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ABSTRACT

A LOGISTICAL STUDY OF THE CRUSADES
by Russell R. Veeder

I have made a logistical study of the crusading movement.
Whatever else the crusades were they were a military venture. and
as such an integral part of the movement was logistics. The mili-
tary histories of the crusades written in English are grossly insuf-
ficient in their examination of the problem of supply. That in
itself is sufficient justification for this study. In addition.
this type of investigation is necessary for a complete understand-
ing of the crusading movement.

In the field of logistics I have attempted to demonstrate
how it was possible for an army along with its animals. baggage. and
camp followers to survive a journey of several thousand.miles. estab-
lish a state foreign to a native population. maintain that state for
eighty-eight years. and launch land.and sea based attacks on the Mos-
lem center of power in Egypt. A sufficient supply of the necessities
of life plus sufficient military supplies were necessary to accomr
plish any of the above tasks.

In this study I have used various eyewitness accounts of the
crusaders which have been translated into English. The majority of
my primary sources have been accounts of westerners. I have. however.
used those Greek and.Moslem.sourees which have been available to me.

. I have attempted to establish that while proceeding through
Europe to the Holy Land the crusaders would have preferred to purb
chase their*necessities from local markets provided by the native

populations .

were forced

 

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Russell R. Veeder

populations. When markets were insufficient or absent the crusaders
were forced to rely upon pillage. Upon entering the land of the
Infidel the crusaders relied primarily upon plunder. but still. even
then. local markets were provided and were used by the men of the
cross. Once the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem was established the
westerners faced two major’problems for which they did not find an
adequate solution. These two supply problems concerned revenue and
manpower.

From.the time of Pope Urban's speech in 1095 to the final
attempt of Louis IX in 1270 logistics was always a major concern to
the men of the cross. Never during the approximately one hundred
seventy-five years was this problem adequately solved by the cru-

saders.

A LOGISTICAL STUDY OF THE CRUSADES
By

Russell R. Veeder

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTEi OF ARTS

Department of History

1965

TABLE

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . .

Chapter
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.

RETROSPEC T O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I

BIBLIOGRA PHICAL ESSAY

PREPARATION . . .
ON THE MARCH . . .
IN THE HOLY LAND .
F OUNDING THE LATIN

KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM

OF CONTENTS

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INTRODUCTION

Fran the speech of Pepe Urban II at Clemont in France on
November 26. 1095. to the present day. there has been a great deal
of interest in the attempts of the Western World to take the Holy
Land from the Infidel. This interest is in part illustrated by the
macrous eye witness accounts of the crusaders and by the unjusti-
fied importance attached to the crusades by later historians. There
have been many books and articles dealing with this phenomenon.
These range from the popular works such as Harold Lanb's _'I_"ge Cru-
§_ag_c_g (Bantam Books. New York. 1962) to scholarly research exempli-
fied by Steven Runciman's three volumes A 3159;: of the Crusades
(Cambridge. 1955-57). In light of the fact that this attempt was
a military movement on the part of Western Eirope. it is surprising
that there are not more military histories covering this period
written in English. R. C. Sml's Cram Warfgr; (Cambridge. 1956)
is one acceptable military history. and C. W. 0. Oman has a section
doalingwiththecrusadesinhisi sto ftert
fiddle Ages (London. 1921‘). What is even more surprising is that
neither of these two men deals with one of the basic problems of any
warfare: the problem of supply. To raise an am and love it from
the West to the East in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries was a
remarkable task and one that deserves study. The canon feudal levy
was not capable of undertaldng this task. A large body of non con-

trolled by a single leader and serving for an indefinite tine was
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necessary. Merely keeping this am supplied with food for both men
and horses as it passed through strange but friendly terrain was a
problu of the utmost urgency for the crusaders. In addition to
food. transportation of the non and/or horses. armor. weapons. and
even reinforcuents were of najor concern to the men of the cross.

Although there was a continual flow of pilgrims to the East
it is generally agreed that there were eight large organized move-
lots and these comprise the eight crusades. The First. ‘ 1095-1099.-
began with Urban's speech at Clement in 1095. This crusade did not
consist of a single am. but rather of several ardes organised by
nobles. each having his own personal entourage. The rendezvous
point of these various groups was Constantinople. and fro: there they
moved into the Holy? Land as a large am. Of all the crusades the
First was the nest successful. for Edessa was captured in 1097.
Antioch in 1098. and Jerusalem in 1099.

The Second Crusade. 1147-1118. was led by Conrad. Esperor
of the Germans. and Louis VII. King of France. The fall of Idessa
in 11% was the mt that motivated the calling of this Crusade.
Each monarch led his respective am to the East with the Ger-an
forces prece d ing those of the French. Both of these amiss were al-
nost conpletely destroyed before they reached the Kingdom of Jerusa-
lu. On the whole this crusade was a complete failure.

The Third Crusade. 1189-1192. which was led by Philip II of
France. Richard the lion-Hearted of England. and Frederick Barbarossa
of Gem. had as its objective the recapture of Jerusalem which
had fallen to the useless under Saladin in 1187. Frederick died
from an accident along the route. and the majority of his am

3
returned to Germany. There was animosity between Philip and Richard
before their departure and this tended to become worse; thus after
the siege and capture of Acre Philip returned to France. Richard
was unable to accomplish the capture of Jerusalem by hisself. and
after signing a truce with Saladdn permitting pilgrins to visit the
city unnolested. he returned to his Eiropean possessions.

In one way the Fourth Crusade. 1202-1204. could be called
successful; however. in view of the expressed objective of the cru-
saders it did not cone anywhere near accomplishing its goal. The
Fourth Crusade was called by Pope Innocmt III to recover the Holy
Land: however. the crusaders became sidetracked. and they emtually
attacked and captured the Christian city of Constantinople. There
they succeeded in establishing the short-lived Latin hpire of the
East. molt-1261.

The Fifth Crusade. 1218-1221. was called by Innocent III at
the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215. Innocmt. however. died in 1216
and the work was carried on by his successor Honorius III. It con-
sisted of an attack on Egypt and the capture of Danietta. The Nos-
1. Sultan was willing to trade the city for Jerusalem but the cru-
saders refused. The crusading armies were drawn deeper into Egypt
and were destroyed.

The Sixth Crusade. 1228—1229. was instigated by Frederick II.
He wanted to gain possession of the Holy Land for himself. Rather
than fighting pitched battles with the Moslens. Frederick accom-
plished his air: through diplomacy.

St. Louis (louis IX) of France led the Seventh. 12158-12511».
and the Eighth. 1270. Crusades. In the Seventh. Louis conducted an

4
attack upon Egypt. and once more Damietta was captured. But again
the crusading army was destroyed. and the king along with many im-
portant nobles was captured. Louis returned to France after ran-
soming himself. and later he set out on another attempt to conquer
the Holy Land. St. Louis died in North Africa while en route. and
this effort amounted to nothing.

I have attempted to make a logistical study of the crusades.
The crusades were military in nature. and the problem of supply was
of the utmost importance not only to the ultimate success or failure
of the crusading movement once their military objective was in sight.
but also it was important for the survival of the men en route to the
Holy Land. This applied to those who traveled by sea as well as to
those who traveled by land. For this reason a study of logistics
has a place in the overball picture of the crusading movement.

I have relied chiefly on the eyewitness accounts of the were
ious crusades which have been translated into English. my secondary
sources ranged from the excellent multi-volume A Histog 9f the Cru-
gaggg by Steven Runciman to more Specialized studies such as Joseph
P. Donovan's Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade (Philadelphia. 1950).

I have also used various related articles from several scholarly
journals.

The first of the major'problems which the men of the cross
had to face was that of putting their domestic affairs in order and

of making general preparations for their departure.

 

Va

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36

CHAPTER I
PREPARATION

Although Pope Urban II called the First Crusade at his speech
in Clemont. he did not have an elaborate plan of organization or of
supplying a host sufficiently large to give effective aid to the
Byzantine hire. The problem was left to the individual lav leaders
of the crusade. This is true for the later attupts to regain the
Holy Land as well. There was a religious notivation for at least
the first three crusades as well as the Seventh and Eighth. The
Second was sponsored by Pope Eigenius III and preached by Bernard of
Clairvaux. The Third Crusade was inspired by the fall of the Holy
City of Jerusalem. The Fourth and Fifth Crusades were called by Pope
Innocent III; however. they had lost most of their religious mun.
tion and inspiration. The Seventh Crusade was essmtially an attempt
on the part of Frederick II to gain the Holy Land for his private
possession. Although the Church was instrumental in preaching the
various crusades. it did not trouble itself with the intricacies and
details of organizing and moving these various and».

