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ABSTRACT

THE ROLE OF DRESS IN THE HIP
SUBCULTURE: 1966-1970
by

Susan Claire Sweatt

Research in the clothing field has shown that dress is often
used as a social tool, allowing individual adaptation to social norms.
Dress has also been used symbolically to indicate discontent with social
norms and to express a desire for social change. Informal observation
of the hip subculture in America in the late l960's reveals a manner of
dress that differed radically from the norms of the larger society.
Little research exists as to the factual or symbolic nature of the hip
style of dress, the motivations of those who wore it, or its evolution
over time. The objective of this study is to investigate these areas of
dress for the years 1966 through 1970, paying particular attention to
changing social roles, self-concepts, and social philosophies as
symbolically expressed in dress modes.

Because this time period has passed into American history, the
design of the study is necessarily historical. The research is drawn
from written data about the hip subculture and its effects on the larger
society. It was decided to use data from the "popular press," or mass
media, to explore the use of dress in a "pOpular” movement. From
Newsweek, a regularly-published and widely—read news magazine, Specific
issues were selected to reflect changes in the reporting of hippie
apparel during the five-year period. These issues were searched for

descriptive words or phrases that applied to the personal appearance of

Susan Claire Sweatt
any person between l5 and 30 years of age. Another count was made from
the photographs accompanying the magazine text. The data for both the
Verbal and Visual counts were then divided by year into three categories,
including "Hair," "Clothing and Accessories," and "Opinion Adjectives."

The data totals for the five years included in the study show a
tremendous interest on the part of the mass media in the hip style of
dress, its symbolic content, and the motivations for wearing it. This
interest lends credence to the hypotheses concerning the changing social
roles and phil050phies of youth, as reflected in modes of dress.

Those hypotheses concerning changing self-concepts of youth as
reflected in modes of dress could not be directly supported without
altering the research design. Further research using similar data
sources is needed to clarify the complex inter-relationships between
dress, self-concept, age, and social role in this historical period.

Comparison of the data totals for each of the five years shows
a sharp increase in all categories between l969 and l970. This rise
clearly reflects the emergence and increased use by writers of the hip
dress stereotype, including the specific items "long hair" and "denim
jeans."

This study should be considered exploratory in nature, for it
poses many researchable questions about the dress used within the hip
subculture, and about the reactions of the larger society when con-

fronted with this atypical attire.

THE ROLE OF DRESS IN THE HIP
SUBCULTURE: 1966-1970

M.

Susan Claire Sweatt

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University .
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Human Environment and Design

1975

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis was made possible by the co-Operative efforts of
"any people at Michigan State University. To my thesis director and
committee members, Dr. Joanne B. Eicher, Dr. Kathleen E. Musa, and
Dr. Peter K. Manning, I offer my sincere thanks for their experience,
criticism, and encouragement. With their guidance the research process
became a useful tool rather than an obstacle. '

Special thanks go to Dr. Robert Summitt, whose kindness allowed
me to continue my studies when other sources failed, and to
Dr. Denton E. Morrison, who offered his course as a forum to introduce
my theories.

Finally, my thanks go to my friends and fellow graduate
students, who Operated as my support system during the writing of this

thesis. Their love and faith made the struggle worthwhile.

ii

 

 

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I:
INTRODUCTION ........................
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ........ . . .....
A CASE STUDY OF SOCIETAL CONFLICT . . . . ..........
'Conflict Theory . . . . . ..... . ..... . . . . . .
Case Study ...................... . .

Clothing and Personal Appearance as a "Weapon" . . . . . .
CHAPTER II:
HYPOTHESES ................... . .....
THE RESEARCH DESIGN .....................
METHODOLOGY ........... . . . ....... . . . .
CHAPTER III:
DATA RESULTS ........................
ANALYSIS OF RESULTS .....................
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS ....................
SUMMARY OF RESULTS .....................
PROBLEMS WITH THE RESEARCH DESIGN ..............
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ..............
APPENDIX .............................
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...........................

iii

#N-b (A N

19
20
21

25
25
33
42
43
45
48
51

#00“)

LIST OF TABLES
VERBAL DATA--"HAIR" and "OPINION ADJECTIVES" .........

VERBAL DATA--"CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES" ...........
VISUAL DATA--"HAIR" .....................

iv

31
32
37
38

LIST OF FIGURES

"HAIR" MENTIONS: BY YEAR--FROM VERBAL DATA ..........

"CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES" MENTIONS: BY YEAR--FROM
VERBAL DATA ................. . ......

"OPINION ADJECTIVES" MENTIONS: BY YEAR--FROM VERBAL DATA . . .

COMPARISON OF THREE VERBAL CATEGORIES "HAIR," "CLOTHING AND
ACCESSORIES," AND "OPINION ADJECTIVES": BY YEAR ......

"HAIR" ITEMS RECORDED: BY YEAR--FROM VISUAL DATA .......

"CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES" ITEMS RECORDED: BY YEAR-~FROM
VISUAL DATA ........................

COMPARISON OF TWO VISUAL CATEGORIES "HAIR" AND "CLOTHING AND
ACCESSORIES": BY YEAR ...................

27

28
29

3O
34

35

36

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

 

In the latter half of the 1960's, American culture was under
fire--its own members were criticizing and questioning the validity of
its previously viable value system. In the forefront of this attack
from within were the young, particularly the adolescents. This was not
a new pattern in American history, for the "bohemians" of the 1920's and
the "beatniks" of the 1940's were also youthful critics of their
society. They flared up briefly, upsetting the status quo for a short
while, and faded away when the public's interest turned to newer
phenomena. However, the most recent youth movement in America,
involving the "hippies," seems to have had a considerably greater impact
on the society than its predecessors.

The membership of the hip movement consisted primarily of
adolescents, an enormous group due to the "baby boom" occurring after
the Second World War. (Douglas, 1970, p. 46) Its primary goal was to
expose the weaknesses and contradictions of the American social system.
(Simmons, 1967, p. 12) Various alternatives to these social wrongs were
proposed, all of which emphasized freedom of choice for the individual,
or what becane known as the "do your own thing" ethic. Due to the size
of this group of young people, its apparent attacks on the structure of
the adult world drew the attention of the communications media.
(Douglas, 1970, pp. 55-56) The resulting publicity Spread the ideas

behind the movement throughout the society, causing such a rapid growth

1

2
in its membership that it was eventually incorporated as a valid alter-
native lifestyle for Americans. (Bronsteen, 1967, p. 10)

The hip movement was characterized by its radical and innovative
tactics, its methods of calling attention to itself and spreading its
beliefs. Chief among its "weapons" against the established social
system was an emphasis on atypical dress and personal appearance, and
the popular stereotype of the hippie invariably included some mention of
clothing, accessories, or grooming. This particular style of dress1
proved to be such an evocative symbol of the movement that it came in
time to represent youthful dissaffection of any kind.

If we are to learn from historical lessons, we must first under-
stand the motivations underlying overt actions. How and why dress came
to play such a major role in the hip movement are questions that demand
answers, especially for the student of history or sociology. In this
study a clear delineation of several important functions of dress in a

complex, mass society will be made, using the hippies as a recent and

highly visible example.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

 

Focus of the study:

Research in the clothing field has shown that dress is one of
many devices available to members of a society that facilitates individ-
ual adaptation to the norms of the social system. As the structure of
the society evolves, so do these adaptive devices.

The evolution of dress as a social tool cannot be fully under-

stood on a broad scale without in-depth research into Specific changes

 

1"Dress" refers to all aspects of an individual's personal
appearance.

3
in dress modes, found in specific societies during specific tine periods.
Due to the manipulative quality of dress, a highly plastic medium, it
has throughout history been used symbolically to indicate discontent
with social norms and to express a need for social change. When used
thus, dress can become a "weapon," since much social change involves
conflict between members of the society in question.

