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H o 1 D 1 Mzcmgm State .t Unwcrsity 4‘; . f I mum; ”@111!me an jfll (w 1» IZIII m Ifl "51m II THE EFFECTS OF RACIAL COMPOSITION AND GROUP SIZE ON INTERACTION PATTERNS IN PRESCHOOL CHILDREN By Murelle Harrison A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Psychology 1971 ABSTRACT THE EFFECTS OF RACIAL COMPOSITION AND GROUP SIZE ON INTERACTION PATTERNS IN PRESCHOOL CHILDREN BY Murelle Harrison There is general consensus among authors that children are aware of racial differences by three or four years of age. However, research involving behavior of children in this age group tends not to find differences in the inter- action patterns as a result of racial awareness. Such find- ings appear to be contradictory to the reasonable assumption that for young children, attitudes should be strongly mani- fested in differential behavior. The purpose of the present research was threefold. First, to examine the proposition that interaction in young children would differ as a function of the racial composition of the group. Secondly, to investigate the effect of group size on the interaction pattern. Thirdly, to examine possible effects of racial composition and group size on the personal charac- teristics exhibited by the children. The major proposition examined was that the kind of interaction (initiation of social activity, positive and negative responses, etc.) would differ in racially-mixed groups when compared to interaction in homogeneous groups. It was felt that subjects in racially-mixed groups would be tr ‘ more inhibited than subjects in homogeneous groups. This follows from the premise that, even for children who have Murelle Harrison not had contact with children of the other race, cultural attitudes are transmitted from parents or other adults in the immediate environment and these attitudes, in turn, influence their manner of interacting when placed in racially-mixed groups. Also, children in homogeneous groups should interact more frequently since they should feel more relaxed and at ease with each other. The results, in general, support the position that the racial composition of groups affects interaction pattern. Children were more inhibited in their initiations of, and “ responses to, social contacts in racially-mixed groups than in homogeneous groups. This finding was contradictory to that of Goodman and Stevenson and Stevenson who observed no differ- ences in interaction within interracial groups. Results also indicated that group size did affect interaction in that the number of initiations as a function of racial composition was different only for 4-person groups. The personal charac- teristic, voice volume, was also found to be influenced by racial composition and group size in that the interaction of these variables was significant. However, no effects were found for the six other characteristics that were examined. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express her sincere appreciation to: Dr. Lawrence Hesse for his methodological and theoretical criticisms and suggestions throughout all aspects of the preparation of this thesis, Dr. Gary Stollack for his helpful suggestions, Dr. Ellen Strommen for her assistance, my husband, Mike, for his encouragement and assistance in preparing this thesis, and my daughter, Tyelise, for miscellaneous distractions. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Studies of Racial Awareness . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Race Prejudice in Children . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Racial Awareness and Interaction Rates . . . . . . 12 The Present Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Experimental Design and Procedure . . . . . . . . 18 Coders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Interaction Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Personal Characteristics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Interaction Coding Sheet . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Characteristic Ratings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 111 Table 1 1O 11 12 LIST OF TABLES Correlation coefficients of the coder pairs for behavior categories and personal charac- tePiSticSo O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Analysis of variance for the initiation of social activity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cell means for the interaction of group composition and group size (A x B) for the initiation of social activity. . . . . . . . . Analysis of variance for positive responses to social initiations. . . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis of variance for negative responses to social initiations. . . . . . . . . . . . . Cell means for the interaction of group composition x group size (A x B) for negative responses to initiations. . . . . . . . . . . Analysis of variance for the ratio of posi- tive responses to social initiations. . . . . Cell means for the interaction of group size x group composition x race (A x B x C) for the ratio of positive responses to social initiations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis of variance for the ratio of negative responses to social initiations . . . Cell means for the interaction of group size x race (A x C) for the ratio of negative responses to initiations. . . . . . . . . . . Analysis of variance for the ratio of respon- ses in general to social initiations . . . . . Cell means for the interaction of group size x race (A x C) for the ratio of responses in general to social initiations. . . . . . . iv Page 20 22 22 24 25 25 27 27 28 28 30 . 30 Table Page 13 Analysis of variance for withdrawal be- hav10r O 0 0 O O O O O I I O 0 O O O O O O O O 31 14 Cell means for the interaction of group size x group composition for withdrawal be- hav10roooooooooeooeooooso. 33 15 Cell means for the interaction of group size, group composition, and race for withdrawal behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 16 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: voice quality. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 17 Cell means for the interaction of group size x group composition for voice quality . . . . 34 18 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: calm-aleiOUS o o o o o o o o o o e o o o o o o 36 19 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Happy -unhapny o o o o e e o o o o o o o o o o 3 6 20 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Active-passive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 21 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Excited-bored . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 22 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Dominant-submissive . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 23 Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Angry-'fri end-1y o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 38 INTRODUCTION Social psychology is based on the proposition that people can be studied, not only as single entities, but also as social beings who interact and influence each other's behavior. A part of the discipline of social psychology is devoted to studying the interaction process of people of different races. Within this general area, much of the emphasis of re- search has been directed toward the genesis and development of racial awareness. This paper extends this research by investigating differences in the pattern of interaction in racially-mixed and racially homogeneous groups. That is, it examined the extent to which the racial composition of a group affects the pattern of interaction in that group. Before considering the goals of the present study, a brief summary of relevant research is presented below. Studies of Racial Awareness Previous studies indicate that children as young as two and three years old are capable of making discriminations between the physical characteristics of blacks and whites. Clark and Clark (1947) studied the development of racial awareness in black children. Their subjects, two to seven years of age, were presented with four dolls; two brown dolls with black hair and two white dolls with yellow hair. The results showed that 94 per cent of the subjects chose the white dolls when asked to give the experimenter the white doll and 93 per cent of them chose the brown doll when asked to give the experimenter the colored doll. Moreover, 72 per cent of them chose the brown doll when asked to give the ex- perimenter the Negro doll. Crooks‘ (1970) replication of the Clarks' study found approximately the same results with four and five year olds. Similarly, Ammons (1950) using a differ- ent method found that white males, two to six years old, could identify racial differences in skin color and facial features. In Goodman's (1964) observation of four year old nursery school children, 15 per cent of both black and white children showed irregular interest in and attention to personal and other racial attributes. On the other hand, 45 per cent of black and 61 per cent of white children perceived color and other physical characteristics clearly, but not consistently. Their interest, attention, and curiousity about race was strong, but flexible. They used race terms fairly often, but not always accurately. At the high awareness level, which in- cluded 40 per cent black and 24 per cent white children, color and other racial attributes were clearly perceived. They were very consistent in attending to these items. Moreover, these children stressed racial differentiation and separation. 3 Stevenson and Stewart's (1958) findings indicate white children's ability to discriminate developed at a younger age than did the black subjects'. Moreover, the frequency of discrimination between the races increased with increasing age. Prior research suggests that children at an early age show preference for white racial characteristics. In the Clarks' (1947) study, approximately two-thirds of their sub- jects indicated by their responses to the doll test that they liked the white doll best, that they would like to play with the white doll in preference to the colored doll; and that the white doll was a 'nice' doll. However, the tendency to prefer the white doll was not as stable in the three-year olds as it was in the four and five year olds. Similarly, Ammons (1950) indicates that only one of his four year olds and four of the five year olds made reSponses evidencing negative feelings toward the black doll. Both findings seem to indicate that rejection of black racial characteristics increases with age. There is reason to conclude that these children!s.overt preference is congruent with those of other studies. Landreth and Johnson (1953) observed that their subjects (black) differed significantly in their choice of white over black, white over brown, and even brown over black skin color. Also, these black subjects made more comments expressing preference for a different skin color than did their white counterpart. Stevenson and Stewart (1958), likewise, found their black subjects made a lower frequency of own-race choices than did white subjects in terms involving the selection of a child as a playmate or looking most like the subject. Putting the problem in broader perspectives, Goodman (1964) found the black children to be basically out-group oriented such that they tend to share a "sense of direction" away from blacks and toward whites. The white children, on the other hand, are in-group oriented in that they share a "sense of direction" toward the white world. They lack the racial self-doubt and self-concern which is so much a part of the black child. The black children manifested their out- group orientation by displaying out-group affinity, out-group preference, friendliness toward the out-group, and inferior- ity. The white children, however, never showed feelings of inferiority. Clark and Clark (1950) investigated the emotional factors involved in racial identification and preference in black children. An interesting finding was that some children made escapist responses (bizarre color) when they were asked to color themselves. Hence, the experimenters speculated the presence of "emotional conflict" centering around some child- ren's evaluation of their own skin color and particularly in their skin color preference. Also, the data show that the practice of using a bizarre color as an escapist response had disappeared by the age of seven, although this age group still showed distinct preference for white. More recently, Crooks (1970) replicated the Clarks' (1947) study and used an experimental group of black and white children who had previously attended an interracial preschool program. He found that the control group, white and black children without the preschool experience, tended to choose the white doll as in the earlier study. However, the results for the experimental group reveal more own-color preference. Moreover, the results indicate significantly greater black color preference for white children who had attended the interracial preschool program than did those children with- out such experience. Furthermore, the studies on racial awareness in young children were extended to show the effect that race has on self-identification. Horowitz (1939) investigated the emergence of self-awareness in a group of children. Her results indicate that two out of seven black children made incorrect choices and four out of fourteen white children identified with the wrong group. More interesting was the fact that proportionately more white boys tended to identify themselves incorrectly than black boys. Overall, her findings demonstrate that children of minority groups develop a concept of self more slowly than do children of a majority group at the same age level. On the other hand, the black children appeared to have a more definite concept of their differences from one group and similarity with another group than the white children. Clark and Clark (1939) modified Horowitz' picture technique and found that the total group of 150 black children made more choices of the Negro boy (50.9 per cent) than of the white boy (44.1 per cent) when asked to choose the picture that best represents themselves. Also, they found that the ratio of choices of the black boy to choices of the white boy in favor of the black boy increased with age. The results indicate that the sharpest increase in identifi- cation with the black boy occurs between the 3-4 year level. By the age of five, the children had reached a stage of self- awareness which "approaches a concept of self in terms of concrete intrinsic self less capable of abstractions or exter- nal representation (p. 599).