. 1‘ ”a -' 1- . _ :Qf,’ “(4 ‘ ‘1 "H h. I —' ‘. - 1 t I . R. f” - . . v.‘ t 5‘:- 1 ‘ ‘5‘ GD, "‘7 iii-7-1 fif‘w ,' F }1‘ ‘ - j r f ‘. 4 «I ’3'- ' 1 r ' I i 3 ‘ *‘ a , U .. g 1 a - ,I‘ .'-‘ h ‘ /‘*J V a "f‘ A; f 1". p ,(Q ,' 4" t. - ‘1 g k l, ‘ § 1‘ . -. I ‘_ ,1 I At .1 1‘ ., ‘2‘ i - ‘.\* 3.4550 ' v r1 flux...“ m - '3. .. v. } ~ avwgfim - {gut/(H a igin State University 1963 A190 390 nex‘ 3190 TOT skfitcbaa F & 5 1,) 1*; O \0 03—4 C\m -h‘.‘ \J’ P‘ "'4' i: 3°C {1’ t‘" £2... Yes No ire your‘sleeves 1) wrist length 2} short The color of the shirt is (If print or plaid, give CNLE a color) tan _ brown red green blue , black yellow orange 'whito grey. other m w, m w ‘.1Iha't'? ..j 0 you have on a sweater now? .1 ...J 4. No ’ Yes [1 \-_I (If. "no "1, go. on to ;‘}325) J ’ I. '. 5. F c. --. 5 u- i 'A I s ‘-. .\ l' \. j" 4 é, r 1", .~'.‘ , 1 f A, 49' E9“ 9'71”! \ i to , . . 1.. - 3‘.- . - ..i t £ 5.90” V‘- -1... .‘II I c- - A1‘ -AA-n J: ( \ ,1 b i (A. :1 ( 1 C—L td "d C.) O h) r l \ 1‘ A -1) like el:etch A (a 811031 er l-rcolzi 2) like sketch B (a clit‘vor 1cund neck; 3) like sketch 0 (p1a1:1 bvtton o: 2133?: icxj frCLL) 4) 11-19 sketch D (et r1: 1 butt31 r:_ 31?“:3 ii”: Ti“: ‘ 5) 3.5ke sketch E (Newvcp;.n butLC“ or 21;;“; low” 3:“ 6) like sketch F (Norwegian elipover) 7) like wretch G (sweater vest) 8) no 8L etch ( a school sweater with athlct letter and/or chevrone 9) other DescrIEe 1 . 1 [2.37 SKETCH [:1 See next page for sketches E,F,¢@. ".‘ “in- W '3’? _____~ ~71 21:1": / y .. f. l . ' « - —'. ._. r. .s. .51 _ -:.r‘ .5. a.) (.1. " " '2 ‘1- .. l_ a .- .‘. 1 v1 1 l: ‘ I: ~ . — ’ t' ‘fi‘.. - 0--..” I" ': .. . 1 .' -~ ‘«. :‘ -.‘ r: ‘2. a. . J. -".L' ‘ .'.l:."'LLr;LiikA.$ “Wm-”MM 1. ‘ _V'\ _ -. -' - j I . | , ‘ 1 ._ L." ..1 -.J b ‘ v—v;.~n.w;.ug- .' ‘. - c 171 ' 0' 1, r2 ,- :-. 1' m .- f - . “-1 -11.; s .‘tLLLJ b o*<»om war. A \- «.7 . , - " . _ 1 I r r \ -‘T A I - . .l s v“~q. c '—- l-i-‘I’. . -.« 1-1%. . . - 3. ‘3 JJ. 1);). 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