In the case of the hip subculture in America in the late 1960's,
it is generally accepted that dress was used in a manner that differed
radically from the norms of the larger Society. Little formal research
exists as to the nature, symbolic or factual, of the hip style of dress,
much less the motivations of those individuals who chose to wear it.
There is also little known about the evolution of this dress style over
the years between its first appearance and the subsequent rise and
decline of the hip movement.

Objective:

The main objective of this study is to investigate the role of
dress in the hip subculture in America, between the years 1966 and 1970.
In particular, attention will be given to the use of dress to symbolize
a desire for change in the existing social structure, the perception of
hip dress by the larger society, and the temporal dimension in the

evolution of hip dress over the five-year period.

A CASE STUDY OF SOCIETAL CONFLICT

 

In order to understand the role of dress in the hip subculture,
it is first necessary to understand the basic conflicts involved in the
social upheaval in America between 1965 and 1970.

The following pages explore several of the elements of conflict.

First, the theoretical basis of societal conflict is presented, drawn

4
from sociological literature. Secondly, the theory is applied to the
specific case under discussion, with descriptions of the two conflicting
groups, their motives and tactics, and some of the end results of that
conflict. Finally, the function of dress as a Symbolic element in the

conflict is delineated.

Conflict Theory

 

Conflict theory is that body of sociological thought that deals
with social change as a result of intra-societal conflict. According to
Karl Marx, one of the first advocates of this theoretical approach,

" . every society generates in its structure conflicting classes
which develop in a certain way and the conflict of which eventually
leads to structural upheavals." (Dahrendorf, 1959, p. 73) ”Ralf
Dahrendorf maintains that “. . . societies create out of their structure
with predictable certainty the conditions of social antagonisms, . . .
therefore society is not an integrated COOperative system but at best a
relatively integrated system of conflicting structural forces, even
more, a permanently changing structure of integrative and disruptive
factors." (Dahrendorf, 1959, p. 113) While there are many theories
that deal with the prOper place of conflict within a society, conflict
theorists believe that conflict is necessary for any social change. To
Lewis Coser,

. conflict is a form of socialization . . . no group can be
entirely harmonious, for it would then be devoid of process and
structure. Groups require disharmony as well as harmony, disso-
ciation as well as association; and conflicts within them are by no
means altogether disruptive factors. Group formation is the result
of both types of processes. (Coser, 1956, p. 31)

While social conflict may take any form, from mild disagreement

to violent revolution, when delineating a specific conflict " . . . it is

5
necessary to emphasize that . . . the unit of analysis is always a
specific association and the dichotomy of positions within it."
(Dahrendorf, 1959, p. 171) Of primary importance is the formation and
constituency of the groups in conflict. Speaking in terms of who
controls what power in the society, one group is always dominant,
characterized by an interest in maintaining the social structures that
give it authority. The other group is in a state of relative subjection,
interested in changing the conditions that deprive it of authority.
These opposing positions set the stage for all the ensuing events.
(Dahrendorf, 1959, p. 176)

The basic two positions in any conflict can be simplistically
diagrammed. However, when individual motivation for membership in
either group is explored, the theory becomes complex. "Individuals form
a class only in so far as they are engaged in a common struggle with
another class; and the force that affects class formation is class
interest." (Dahrendorf, 1959, p. 14) Often these class interests are
unclear even to participants until the conflict is actually joined, at
which time the boundary lines dividing the groups are clarified. This
can be a beneficial aSpect of conflict, for once the opposing groups
have organized themselves, the most uncontrollably violent form of
conflict, guerrilla warfare, is temporarily excluded. The very fact of
organization presupposes some degree of societal recognition that the
grievances are legitimate, and more peaceful methods of conflict reso-
lution thus become feasible. (Dahrendorf, 1959, p. 213)

Dahrendorf's theoretical constructs of social conflict and
change involve discovering the variables of each particular case as well

as the factors affecting each variable. Among these variables are:

6
l. Intensity - if the cost of victory or defeat is high for the
groups concerned, the conflict is of high intensity.
2. Violence - this relates to the manifestations rather than
the causes of the conflict; it is a matter of the weapons chosen by the
conflicting groups to express their hostilities.

3. Superimposition - since there are usually several conflicts

 

going on at once within a society, it is not possible to give one's full
attention to them all, therefore they tend to be lumped together and
reduced to just a few dominant conflicts.

4. Superimposition and Intensity_- if the same two groups ,

 

oppose each other in different conflicts, the energies expended will be
combined for each side and again channelled into one dominant conflict.

5. Segmentalization - each conflict is confined to just one of

 

an individual's social roles and absorbs only part of the individual's
energy and personality. Commitment to one conflict entails withdrawal
from all others.

6. Social Mobility_- if the society does not allow movement up

 

and down the social scale, the conflict will increase in both Intensity
and Violence. (Dahrendorf, 1959, pp. 213-222)

Several other factors to consider in any one case of social
conflict are the various temporary coalitions between previously
unrelated groups to achieve a common goal, common or dissimilar back-
grounds of the antagonistic groups, the extent of change that is
demanded, both in structures and in personnel, and the previously
existing and/or traditional modes of dealing with conflict in the
society involved. (Dahrendorf, 1959, pp. 222-235) If all these factors

and variables can be identified for one given case of conflict, it is

7
then possible to predict the most efficient way for the society to deal
with dissent, and yet to preserve a viable structure.

In the present study, it is felt that by identifying the
Specific issues around which the conflict between the "hippies" and the
"straights" centered, much insight into the nature of the then-existing
American social system and its effect on its members can be gained.
More Specifically, it is possible, by delineating the social variables
involved, to follow the conflict to the point when dress became an

active agent in the hip movement.

Case Study_

 

While divisive, often violent conflict is not unusual in
American history, the events that occurred in the late l960;s seemed to
cut across every American consciousness on a scale not seen Since
World War II. One journalist was moved to write, "The riptides of
contemporary history have estranged Americans from one another by age,
by race, even by class in ways Karl Marx could not have imagined: the
hard-hat, union-label workingmen at the barricades in Wall Street
defending The System against its own mutinous children." (Newsweek
July 6, 1970, p. 19)

AS in all conflicts, there were two opposing groups involved,
known by the slang terms "straights" and Phippies." Because such terms
are stereotypes in themselves, they say nothing about the character-
istics of the members of the groups. The researcher interested in
absolute definitions encounters this problem again and again, for
despite the joined conflict, definitive "battle lines" appeared only
briefly if at all. So many individuals were involved on so many differ-

ent levels that generalizations became useless--they were disproven too

8
readily. The only general agreement that emerged relatively intact from
the literature was that the membership of the two groups was age-graded
in some manner.

The most frequently cited dichotomy Speaks of adolescent hippies
and adult straights. (Wakefield, 1969, p. 121; Johnson, 1969, p. 36;
Reich, 1970, p. 235) It seems clear that the conflict had its roots in
the difficulties encountered in becoming an adult in American society.
Partridge, whose anthropological study of a hippie ghetto shows great
insight into the nature of the hip criticisms of straight society,
states, "Hippies are adolescents or young adults . . . males and females
who are at the point in the human life cycle when the transition from
adolescence to adulthood is to be made." The hip lifestyle ". . . is
sought out as an alternative to adulthood in straight society, for in
American society--as in every other society--adulthood is not a biolog-
ical phenomenon, but a social and cultural one.“ (Partridge, 1973,

p. 19) For Partridge, and for the less formal researchers of the hip
scene, "The central question . . . is the relationship between the
peOple called hippies and the larger American society of which they are
both part and product." (Partridge, 1973, p. 18)

Accepting the assumption that the hippies were adolescents, the
conflict could be said to center around social role exploration, the
major task of the adolescent. (Friedenberg, 1959, p. 17) As the subju—
gated group, adolescents had few social responsibilities to fulfill, a
fact that was both liberating and confusing. Unlike the adults
“. . . who work an eight-to-five job and use only socially acceptable
drugs such as alcohol," (Partridge, 1973, p. 12) the teenagers were

largely uncommitted to routine work, available for social

9
experimentation, and had most major life-style options open to them.
Lack of responsibility has its drawbacks, however, for it is the
dominant, reSponsible group in the society that holds the power. Given
the size of the adolescent group, the largest Single age group in the
society, a paradoxical situation arose. Adolescents were a numerical
majority but a powerless minority in terms of social authority--the many
were being told how to live by the few. Understandably, for young
people raised under a democratic system, this situation was far from
appealing.