“ Later, Clark and Clark (1947) investigated self-identifi- cation in black children employing the doll test. .Only 66 per cent of the total group of children identified themselves with the black doll, while 33 per cent identified themselves with the white doll. Taking the color of the children's skin color into consideration, it was found that the dark- skinned group was consistently more accurate in its choice of the appropriate doll than either the light or the medium group. Seventy-five per cent of the dark children.chose the black doll when asked for the doll which “looks like a Negro child" while only 70 per cent of the light skin children and 71 per cent of the medium children made this response. Hence, it is apparent that racial identification is determined, to a large extent, by the color of the children's own skin. This conclusion is drawn from the fact that those children who differed in skin color from light through medium brown to dark were similar in the pattern of their responses which indicated awareness or racial differences but differed markedly in their racial identification. Only 20 per cent of the light children, while 73 per cent of the medium children, and 81 per cent of the dark children identified themselves with the black doll. In 1968, Greenwald and Oppenheim criticized the method- ological aspect of the Clark and Clark and Horowitz studies. They noted that the subjects in the previous studies had been given a choice of only two skin colors (wnite vs. dark brown). They speculated that perhaps the light-skinned children were objectively correct: the white doll actually may have re- sembled their skin color more than the dark doll. ~In an attempt to show the inaccuracy of the methodology in the pre- vious studies, Greenwald and Oppenheim used three dolls (“dark brown,I "mulatto,” and 'white') and asked more open- ended questions (e.g. "Is there a doll that ...? instead of "Give me the doll that ...') The results showed that only 13 per cent of the black children misidentified themselves compared to 39 per cent among the Clarks' Northern black children. As hypothesized, the findings indicate that the mulatto doll did play a role in reducing the percentage of misidentifications. Of the light-skinned black children, only 11 per cent misidentified themselves, (i.e., reported that the white doll looked like them) whereas 80 per cent did in the Clarks' study. These results were more similar to Horowitz‘ (1939) report of only 17 per cent misidentifications. Of interest was the finding that the number of misidentifica- tions among medium—colored blacks remained the same (25 per cent in this study, 26 per cent in the Clarks' study), but dark-skinned black children were now able to identify with the mulatto doll. 0n the other hand, misidentification among the white children was 44 per cent. That is, it appeared that whites were more likely than blacks to make errors when match- ing themselves with a skin color. In Crooks (1970) replication of the Clarks' study, using an experimental group of children who had attended an inter- racial preschool program, it was also found that a greater number of the experimental group identified with the doll of the brown color than did the black control group. Unlike the above study, Crooks found no difference in obtained frequencies between the white experimental group and its control group. Based on the evidence, it was suggested that the relative inaccuracy of black identification "reflects not simple ignorance of self, but rather unwillingness or psychological inability“ to identify with the brown doll. Crooks speculated that results from the experimental group demonstrate that the program was effective in eliminating certain established forms of behavior and successful in building new patterns. A great deal of emphasis was placed upon the development of self-respect, especially in black children. This is important, since Landreth and Johnson (1953) indicate that by three years black children learn that skin color is important, that white is to be desired, and dark is to be regretted. In addition to the above aspects of racial awareness in young children, research was directed toward the effect of socio-economic class on racial awareness. Landreth and Johnson (1953) employed a picture and inset test to reveal children's reactions to pictures of white, brown, and black skin colors. They tested forty-eight, three and five year olds of white upper-, white lower-, and black lower-socio- economic status. The test required each child to make 54 choices of one of a pair of insets to complete a picture. The results revealed differences in patterns of response which appeared to reflect envrionmental influences dependent upon socio-economic status. The results suggested that the upper—class group perceived the picture inset series as matching problems. They made more matching responses at each age level than the white lower-class and black groups. They also made more comments about matching than the other two groups. Moreover, they showed no significant differences in their choice of skin colors, indicating that skin color per se was not perceived as an important factor in their choice. On the other hand, the white lower class groups resembled the blacks in showing significant differences in their choice of white skins when paired with brown or black skins. Although they showed a greater tendency to match than the blacks, there were significant differences in their matching choices for different skin colors. In this group, it appeared, 10 skin color was perceived as an important and determining factor in their choice of inset. Race Prejudice in Children Thus, by the age of four, most normal children are aware of racial differences and can identify themselves according to racial grouping. In addition, the first six years of life are important for the development of most social attitudes, though it is a mistake to regard each childhood as alone responsible for them (Allport, 1954). A bigoted per- sonality may be well under way by the age of six, but it is by no means fully-fashioned. These generalizations are sup- ported by many studies. Trager and Radke-Yarrow (1952) pro- vided evidence from their study concerning Isocial percep- tions" of kindergarten, first- and second-graders that I'concepts and feelings about race frequently include adult distinctions of status, ability, character, occupations, and economic circumstances." The older children, they found, used stereotypes and expressions of hostility more often than children in the lower age group. In Kutner's (1958) study of seven-year olds in the Boston area, 12 per cent of his sample (60 children) were found to be prejudiced. Allport (1954) explains that by seven or eight years old many children began to reject totally or overgeneralize everything. This is usually expressed verbally and it is possible that rejections may be accompanied by contradictory accepting behaviors. This stage of development usually 11 reaches its ethnocentric peak during early puberty. However, by twelve years old, the children begin to act more like adults, in that they deny any prejudice on the one hand, while demonstrating it behaviorally on the other. Thus, it appears that verbal rejection accompanied by behaviorial acceptance usually gives way to behaviorial rejection accom- panied by verbal acceptance. This is brought out rather clearly in Rosner's (1954) findings that his 12 year old subjects were almost unanimous in verbalizing prejudice did not express itself in the children's behavior. Marian Radke and Helen Trager (1949) used doll houses, dolls and picture techniques to elicit children's perceptions of the social roles of blacks and whites. They worked with 90 black and 152 white kindergarten, first and second graders in the Philadelphia schools. Their results indicate 38 per cent of the white children gave interpretations in which stereotyped and inferior social roles were ascribed to blacks. Moreover, 14 per cent of the white children gave the black doll specifically low status roles and 24 per cent gave work roles to the black doll and leisure roles to the white doll. Also, the great majority of children, both black and white, gave the poorer house to the black doll and the better house to the white doll. Verbalizations indicated that they "belonged" there. Thus, it is clear that the children in this study were responding in terms of general cultural stereotypes and prejudices. The research, therefore, provides evidence that children 12 of preschool age can distinguish black and white on a per- ceptual level and, further, that very often they express preference for one or the other. In addition, there is evidence that dark- and light-skinned people are readily distinguished when the child is confronted with a perceptual test, but also that this perception can be altered