The first problem these lav leaders had to face was that of
settling their domestic affairs. Of necessity provisions had to be
arranged for the continued functioning of their households and lands.
For the poor this was a relatively simle matter. but for the rich
and influential personages. those involved in top level decision

5

6
making. this; required considerable time and care. For example. it
would appear to be a less complicated operation for a peasant or serf
to make arrangements for someone to care for his wife and children
than for kings such as louis VII and Louis IX of France or Richard
the Lion-Hearted of England to arrange for the smooth functioning of
their kingdoms. Rulers were forced by self-preservation to place
men in control that could be trusted to carry out policies in accord
with the views of each respective leader. Not only was it necessary
on the part of the lord or king to place someone in his stead who
would carry out similar policies. it was necessary to place limita-
tions on the replacement!s authority to prevent the usurpation of
the legitimate authority. In addition to this. personal. unfinished
business had to be brought up to date. and in general. all personal
obligations had to be fulfilled. In short. personal. as well as
state. provincial. and manorial matters. depending on the importance
of the individual. had to be provided for.

King Richard the Lion-Hearted serves as an example of this
type of preparation. Richard needed large suns of money for his cru-
sade. To obtain this he sold public offices. Nearly all of the
sheriffs of the kingdom were dismissed and permitted to return only
on the payment of a fee. Hugh de Puiset. bishop of Dirhan. purchased
the sheriffdom of Northunbria for 2000 marks. William the Lion of
Scotland paid 10.000 marks to relieve himself of obligations to
Richard. Politically the most powerful and most important officer
under the king was that of the: justiciar. Richard also sold this
office. but it was to Bannulf Glanvill who had been the justiciar
under Richard's father. Hairy II. Rannulf died shortly after

7

Richard's departure on the crusade and he was replaced by the bishop
of Durham. Richard. however. did not trust Hugh. so he replaced him
with William de Mandeville who also died shortly thereafter. and then
with William Longchamp. Longchamp had risen through the ranks of
the bureaucracy. He ruled England with a tight hand and he was dis-
liked by the people for his absolutism. Other than raising public
sentiment against himself. William Iongchamp did not alienate the
power of the king.1

For the First Crusade there was no single army and no single
individual who exercised control over the entire body. The First
Crusade consisted of large companies led by Godfrey of Bouillon. his
brother Baldwin. Raymond of Toulouse. and Bohemond of Otranto. In
addition to this. there were many lesser groups such as the Normans
under Robert. Drke of Normandy. This decentralization of oomand
was also characteristic of the other crusades as well. The Second
consisted of two large contingents: one composed of Germans led by
Emperor Conrad and the other composed of Frenchmen led by Louis VII.
King of the French. The Third Crusade had three large forces--Ger-
man. French. and English. The Fourth was composed of French herons
and Venetians. It was originally directed by Pope Innocent III. but
he soon lost control to the Dogs of Venice.

Not only was there decentralization in the army as a whole.
but there was no absolute authority within the major groups com-
prising the arnw. To state it another way. the crusading amiss

IL

‘ ' llustin Lane Poole. From Domesday Book to Mam Carta (0x.-
ford. 196%). pp. 3149-355: Richard of Devizes. Crusade of c
Q3; de Lion ed. and trans. Rev. Dr. Giles (London. 1900; pp. l-ll.

 

g.

8
were composed of major segments led by important sectional leaders.
These territorial commanders. however. did not have absolute control
over their various detachments.

There are many examples of the sectional leaders having dif-
ficulty in persuading a band of their troops to preform or refrain
from a specific action. Bohemond apparently did prefer market facili-
ties while passing through the European portion of the Byzantine Empire.»
"Our men [Bohemondtg7 wanted to attack one of the castles and take it
because it was full of goods of all kinds. but the valiant Bohemond
would not allow this. for he wished to keep faith with the emperor.
so he was furious with Tancred and all the others. "2 In March of 1097
while at the town of Serres in eastern Macedonia Bohemond ordered his
men to return the animals which they had stolen from the immediate
area.3 In April of the same year while Bohemond was at Constantinople
making arrangements for the arrival of his troops. Tancred. who was
with the army in Europe. left the market provided by the city of Russ
and took what he wanted from the countryside.“ Louis VII also had
difficulty with his army even before he reached the territory of
the Empire. At the city of worms a conflict arose between some of
the poorer elements of his army and the merchants of the city.

Louis had considerable difficulty in restraining the dissident

elements of his army. but "by the will of God. however. wise men on

2The Deeds of the Franks and the Other ’ rims to Jerusalem.
ed. Rosalind Hill (London. 1932;. p. 10. .

3Deeds or the Franks. p. 10.

“needs of the Franks. p. 11.

 

9

both sides restrained the fools on both sides. ...Hitherto. a fore-
boding about the people was entertained; here it was realized for
the first time."5

The eyewitness accounts also contain numerous examples of
the commanders of these various divisions meeting in councils to de-
cide the next step of their operation. Just one example of this is
the preparation of the Fourth Crusade. A council of the leading
participating nobles chose their leader. Next they discussed the
problem of tranSporting the expedition to the Holy Land. It was
decided upon by the council that representatives should be sent to
various Italian ports to inquire about ship passage.6

Generally these armies were composed of motley groups ranging
from high nobles and knights to women camp followers.7 It is difficult
to determine the number of troops in the various contingents. None
of the eyewitness accounts is accurate on this point. and sources
covering the same topic disagree greatly regarding numbers.

Just as there was no central authority in the army. there
was no central supply system for either the army as a whole or for

the several large contingents. The more wealthy lords took into

 

50do of Deuil. De Pmrectgpne Ludovic VII Orientem. ed.
and.trans. Virginia Gingerick Berry (New York. 19 . pp. 23 and 25.

6A general description of this can be found in Robert of
Clari. Con nest of Constantino 1e. trans. Edgar Holmes McNeal (New
York. 19%;. pp. 3% and in Villehardouin and de Joinville. gigg-
ogrs of the Crusades. trans. Sir Frank 1'. Marzials (New York. 1958).
pp. 12.

7John Hugh Hill and Laurita Lyttleton Hill. Ramnd Iv Count
of Toulouse (Syracuse. 1962). pp. 34-36. This deals only with the

Provencals of the First Crusade.’ The Con nest of sbon. ed. and
trans. Charles Wendell David (New York. 1933;. pp. 53-57 says much
the same thing in relation to the Second Crusade.

10
their service a.number of knights. The lord.would be expected to
support these knights in their*material necessities for the duration
of the entire venture. All of their financial needs were to be cared
for by the lord they served. The vast numbers of poor individuals
who accompanied.and.participated.in the several crusading armies had
two alternatives for support. both of which were. in times of ertrme
adversity. not entirely reliable. They could either depend. for the
necessities of life. upon the charity or generosity of some wealthy
man.or'upon the mercy of God.8 Of course it was possible for a group
of individuals to pool their resources and go on their own. It was
also possible for individuals to set out without any provisions.
Urban II. however. when he instigated.the First Crusade would have
preferred to have fighting men only. but he realized this would.not
be possible. As a result he urged the clergy and.the noblemengto
maintain the poor who accompanied the First Crusade.9 Joinville be-
gan the Seventh Crusade on his own resources. He also took a few
men.into his service. but before the crusade left Cyprus Joinville
was in a desperate financial position. He was saved.only by King
Louis who took him into his services.10 As will be pointed out later.

in times of great need for provisions. this system.of supply was
entirely'inadequate.

8August C. Krey. The First Crusade the Accounts of e-Wit-
nesses and Participants (Princeton. 19215. P. 132. See also Th2
Third Crusade an ye Witness Account of the Campaigs of Ricgrd Coeur
de Lion in C ms and the Ho Land. trans. Kermeth Fenwick London.
1958;. pp. 28-29; Villehardouin.and de Joinville. p. 164; The Deeds
of the Franks. pp. 7-8; Hill. p. 36.

 

 

9Walter Forges. ”The Clergy. the Poor. and.the Non-Combatants
on the First Crusade." Speculum.XXI (l9h6). l-23.

1°Villehardouin and de Joinville . p. 169 .

11

In preparing for departure the various lay leaders and those
who were to maintain the service of a personal following were forced
by necessity to obtain money to accomplish their task. One of the
most popular ways to do this was to pawn. mortgage. or borrow on
some type of security. This security was usually land owned outright
or held in some form of feudal relationship from another lord. One
vivid «ample of this is the activities of Joinville's preparation
for departure on the Seventh Crusade. He went to the city of Meta in
Lorraine and pawned the greater part of his possessions. His fortune
was not large but it was sufficient for him to provide for nine
knights. His resources were not adequate to maintain these non long.
and eventually their expenses as well as his own were taken over by
St. Louis. Robert of Normandy used the entire province of Normandy
as security for a 10.000 mark loan from his brother William Rufus
who was king of Ehgland.11 Another method used to raise money by
the higher nobility and the various kings was to sell land and of-
fices. King Richard. for example. would have sold the city of London
if he could have found a person to buy it. Not only cities and
towns were sold. but also rights of coinage. political rights. per-
mission to collect duties. and so forth.12 Those individuals in a
position to do so used taxes as a.means of raising revenue. In
France there was considerable discontent among the people because
of the heavy taxation imposed by Robert. mks of Nomandy. in the

11Charles Wendell David. Robert Curthose Duke of Nowfi
(Cambridge. 1921). pp. 95-96; Villehardouin and Joinville. p. 1 .