It should be emphasized that this adolescent discontent did not
bloom suddenly in the time period under discussion. As early as 1959,
Friedenberg wrote that the ambivalence of adults toward teenagers was a
kind of repressed panic-response to the liquidation of authority over
them, that this loss of authority was real, and that the adult empire
was tottering. (Friedenberg, 1959, p. 27) Through social processes
worthy of further study, the stage was set in the ensuing years for a
major confrontation between the adolescents and the older society, the
former searching for relevant ways to cross into adulthood and the
latter fearing complete social upheaval and a resultant casting-out of
all persons "over 30."

The overt conflict began when adventurous adolescents in the
large American cities first appeared in non-normative dress and longer
hairstyles. They looked and acted differently from their peers. They
demanded, when questioned, their right of self-expression, their right
to hold different values, their right to be individuals. Taught that a
good citizen is one who has been socialized to control emotions, inhibit

antisocial behavior, repress urges, and be receptive to the sanctions of

10
group Opinion, they realized that the socialization process itself must
be attacked, broken through, so that the individual could be free to
discover. (Partridge, 1973, p. 60) One by one, the adolescents began
stepping outside acceptable boundaries in all areas of social life,
using a great variety of tactics to educate, confuse, or enrage the
adult society and at the same time Spread the word "Freedom!" to their
peers. The basic dogma of this youthful movement was "Anything goes,“
and "I'll never do anything I don't want to again," phrases expressing
at once the painful mixture of human dignity and egocentrism that was
the newly independent adolescent. (Partridge, 1973, p. 9)

Using Dahrendorf‘s list of conflict variables to sort out the
elenents involved in this case study, it becomes clear that this
challenge to straight society was a very serious one, far removed from
the frivolous antics of a few misguided teenagers. Looking at the
antagonism between the two broad groups, adolescents and adults, an
analysis of the conflict can be made as follows:

1. Intensity - On the adult side, the "repressed panic-response"
was no longer repressed when the young in the society tbok a demanding,
militant stance. For such panic to exist there had to be a real fear of
"losing" the battle. The adolescents, having no formal roles to fulfill,
had to "win" or face severe retribution. This was a conflict that would
decide the next step in the American "love affair with youth."
(Friedenberg, 1959, p. 179) It was highly Intense for both sides.

2. Violence - Any confrontation between youth and age in a
society is also a confrontation between parents and their children.

Thus the weapons chosen by each side could not be fatal, lest the whole

fabric of society be destroyed. Since both sides had a stake in the

11
future of the society, guerrilla warfare was ruled out and other methods
had to be found. The actual choice of weapons will be discussed at a
later point, but given the Intensity at the outset of the conflict, the
choice had to be effective in order to "win."

3. Superimposition - It is this variable that was primarily

 

responsible for the Youth/Age dichotomy. Each participant in the
conflict was individually concerned with the events in their daily
lives, handling encounters with others on a one-to-one basis. As the
conflict developed it was clear that the majority of the individuals on
each side fell into one of the two age groupings. Given the American
love of convenience, as well as the number of persons involved in the
conflict, it is not surprising that the easy course of stereotyping by
age was chosen.

4. Superimposition and Intensity - Because there were so many

 

instances of the young versus the old already existing in the society,
in the form of the parent against the child, the student against the
teacher, the novice against the boss, more fuel was added to the
Youth/Age stereotyping. It was very easy to conserve energy in this
manner and channel the conflict into a narrower course, ignoring the
exceptions along the way.

5. Segmentalization - The adults in the society were at a

 

disadvantage in this instance, for they were previously corrmitted to
several social roles such as parent, provider, employee, and mate. The
adolescents had no such commitments and were both willing and able to
channel all their energy into this one conflict. The effect of this
difference in social roles was to equalize the balance of power in the

conflict, giving both sides a real chance to "win." The adult position

12
of power and authority was matched by the whole-hearted participation of
the adolescents, a fact which also affected the Intensity, making a
"win" more vital for each side.

6. Social Mobility_- Although the mobility in American society
has become part of the traditional American life-style, the chronolog-
ical aspect of this conflict in effect locked the participants into set
patterns of behavior. The role-typing involved in the labels agylt_and

adolescent did not allow for such deviants as the immature adult or the

 

early-maturing youth. Once again, the process of stereotyping did not
allow individual mobility, based as it was on how many years the person
had lived. It was, in fact, this very immobility that the young were
protesting, making the conflict more Intense and potentially more
Violent.

Other Variables:

Coalitions - The Youth/Age dichotomy worked here as a recruiting

 

mechanism. High School students and college students, drop-outs and
stay-ins, and other traditional "foes" felt that the individual right of
expression was their fight, too. Adults also experienced similar
coalitions, such as the executive and the factory worker, the teacher
and the farmer. All these groups were temporarily bonded together by
the age factor, and the stage was further set for a major social
upheaval.

Backgrounds - As in the parent versus child confrontation,

 

common backgrounds tended to de-fuse fatal explosions. After all, it is
most efficient in warfare to treat the enemy dispassionately in order to
destroy without personal involvement. Such efficiency was impossible

when the combatants lived in the same home, ate at the same table, or

13
even attended the same church. Where the backgrounds of the conflicting
groups were dissimilar or de-personalized, such as the confrontation
between the young who had grown up in affluent surroundings and the
adults who had to survive the Depression, violence in both the attack
and the defense of ideologies intensified greatly.

Extent of Change Demanded - If the adolescents had wanted to

 

settle for a few concessions from the authority figures in the society,
the actual conflict might have been kept to a minimum, and the social
structure would have continued relatively intact. However, youthful
dissatisfaction had built up to such a level that the young were
perceiving structural blockage of their needs. (Morrison, 1973, p. 684)
If they elected to stay within the existing social norms, there were two
choices open to them; they could be considered either a deviant group or
a minority group. The acceptance of either label left the adult group
in the dominant position in society and meant that no new solutions for
finding social autonomy would appear. (Schwartz, 1965, p. 165) Finding
these alternatives unacceptable, the adolescents were forced to create a
new social system, to invent new structures and institutions that could
fulfill their felt needs. Since the creation of new structures implied
that the traditional structures were obsolete, the adults in authority
felt threatened, and both the Intensity and potential Violence were
further heightened.

Traditional Modes of Dealing with Conflict - According to

 

Williams, one of the prime values of American society is a belief in and
support for progress and change. (Williams, 1952, pp. 388-442) This
tradition undoubtedly lowered the level of potential Violence; just how

far it is impossible to test. But the young, in their idealistic

l4

impetuosity, demanded so much so fast that even a loose social structure
could not satisfy them. More structural blockage was perceived and the
Violence and Intensity levels rose accordingly. I

Considering only the ten broadest variables involved in this
conflict and ignoring all those forces that worked on the individual
participants, it is readily apparent that something in the social
structure had to change. Both the Intensity and the Violence levels
were explosively high, and major social change had to occur before the
existing system disintegrated and the anarchy feared by the adults in
authority came into being. The force of the hippie critique
". . . challenged the very heart of America--its philOSOphy, its goals,
its ethics . . ." (Wolfe, 1968, p. 108) The assessment of'the straight
response to this challenge and the eventual outcome must be left to
historians. For the purposes of this study, it is enough to apply the
basics of conflict theory to the events of the late 1960's and turn now
to the choice of clothing and personal appearance as a major tactic used
by adolescents against the dominant social structure.