by social and emotional factors which either diminish the salience of skin color or magnify it, which in turn, affects the kind of behavior displayed. Racial Awareness and Interaction Rates Since 1960, a number of studies of racial perceptions in young children were directed toward their social behavior in interracial situations. Stevenson and Stevenson (1960) observed ten, 2-3 year old children in a Southern interracial nursery school. Their findings indicate that racial aware- ness did not result in children showing negative behavior towards members of the other race. All combinations of be- havior were noted ranging from lack of differential responses to blacks and whites to clear differentiation between the two races. The results indicate no general differences in the behavior of the two racial groups. The authors conclude that under neutral conditions such as a nursery school situation, young children do not react to each other primarily in terms of differences in racial characteristics. Roger and assistants (1970) at Michigan State University observed the socialization pattern of preschool children 13 using social class, race, and sex as variables. They found black subjects engaging in relatively more interaction than white subjects. Also, middle-class children engaged in somewhat more peer interaction than did those from the lower- class. The fewest interactions occurred between white sub- jects and their peers who were middle-class whites and lower- class blacks. The groups with whom white children most often interacted were middle-class blacks and lower-class white peers. Black children showed relatively large:amounts of negative physical behavior; in contrast, more social behavior was displayed by middle—class children (irrespective of race). In addition, black children appeared to engage in more drama- tic play and large muscle activity than did their white peers. Goodman (1964) found somewhat similar results in the analysis of the interaction pattern in her children. She calculated the chance expectation of interaction between her nursery school subjects and found that black children were involved in interactions at a rate 9 per cent above chance expectation, while white children were involved at a rate 8 per cent below chance expectation. The higher than expect- ed black involvement was due to greater than chance black- black interactions. The under-involvement of whites was accounted for by their low rate of interaction with children of their own race. The percentage of black-white interactions was what approximately equal to chance expectations. From this last finding, Goodman concluded that there was no evidence for either avoidance or seeking of cross-racial 14 contact as such. On the other hand, there are some studies which indicate differences in interaction patterns due to race. Lambert and Taguchi (1956) investigated ethnic cleavage in Occidental and Oriental children between the ages of 35-6 years. Their results show evidence of ethnic cleavage and it was more pronounced in Oriental children (the minority group). The Oriental children, toward whom prejudice was most likely to be directed, tended to segregate themselves first from the majority group. The authors conclude that the Oriental children, as a minority group, perceived more threat in a mixed racial situation than the Occidentals and, as a result, stayed more closely together. McCandless and Hoyt, (1961) finding similar results using preschool children of Oriental (non-haole) and Caucasian (haole) background, explained their data as not being a con- sequence or prejudice as the term is conventionally used, but rather that, the cleavage was due to the degree of commonality that the children of one group find in each other. Thus, they do not actively avoid children of the other race, but approach_ more often the children of their own race. The Present Research Thus, previous research has established that most three year olds, both black and white, are aware of racial differ- ences, but such awareness and any accompanying verbalization of racial stereotype tend not to affect the frequency of 15 interracial social behaviors. Such results are somewhat unexpected, given the reasonable assumption that there should be a greater relation between attitudes and overt behavior in young children. These studies (Boger, 1970; Goodman, 1964; and Stevenson & Stevenson, 1960) observed the social be- havior of children only in interracial nursery schools. However, there have been no attempts to examine experimentally.;. the behavior patterns or children in interracial groups in comparison with those of children in racially homogeneous groups. The present research investigated the possible overt. expression of racial awareness in preschool children by com- paring behaviors in intraracial and interracial groups. It seemed reasonable to expect some differences in the fyequency of interaction, given the fact that children in this age group have been found to have racial preferences. Moreover, the kind of interaction displayed should differ due to the attitudes held by these children. Therefore, the basic pro- position examined was that interaction in young children would differ as a function of the racial composition of the groups to which they belong. Racial composition was systematically varied by forming groups of black children, groups of white children, and groups with equal numbers of blacks and whites. It was also assumed that differences would occur in groups of various sizes, since it seemed reasonable that the smaller the group the more members would feel constrained to be sociable. Therefore, the present research examined 16 2- and 4-person groups and it was expected that behavioral manifestations of racial awareness would be more pronounced in the latter than in the former. In order to ascertain the expected differences in interaction, several categories of behavior, such as initi- ation of social activity, positive and negative responses to social initiation, and withdrawal behavior, were systematical- ly examined. It was assumed that the kind of social partici- pation as manifested in these different categories would account for some of the expected differences between the groups. To account further for the differences, measures of several personal characteristics were obtained. In several studies (Goodman, 1964; Boger, 1970) the differences in per- sonalities between black and white children were noted. Therefore, it was expected that there would be differences in the personal characteristics displayed by the children as a function of group size and racial composition, and these differences would provide insights into the differences in interaction. The characteristics examined were voice quality (silent-frequent screaming), calm-anxious, happy-unhappy, active-passive, excited-bored, dominant-submissive, and friendly-angry or hostile. In summary, the behavior of children in racially-mixed groups was expected to differ from that of children in racially homogeneous groups, and this difference should be more pro- nounced in 4-person than in 2-person situations. Moreover, 17 this difference should reflect negative consequences of racial awareness as manifested in interaction rates and personal characteristics displayed. METHOD Subjects Data were obtained from the observations of 54 subjects; 27 black and 27 white children of low-income families, rang- ing in age from 33- years to 5-years old. Subjects were formed into 2- and 4-person all black groups; 2- and 4- person all white groups; and 2- and 4-person groups composed of equal numbers of black and white children. The members of a group were always strangers to each other, and there were three groups of each type. The subjects in heterogeneous groups had had little or no prior contact with children of the other race. Experimentaifigesign