121mbroise. The Crusade of Richard Li n-Heart. trans. John
L. Lalionte (New York. 15515. p. 53 note; Hill. p. 37.

 

12
preparation for his effort in the First Crusade. Even the nobility
and the clergy were required to pay their share. The clergy had been
exempt from previous taxes; however. along with everyone else they
paid their share of the crusading assessment. There was also dis-
content in France caused by the heavy taxation of Louis VII for the
Second Crusade.13 Another important source of revenue was the con-
fiscation of wealth from political enemies and forced loans from seg-
ments of the population which public opinion had condemned. such as
the Jews. In addition to this political enemies were permitted to
acquire their freedom by purchase. Raymond IV. Count of Toulouse
and Richard the Lion-Hearted may have resorted to such tacticséw
Gifts held out right served as still another source of funds for the
cmsaders. Count Thibaut who was chosen to lead the Fourth Crusade
died before the preparations for departure had bem completed. He
left a portion of his estate to be used by the crusaders.”

In preparation for departure the lords who were responsible
for their private conpanies were faced with the necessity of trans-
porting their contingents along with their baggage to the rendezvous
point or to the actual area of military operations. Horses. horse
drawn carts. barges. and ships of various types were all used. Join-
ville. for example. sent his baggage by river barges to Marseilles
where he had previously rented a ship to take them the rest of the
way. King Richard. in preparation for the Third Crusade. also

 

130do. p. 19 note; Robert Curthose. pp. 91-92.
luhbmlse. p. 38; Hill, p. 370 '
15Viuehardouin and Joinville. p. 9; Robert of Clari. p. 31+.

13
prepared a fleet which was owned by the English crown.16 In addition
to this. advance arrangements had to be made to replenish supplies
periodically. While the army was passing through friendly terrain.
plunder'and raiding were. for the most part. frowned.upon. As a
result some peaceful method of obtaining the necessities of life had
to be arranged prior to departure. Louis VII as part of his preparan
tion sent messengers and letters to the rulers of Sicily. Constantinople.
Germany. and Hungary asking that provisions be made for the procurement
of necessities as the army was passing through their particular area.
Richard the Lion-Hearted also made similar preparations; however.
they do not seem to have been as elaborate as those of Louis VII.17

 

16v111ehardouin and de Joinville. p. 166; Ambroise. pp. 38-39.
17Od09 pp. 11 and 13: mmise. pp. 38-ll'20

CHAPTER II
ON THE MARCH

It has been previously pointed out there was not a supply
system for the entire crusading army. The small groups comprising
the various amiss carried with them their own treasure chests.
Those individuals who served under a lord secured their needs from
their'lord's fortune. Many times this system.was broken down even
further. Each individual was expected to procure the necessities
of life for himself. In any case each lord carried with him a
treasure chest. For example. Joinville was unable to support the
knights he had with him. and.they were prepared to leave his service.
Joinville was then taken into the service of King Louis who gave
him sufficient funds for the seneechai to maintain his 1mighte.1
Louis VII also carried funds which he deemed would be sufficient to
nudntain himself while en route. Odo of Deuil suggests one reason
Louis had less difficulty and received better treatment from.the
local populace along his route to the Holy Land than did Conrad and
his Germans was that the treasury'of Louis was more amply supplied.2
Still another'indication that each contingent carried its own treas-
ure is found in Robert of Clari's account of the Fourth Crusade.

The reason he gave for the diversion of this crusade to Constantinople

 

1Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 169.

2Odo. p. #5.
14

15
was to permit the crusaders to replenish their empty treasury.3
One more indication of each contingent carrying its own treasure
chest occurred in the spring of 1095 when Robert of Normandy was
leaving the harbor of Calabia. One of his ships sank in the bay. and
such of his treasure went to the bottom of the sea.“ From this evi-
dence it is clear that neny contingents carried with them their own
treasuries.

The major purpose of the treasure was to procure supplies
while en route. Although the plundering of friendly areas along
the line of march occurred. it was not the wisest procedure. The Peas-
ants' Cmsade which was composed of five groups with no central con-
trol. encountered much difficulty by appropriating the goods of
friendly people for themselves while they were passing through Bul-
garia.5 As will be demonstrated later. the better organized amiss
depended more upon local markets furnished by the inhabitants of the
area through which they passed to provide for their necessities.
Even here. however. stealing and plundering did exist.

It is commonly held that the crusading armies "lived off the
land." What does this mean? The impression given is that these
amiss appropriated everything they found for themselves: they
robbed. stole. and pillaged their way across Eirope and the Near
East. At first glance this may seem feasible; however. after con-

 

3Robert of Clari. p. as.

"Fulcher of Chartres. Omnicle of the %rst Cmsade. trans.
Martha Evelyn McGinty (Philadelphia. 19 a p. 2 e

5Frederic Duncalf "The Peasants Crusade" Amean Histogcgl
Eels." mm (1921). 14140-453-

16
sideration it does not seem possible for an army of only a few thou-
sand fighting men plus their wives. children. and camp followers to
exist in this way. In the first place. if this practice were followed
the local populations would raise tremendous havoc with the crusading
armies. The effects of a hostile population are clearly evident in
Count meond's march through Dalmatia.6 Furthermore. local armies
would have been a more serious obstacle for the ill-disciplined cru-
saders. In addition to this type of Opposition. there was another
obstacle to consider. Suppose. for example. that a contingent of
the army. just prior to harvest when there was little stored reserve.
emropriated a field of barley for itself. The barley would first
have to be cut and gathered; then to be of use it would have to be
ground into some type of flour. Even if it were not all ground some
method of transporting it would be necessary. or if only an insignif-
icant amount were to be expropriated the same operation must. of nec-
essity. be repeated more often. thus causing greater opposition by
the local inhabitants. The time consumed in all of this would make
it impossible for the army to make any headway. In addition. it would
follow that there would develop a lively competition among the cru-
sading contingents within each any to obtain for themselves the
most favorable and richest fields. If this were the case it is not
inconceivable that the entire army would have consumed itself by
breaking down into small units continually at odds with each other.
Usually. however. the crusaders took only those supplies which were

6William of Tyre. A Histcgz of Deeds Done gay-2nd the Sea.
trans. and annotated Emily Atwater Babcock and A. C. Krey New York.

1%3)! I: PP. 139-1143.

 

 

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[1.

1?
easily portable such as stored grain or herds of livestock. While
still in Europe some of Bohemond's men took animals belonging to the
local population; however. Bohemond forced them to return the stolen
property.7 While at Kostoria Bohemond's contingent was not furnished
a market. so they took oxen. horses. asses. and anything else they
could find.8

These conditions apply not only to the needs of the men but
also to the needs of the horses. Although the number of knights was
relatively small compared with those on foot. each knight generally
owned.more than one horse. In addition to the war horses there were
draft animals--both mules and horses-- for’pulling baggage wagons.
Also it was not unusual for a lord to bring along his luxury animals
and birds. hunting dogs and falcons. If the army lived off the land
in the common usage of the word. each contingent again would attempt
to acquire the most lucrative pasturage for itself.

Since it would be impossible for’an army of say one thousand
men with their animals and camp followers to travel several thou-
sand miles and exist by pillage and thievery. some method of secure
ing needs other than living off the land was necessary if these
armies were to survive. This problem was partially resolved by
bringing along a treasure chest for use in local markets along the
route. Stealing and pillaging. however. were still frequent. In

the first place this is to be expected when any type of army moves

 

7Deeda_p£ the Franks. p. 10.

aDeeds of the Franks. p. 8.

18

through a foreign area. Spoliation has been a feature from ancient
armies to those of our own day. Regardless of the efforts to combat
looting by an army it is still prevalent. Anytime large numbers of
armed men are grouped together this type of thing is the rule rather
than the exception. In addition to this. at times local market
facilities were not made available to the crusaders . and as a matter
of self preservation. they were forced to obtain supplies in any way
possible.9 For the most part the crusaders appeared to have pre-
ferred local markets in which to secure their necessities. For em-
ample. when Godfrey and his contingents were passing through Hungary
he issued strict orders throughout his camp that anyone caught plun-
dering or using force in dealing with the merchants who were selling
them goods would be punished by death.10 Bohenond also would appear
to have preferred a peaceful market; however. when one was not avail-
able it was necessary to rely on force.1‘l

The problem of supply varied depending upon the method of
travel used by the host. The activities of Richard the Lion-Hearted
and Louis IX are good samples of those who traveled chiefly by sea.
In each case it was necessary for the crusaders to fill their ships
with provisions for both man and horses before departing from their
home base. Because the various ships used were not large enough to
carry sufficient provisions for the entire trip. periodic stops had
to be arranged to replenish the depleted reserves. St. Louis resup-

 

9W. p. 66; Hill. pe 1+7.
“William of Tyre. I. p. 120; Krey. p. 60.
11William of Tyre. I. p. 13“; Krey. p. 611-.