Clothing and Personal Appearance
as a"Weapon"

 

 

The functions of dress in a complex technological society range
far beyond the relatively simple uses of protection and modesty. The
appearance a person presents to the world has become indicative of
myriad personal characteristics, factual and abstract; in a word, dress
has become symbolic. Stone states that

Appearance substitutes for past and present action and, at the

same time, conveys an incipience permitting others to anticipate
what is about to occur. Specifically, clothing represents our
action, past, present, and future, as it is established by the

prOposals and anticipations that occur in every social trans-
action . . . (Stone, 1962, p. 229)

15
In the adolescent search for a satisfying self-image and a fulfilling
role in society, it is therefore no surprise that dress is used as an
important tool. As a minority or deviant group in American culture,
adolescents have little power over the social forces that shape their
lives. As a result, they overcompensate with an extreme emphasis in the
areas they are permitted to control, one of which is dress. (Schwartz,
1963, p. 165) Roach indicates that adolescent clothing is considerably
more varied than that of adults or children, (Roach, 1960, p. 85) and
this variety plays a useful part for the young as they experiment with
different roles. The teenager becomes most adept at interpreting viewer
responses to his clothing, picking out those responses that "fit" best,
arriving in this backward manner at a comfortable sense of self.
(Stone, 1962, pp. 221-222)

When the hip subculture first appeared in the mid-1960's, its
adherents chose to use their personal appearance as a symbol of their
beliefs. As members of a society that used dress and grooming as indi-
cators of social status and position, the hippies had been trained since
childhood in the art of manipulating their appearance to communicate
non-verbally. These adolescents had been taught which clothing was to
be worn to "get ahead in the world," which clothing was considered
acceptable for each social role. However, as one is taught what is
"right,“ one also logically learns what is considered "wrong." The
penalty for being "wrong" in any society can range from mild peer
disapproval to ostracism to death. (Becker, 1963, p. 13) But the
hippies, having perceived that the social structure itself bore the
major responsibility for their non-status situation, and having decided

to disregard the rules of a system they did not trust, effectively

16
subverted that system's penalties by refusing to grant it authority to
penalize. Knowledgeable about straight society's taboos and proficient
in the art of manipulating clothing on a program and review basis,
(Stone, 1962, p. 230) these young men and women soon learned what
bothered the adults most.

It is not important who first grew long hair, wore denim bell-
bottom jeans, or painted psychedelic patterns on his skin. What matters
is that the adolescents, sensitive to peer approval and fed up with
adult disapproval, were fully aware of the reactions such attire
provoked. They were not "stupid kids" blindly following the latest fad;
the hippies found that the norms of the larger society conflicted with
their own and chose to ignore them. (Friedenberg, 1952, p. 30) By
shrewdly observing adult reactions to this "new" attire, reactions that
ranged from concern about homosexuality to affronted outrage, the
hippies knew they had found an effective tool.

In conflict theory terms, clothing was an ideal "weapon." It
was not fatal. It effectively proclaimed one's status to all viewers,
conveniently eliminating the need for an established line of rhetoric.
It could be adopted by degrees, allowing a progressive commitment for
the unsure teenagers. Once adopted, it marked the adolescent's militant
stand against adult society and at the same time affirmed his membership
in a distinct group of his peers, giving him a positive self-image and a
definite role to play. As group boundaries were clarified, by the
adoption or rejection of this atypical dress, both the hip and the
straight groups Were strengthened and their existence insured. (Coser,
1956,.p. 25) The high visibility of dress facilitated the formation of

politically homogeneous friendship circles at the same time that it

l7
sharpened political cleavages. (Knapp, 1972, p. 83) And it was well-
suited for the display of individuality that the young felt was missing
from ". . . the pliable and adjusted blandness of acceptable adulthood."
(Friedenberg, 1959, p. 11)

Reich outlines some of the hip themes expressed in the "new"

clothing:

These clothes express freedom . . . [they] give the wearer
freedom to do anything he wants. Above all, they are comfortable.
They express a wholeness of self . . . deny the importance of
hierarchy, status, authority, position, and they reject competi-
tion. The new clothes express a shared set of attitudes and
values . . . the new unity of youth. (Reich, 1970, pp. 234-239)

Having made the conscious decision to seek alternatives to straight'
society, the hippies discovered a host of clothing and accessory itens
which had been previously sublimated or consciously ignored. The
previous symbols of clothing status were replaced with insignia that
were unintelligible to former associates and straight society as a
whole, symbols that were translated as "weird," "bizarre," or even
"crazy" by those who obtained no enjoyment from the unusual. (Partridge,
1973, p. 72) The hippies fought standard-brand American stereotypes
with every conceivable visual aid or costume they could find. Such
symbolic enrichment of the culture raised existential questions for the
wearer as well as the viewer; its very freedom reminded both parties
that there were many options besides those labeled "acceptable" by the
dominant social group. (Turner, 1968, p. 576)

With such a wealth of exotic visual stimuli confronting them,
the adults in straight society were overwhelmed. Following the conflict
theory model, the stereotype of the fhippie look" came to mean long hair

and jeans, as the process of SuperimpoSition narrowed the conflict down

to a manageable size. This was quite in character for the straights,

18
given the American cultural insistence on generalized rather than
Specific reSponse. (Friedenberg, 1952, p. 65) The converse was also
true. As "longhair" became the label for young “undesirables,”
"hard-hat" and "redneck" were the pejorative terms used by the hippies
to describe their Opponents. (Knapp, 1972, p. 77)

The place of dress in the conflict between adults and adoles-
cents fluctuated as the conflict itself ran the gamut of phases common
to popular, inclusive social movements in America. What began as an
original, imaginative weapon against the traditional social structure
gradually became a well-known stereotype, which went on to become a.
cliche. "Fashion," says Simmel, "always occupies the dividing-line
between the past and the future, and consequently conveys a stronger
feeling of the present . . . than most other phenomenae.“ (Simmel,
1957, p. 547) Because of the hippies, dress and personal appearance
were, for a while, most important elements in the American social scene.
If the historians see the hippies as the embodiment of the malaise of an
entire generation, then they must also find dress the primary vehicle

for the expression of that malaise.

CHAPTER II

HYPOTHESES

 

In an analysis of the differentiation function of clothing in
societies, Bush and London prOpose three hypotheses which have been
used, in a more Specific form, to direct this study. The original
hypotheses are: -

1. Differences in modes of dress within a particular society
are indicative of differences in social roles and self-concepts of
members of that society.

2. Changes in fundamental or enduring modes of dress in a
society are indicative of changes in the social roles and self-concepts
of members of that society.

3. The greater or smaller the variability of clothing styles in
a society, the less or more reSpectively well-defined and conflict-free
are social roles in that society. (Bush and London, 1965, p. 72)

Modifications were necessary in order to apply these hypotheses
to the case study under discussion. In American society social roles
and self-concepts do not seem to be equivalents. Therefore each is
stated separately. Because this particular conflict involved a critique
of the entire social system, the two opposing sides experienced a
crystallization of their whole social philosophies, and reflected this
in their dress. And finally, the appearance of a distinct age group
whose major concerns were social role and self-concept was thought to be

sufficiently important in this conflict to warrant specific mention.

19

20
The following are suggested as the hypotheses for the case study
under discussion:
1. A - Differences in modes of dress in America in the late
1960's were indicative of differences in social roles of members of
American society.
8 - Differences in modes of dress in America in the late
1960's were indicative of differences in self-concepts of members of
American society.
2. The conflict of social philosophies in American society in
the late 1960's was directly reflected in the dress of the antagonists.
3. A - The changes in the mode of dress worn by American
adolescents in the late 1960's were indicative of changes in their
social roles. -
B - The changes in the mode of dress worn by American
adolescents in the late 1960's were indicative of changes in their self-

concepts.