and Procedure Three independent variables were examined in a factorial design whose dimensions were 2 (race of child: black or white) x 2 (racial composition of group: homogeneous or mixed) x 2 (group size: 2- or 4-person). Each group of children was brought to a small play area that contained a table and four chairs. Four coders (two black and two white females) were seated off to the side of the area, but with a clear view of the table. The experimenter (a black female) placed four hand puppets and 18 19 some blocks on the table. She then knelt to the height of the children and nodding toward the table gave the follow- ing instructions: "... I would like for you to play with these toys for ten minutes by the clock on the wall. The girls (looking toward coders) want to watch you play, but you are not to ask them any ques- tions because they will not answer you. Now, do not leave this area and when the 10 minutes are up I will come for you.” The experimenter then left the area and returned when time was up. Coders The coders were four undergraduate girls who were paid an hourly salary to aid the experimenter. One white and one black coder independently rated each child's behavior. The coders were trained to identify four types of activity: a) initiation of social activity (e.g., offers toy, asks question, etc.), b) positive response to initiation (e.g., accepts toy, answers question, etc.), negative response to initiation (e.g., strikes other child, shows anger, etc.), and d) withdrawal behavior (e.g., leaves group and plays alone, go to other child not in group, etc.). They noted each time a child engaged in one of the four behaviors and, in the racially-mixed groups, the race of the other person. For each group, they began coding when the experimenter had left the area and they stopped when she returned. In addition, the coders rated seven personal charac- teristics displayed by the subjects. These included voice 20 quality, calm-anxious, happy-unhappy, active-passive, excited- bored, dominant-submissive, and angry or hostile-friendly. These were rated on a scale of 1-5. As an index of interrater reliability, product-moment correlation coefficients were computed for each pair of coders ratings of the children on each type of behavior. The eight coefficients '2 coder pairs x 4 behaviors) ranged from .11 to .83, with a mean of .59. The fourteen coefficients (2 coder pairs x 7 characteristics) for the personal charac- teristics ranged from .17 to .85, with a mean of .54. Table 1 presents the correlations of the coder pairs on each variable examined. Table 1 - Correlation coefficients of the coder pairs for behavior categories and personal characteristics. Coder Pairs Categories A & B C & D Initiation of social activity .78 .78 Positive response to initiation .67 .83 Negative response to initiation .60 .66 Withdrawal behavior .11 .32 Characteristics Voice quality .84 .65 Calm-anxious .40 .35 Happy-unhappy .61 .78 Active-passive .49 .34 Excited-bored .72 .85 Dominant-submissive .17 .27 Friendly-angry or hostile .49 .54 RESULTS Interaction Patterns The means of the coders' judgements were used as the basic data. Moreover, to control for differences in the number of persons contributing to a total score, the mean number of acts in each category per person of the same race was calculated. Separate analyses of variance were calcu- lated for each dependent variable and analyses of simple effects were calculated for each interaction which was sig- nificant or marginally significant.1 The analysis of variance for initiating social activity is presented in Table 2. It was predicted that children in homogeneous groups would initiate more social activity than children in heterogeneous groups. Neither the main effect for group composition (B) nor the effect of race (C) was significant. However, one interaction was found marginally significant. The racial composition x group size interaction was marginally significant. Table 3 presents the relevant cell means. An analysis of the simple effects (Winer, 1962) 1Both marginally significant (.10 A p‘[ .05) and significant (p A .05) results were indicated in tables and discussed in the text. Results at the .10 level were included in order to indicate the direction of the data. 21 22 Table 2 - Analysis of variance for the initiation of social activity. Source of variability df ‘MS '5 [p Group Size (A) 1 1.1 .73 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 1.9 1.26 n.s. Race (C) 1 1.0 .66 n.s. A x B l 6.2 4.14 .10 A x C 1 2.9 1.93 n.s. B x C 1 .0 .OO n.s. A x B x C 1 .4 .26 n.s. Error 16 1.50 Total 23 Table 3 - Cell means for the interaction of group composition and group size (A x B) for the initiation of social activity. Group Composition Heterogeneous Homogeneous Two 14.15 12.25 Group Size Four 5.50 15.76 23 revealed that there were more initiations in 4-person homogeneous groups than in 4-person racially-mixed groups (F = 5.85; p‘A .05), but there was no difference for 2- person groups (F = .30). Table 4 presents the summary of the analysis of variance for positive responses to initiations. The results revealed no significant differences. Thus, the results show positive responding to initiation of social activity not to be signi- ficantly affected by the size or racial composition of the group. A summary of the analysis of variance for negative responses to social initiations is presented in Table 5. Neither of the main effects were significant. However, as predicted, the racial composition x group size interaction was significant. Table 6 presents the relevant cell.means. Analysis of the simple effects revealed that more negative responses were noted in 4-person homogeneous groups than in 4—person mixed groups (F = 7.81; p‘L .025), but there were no difference for 2-person groups (F = .32). Since the number of responses to a great extent was contigent on the number of initiations, it was of interest to examine the rate of responses per initiation by others. Therefore, three additional 2 x 2 x 2 analyses of variance were performed on the ratios of positive responses to initi- ations, negative responses to initiations, and responses 24 Table 4 - Analysis of variance for positive responses to social initiations. Source of variability g; MS .3 ‘3 Group Size (A) 1 .67 .25 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .81 .31 n.s. Race (C) 1 .05 .01 n.s. A x B 1 .61 .23 n.s. A x C 1 .93 .35 n.s. B x C 1 .70 .26 n.s. A x B x C 1 6.70 2.58 n.s. Error 16 2.60 Total 23 25 Table 5 - Analysis of variance for negative responses to social initiations. Source of variability d: MS F p Group Size (A) 1 .18 .29 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 1.33 2.14 n.s. Race (C) 1 .18 .29 n.s. A x B 1 3.84 6.19 30 A x C 1 .12 .19 n.s. B x C 1 .00 .00 n.s. A x B x C 1 .41 .66 n.s. Error 16 Total 23 Table 6 - Cell means for the interaction of group composition and group size (A x B) for negative responses to initiations. Group Composition Heterogeneous Homogeneous Group Size Four .75 8.37 26 in general to initiation.2 A summary of the analysis of variance for the ratio of positive responses to initiations is presented in Table 7. As indicated, there were significant main effects for group composition and race. The mean ratios in homogeneous and mixed-race groups were .86 and.54, respectively. Moreover, the mean ratio for blacks was .60 and it was .90 for whites. Therefore, the ratio of positive responses were affected by the composition of the group and race. The group size x group composition x race interaction was also significant. Table 8 presents the relevant cell means. An analysis of the simple effects revealed a number of significant comparisons. Whites in homogeneous 2-person groups were found to have higher ratios of positive response to initiations than did whites in homogeneous 4-person groups (P = 6.93, p,[ .05), blacks in homogeneous 2-person groups (F = 13.74; p71 .01), and whites in heterogeneous 2-person groups (F = 18.18, p‘L .01). A summary of the analysis of variance for the ratio of negative responses to initiations is presented in Table 9. The results indicate a significant main effect for group composition and a marginally significant main effect for race. The mean ratios were .73 and .22 for homogeneous and hetero- feneous groups, respectively, and .59 and .36 for blacks 2Degrees of freedom for these analyses were reduced by two (from 23 to 21) since two subjects had to be excluded from these analyses because they received no interaction. 