19

plied his ships by provisions stored on the island of Cyprus. Even
the men of the Fourth Crusade stopped to resupply their ships before
arriving at Zara.12

The armies which traveled primarily by land generally carried
with them.only those supplies which the leaders determined.necessary
to carry them over from one town or village to the next.13 To trans-
port any larger amount would have placed upon the crusaders a much
larger burden--perhaps even an insurmountable task. The conditions of
roads were deplorable. At times they were nonexistent. There were
many rivers and streams to be crossed and sturdy bridges were few and
far between. Additional horses and horse carts would have been re-
quired to haul the additional load. Louis VII had difficulty with
the carts he already had let alone adding more.1“ Furthermore by
adding more vehicles the line of march would have been extended. thus
making control or discipline of the multitude more difficult. In
addition to this. by extending the line of march. defense from hos-
tile people would have become more impossible. Also. merely caring
for additional supplies would have been a greater inconvenience. Pre-
caution would have been necessary to protect them from the natural
elements. The number of guards needed at night to protect them from
the foreign element as well as from members of the army would have to
have been increased. Simply caring for the everyday baggage was a

difficult task in itself. and carrying greater supplies of food would

 

12Robert of Clari. p. #3.

13Odo. pp. 29 and 31. One reason Odo gives for writing his
chronicle is to warn future crusaders on this point.

1”Odo. p. 25.

20
simply contribute an unnecessary burden. In addition to this. there
were few precedents in medieval history of an any tranSporting its
own supplies. Traditionally they maintained themselves on the land
they occupied.

Perhaps the most effective method used by the crusaders was
to send representatives in advance of the main body to arrange for
markets provided by the local people. By making these arrangements
in advance the crusaders avoided the problem of surprising the towns-
people. and also this method gave local merchants time to locate the
necessities needed by the crusaders. Furthermore. it permitted tha
to obtain sufficient quantities of these necessities. The crusade of
Louis VII is one of the best examples of the use of this practice.
Even before he left France he sent Alvisus. bishop of Arras. in ad-
vance to make arrangements for his reception at the city of Worms.
Once on the march and upon entering Byzantine territory. Louis sent
representatives to Constantinople to make arrangements for his travel
in that empire.” Of course advance markets were not always arranged
for even by the careful Iouis VII“ Upon entering Byzantine territory
the local market was inmfficient. ' In such cases the crusaders were
forced to rely upon what the local people were able to supply and
upon plunder. 16

One of the chief difficulties of relying upon a local market
or a market in unfamiliar territory was the use of a medium of ex.-
change. Silver.and. more important. gold were the two chief metals

150%, pp. 23. 250 27! and 550
16Odo. pp. M and la.

21
for coins. As noted previously each contingent of a crusading army
carried its own treasure chest. This treasury. however. did not con-
sist only of coins. but also it contained vessels of various shapes
made of precious metals.17 Even if the treasure chest had been filled
solely with coins it would.not have simplified the problem to any sig-
nificant degree because there was no uniform system.of money'in Eur0pe
or throughout the Mediterranean area. nor was there a uniform rate of
exchange. The most popular coin in use was the Byzantine gold demar-
ius. In addition to this. there were many other kinds of money with
varying values. As a result of this lack of monetary uniformity the
employment of local money changers was required.18 The rates of ex-
change varied continually. and the crusaders had.no control over this
rate. It appears that as the crusading armies advanced eastward the
rate of exchange became more and.more unfavorable.19 The crusaders
themselves seem.to have blamed this increasingly unfavorable rate of
exchange on the hostility of the Greeks. "Here‘LBrandiz in Hungari7
we first encountered the copper'money 'staminae.' and for’one of
' these we unhappily gave five denarii. or rather we lost a.mark on
twelve solidi. Thus. at the entrance to their’own land the Greeks
sustained themselves with.perjury. fer'you should remember what has
already been said. namely. that the messengers had sworn on behalf
of their emperor>to furnish us a suitable market and.exehange.'2°

 

17Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 15.
180cm. pp. 73 and 75.

190do. p. 67.

20Odo. p. 41.

22

It would appear the crusaders were to some extent the victims
of the law of supply and demand. In the less advanced or less civa
ilised areas where the population was small. the crusaders were able
to purchase needed supplies at a relatively favorable rate of exchange.
Once the armies arrived in the more populous and more advanced Byzan-
tine territory the rate of exchange worsened. and also the price paid
for materials increased. In addition to the problems faced by Louis
VII. Godfrey also had difficulty in obtaining supplies for the same
price while in the Byzantine Empire. While encamped outside of Con-
stantinople. even after a decree from the Emperor. his men.still paid
increasingly'high prices for necessities.21 When commodities were
scarce the price was raised considerably. Of course by granting or
withdrawing market privileges the Byzantine emperor believed he could
force the crusaders to do his bidding. Thus there were also politi-
cal concerns in the raising or’lowering of prices.

It appears that the crusading armies did carry some supplies
in reserve. The men of the Fourth Crusade used their reserve supply
while still in Venice.22 Louis VII and his men of the Second Crusade
were forced to dip into their reserves at Constantinople while they
were waiting to depart for the Holy Land. During his sojourn in Sicily
King Richard was forced to use his reserve supplies which he had
brought from England by ship.23 This seems to indicate that even with

the dependence on local markets some provisions were made at least by

 

21Kwy, pp 860
22Robert of Clari. p. 45.

2333 Third Crusade. pp. 37-38.

23
the better organized amiss to deal with the problem of everyday neces-
sities in the case of the absence of a market. but still it appears
that the quantity of these reserves was not sufficient to maintain the
any for arm extended period of time.

Since purchasing goods along the route and losses by accident
or raids depleted the treasury of the various contingents. the cru-
saders were continually searching for methods of replenishing it.

This was done in several ways. One of the most comon was plunder and
pillage. Although the crusading armies were passing through friendly
territory it was not unusual to find cases in which segments of the
amiss attacked a town along the way. The Germans under Conrad left
such a trail of pillage along their route of march.“ Richard the
Lion-Hearted stopped in Sicily and there acquired large sums of wealth
by his capture of Messina.25 In addition to this Richard later cap-
tured and looted the whole Island of Cypms. The first objective of
the Fourth Crusade was the Christian town of Zara which was attacked
and plundered. When they finally departed. the Franks had expended
most of their resources. and it was decided to go to Constantinople

to replenish their treasury. for it was believed that Byzantium was

a rich land for securing provisions.26 Louis VII was faced with a
hostile population for a portion of his trip because he followed the

 

Zuodo. pp. M and 1&3.

25293 Third Crusade. p. 36.
26Robert of Clari. p. #5.

24

German army which had plundered indiscriminately.27

Another important source of aid while on the march.was the
Byzantine emperor. He generally showered the crusaders who stopped
at ConstantinOple with gifts. The First Crusade supplies numerous
examples of this. According to Anna Comnena. Alexius offered to Bobs-
mend a room in the palace filled with treasure of all lance.28 In
addition to gold and riches of various sorts. the Emperor gave the
crusaders food for both men and animals. transportation. and even
reinfbrcements. The Emperor provided guides and markets for the
crusaders. For example. he sent officials to Bohemond whose purpose
it was to secure local markets for the army.29 While they were camped
outside the walls of Constantinople he furnished hay and.othsr'neces-
sities for the horses and he provided lodging for the armies. "When
Robert and Stephen had satisfied the demands of the Emperor. he loaded
them with gifts of money and silks and horses. and. providing ships.
had them ferried over with their forces to the Asiatic. shore."3°
It is very doubtful the crusaders could.have reached their*objective
or accomplished what they did had it not been for the aid given then
by the Greek emperor.31

Still another way for the leaders of the many smaller contin-
gents to replenish their treasury was gifts from the king or. if no

 

27Odo. pp. #7 and.h9.

28W. pp. 95-96.

2M 2!; the 2.12.153. p- 11.

30% gum. p. 101: Krey. pp. 100-101.
31Fulcher. pp. 28-29.

25
Icing were present. from the chief lords among them.32 This wealth
was distributed according to the social ranking of the receiver. In
other words. the foot soldier did not receive as much as a knight or
a prelate even though his hunger or his discomfort might be just as
great.33 After King Richard had sacked the city of Messina in Sicily
he provided a feast for the king of France at which he distributed to
each of the nobles presents according to his rank.3"" Also the money
which Richard received from the king of Sicily as a pavmmt for peace
was distributed by Richard among his men according to their positions.35
Some justification for this method of distribution of gifts either
from the king. greater lords. emeror. or from plunder rested in the
fact that those indivichlals of high social standing were expected to
maintain their followers. These gifts made it possible for them to
fulfill their functions.

Since the main striking force of the crusading army was the
mounted knight. a great deal of time and energy was spent on the care
of the war horses. These horses were well trained and they were thus
expensive to replace. Both war and pack horses as well as mules were
considered valuable booty by the crusaders. and whenever the oppor-
tunity arose stray animals were appropriated to their private owner-
ship.36 Their loss by the crusaders was also considered grave. For

 

32Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 169.
3Mchsr. p. 33.

3% mire arcade. p. 39.

35Ambroise. pp. 61-568.

36Ambroiss. p. 102; The Third m. p. 50.