THE RESEARCH DESIGN

 

Because the time period being discussed has passed into American
history, this study must necessarily be historical in approach. The
participants in the subculture as well as their opponents have dispersed
and the hip movement itself has been displaced in the public eye by more
current events. Any attempt at subject sampling would produce only
recall data which would have limited use due to the distortions in human
memory over time. Therefore it was decided to base the research on the
written data available. Unfortunately, so little formal research has
been done on this time period that primary sources of information are

non-existent for the practical purposes of this study. There is,

21

however, a wealth of secondary sources available in the form of news-
paper stories and magazine articles. It seemed most fitting to use the
"popular press" to explore the growth of a "pOpular" movement, eSpe-
cially since it was the mass media that provided the initial impetus
necessary to the deveTOpment of the subculture. (Wolfe, 1968, pp. 107-
108)

METHODOLOGY

 

Given the sheer volume of written material available to the
researcher and the interest in such specific items as articles of
clothing and hair length that came to represent the hippie stereotype,
the use of content analysis procedures seemed most appropriate. Defined
as "a research technique for the objective, systematic, and quantitative
description of the manifest content of communication," (Berelson, 1952,
p. 18) content analysis allows the researcher to tailor a search of
literature to his specific needs, using well-defined categories care-
fully developed to eliminate unnecessary and unproductive effort.

The first essential task was to limit the scope of the study by
choosing literature that would be representative of the mass media.
Again, it should be emphasized that literally millions of words were
written about the hip subculture, and a truly comprehensive study of all
the secondary sources was thought to be impossible in the time available.
Ruling out newSpaper stories because of their geographical limitations,
a regularly-published and widely-read magazine was sought. Iig§_and
Newsweek were two obvious choices, and Newsweek was arbitrarily selected.

Published weekly, the Newsweek format is a potpourri of regional,
national, and world news stories interspersed with essays about current

trends in American culture. While there was undoubtedly an editorial

22
policy that determined what was printed in the magazine, it was felt
that an earnest attempt was made to present more than one side of each
issue, often by asking several well-known persons to comnent on the
issue and simply printing their Opinions.

The specific issues of Newsweek included in the study were
chosen to reflect the changes in the reporting of hippie apparel over a
five-year period, instead of concentrating on one year. Partridge's
appraisal of the hip lifestyle in a student/hippie ghetto states that
". . . the change in the university calendar . . . brings on [the]
summer period of instability and the concomitant innOvative life-styles."
(Partridge, 1973, p. 27) Reasoning that “innovative" also applied to
dress and personal appearance, it was decided that more data would be
found in the summer issues of Newsweek, when the student population
would swell the ranks of the hip subculture. Therefore the magazine
sample used in this study includes those issues between June 15 and
September 15, in the years 1966 through 1970. After a pilot study of
the coding procedures was run on the first six months of 1965, so little
relevant data was found that the year was dropped from the study.

Having selected the source of information for the study, the
coding procedures were finalized with the Newsweek format in mind. The
intent was to count every word of description used by the magazine's
writers that applied to the personal appearance of any person between
the ages of 15 and 30. No distinction was made between the reporters'
prose and direct quotes, the feeling being that if the descriptive word
appeared in print at all the reader would be influenced by it regardless
of who originally used it. No advertisements were used, but every other

printed word was considered fair game, including "Letters to the Editor."

23

Each word or phrase found was recorded on a 3"x5" note card,
with a notation of the date of the issue and the reporter's byline, if
any. After the data was gathered it was separated by year into three
categories: "Hair," "Clothing and Accessories," and "Opinion Adjectives."
These categories included the following:

"Hair" - Specific mention of hair length (short, medium, and
long), references to facial hair (beard, mustache, side-
burns, clean-shaven), and general comments, i.e., "frazzled
hair" or "eccentric haircuts."

"Clothing and Accessories" - Specific mention of clothing and
accessory itens or the absence thereof.

"Opinion Adjectives" - Any non-factual word or phrase that
called for a judgement on the part of the viewer,

i.e., “hippie-type," "bizarre dress," or "dirty."

In order to compare what the young people wore with what the
reporters noticed, an item count was also made of the photos accom-
panying the text. The same procedure was used, with the addition of a
subjective judgement of whether or not the model fell within the 15 to
30-year-old age limits. Crowd pictures were used only if there were
clear examples of clothing or hair showing. Pictures of famous youth
personalities such as rock stars were not used because such persons

could be said to be in theatrical costume rather than everyday dress.2

 

2"Costume" is defined as extraordinary dress adopted when one is
acting out of an~ordinary, everyday role and must appear out of role as
well. Costume iS thus seen as a misrepresentation of authentic self.
Gregory P. Stone, "Appearance and the Self" in Human Behavior and Social
Processes: An Interactionist Approach. A. M. Rose, editor (New York:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1962), p. 96.

24

The itens were not restricted to American youth, for one of the
characteristics of the hip subculture was its spread to the youth in
other countries. AS one Newsweek reporter put it, “. . . the hippies in
Tokyo look exactly like the hippies in Rome and St. Mark's Place."
(Newsweek July 7, 1969, p. 94) Obvious traditional cultural costume was
ignored unless it appeared on a "non—native." For instance, two young
women from the Bronx wore Indian saris in a photo taken at a rock
concert in California and were included.

A great deal of subjective judgement was necessary throughout
the study, for which the writer relied on personal experience within the
subculture. However, a rigorous attempt at objectivity was made and
often aided by such devices as the identifying captions appearing under-
neath the Newsweek photos and informal opinion polls conducted among the
writer's peers about the word or photo in question.

Once gathered, the data were separated by year into the appro-
priate category by item. In the "Clothing and Accessory" category
several similar items were combined for simplification. For example,
"love beads" and "peace symbol on a leather thong“ were considered to be
necklaces and were combined under "beads." Similarly, "garish gown" and
"ankle-length skirt" were put into the "Other-skirts" column, while the

nunber of "mini-skirt" mentions earned its own column.3

 

3A complete listing of the data is included in the Appendix.

CHAPTER III

DATA RESULTS

 

After compilation of the data collected from those issues of
Newsweek indicated, there was a total of 285 words or phrases used to

describe the personal appearance of youthful newsmakers, distributed as

 

follows:

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 TOTAL % of 285
"Hair" 8 19 18 25 68 138 48.42
"Clothing and ’
Accessories" 10 22 18 20 59 129 45.26
"Opinion
Adjectives" O 2 4 3 9 18 6.32

 

285 100.00%

In the photo sample, a total of 50 subjects were used, 32 males

and 18 females. Two hundred and twenty-six distinct items were recorded:

 

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 TOTAL % of 226

 

"Hair" 0 10 8 4 46 68 29.82

"Clothing and

Accessories" 0 21 22 7 108 158 69.91
226 100.00%

ANALYSIS OF RESULTS

 

In general, it can be seen that there was a great deal of

interest in the personal appearance of young people in the years 1966

25

26
through 1970. The large nunber of items recorded in both the Verbal and
Visual studies of Newsweek, for subjects between the ages of 15 and 30
years, indicates that there was a correlation between chronological age
and newsworthiness. While the nature of that correlation was not tested
statistically, the existence of enough "Opinion Adjectives" in the
Verbal study to warrant categorization argues that if the subject in
question was between 15 and 30 years of age, chances were greater that
his personal appearance would be recorded in print than one who was not

in that age bracket.

Verbal Study

 

As seen in Figures 1 and 2, the reporters showed a nearly equal
interest in the categories "Hair" and "Clothing and Accessories," with
"Hair" having a slight edge of approximately 3% of the total number of
285 mentions. The "Opinion Adjectives" category Shown in Figure 3 was
small by comparison, accounting for only 6.32% of the total number of
285 mentions.

In Figure 4, the three categories used in the Verbal study are
compared, using the percentages of the total number of 285 mentions for
each year of the five-year period 1966 through 1970. The most obvious
result is the Sharp rise in the percentages for all three categories
between 1969 and 1970, on the approximate order of 3:1. There is also
a slight drop in the percentages for "Hair" and ”Clothing and Acces-
sories" between 1967 and 1968, while the "Opinion Adjectives" percentage
rose minutely in_the same period.