27 Table 7 - Analysis of variance for the ratio of positive responses to social initiations. Source of variability lg: [MS .3 '2 Group Size (A) 1 .0056 .23 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .2307 9.49 .01 Race (C) 1 .1161 4.69 .05 A x B 1 .0235 .96 n.s. A x C 1 .0179 .73 n.s. B x C 1 .0555 2.28 n.s. A x B x C 1 .2010 8.27 .01 Error 14 Total 21 Table 8 - Cell means for the interaction of group size x group composition x race for the ratio of positive responses to social initiations. Group Race Composition Black White Heterogeneous ~30 .21 Two Homogeneous .28 .78 Group Size Heterogeneous .20 .38 Four Homogeneous ~43 ~45 28 Table 9 - Analysis of variance for the ratio of negative responses to social initiations. Source of variability g; MS .E ,2 Group Size (A) 1 .0507 2.74 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .3541 19.14 .01 Race (C) 1 .0732 3.95 .10 A x B 1 .0059 .31 n.s. A x C 1 .1687 9.11 .05 B x C 1 .0046 .25 n.s. A'x B x C 1 .0729 3.90 .10 Error 14 .0185 Total 21 Table 10 - Cell means for the interaction of group size x race (A x C) for the ratio of negative responses to initiations. Race Black White Two .87 .28 Group Size Four 032 041+ 29 and whites, respectively. The group size x race interaction was also significant. Relevant cell means are presented in Table 10. An analysis of the simple effects revealed that black children in 2- person groups had higher ratios of negative responses to initiations than did either black children in 4-person groups or whites in 2-person groups. The summary of the analysis of variance for the ratio of responses in general to initiations by others is presented in Table 11. As indicated, there was a significant racial composition main effect; the mean ratios in homogeneous groups was .85, while it was .38 in racially-mixed groups. Moreover, there was a significant main effect for group size; mean ratios were 1.37 and 1.09 for 2- and 4-person groups, respectively. The interaction of group size x race was also significant. Table 12 presents the relevant cell means. Exploration of this interaction through analysis of the simple effects re- vealed that black subjects in 4-person groups had lower ratios of responses to initiations than did either black children in 27.80; p.[ .001) or white children in 9.77; pL .01). The analysis of variance for withdrawal behavior is 2-person groups (F 4-person groups (F presented in Table 13. As indicated, there was a significant group size main effect; the mean withdrawals in 2-person groups was .50, while it was 1.99 in 4-person groups. More- over, there was a significant main effect for group 30 Table 11 - Analysis of variance for the ratio of responses in general to social initiations. Id: In Source of variabi 111:»r 51.11 E Group Size (A) 1 .1047 14.95 .0005 Group Composition (B) 1 1.1796 168.51 .00001 Race (C) 1 .0048 .68 n.s. A x B 1 .0048 .68 n.s. A x C 1 .0902 12.86 .01 B x C 1 .0262 3.74 .10 A x B x C 1 .0342 3.46 .10 Error 14 .0070 Total 21 Table 12 - Cell means for the interaction of group size x race for the ratio of responses in general to social initiations. Race Two 1.47 1.27 Group Size Four .93 1.25 31 Table 13 - Analysis of variance for withdrawal behavior Source of variability .Qf .fl§ ‘E {p Group Size (A) 1 .29 4.64 .05 Group Composition (B) 1 .29 4.64 .05 Race (C) 1 .21 3.96 .10 A X B 1 032 5.12 .05 A x C 1 .08 1.33 n.s. B x C 1 .08 1.33 n.s. A x B x C 1 1.02 16.02 .01 Error 16 .06 Total 23 vvvvvvv C l l . 32 composition; mean withdrawals was 1.99 and .50 in homogeneous and heterogeneous groups, respectively. Also, there was a marginal significant main effect for race; means for blacks and whites were .68 and .93, respectively. Two interactions were significant as well. The inter- action of group size and group composition was significant. Relevant cell means are presented in Table 14. An analysis of the simple effects of this interaction revealed that children in 4-person, racially-mixed groups had higher with- drawal scores than did children in either 4—person homo- geneous groups (F = 7.00, p,[ .05) or 2-person racially-mixed groups (F = 7.00, P.L .05)- The second order interaction was also significant. Table 15 presents the relevant cell means. Analysis of the simple effects indicated that for black children, 4-person homogeneous groups generated higher withdrawal scores than did either racially-mixed 4-person groups (F = 5.00, p,[ .05) or 2-person homogeneous groups (F = 5.00. p,[ .05). Also, for white children, 4-person homogeneous groups tended to generate higher withdrawal scores than did either hetero- geneous 4-person groups (F = 3.50, p71 .10) or homogeneous 2-person groups (F = 3.50, p‘L .10). Personal Characteristics Similar analyses of variances were calculated for the ratings of the seven personal characteristics of the children. The analysis of variance for voice quality is presented in Table 16. The racial composition x group size interaction 33 Table 14 - Cell means for the interaction of group size and group composition for withdrawal behavior. Group Composition Heterogeneous Homogeneous Two .25 .75 Group Size Four .75 3.23 Table 15 - Cell means for the interaction of group size, group composition, behavior. Group Composition Heterogeneous Two Homogeneous Group Size Heterogeneous Four Homogeneous and race for withdrawal Race Black White 0 .25 O .75 0 .75 1.36 1.87 34 Table 16 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: voice quality (silent-frequent screamine) Source of variability df MS I I Pm Id Group Size (A) 1 .36 .76 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .17 .36 n.s. Race (C) 1 .01 .02 n.s. A X B 1 4039 90,43 .01 A x C 1 .00 .00 n.s. B x C 1 .74 1.61 n.s. A x B x C 1 .07 .14 n.s. Error 16 .47 Total 23 Table 17 - Cell means for the interaction of group composition x group size for voice quality. Group Composition Heterogeneous Homogeneous Two 16.6 12.5 Group Size Four 10.0 16.2 4 I llrlllul In I 1.. .1.“ til I III I I.Illllll. III. OOOOOOOO ttttttt l.l||l..l|lllll'lvllllllll 35 was found to be significant. Analysis of the simple effects revealed that children in 4-person heterogeneous groups spoke more softly than did children in either 2-person heterogeneous groups (F = 6.80, pl; .05) or 4-person homo- geneous groups (F = 5.90. p‘[ .05). The cell means relevant to this interaction are presented in Table 17. The analyses of variance for the remaining categories of personal characteristics, summarized in Tables 18-23, revealed no additional significant effects. 36 Table 18 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Calm-anxious. Source of variability g; MS ‘5 pp Group Size (A) 1 .00 .00 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .00 .00 n.s. Race (C) 1 .10 .28 n.s. A x B 1 .20 .58 n.s. A x C 1 .30 .88 n.s. B x C 1 .50 1.47 n.s. A x B x C 1 .02 .05 n.s. Error 16 .34 Total 23 Table 19 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Happy-unhappy Source of variability g; ‘MS .3 pp Group Size (A) 1 .02 .03 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .14 .25 n.s. Race (C) 1 .10 .14 n.s. A x B 1 .39 .70 n.s. A x C 1 .17 .30 n.s. B x C 1 .16 .29 n.s. A x B x C 1 .11 .20 n.s. Error 16 .55 1% 0 d m [a N U IIIIIIIIII‘IIIII ........ ....... 0000000 ....... 00000000 ....... OOOOOOO OOOOOOO 37 Table 20 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Active-passive Source of variability g; ,MS ‘3 .p Group Size (A) 1 .32 .86 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .47 1.27 n.s. Race (C) 1 .02 .05 n.s. A x B 1 .65 1.76 n.s. A x C 1 .OO .00 n.s. B x C 1 .26 .70 n.s. A x B x C 1 .27 .73 n.s. Error 16 .37 Total 23 Table 21 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Excited-bored Source of variability g; ‘MS ‘5 ,3 Group Size (A) 1 .00 .00 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .00 .00 n.s. Race (C) 1 .03 .12 n.s. A x B 1 .21 .08 n.s. A x C 1 .18 .07 n.s. B x C 1 .04 .01 n.s. A x B x C 1 .00 .00 n.s. Error 16 2.41 Total 23 ........ aaaaaaa ....... ------- OOOOOOOO ooooooo uuuuuuu OOOOOOO 38 Table 22 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: dominant-submissive Source of variability g; .MS ‘3 up Group Size (A) 1 .03 .30 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .03 .30 n.s. Race (C) 1 .10 2.00 n.s. A x B 1 .00 .00 n.s. A x C 1 .02 .40 n.s. B x C 1 .01 .20 n.s. A x B x C 1 .15 3.00 n.s. Error 16 .05 Total 23 Table 23 - Analysis of variance for the characteristic: Angry-friendly Source of variability “SS MS .3 ‘2 Group Size (A) 1 .55 1.62 n.s. Group Composition (B) 1 .09 .27 n.s. Race (C) 1 .23 .67 n.s. A x B 1 .45 1.32 n.s. A x C 1 .01 .02 n.s. B x C 1 .03 .08 n.s. A x B x C 1 .31 .91 n.s. Error 16 .34 Total 23 00000000 IIIIIII ooooooo ....... ooooooo ccccccc ....... GGGGGGG 1].!1! I]! DISCUSSION The results, in general, support the position advanced in the introduction that group interaction is affected by racial composition. The subjects were more inhibited in heterogeneous groups, behavior which implies that they were aware of racial differences and this awareness had a negative effect upon group interaction. These findings apparently contradict those of some previous studies (Goodman, 1964; Stevenson & Stevenson, 1960; and Stevenson & Stewart, 1958) which note that the discovery of racial differences did not extend to negative interaction with the racially different children. The decrease in interaction in heterogeneous groups indicates a subtle kind of prejudice, in which case the subjects did not overtly show negative verbal or physical behavior toward each other, but rather, tended to refuse to participate in social activity. The white subjects may have been reacting to stereotypes held about the social charac- teristics of blacks, such as their aggressive nature. If such is the case, the subjects could have been fearful. On the other hand, the black subjects, possibly anticipating rejection by the whites, might have preferred to refrain from initiations with subjects of the other race. Also, the finding that more interaction was initiated 39 40 in homogeneous groups indicates that the subjects were more relaxed and at ease with members of their own race than in racially-mixed groups. Some authors note that white children react to blacks differently because the color of skin is strange. However, such an arguement is less relevant to this situation, since Allport (1954) contends that strangeness is shortly outlived and takes only a few minutes to overcome. Moreover, the subjects in the homogeneous groups were strang- ers to each other and, yet, the number of initiations were significantly higher than those in heterogeneous groups. Thus, it seems logical to conclude that the factor which contributes most to the inhibition of initiations in the heterogeneous groups was race. A possible explanation of the results is that the children's behavior was a consequence of previous interaction with children of the other race. However, this is unlikely since all subjects had little or no previous con- tact with persons of the other race. Thus, it is probable that adult's values and interpretations of the social world as communicated to the children, was the significant factor in determining the children's behavior. The results indicate that significiantly more negative responses were made in 4-person homogeneous groups than in 4-person racially-mixed groups. This finding is to be ex- pected since more initiations occurred in 4-person homogeneous groups, and therefore it is likely that more of any kind of interaction would take place within the same kind of group. Thus, the number of negative responses is contigent on the illl'ill'lll'lllil 1' all III I] 41 number of social initiations. Also, the subjects, perhaps feeling more at ease in homogeneous groups, might have had more freedom to react in any manner they wished, whereas, in heterogeneous groups they might have felt a greater need to please each other. It is probable that children were afraid to respond negatively to each other in racially- mixed groups. The data, on the other hand, indicate that the ratio of responses to initiations in general were lower for black subjects. The black children were especially inhibited in their responses in 4-person groups (when compared either to their behavior in 2-person groups or to the behavior of white children in 4-person groups). This finding seems to contradict the conclusion of Goodman (1964) that the black children in her sample were more gregarious and friendly than the white children. A possible explanation is that the black children were exhibiting the I'mark of oppression" (Kardiner and Ovesey, 1951) which is possible for young black children on a more subtle basis than it is for adults. The results indicate that more withdrawal behavior was noted in 4-person groups than in 2-person groups. More in- teresting was that whites tended to withdraw more than blacks. This is contradictory to some observations of personality variables which suggest that black children are not as social- able as their white counterpart (Goodman, 1964). If such were the case, it would seem that the white, rather than black, subjects would have displayed less withdrawal behavior. all IIIuIIIII. All! 11'. all 42 Group size also affected behavior. The number of initi- ations as a function of racial composition was different only for 4-person groups. Also, for black subjects, the ratio of responses to initiations was lower in 4-person groups than in 2-person groups. These results imply that dyadic situations tend to generate greater feelings of obli- gations to be sociable, since as Hare (1962) notes, one can- not withdraw and let others carry on the interaction when there are only two persons present. Also, subjects could divide into subgroups in 4-person groups, whereas, this would have been impossible in 2—person groups. The differences in results found in this study, as com- pared to others, are difficult to interpret, since many factors, especially differences in method and procedure, have to be considered. In the present study, the children were strangers to each other and interacted in a new setting for only 10 minutes. Previous studies (Goodman, 1964; Stevenson & Stevenson, 1960; Stevenson & Stewart, 1958) observed the behavior of children in their own nursery school setting for an extended period of time. Thus, the subjects' behavior could have been affected by the strangeness of the situation in the present study. Stevenson and Stevenson (1960), who observed children beginning nursery school, indicate that the majority of the children did not show any indication of racial awareness until several weeks after the children had been in attendance. They questioned whether the delay was due to the fact that characteristics of the children were of 43 minor importance in comparison with other characteristics of the new situation in which the children found themselves on entering nursery school. Such was not evident in this study. The subjects were aware of the racial differences and reacted accordingly. However, it could be that the children's anxiety in a strange