26

example in 1095 Robert. Duke of Normandy. lost one of his ships while
he was leaving the port of Calabria. This ship was loaded with horses.
mules. men. and some treasure. After seeing this disaster many of
Rebert's followers decided to return home.37

The crusaders had many different types of ships. One of the
most ingenious was a type of transport which had a door at ground
level which permitted the horses to be driven aboard. After loading
the door was closed and sealed. Once at sea this door was below the
water line of the ship. In landing it was possible for these ships
to come close to shore and open the door which then apparently acted
as a bridge. The knights were thus able to depart from the ship fully
armed andmounted.38 It appears that horses transported in this manner
received good care; however. after a long voyage the animals became
sore. stiff. and.numb because of the close quarters. Also the con-
tinual pitching of the ship while at sea did.not permit the animals

to rest easily.39
While traveling by land the same good care was given to the

horses. Each knight had followers to attend to this responsibility.
The war horses were not ridden while on the march. but rather they
were led by one of the knight's men.“0 The largest problem faced by
those traveling by land was to procure a day to day supply of food and

 

37Fulcher. p. 26.
38Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 167; Robert of Clari. p. 68.

391113 Third Crusade. p. #9; Ambroise. pp. 88.89; Robert of
Clans p. 750

6 ) “Curr-ed Duggan. _T_hg Story 2; 1.232 Crusades 1022-1221 (London.
19 3 9 P- 390

27

water for the animals. This was obtained either through purchase at
local markets or simply taking it by force when market facilities were
absent.)+1 In his agreement with the Emperor. Godfrey concurred that
while passing through the Emperor's territory his army would not take
anything forcibly except food for the horses and miles.“2 Richard
the Lion-Hearted. on the other hand. purchased supplies to fill his
ships while he was in Sicily.43

0n land baggage was generally transportsd.by either two- or
four-wheeled horse carts. Louis VII on the Second Crusade had a good
deal of trouble with them. This was primarily due to the poor con-
ditions of the roads. When a cart would break down the roads were so
narrow that the carts following could.not by-pass the broken one.“4
In spite of this difficulty it appears that this same general type
of cart was still used by Joinville on the first crusade of St. Louis.

The crusaders brought with them from.home their own personal
weapons and armor. While on the march. however. much of this equip-
ment became lost or broken and had to be replaced. At times plunderb
ing along the way served to accomplish this. Pillaging areas was a
source of supply for replacing equipment. Richard’s army. for*sxample.
acquired coats of mail. helmets. swords. and even galleys in this

manner. “5

 

4 #1quy, p. 60; Ambroiss. p. 68; Villshardouin and de Joinville.
p010

“ZKrey. p. 60.
“Binomise. pp. 71-72.
"“Odo. p. 25.

“5The Third Crusade. pp. 50-51.

28

While on the march food was supplied to the crusaders by local
markets whenever possible. St. Louis in his first crusade stored up
large amounts of provisions for two years prior to his departure.
These consisted of wheat. barley. and wine.’46 In case these were not
provided pillage was relied upon. On the Second Crusade both Louis
VII and Conrad used force to obtain food.” Experor Alexius Commas
furnished Bohemond with Greek officials» whose task it was to insure
the existence of local markets as the crusaders passed through the
expire."8 Also. even while on the march. victory in battle was at
times a source of food supply. Richard the Lion-Hearted also used
force in Sicily and Cyprus to obtain what his am needed. It would
appear that the crusader' s diet consisted chiefly of wine. bread.
beef. mutton. goat meat. chickens. and eggs.” In amr case livestock
of all types was considered rich spoil in battle.

I have found no indication of any method of meat preservation
practiced by the crusaders. None of the sources have mentioned pro-
cesses such as drying. salting. or pickling. Since this is the case
perhaps we can sumise that fresh meat was eaten as soon as it was
butchered thus necessitating a continual supply of fresh livestock
supplied by local markets or requiring the armies to drive large herds
of their own along the march. If the latter was the case. if large

 

"6Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 168.

“70do. pp. 1+1. #3. 45. 1V7. and 149.

“892992 if. its Leaks p. 1o.

“9% _Th_i_z;g_ 9353333. pp. 31+ and 50; Robert of Clari. p. 811-.

29
herds were driven along with the army. no indication of it is given
in the sources.

While on the march tents replaced solid structures as places
of lodging. For those who could not afford the expense of a tent the
stars served as their roof. Even when the armies congregated in a
town they usually lived in their tents. Richard the Lion-Hearted is
an example of this. After he had captured the city of Limasol on the
island of Cyprus he remained lodged in his tent.50 The men of the
Fourth Crusade also awaited their departure from Venice in a tent
city established by them on the Isle of St. Nicholas.51 Because tents
were not constructed of durable material they were always in demand
by the armies even while en route. Simple wear and tear'plus the
rotting caused by damp weather’made tents one of the major spoils of
plunder while on the march to the Holy Land.

One of the most important. yet one of the most common. prob-
lems faced.by the crusading armies that moved by land was simply
crossing rivers. Large sturdy bridges over the major rivers along
the route were few; Louis VII on the Second Crusade arranged in
advance for his arm to cross the Rhine River. It was not. however.
by bridge--"a fleet so great that the am had no need for a bridge.“52
Louis VII also had.trouble in crossing the River Drave. Here no
bridge and only a few small boats were available. He was more fortu-
nate at the Danube. for here the remnants of the German fleet whose
army'had proceeded that of Louis were still left. By following the

 

5thg Third Crusade. p. "9.
51Robert of Clari. p. 39.

520do. p. 23.

30

Germans Louis at least had one advantage--the Germans had built many
bridges and Louis could thus cross the rivers without expense of his
am.” On the First Crusade Godfrey of Bouillon also had difficulty
crossing the River Drave; however. ”a heap of wood was gathered and
a large raft was made on which they crossed the river."5u Also in
Bulgaria Godfrey was forced to ferry his forces across in only three
small boats while facing the danger of attack from a Byzantine army.
Even Richard the Lion-Hearted faced difficulty in river crossing:

They found no workman to repair

The bridge; there was no crossing there.

And on the thone no ship at all.

Nor boat nor barge. or great or small.

So they could neither follow nor

Join those who crossed the stream.before.

Since they can find no other plan.

They seek the best device they can:

In tiny skiff-boats. frail and light.

Where men are pressed together tight

They cross. in peril of their lives.55
As can be seen from above the simple matter of crossing a river was
a major obstacle for the crusading army. They commandeered any
material easily available to accomplish this task.

While en route to the Holy Land the majority of the respon-
sible crusaders would have perferred to purchase their supplies for
both men and horses at local markets. Provisions were made by some
of the crusaders to procure these necessities by transporting a

treasure chest with them. Some even sent representatives in advance

to the area through which the army would pass to make appropriate

 

530do. pp. 29. 31. 33. 35. in. and 43.

5”Krey. pp. 58-59.
55Ambroise. pp. 47-148.

31
arrangements. Unfortunately. however. through nuscalculations and
angry local populations sufficient local markets were not always avail-
able. At these times the crusaders were forced to rely upon pillage
and plunder to maintain themselves. For the most part. the latter
actiVity was used as the last resort. However. once the crusaders
departed from Byzantine territory and into the land of the Infidel

the problem of supply changed considerably.

CHAPTER III
IN THE HOLY LAND

Once in the Holy Land the men of the First Crusade encountered
a unique problem of supply. Their army was a small minority marching
through a land held oy an armed and. even though disunited. powerful
enenw who held the towns and fortified places. Their closest ally was
Byzantium. and in the eyes of many of the crusaders the Emperor was
not to be trusted any further than the Infidels. As the men of the
First Crusade progressed on their expedition their supply line to
Constantinople became longer and more vulnerable. They were forced
to remain close to the sea. for this provided the easiest and swiftest
means of connmmication. None of the other crusades faced this prob-
lem. The Second Crusade traveled primarily by land; however. it was
not necessary for them to fight for a toe hold in the Holy Land. The
Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem was in existence. and this served as a
friendly base. The Third Crusade was precipitated by the fall of
Jerusalem. but still the crusaders had a friendly area in which to
land. Both Richard I and Philip It went by sea and both were able to
land their troops at friendly ports in the Holy Land. The Fourth
Crusade was primarily a naval expedition against Constantinople. and
once the city was captured the crusaders merely extended their lines
of supply from the capital to their establishments in other parts of
the Latin Empire. From the Fifth Crusade to the end of the movement

32

33
the objective of the crusaders shifted from.the Holy Land to Egypt.
With the exception of the armies which marched to Egypt from the Latin
Kingdom.of Jerusalem. the crusades now became naval expeditions.
Because the problems of supply faced by the First Crusade were unique
and because the First Crusade provided the base upon which the later
crusades were conducted. it is necessary to devote a chapter to the
logistical problem these men faced after their departure from Constan-
tinople.