An arbitrary choice of the top three items found on Tables 1 and

2 shows that the reporters were most likely to notice and subsequently

27

as
23.86

 

 

25.1 .
20..
15~
[\
N ".
10w 3 9': °°
\O
S
5.. (\1
0 .___L
1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
n = 8 19 18 25 68
N = 138 -.
% = percentage of Total (285 mentions), all categories
N = Total mentions of "Hair"
n = number of mentions of "Hair"/Year

Figure 1. "HAIR" MENTIONS: BY YEAR--FROM VERBAL DATA

28

 

 

 

%
254- o
N
e
20"
15'-
N 8
10.. :3 3% r:
to
E3
5- “5 ‘
l - L...
1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
n = 10 22 18 20 59
N = 129 -
% = percentage of Total (285 mentions), all categories
N = Total mentions of "Clothing and Accessories"
n = number of mentions of "Clothing and AccessorieS"/Year

Figure 2. "CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES" MENTIONS:
BY YEAR--FROM VERBAL DATA

 

29

 

%
25
1.
20 -
15.1
lO«-
:2
8 m «I
5- o o
r~ F-
(3. F-
o 4 J I ' L—
1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
n = O 2 4 3 9
N = 18 .
% = percentage of Total (285 mentions), all categories
N = Total mentions of "Opinion Adjectives"
n = number of mentions of "Opinion Adjectives"/Year

Figure 3. "OPINION ADJECTIVES" MENTIONS: BY
YEAR--FROM VERBAL DATA

25

20

15

10

    

 

 

 

%
1
O
l
1 I C
* /
0‘ .
’0 —~ ~:>‘Q
/
'1 /
a ' ”O
———-O------.---_-O—""
.-
1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
.[:LS ”Hair" mentions
—— -- — "Clothing and Accessories" mentions
----—— "Opinion Adjectives" mentions

% = percentage of Total (285 mentions), all categories

Figure 4. COMPARISON OF THREE VERBAL CATEGORIES "HAIR," "CLOTHING
AND ACCESSORIES," AND "OPINION ADJECTIVES": BY YEAR

Table l.

"HAIR": Total 138 mentions*

31

VERBAL DATA

 

 

"OPINION ADJECTIVES": Total 18 mentions*

 

Item Number of mentions % of Total (138)
1. long 48 34.78
2. beard 29 21.01
3. Other 27 19.56
4. medium 13 9.42
5. short 9 6.52
6. mustache 9 6.52
7. clean-shaven 2 1.45
8. sideburns l .72
138 100 %

 

Item

Number of mentions

% of Total (18)

 

*
Listed according to number of mentions, from

general appearance
i.e., "dirty"

stereotypes

i.e., "hippie-type clothing”

clothing, general
i .e. , "bizarre dress"

five-year period 1966-1970.

10

5

3

18

55.56

27.78

16.67

 

100 %

most to least, over

32

Table 2. VERBAL DATA

"CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES“: Total 129 mentions*

 

 

 

Item Number of mentions % of Total (129)
1. denim jeans 16 12.40
2. Other shirts** 16 12.40
3. miniskirt 9 6.98
4. bare feet 9 6.98
5. beads 9 6.98
6. granny glasses 9 6.98
7. Other pants** 8 6.20
8. boots 6 ‘4.65
9. nude, no bra 6 4.65
10. Other jewelry** 6 4.65
11. bellbottoms 5 3.88
12. Other wraps** 5 3.88
13. scarves 4 3.10
14. flowers 4 3.10
15. Other skirts** 3 2.33
16. jackets 3 2.33
17. sandals 3 2.33
18. workshirt 2 1.55
19. headgear 2 1.55
20. earrings 2 1.55
21. "message” buttons 2 1.55
129 100 %

*
Listed according to nunber of mentions, from most to least, over
five-year period 1966-1970.

**Those items combined in “Other" categories listed individually in
Appendix.

33
mention long hair, denim jeans and casual shirts, and to comment on

General Appearance (including Hair, Clothing, and Accessories).

Visual Study

 

While the study of personal appearance items in selected
photographs does not reveal trends as clearcut as those in the Verbal
study, similar trends do appear.

Generally speaking, there is a downhill trend in the percentages
of the total of 226 items recorded from 1967 through 1969, as seen in
Figures 5 and 6. This indicates a decline in this period in the number
of photographs chosen as relevant to this study.

Most striking in Figure 7 is the Sharp rise in the number of
items recorded between 1969 and 1970, when the percentages of the total
of 226 items recorded jump in an approximate ratio of 15:1.

The number of recorded "Hair" items lags behind the number of
recorded “Clothing and Accessory" items, a reversal of the Verbal data.
This is readily explained, however, for each subject could display only
one hair-style per photo, while several items of clothing and acces-
sories could be worn at the same time.

As shown on Tables 3 and 4, an arbitrary choice of the top two
items in each category reveals that young subjects were most likely to
be wearing their hair long or medium-length and dress in a casual shirt

and jeans, with miscellaneous accessories.

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

 

Assuming'that Newsweek can be used as any sort of barometer of
societal interest in America, the data suggest that the personal

appearance of those between the ages of 15 and 30 was inseparable from

 

34

 

 

%
25 8
1 8
20 J
15 <
10 1
e e
0 L0 N
V o N
5 o "’ .:
1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
n = O 10 8 4 46
N = 68 r-
% = percentage of Total (226 items), all categories
N = Total number of "Hair" items recorded
11 = nunber of "Hair" items recorded/Year

Figure 5.

"HAIR" ITEMS RECORDED: BY YEAR-~FROM VISUAL DATA

E
h:
50 1 ‘*
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
m Q
N o
- m
10 °‘
52
5 C0
‘2
° J
1966 1967 1968 1969 -1970
n = 0 21 22 7 108
N = 158
% = percentage of Total (226 items), all categories
N = Total number of "Clothing and Accessories" items
recorded
n = number of "Clothing and Accessories" items
recorded/Year
Figure 6. "CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES" ITEMS RECORDED:

 

35

 

BY YEAR--FROM VISUAL DATA

36

 

 

 

1966 1967 1968 1969 1970

«nu-.— "Hair" items recorded

t—u—u u-p "Clothing and Accessories" items recorded

, % = percentage of Total (226 items), all categories

Figure 7. COMPARISON of TWO VISUAL CATEGORIES "HAIR" AND
“CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES": BY YEAR

37

Table 3. VISUAL DATA

“HAIR": Total 68 items recorded*

 

Item Male Female Number of % of Total

 

 

items (68)
1. long 4 15 19 27.94
2. medium 16 1 l7 - 25.00
3. short 12 2 14 20.59
4. mustache 12 17.65
5. beard 6 8.82

6—8 100 z

*
Listed according to number of items recorded, from most to least, over
five-year period 1966-1970. .

38

Table 4. VISUAL DATA

"CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES": Total 158 items recorded*

 

Item Male Female Number of % of Total

 

 

items (158)
l. casual shirt 23 12 35 22.15
2. Other accessories** 18 ll 29 18.35
3. jeans 17 8 25 15.82
4. Other wraps** ll 2 .13 8.23
5. glasses 6 3 9 5.70
6. beads 6 2 8 5.06
7. Other pants** 5 1 6 3.80
8. boots ' 6 6 7 3.80
9. sandals 1 5 6 3.80
10. Other shirts** 5 5 3.16
11. miniskirt 4 4 2.53
12. jackets 3 3 1.90
13. partial nudity 3 3 1.90
14. scarves 1 1 2 1.27
15. Other skirts** 1 1 . .63
16. bare feet 1 l .63
17. headgear l l .63
18. earrings 1 l .63
158 100 %

*
Listed according to number of items recorded, from most to least, over
five-year period 1966-1970.