situation was reflected in more negative interracial behavior, even though interaction took place in a rather neutral environment. Moreover, the differences in time could have contributed to the disparate findings. Many of the previous studies in this area were done before the dawn of "black pride" and the search for "black identity.” Since the beginning of the past decade, many profound social changes have taken place and blacks are emphasizing their blackness more than ever before. It is reasonable that children who are taught racial pride would react differently to their racial heritage than would children who are not taught such attitudes (Crooks, 1970). Geography and location probably contribute to the be- havior of subjects. Some of the studies (Stevenson & Stevenson, 1960; Stevenson & Stewart, 1958) were conducted in the South (Texas) and others (Goodman, 1964; Radke, etl., 1949) in the Northeastern section of the United States. In the Clarks' (1947) classic study, differences were found between the northern and southern children. Also, Pettigrew (1959) notes regional differences in prejudice toward blacks. Consequently, the present study being conducted in a mid- western town could have contributed to the disparate findings. 44 It was suggested in the introduction that the personal characteristics of the subjects would contribute to the differences in the initiation and responses made by the sub- jects. However, according to the ratings by the coders no significant differences were found in these subjects for the majority of the characteristics. It is possible that other authors have overstated the racial differences in the ex- pression of personality. Pettigrew (1964) noted that not enough depth research has been done concerning the social- psvchological aspects of the black individual's personality. Both Goodman (1964) and Stevenson and Stevenson (1960) argue that the constraints that inhibit public manifestations of racial attitudes in adults also affect children to the same extent. While the present research does not contradict their specific findings that in racially-mixed groups, the pattern of interaction is relatively unaffected by racial awareness, it does suggest that their conclusion about public behavior and private attitudes in children might have been premature. Results of the present research indicate that racial awareness in children did inhibit interaction, not within racially-mixed groups per se, but when behavior in these groups was compared with that in racially-homogeneous groups. A question for future research is the extent to which the inhibitory effects of racial awareness continues as a group develops in time. II ll. '1 (III-v.1! l illll‘IIIllIIII-lilllllllllll REFERENCES 11 I! I. (I ..llll. Ill Ilul’lllll II 'llll'l. REFERENCES Allport, Gordon W. The nature of prejudice. Boston: Beacon Press, 1954. Ammons, R. B. Reactions on a projective doll-play interview of white males 2-6 years of age to differences in skin color and facial features. Journal pi Genetic Psychology, 1950, 1Q, 323-341. Bales, R. F. and Borgatta, E. F. Size of group as a factor in the interaction profile. In A. P. Hare, E. F. Borgatta, and R. F. Bales (Eds.), Small Groups. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. Boger, R. P. and Cunningham, Jo Lvnn. Differential social- ization patterns of preschool children. (Unpublished), 1970. Clark, K. B. Prejudice and your child. Boston: Beacon Press, 1955. Clark, K. B. and Clark, M. Emotional factors in racial identification and preference in Negro children. Journal 2; Negro Education. 1950, $2, 341-350. Clark, K. B. and Clark, M. Racial identification and preference in Negro children. In T. M. Newcomb & E. L. Hartley (Eds), Readings,;p social psychology. New York: Holt, 1947. Clark, K. B. and Clark, M. The development of consciousness of self and the emergence of racial identification in Negro preschool children. Journal 2; Social Psychology, 1939 , l9. 591-599 0 Crooks, Roland C. The effects of an interracial preschool program upon racial preference, knowledge of racial differences, and racial identification, Journal pg Social Issues, 1970, pp, 136-144. Goodman, Mary Ellen. Race awareness in young children. New York: Collier Books, 1964. 45 46 Greenwald, H. J. and Oppenheim, D. B. Reported magnitude of self-identification among Negro children: Artifact? Journal pg Personality and Social Psychology, 1968, $3.9 49-52- Hare, A. P. Handbook o3 small_g§oup research. New York: The Free Press, 1962. Horowitz, R. E. Racial aspects of self-identification in nursery school children. Journal of Psychology, 1939. 1. 91-99. F Kardiner, A. and Ovesey, L. The marhog oppression, A New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1951. 3 Kunter, B. Patterns of mental functioning associated with E prejudice in children. Psychology Monographs, 1958, 1g. E i‘-‘ Lambert, Wallace and Taguchi, Yosh. Ethnic cleavage among r young children. Journal 93 Social Psychology, 1956, S}, L 380—382. Landreth, G. and Johnson, B. Young children's response to a picture and inset test designed to reveal reactions to persons of different skin color. Child Development, 1953’ 239 63‘80 O McCandless, Boyd and Hoyt, June. Sex, ethnicity, and play preference of preschool children. Journal 2; Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1961, 9;, 683-685. Pettigrew, Thomas F. Negro american personality: why isn't more known? Journal pi Social Issues, 1964, 204-219. Pettigrew, Thomas F. Regional differences in anti-Negro prejudice, Journal o: Abnormal and Social Psychology, 1959..22, 28-36. Radke, M, Trager, H. G. and Davis, H. Social perceptions and attitudes of children. Genetic Psychology Monographs, Rosner, J. When white children are in the minority. Journal o: Educational Sociology. 1954, SS, 69-72. Stevenson, H. W. and Stewart, N. A developmental study of racial awareness in young children. Child Development, 1958, 29, 408-438. Stevenson, H. W. and Stevenson, N. C. Social interaction in an interracial nursery school. Genetic Psychology Monographs, 1960,.2l. 37-75. 47 Trager, H. G. and Radke-Yarrow, M. They learn what they live. New York: Harper, 1952. Winer, B. J. Statistical principles Sp experimental design. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962. APPENDIX It'll" I'lllllllllllvll.‘ I II ‘1 A 48 Interaction Coding Sheet Group # Coder Put "W" down every time child initiates or responds with, or withdraws from, a white child, a ”B" down every time child initiates or responds with, or withdraws from, a black child; put a "M" down whenever child withdraws from a mixed race .gpoup. Categories Child: Child: 1. Initiates Social Activity (e.g., Asks question, offers toy, any attempt to get response from another) IIa. Positive Response to Initiation (e.g., Answers question takes offered toy, etc.) IIb. Negative Response to Initiation (e.g., Ignores question, shows anger, says no, etc.) IV. Withdrawal Behavior (e.g., Leave group & play alone; go to other child not in group, etc. To be coded only when it is not a response to an initiation.) 49 Characteristic Ratings Child: A. Voice Quality (Circle one): 1 2 3 Silent Speaks in a Speaks at generally conversational quiet tone tone of voice Calm: Unhappy: Active: Excited: Dominant: Angry or Hostile : QWWUOU’ O. I O C . \n HHmmH F NN-Ptm \» unpxnun» m :emme fl. vunrewwn Child: A. Voice Quality (Circle one): 1 2 3 Silent Speaks in a Speaks at generally conversational quiet tone tone of voice Calm: Unhappy: Active: Excited: Dominant: Angry or Hostile : QWJEIUOIH .. . .. . m HHmmH e NN¢#N w wwuww m eemmp H mmHHm General Comments: 4 Generally Frequent loud screaming Anxious Happy Passive Bored Submissive Friendly 4 Generally Frequent loud screaming Anxious Happy Passive Bored Submissive Friendly MAY 21 1871 HICHIGQN STQTE UNIV. LIBRQRIES lllll III N "I lllHlllll || 9 312 3100222557