It should be noted first that the Byzantine Bhperor still
provided material aid to the crusaders after they left Constantinople.
While laying siege to Nicaea. for example. the crusaders received
food.from.the Emperor as well as ships which were needed to cut off
the food supply to the enemy in the city. In addition to this. the
Enperor provided a market for the needs of the men and the animals.
and he showered the leaders with gifts of money and silk. horses..
and the like.1 "In truth. I say to you there is no man today like
him.under heaven. for he is enriching all our*princes most bounti-
fully. is relieving all our knights with gifts and refreshing all
the poor with feasts. Near the city of Nicaea there is a fortress.
Civitote by'name. near which runs an arm of the.sea. Through this
the pious Emperor's own ships rush by night and.day to Constantinople.
whence they carry food to the camp. where it is distributed daily
among the countless poor.'2 It is doubtful that the crusaders could

 

2Krey. pp. 100-101.

34

have succeeded without the aid of the Eknperor.3

Even while in an area held by the enemy the crusaders had
access to markets. In some instances. such as at Nicaea the Ehperor
provided them. At other times they were provided by the local inhab-
itants both Christian and Moslem. For example. while the army was
moving to Nicaea bread was scarce and expensive; however. with the
arrival of supplies by sea from Byzantium there was abundance for
the entire army. While the army was moving toward Antioch the people
of the town of Marasch provided a market where all the needs of the
crusaders were fulfilled.“ During the siege of Antioch Moslem traders
supplied the crusaders.5 In addition to this. trade was maintained
between the crusaders and the people of the trading cities in Italy
and Cyprus. Tancred. while out on his conquering expeditions. also
sought market privileges in towns held by Christians or towns that
were friendly to their cause. The Armenians. who were Christians.
in the town of Artasium overthrew their Turkish overlords and provided
Tancred and his followers with the necessities they required.6 Even
the Saracens themselves provided markets though not as frequently as
the friends of the crusaders. The Moslem king of Tripoli. for exasple.
made an agreement with the crusaders whereby he freed many Christian
captives which he held. and he provided the crusaders with a market.

 

3Fulcher. pp. 28-29.

m if. the areas. p- 27-

53111. p. 75.

6William of Tyre. I. pp. 181. 195. 196.

35

The crusaders in return agreed to permit him to retain his lands if
they succeeded in establishing a Christian state in the Holy Land.7
Markets were also provided by the King of Shayzar who was an independ-
ent Arab Emir. He furnished the crusaders with horses and food and
he also aided them in locating areas to pillage.8 For the most part.
however. the Saracens abandoned the smaller towns and forts such as
Raphania and Aramathea to the Christians and fled to places of
safety.9 I

Elrope still provided a good deal of aid to this First Crusade
both in men and supplies. There was a continual plea by the crusaders
for Eluope to send more reinforcements. From the siege of Nicaea
through the battle of Dorylaeum and into the siege and counter-siege
of Antioch the crusaders had been emceed to a situation quite dif-
ferent from what they had previously encountered. Losses in men.
horses. and equipment had been considerable. In the march between
the cities of Nicaea and Antioch the crusaders proceeded through desert
and mountains which took a heavy toll from thirst. hunger. and exhaus-
tion. This was due in part to the actions of the local inhabitants
who evacuated and destroyed the areas in advance of the crusading
armies. Pack animals were so scarce that dogs. goats. and sheep were

used as beasts of burden. Many of the mounted knights were reduced to

 

7Deeds pg; gee Franks. p. 85; Krey. pp. 218 and 221.

8.992% 21: 3.1.12 Lenka. pp. 81-82

9Deeds 9; the Franks. p. 82; Fulcher. p. 63; William of Tyre.
I. p. 177.

36

riding oxen.1Q The clergy of all ranks as well as laymen sent appeals
for all able bodied men in northwestern Europe to come and give them
aid. They preferred to have only those who were capable of fighting.11
Most often these came in the form of pilgrims who would spend a short
while with the army. In addition there were supplies. especially
food stuffs. transported from Europe. While the cmsaders were
leisurely besieging a Saracen castle following the final victory at
Antioch both Venetian and Greek ships arrived carrying grain. wine.
barley. pork. and other things for sale.12 This was one reason the
crusaders remained near the coast: to maintain sea commerce. The
English fleet had arrived off the Syrian coast prior to the arrival
of the land armr of the crusaders. The English captured Laodicea
and established themselves there before the siege of Antioch began.
The English were partially successful in beating off both land and
sea raids against them. and from their base at Laodicea they sent
supplies to the Christian forces at Antioch.13

In spite of the presence of markets in the Holy Land. the
cmsaders lived off theland to a much greater extent there than they
had while passing through friendly terrain. The land through which
they now passed was held by their enm. and therefore no effort was
made to remain on friendly terms with them. Living off thaland was

 

10Deeds of the Franks. p. 23; Fulcher. pp- 37-38-
11Krey. pp. 132 and 118-1141»

12Krey. p. 221; William of Tyre. I. p. 229.
”Robert Curthose. pp. 1011406.

3?
apparently considered as part of the spoils of war. This was closely

connected to plunder and pillage. Many times the crusaders sacked
areas abandoned by the Turks. For example. when the crusaders came
to the city of Aramathea which had been abandoned by the Turks they
carried off all. the grain and other wealth they could transport with
them. At times the army would scatter over the terrain and destroy
and pillage everything they found. Many times large flocks of animals
were carried off by the crusaders in this manner. One example of
this occurred in April. 1099. when the men of Raymond's contingent
rode out of their Camp to pillage the surrounding area. They returned
with large numbers of oxen. sheep. asses. and many other beasts.”
During the early stages of the siege of Antioch the crusaders lived
in great abundance from the surrounding countryside without regard
for the local inhabitants. In the latter stages foraging parties of
crusaders roamed far over the area taking what ever they could.
These raiders showed no mercy. and if captured or overwhelmed they
were given none.” The followers of Raymond. Count of Toulouse. on
their march from Nicaea to Antioch slipped away nightly from their
contingent to pillage their immediate area. 16 One 0f the most ““191
and vicious acts of sheer pillage and inhuman activity engaged in by
the crusaders was the act of tearing apart the dead bodies of the
enenw for gold or precious articles they may have swallowed while

still alive. Furthermore.it was not at all uncommon for the crusaders

 

1“Deeds of them. p. 85.

15William of Tyre. I. p. 212.
1511111. pp. 64-65.

38
to dig up bodies already buried and to rob them."7 If the enemy was
taken alive torture and mutilation were often used to gain knowledge
of treasure owned by the unfortunate victim. Religion was used as a
justification for this type of activity. The men of the First Cru-
sade in their initial contact with the Moslems apparently did not
consider them as human beings; however. it is still apparent that
acts of needless torture and mutilation were justified by a religion
which advocated brotherly love to all. This is merely one example
where a religion of brotherly love has been used to torture. mtilate.
kill. and destroy.

Supplies of all kinds such as money. horses. food. lodging.
beasts of burden. etc. . were continually needed by the men of this
First Crusade. Perhaps a more legitimate way of replenishing these
provisions was through the spoils of war. By our set of values it
is more righteous to defeat an enemy in battle face to face and take
what was once his in a more or less equal fight than it is to sack
an undefended village or tear apart dead bodies for the wealth they
possess. The mles of feudal chivalry alsoseem to support this
view. In aw case the legitimate spoils of war were one of the most
prevalent ways of restoring the depleted supplies of the crusading
arm. With the surrender of Nicaea to the Emperor. for example. many
of the cmsaders were angry because they believed they would be given
the city to help defray the expenses to them of the siege and final
victory. The Emperor provided them with gold and riches out of his

own treasury: however. many of the crusaders did not believe this

 

17Hill. p. 68.

39

was sufficient.18 With the fall of Antioch. Jerusalem. and also
lesser places the crusaders gained much booty. At the capture of
Antioch. for example. the common peeple among the crusaders' anny
broke off the fight once they were within the city to seize every-
thing they found.19 Also when Tancred and his men captured the city
of Mamistra all the members of his company were enriched.20 Once
the crusaders were successful in gaining the city of Jerusalem and
after the slaughter of the inhabitants ”...they entered the homes of
the citizens. seizing whatever they feund.in them. .... Many a poor
man became rich."21 I

In addition to the capture of booty in the towns. many needed
articles were captured in actual face to face battle with the Turks.
For example. after the battle of Dorylaeum which was the first major
encounter between Turkish and crusading armies the Christians captured
many horses. camels. tents. mules. gold. silver. sheep. and cattle.22
.Much the same thing was true when the crusaders defeated.the Turkish
army which was besieging them after they had captured the city of
Antioch. The crusading army was in a very desperate situation. Food
fbr’men and horses was nearly non-existent and had.been for>many days.
The horses were few and.those which were still alive were so weak

that their effectiveness in battle was doubtful. The men too were

 

18Fulcher. p. 33: William.of Tyre. I. pp. 166-167; Krey. pp.

19Fulcher. p. #8.
ZOWillian of Tyre. I. pp. 181-182.

21Fulcher. p. 70.

he 22Fulcher. p. 37; William.of Tyre. I. pp. 172-173: KrfiYo PP-
11 115.