**Those items combined in "Other" categories listed individually in
Appendix.

39
their actions in the public mind. The level of interest in the atypical
personal appearance of young people between 1966 and 1970 grew until a
distinct stereotype was formed. As the number of youths in the news
increased, the stereotype of hip dress was reinforced until a
description of clothing or hair length could be used to indicate atti-
tudes and values. In many instances, the previously innocuous term
"youth" became pejorative in itself, because of the stereotyping
process.

The nature of a news magazine seems to have had a definite
effect on the data results obtained. While few items were found in
1966, one could have predicted then the swelling interest in youthful
appearance over the succeeding years. Reporters are supposed to be more
aware of trends in social interests than the general public, and when
the reporters noted atypical dress in their stories, we assume that
their readers did likewise. In a self-fulfilling mechanism inherent in
the communications field, it appears that reporters cued in the reading
public, who in turn began to notice atypical dress and react to it,

4 without this

thereby creating more "news" for the reporters to report.
support from the media, perhaps neither the hip movement nor hippie
dress styles would have reached the prOportions they did. Adults with
little contact with young people may have remained largely unaware of
adolescent dissatisfaction, and adolescents would have relied less

heavily on dress as a symbolic "weapon," having less feedback with which

to gauge the extent of adult disapproval.

 

4It should be noted that the reporters concentrated on the more
flamboyant examples of atypical dress, thereby fostering a relatively
inaccurate image of the hippies for the sake of wider circulation of the
magazine. J. L. Simmons and Barry Winograd, It's Happening_
(Santa Barbara: Marc-Laird Productions, 1967), p. 62.

 

40

In terms of categories, it was “Hair" that drew the major share
of public attention. Most of the items in "Clothing and Accessories"
were already familiar to Americans individually, if not in conjunction
as a style. However, short hair had been the norm for a long time
previous to the hip movement, and the relatively sudden growth of long
locks for males as well as females was new to the social scene. This
was reflected in the data percentages.

The variety of hip clothing and appearance items was narrowed
down in accordance with the Superimposition variable in conflict theory
to ". . . the uniform of 'The Movement'--long hair, and jeans."
(Newsweek July 27, 1970, p. 80) The data results support this
generalization, in both the Verbal and the Visual studies. ‘

The jump in data items in the year 1970 is probably due to two
factors. First, the lag between the actions and dress preferences of
"radicals" and less-involved persons is typical of social movements,
for example in politics or the fashion world. By the time the "masses"
display the desired behavior of the social movement it is no longer
"in." This is an example of the "trickle-down" theory, in which the
elite persons of the group use atypical behavior to symbolize their high
status and discard that behavior when those lower in status begin to
emulate them. In this manner the behavior passes through all levels in
the society, from the highest to the lowest. (Blumer, 1951, pp. 199-
200) Secondly, the major news events in the years 1966 to 1970 affected
the amount of magazine Space that could be used for descriptive stories
on social trends. Reporters were bound to cover the assassination of
Robert Kennedy and the war in Cambodia, for instance, before the

relatively non-violent stories. Most of the 1970 items were found in

41

two news stories dealing with young Americans traveling in Europe and in
the Big Sur area of California, both of which could be considered
“filler" material. I

The creation of the hip stereotype could be followed quite
easily over the five years used in this study, and its growth was
reSponsible for the low percentage levels in 1968 and 1969. One
instructive exercise was the recording of the number of times the word
"hippie" was used in a description of the events occurring at the
Democratic convention in Chicago in September of 1968. Representing the
archetypal confrontation of youth and age, as the authority figures
fought the dissenting young over ideological issues, "hippie" was
recorded 11 times, "yippie" 10 times, and "other young protestors"

Stfimsfi

There was a reference to "hippie-type newsmen" but very few
descriptive words specifically pertaining to appearance. Evidently the
reporters felt that descriptors were unnecessary by this time--the
stereotype was invoked as a matter of course. Had there been no stereo-
type to use, the percentages of 1968 and 1969 might have been
significantly larger. I

The few uses of "Opinion Adjectives" as compared to the "Hair"
and "Clothing and Accessory" categories can be laid at the feet of
editorial policy and reporting ethics. Reporters are not supposed to
interject their personal opinions when covering general news stories.
They may do so in columns that bear their by-lines, but other reporting

must be kept within objective limits. The fact that in 18 instances

personal Opinion got by the editors may be attributed to the

 

5These statistics are not recorded in the Data Results, for such
labels were not considered valid descriptions of specific dress items.

42
polarization of the society, represented in dress styles. While "dirty-
looking" could be an objective evaluation, "Sloppy" and "ambiguous
gender" definitely denote judgement of a personal nature and ordinarily

are not considered appropriate in news reporting.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS

 

The amount and kind of attention given to the personal appear-
ance of persons between the ages of 15 and 30 years in the issues of
Newsweek used in this study lends credence to the theory that dress was
used as a symbolic "weapon" by the members of the hip movement.

1. A — Differences in modes of dress in America in the late
1960's were indicative of differences in social roles of members of
American society.

8 - Differences in modes of dress in America in the late
1960's were indicative of differences in self-concepts of members of
American society.

2. The conflict of social philosophies in American society in
the late 1960's was directly reflected in the dress of the antagonists.

3. A - The changes in the mode of dress worn by American
adolescents in the late 1960's were indicative of changes in their
social roles.

B - The changes in the mode of dress worn by American
adolescents in the late 1960's were indicative of changes in their
self-concepts.

While the research design chosen cannot be applied directly to
the hypotheses concerning adolescent self-concept, the changing nature

of the social role of youth was reflected in the challenging aspects of

43
hip dress. Modes of dress clearly bespoke social role in the American
society during the time period 1966 through 1970, with emphasis on the
Youth/Age dichotomy. The data results from this study indicate some
validity in Hypotheses 1.A, 2., and 3.A. An alteration in the goals of
the research design would be necessary to validate Hypotheses 1.8 and
3.3, but the writer feels that by using similar data these Hypotheses
would hold true. Further research is indicated in order to clarify the
relationship between dress, self-concept, and social role in this

historical period.

PROBLEMS WITH THE RESEARCH DESIGN

 

As mentioned in the discussion of the Research Design, this
study deals with a historical tOpic, for the hip movement has diversi-
fied and changed greatly since 1970. The researcher must be guided by
research methods developed specifically for and by historians.
Unfortunately, the few sources available take great care to clarify the
handling of historic documents of a primary nature and hardly mention
secondary sources. The impression given by some authors is that
secondary sources are worthless, falling into the category of indefen-
sible research. For the student interested in a pOpular historical
subject, this can be most disheartening.

Because the majority of the literature about the hippies is of a
secondary nature, found in popular magazines and newspapers rather than
first-person diaries or original research reports, some other criteria
had to be found. The choice of content analysis, involving the neces-
sary use of the researcher's subjective judgement, is not entirely
satisfactory, especially for the novice in research. It is most

difficult to establish the mental criteria that must be formulated

44
before the most basic use of content analysis can be attempted. Even if
one successfully defines the initial steps of the research, the
subjective judgments crop up repeatedly and become ever more difficult
to verbalize. Human thought processes are not always logical or
concisely explainable, and the researcher using content analysis methods
must at some point grapple with this "gray" area.

The second major problem in this study was the tremendous volume
of material available. The tOpic was one that touched nearly every
facet of American life between 1966 and 1970, and beyond. The Youth/Age
dichotomy also was world-wide, and it seemed at times that every writer,
hack or professional, set down his or her Opinions in print. Although
limiting the study to the Specifics of dress, the stereotypes of the
hippie and the straight were inextricably intertwined with the philos-
ophies of both Sides of the conflict. The most severe restrictions
still were too broad. Once again, subjective judgement was necessary
but "gray." Given the original breadth of the tOpic, the scope of this
study seems very inadequate, and the writer's feeling is that it can be
considered only exploratory, since the results are limited to one
magazine's viewpoint, selectively reported by the researcher.