1+0

weakened by hunger. disease. and desertions. Their morale was raised
by the discovery of what many of them believed to be the lance that
pierced the side of Christ. They grouped their forces within the
city. possessing not much more than a fanatic desire to win because
God was on their side. then made what should have been a futile charge
against the Turks. The enemy broke and fled. In this battle the cru-
saders captured many sorely needed supplies and provisions such as
tents. gold. silver. clothing. utensils. horses. mules. camels. and
and weapons.23 Victory through siege as well as in open battle with
the Turks provided the materials which the crusaders needed to main-
tain their existence. These items were. as was customary. divided
according to the rank. based on feudal custom. of the individual
members?“

Obtaining food for both men and horses was still a major
problem faced by the arm. As previously they carriedas little food
as possible with them when they marched between battles. As a result.
they were forced to rely upon markets provided by merchants from.
Europe. Byzantium. or local inhabitants. If markets were not satis-
factory pillage and plunder were relied on to make up the difference.
As a result of relying upon markets and plunder the crusading amiss
were either living in luxury or near the point of starvation. This
was even. true while marching from place to place.25 The climate they
were in accounted in part for this situation. No longer were they

 

23hllcher. p. 54; Deeds of the Franks. p. 70.

 

2"William of Tyre. I. pp. 181-182.
25‘l"\xlcher. pp. 37-38; William of Tyre. I. p. 177; Krey. p. 119.

#1
among rich fields. Rather they were now entering a.mountainous and
semi-arid region. This accounted to some extent for the lack of mare
kets and for the difficulty of plunder. Eyen prior to the siege of
Nicaea food was scarce and was finally relieved by a market provided
by the Emperor.26 This lack of a constant food supply coupled with
the lack of moderation on the part of the army caused serious diffié
culty while besieging a city that was well defended and one that was
not within swift and easy communication with Constantinople. An exp
cellent example of this situation is the siege of Antioch. When this
siege began there was abundant food in the immediate area and the
crusaders lived in luxuny. The crusaders. however. practiced no mod-
eration. Much of it was needlessly wasted and destroyed. As a
result of this inept management the crusading armyA-including rich
and poor-awas shortly on the verge of starvation. Feraging parties
traveled.more than fifty miles from.the city in search of desperately
needed supplies. In addition to this. the surrounding castles were
captured and.many of the men remained there rather than returning to
the siege to face great discomfort.27 At the siege anything served
as foodp-thistles. horses. etc. Once the city was captured the sit-
uation was not relieved. for'no sooner had the crusaders entered the
city than they found themselves besieged by a fresh and well supplied
and equipped Turkish army. This same problem of lack of food was
prevalent in the siege of Marra by the forces of Bohemond and Raymond.

Here the situation'became so desperate that the crusading forces ate

 

2 eeds of the Franks. pp. 13—14.
27m3hera p. “'30

42
their fallen enemy.28 This siege was not excessively long: it lasted
only twenty days. and it clearly demonstrates the lack of a well or-
ganized supply system adequate to meet the needs of an.army in a rel-
atively unknown and unfriendly area.

One of the very important problems the men of the First Cru-
sade had to contend with once they were in the Rely Land was the lack
of water. The area in which they found themselves was very arid
during most parts of the year. The result of this was that much of
the crusaders' activity was regulated by the availability of water.
Already after the siege of Nicaea the crusaders were apparently choos-
ing their camp sites on the availability of water.29 While on the
march to Antioch the crusaders suffered a great deal because of the
lack of water. The need for water’also governed the movement of the
army to Jerusalem. The march was delayed until November which is the
the season of rain. Even then it was scarce and.precious.. Once the
siege of Jerusalem was underway the supply of water was a great prob-
lem. The area around the city lacked streams and.contained only a
few wells which had been either destreyed or'made useless by the
Moslems. Both mm and animals suffered a great deal. Water had to
be carried to the area of the siege from distances of four to five
miles.30 While crossing Europe the army was not faced by this prob-
lem. but once they crossed into the semi-arid regions of the Near

 

ZBMChera po 59.
29William of Tyre. I. p. 169.
30Fulcher. p. 64.

43
East many of their actions were regulated by the lack or prevalence
of water. In some instances water was carried with them. but it was
impossible for them to carry enough to satisfy the needs of men. camp
followers. and animals for more than two or three days at the most.

As on the European portion of their journey. the crusading
any lived in tents. These were the chief form of lodging and were
considered good booty in the spoils of war. 31 That was apparently the
chief method of replacing them after they had become worn. tom. and
rotten through use.

Control over a given area was maintained by holding the
castles and fortified towns; therefore. for the crusaders to accom-
plish their task of liberating the Holy Land it was necessary for
them to capture and hold these fortified points.32 Without the use
of explosives this was an extremely difficult task especially at the
strongest fortified places. One method which could be used was sim-
ply to starve the town into submission. This. however. posed many
problems. In the first place most towns carried a supply of food in
reserve or grew enough within their walls to last a year and perhaps
even longer. Secondly. if the town or city was large the besieging
any was usually not massive enough to cut off all conmnlnications
with the outside world. There was also the possibility that during a
long siege the troops outside the walls would become weaker than those
inside. and thus it was possible for them to fall victim to an attack
from the eneuw within. Maintaining morale and fighting efficiency

 

31Fulcher. p. 32.

32This paragraph is based upon R. C. Smail's Crusading Waging
(Cambridge. 1956). pp. 18-39 and Fulcher. p. 32. footnote 3.

M
were also problems of a long siege. Thus to hasten the entire pro-
cess. machines were developed for hurling missiles of various kinds
to either destroy the walls or to destroy the buildings and people
behind the walls. Other devices were developed to protect men while
they attempted to tunnel under part of the wall and thus bring the
wall down. There were of course other less complicated.machines such
as battering rams and scaling ladders. Still another complemeachine
commonly used was some type of mobile tower. Men in the top portion
of the tower were as high from the ground as the top of the walls of
the city or castle. They would attempt to fight their way from the
tower to the wall and establish a firm toe hold there.

The men of the First Crusade were familiar with and skilled
in the use of these various machines. It is needless to say that
these machines were clumsy and.awkward. They could.not. for the most
part. be carried with the army as it marched across Europe and the
Near East. As a result the crusaders were forced to construct new
machines for any new major siege. Tb accomplish this task they had
within.their’army artisans capable of canstructing them.33 It appears
that these builders worked for wages. Both at the siege of Nicaea
and at Jerusalem the artisans were paid for their labors.3u These
machines were generally constructed from.material in nearby forests
such as at the siege of Nicaea; however. as noted.previously3 the
area which they were in was semi-arid and.many times the necessary

lumber was scarce. The crusaders' siege of Jerusalem was in many

 

33’William of Tyre. I. pp. 158. 163.161».
M37933 PP- 257'2580

45
ways similar to those preceding it. In the first place the artisans
were brought with them. Secondly. building materials were scarce.
and the machines were constructed of small pieces of wood which
could be found in the immediate area or which could be captured from
the enemy. In this particular siege the crusaders captured two
large beams which the Saracens had used against them.35 After the
component parts were built. the entire machine was constructed.near
the walls of the town and covered with hides to guard against its
destruction by fire.

Because of their activity of either feast or famine the
men of the First Crusade experienced a greatdeal of difficulty in
caring for their horses and other animals. The horses along With
the men were included in this policy. While at the siege of Nicaea
the Emperor of Constantinople supplied the needs of both men and
horses; however. once they left Nicaea their problems with food and
water began. At the start of the siege of Antioch the crusaders
wasted fodder. and as the siege was drawing to an end they were eat-
ing their animals. Once the city was captured and the crusaders
were besieged from the outside the food problem was more acute than
it had been when they were on the outside. The few horses that had
survived were so weak that their usefulness was questionable. When
the crusaders did break out of the city and defeat the enemy. many
of the Turks escaped because the Crusaders' animals were too weak

to pursue them far and fast.36 In addition to this of course losses

 

35Fulcher. p. 68.

36Fulcher. pp. 51-55.

46.

accrued during battle. After victory at Nicaea the crusaders faced
their first great difficulty in lack of food and water. While on the
march campsites were chosen by the availability of water. During
this march toward Antioch many of the animals died of thirst and hun-
ger. The situation was so acute that many knights rode oxen because
their horses had died. and goats. sheep. and dogs served as beasts of
burden.37 Replacements for these dead animals were acquired in many
ways: by markets. victory in battle. or pillage. For example. when
the crusaders arrived at the city of Tripoli the ruler of the city.
who owed allegiance to a Moslem overlord. agreed to supply a market
which contained manvhorses and other items to fulfill the needs of the
crusaders and their animals.38 Much the same thing occurred earlier
at the city of Artasium. Here the Armenians drove out their Turkish
overlords as Tancred and his army approached. When the crusaders
arrived the Armenians furnished a market abundant with fodder.3'9

Apparently after each battle or siege in which the crusaders
were involved they desired to give both men and horses a rest for a
period of time depending upon the severity of the action in Which they
had been engaged. This applied as well to long marches through arid
regions where not only water but food was scarce. After the battle
of Dorylaeum the crusaders rested for three days in which they cared
for their horses. and at Antioch the crusaders remained in the city

for'four'months which permitted both men and horses to regain their

 

37needs of the Franks. p. 23.
38Deeds of the Franks. pp. 83-85.