Thirdly, the choice of a news magazine seems to have had a
definite effect on the results, for the presence of descriptive words
about young people was dependent on the lack of major news events to
fill the column Space. Knowledge of the editorial policy of Newsweek
would undoubtedly be illuminating, also. One can readily imagine the
difference in the results if the editor-in-chief was found to be the
parent of an adolescent in the movement, or a bachelor with no use for

young people at all. The researcher in this area must reconcile

45
hinself to the effect of chance occurrence on the final results-~there
are too many variables involved to exercise the ideal in research
controls.

Finally, a comment should be made concerning the time involved
in a study of this kind. Unless great care is used and a definitive
cut-off point for investigating the data is established, the research
never ends. If, however, enough care is used in specifying the research

limitations, the researcher's job will be simplified.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

 

Because of the exploratory nature of this study, suggestions for
further research are unlimited. The pOpular literature available in
magazine and newspaper form has hardly been dented and the researcher
can narrow down the scope of interest, repeat the study in greater
detail, use another magazine or newspaper, or look at much more general
themes. The only certainty is that more formal research in the area is
vital if this period in history is to add to our knowledge of the
sociological processes involved in the use of dress.

If one is moved to repeat the study, the writer would suggest
first using the same methods but expanding the sample to include every
issue of the magazine between January 1, 1965 and December 31, 1970. It
would also be instructive to use the same methods on a source such as
lime_magazine and compare and contrast the results with this study. If
the researcher recorded all_descriptive terms found in the chosen source
and separated them by the age group to which they were applied, signif-
icant percentages would result.

The Stereotype "hippie" needs to be explored, in light of the

limited number of definitions currently available. This would have a

46
temporal dinension because it changed with familiarity. The opposite
side of this coin is the stereotype of the "hard-hat," and the political
uses of clothing items.

The society's reaction to the hippies was not limited to
conflict. A cogent study of co-Optation techniques would add to an
understanding of the 1960's. The appearance of hip dress in advertise-
ments for vodka and insurance companies, for example, suggests that
Madison Avenue found the hip stereotype useful for purposes that were
not political.

A task for sociologists is a follow-up study of the hippies as a
social movement, pursuing the course of the young people beyond 1970 to
discover which effects of their philosophy and behavior still linger,
and in what form.

For those in the clothing field, much more could be done with
the role of the fashion industry in the de-valuation of hip dress as a
status symbol for young people. Hip dress also could be seen as an
example of a "bottom-up" fashion trend, beginning among the non-elite of
the society and subsequently being adOpted by the elite groups. A
Specific application of this trend could be used to explain the apparent
failure of the fashion world's "Midi-skirt" campaign in 1970.

Stone's phrase "fantastic socialization," meaning the use of
dress to appear out of ordinary social roles for the purpose of role
exploration, could be the basis for a study of the hippies' use of
costume. (Stone, 1965, p. 237)

Given the wealth of variables affecting hip dress and the many
theories about the function of dress in a society, the researcher is

faced with much choice. Even the problems surrounding the use of

47
interview and questionnaire techniques in a historical study could
conceivably be surmounted if a rigorous research groundwork was laid.
With so many unexplored possibilities remaining, imagination and
personal resourcefulness are the only limiting factors in this area of

clothing research.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

RAN DATA - VERBAL STUDY

 

Clothing and Accessories:

 

Category No. of Items
1. denim jeans 16
2. Other shirts: 16

Includes ”Mexican shirt" (2), "sweatshirt" (l),
"button-down Shirt" (1), "cowboy Shirt" (1),"
“flag shirt'I (l), "casual shirt" (5),

"T-Shirt" (3), "shirtless" (l), "unbuttoned" (l)

3. miniskirt 9
4. bare feet 9
5. beads ' 9
6. granny glasses 9
7. Other pants: 1 8
Includes "patterned pants" (2), "hipster pants" (1),
"tight trousers" (2), "cowboy duds" (1), "flag on
pants" (1), "slacks" (l)
8. boots 6
9. nude, no bra 6
10. Other jewelry: 6
Includes "pins" (2), "cross" (1), "feathers" (1),
"peace necklace" (1), "body paint" (1)
ll. bellbottoms 5
12. Other wraps: 5
Includes “shawl" (l), “serape” (l), "sweater" (2),
"blanket" (l)
13. scarves 4
l4. flowers 4
15. Other skirts: 3
Includes "long gown" (1), "paper dress" (1),
"casual dress” (1)
16. jackets (leather, safari, lumber) 3
l7. sandals 3
18. workshirt 2
l9. headgear (lO-gallon hat, headband) 2
20. earrings 2
21. "message" button 2
Total: 129 items

48

49

 

 

Hair:
Category - No. of Items
1. long 48
2. beard 29
3. Other: 27
Includes "Afro" (2), "tousled" (2), "bushy" (l),
"hippy—haired" (4), "Shaggy" (2), "frazzled" (1),
"eccentric haircut" (2), "bald" (l), "stylishly
shaggy" (l), "matted" (1), "heavy helmet of
hair" (1), "mOp haircut" (3), "blonde" (2),
“drOOpy locks” (l), "a decidedly disestablish-
mentarian head of hair" (1), "hirsute" (2)
4. medium 13
5. short 9
6. mustache 9
7. clean-shaven 2
8. sideburns l .
Total: 138 items
Opinion Adjectives:
Category No. of Items
1. general appearance: 10
Includes "ambiguous gender" (1), "sloppy" (1),
"dirty" (2), "bizarre" (2), "eccentric" (2),
r"frazzled“ (l), "squat heap of a person" (1)
2. stereotypes: 5
Includes "hippie-type" (3), "hippie-clad" (l),
"hippie-haired” (l)
3. clothing, general: 3

Includes "bizarre modes of dress" (1), "outrageous
costume" (1), “wild get-up" (1)

Total: 18 items

50

RAW DATA - VISUAL STUDY

 

Hair:

Category

mth—J

long
medium
short
mustache
beard

Clothing and Accessories:

Category

1. casual shirt

2. Other accessories:
Includes "watch" (3), "ring" (3),
"anklet" (l), "bracelet" (2),
"belt" (7), "tie" (3), "handbag" (l),
"Shoulderbag" (4), “tennis shoes" (3),
"heeled shoes" (2)

3. jeans

4. Other wraps:
Includes "sports jacket" (6),
"sweater" (4), "vest" (3)

5. glasses

6. beads

7. Other pants:
Includes "shorts" (1), "slacks" (5)

8. boots

9. sandals

10. Other shirts:
Includes "dress shirt" (3),
"turtleneck" (2)

ll. miniskirts

12. jackets

13. partial nudity

l4. scarves

15. Other skirts:
Includes "grannydress"

16. bare feet

17. headgear

18. earrings

d
as.» 1%

12

658 IO.

17

01—401 0100‘

£000.)

jE_ No. of Items

15
1
2

 

Total: 68 items

jz_ No. of Items

12
11

Nm

 

35
29

25

chasm mooto

dew-h

dd

1

Total: 158 items

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Berelson, Bernard. Content Analysis in Communications Research. Glencoe,
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Birmingham, John. Our Time is Now. New York: Praegar Publishers, 1970.

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51

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54

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Anthologies of Interest:

 

Friedenberg, Edgar Z., editor. The Anti-American Generation. Aldine
Publishing Co. for Trans-Action Books, 1971.

 

 

Manning, Peter K., editor. Youth: Divergent Perspectives. New York:
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Roach, Mary Ellen and Eicher, Joanne Bubolz, editors. Dress, Adornmenty
and the Social Order. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1965.

 

 

Rubington, Earl and Weinberg, Marin S., editors. Deviance--The
InteraCtionist Per§pective. New York: The Macmillan Company,
1973.

 

 

Stanford, Gene, editor. Generation Rep. New York: Dell Publishing Co.,
Inc., 1971.

 

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