39William Of Ty”. I! p. 1960

47
strength}+0 Even after less Spectacular encounters this rest period
was taken if it was at all possible. For example. Tancred gave his
men and horses a rest after they had successfully captured the city

of Mamistra.“

The crusaders continued to place a good deal of em-
phasis on the care and protection of their horses. This is exempli-
fied in a relatively minor battle before Shayzar. The Franks under
Tancred attacked a group of unmounted Moslems. The Infidels aimed
their defense at disabling the crusaders' horses. The knights were
hesitant in pursuing the attack until Tancred declared he would re-
placeathe dead animals.42
Once they passed into the territory under the control of the
Moslems the crusaders made little effort to procure supplies in a
peaceful manner from the local inhabitants. Aid was given to the men
of the cross by the Christian population in the area. but no real
effort was made by the crusaders to obtain market facilities. Once
the crusaders were successful in establishing their Latin Kingdom

this policy of indiscriminate plundering underwent a change.

"OF‘ulcher. p. 59: William of Tyre. I. p. 173.

“William of Tyre. I. pp. 173. 181-182.

"20mm. ibn Murshid. An Arab-S an Gentleman d Wa or
the Period of the Crusades. trans. Philip K. Hitti (New York. 1929;.
p. 9 .

CHAPTER IV
FOUNDING THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSAW

After the capture of Jerusalem the leaders of the First Cru-
sade established in their'newly acquired territory a form of govern-
ment with which they were most familiar: feudalism. This was a
natural thing for them to do. for it was the system of government with
which they were accustomed. Godfrey of Bouillon was chosen. perhaps
as a compromise candidate between the French and Germans. by the high
churchmen and.lay leaders among the crusaders as the leader of the
new state. He chose for himself the title of Advocate of the Holy
Sepulchre. The remainder of the highborn held their land. at least in
theory. in a feudal relationship from.the king. Shortly thereafter.
on July 18. 1100. Godfrey died. He had held the cities. but the
countryside was in the hands of hostile Mbslem.peasants. Baldwin was
elected to succeed Godfrey. The conqueror of Edessa took the title
of king. For all practical purposes Baldwin.was called the first
ruler of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. His major'problem.was mili-
tary. His first objective was to move west to the sea and then east
and south. Internally his greatest needs were men and money.1

In his view the best defense of his shaky domain was taking

 

1John LaMonte. Feudal Monarc in the Latin den of Jeru-
salem 1100 to 1221 (Cambridge. 19325. This is an excellent discus. .
sion of the political evolution and the development of the Latin
Kingdom.of Jerusalem.

#8

“*9
the offense. For this a large army was needed and large sums of
money necessary to maintain it were an absolute must. These two prob-
lems were not only faced by Baldwin. but they remained present and
acute problems for his successors as well. Perhaps of all the dif-
ficulties faced by all of the kings of Jerusalem these two-u-men and
money-«mere the most pressing. Possibly if a satisfactory solution
for these needs had been found the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem would
have become a permanent feature in the Near East.

Of these two problems locating sufficient manpower was the
most critical. Even prior to the capture of Jerusalem the problem
of sufficient numbers was acute. As previously noted. during the
siege of Antioch both lay and clerical personages called for min-
forcements.2 With a portion of their force at Edessa. Antioch. and
Jerusalem. and with the interveningland held by the Moslems. the
crusaders' lines were extremely thin and vulnerable. BaldHin
clearly saw the situation and realized that not only was the best
defense the offense. but to maintain their metence it was neces-
sary for them to take the initiative and consolidate the countryside
between the towns and fortified places under their control.3 To
accomplish this with the remaining original members of the First
Crusade would have been impossible. As noted previously while still
at Antioch the cmsaders sent requests to the papacy and various
kings totsend more men--fighting mm. The crusaders were a very

small minority in the area which they controlled.

 

zKrey. p. 132.

3Steven leciman. A Histogz of the Crusades (Cambridge.
1994')! II! p. 71.

50

The first large and fairly well organized attempt by the West
to relieve the situation occurred in the year 1100 when large groups
of Lombards from Italy. French. and Germans made their way to Constanp
tinople. Runciman has named this the Crusade of 1100.“0 The crusaders
did not. however. reach the Latins in the Holy Land with any force
because most of them were killed while fighting senseless battles
with the Turks in Asia Minor.5

Regardless of the failure of this ill-fated attempt. it
appears that in the west there was a feeling of pride and self-con-
fidence in accomplishing the task of freeing the Holy Land from the
Infidels. and it appears that the men of the West were willing to try to
make the initial adventure a permanent gain. The simple establish-
ment of the Latin Kingdom.and the willingness of the men of the
Crusades of 1100-1101 to leave home attest to this. Hen returning
home from the First Crusade spread the glory of the adventure and
by autumn of 1100 the disastrous Crusade of 1100 was ready.6 The
motivation for this may have been one of deep religious convictions
or one of personal gain. or'a combination of both. Whatever the cause
of this motivation there is no doubt that it existed.

In addition to the armies which moved eastward. there was a
more or less continual stream of pilgrims to the Hely Land. For the
most part these pilgrims were not trained soldiers; however. they
did swell the ranks of the infantry. and their'numbers did.make it

 

“Runciman. II. Chapter 2.
5Runciman. II. pp. 29-30.
6Runciman. II. p. 18.

51
possible for the small insecure kingdom to take the offensive.7 The
pilgrims were unreliable soldiers in at least two respects. In the
first place they were not trained soldiers. and they did not have
even the rudimentary discipline of mercenary troops. As a result
they panicked and broke ranks more readily. Secondly. since they were
primarily pilgrims their major objective was a visit to the holy
places. They would participate in a military campaign; however. as
soon as the initial objective was won or as soon as events did not
develop as they so desired they would pack their bags and go home.
For these reasons this was not a satisfactory solution for the man-
power shortage of the kingdom. and even though the pilgrims did pro-
vide some relief it was unreliable and only temporary.

Occasionally a nobleman trained in the art of war with a
company of armed knights made pilgrimages to the Holy Land. Addi-
tions such as this were indeed welcomed aid for the Kingdom. and this
type of pilgrim was. of course. more helpful in pursuing the expan-
sionist programs of the Latin kings. This type of reinforcement still
had the liability of only temporary help; however. these men were
well trained warriors. One such arrival was Thierry. Count of
Flanders. With his assistance and the help of his retainers it was
decided by the officials of the Kingdom to take the offensive and
besiege the enenw in one of his strongholds across the river Jordan.8
It appears that the Latin Kingdom was dependent upon this type of aid

from the West before it could take the offensive.

 

7Charles L. Kingsford. "The Kingdom of Jerusalem. 1099-1291."
The Cambridge Medieval mama (Cambridge. 1957). V. p. 305.

8111mm of Tyre. II. p. 21.

52

Occasionally a nobleman with his retainers came to the Holy
Land with.the purpose of permanent settlement. Bohemond the younger.
who was the prince of Taranto and the son of the older Bohemond. is
a good example of this. He had been raised.in Italy. and.when he
reached his majority he went to Antioch with his retainers and a fleet
of ten galleys and twelve other transport ships filled.with.provisions
to take over his father's heritage.9 Such an arrival was eagerly
welcomed for it provided.men skilled in arms and on a permanent basis.

The army of the Latin Kingdom was organized on a feudal base.
The king would issue a summons for the any to rendezvous at a speci-
fied location and.there the various knights and infantry would con-
gregate for'a proposed campaign. "All who owed.military service must
come when summoned. ready with horses and arms to serve for a full
year*in any part of the kingdom."10 There was also some use made of
mercenaries. For example. Edessa was a trading center. and.the vast
majority of the inhabitants were connected with some aspect of trade.
The protection of the city was entirely in the hands of mercenaries.
They comprised a standing paid professional army.11

A third element which added to the military organization of
the Latin Kingdom was the Military Orders of the Hospitallers and.the
Templars. The Hospitallers were founded in 1070 in the city of Jeru-
salem. There they founded.a hostel for the use of poor’pilgrims.
The founders originally took the usual Benedictine.monastic vows.

 

9William Of Tyre. II. PP- 32‘330

1oKingsford. Cambridge Medieval Higtgry. V. p. 303.
“William of Tyre. II. pp. 1110-11”.

53
After the conquest of Jerusalem by the crusaders the Order was re-
organized. Gerard. the Mhster of the Order. persuaded the government
of the Latin Kingdom to make indowments to the Order. This organiza-
tion was soon released from the Benedictine rules and raised to an
Order by itself under the name Hospitallers. They now owed direct
obedience to the Pope. Gerard died in about 1118 and he was succeeded
by Raymond of Le Puy. Raymond transformed the Order from one of a
guide for pilgrims to one which fought to keep the pilgrim routes
open. Although there were still purely pacifistic brothers in the
Order. its main function was now to keep a company of knights bound
by vows of personal poverty. chastity. and obedience and dedicated to
fight against the Moslems. The Templars like the Hospitallers first
followed the Benedictine rule. They were founded by Hugh of Payens
in 1118. They were almost immediately established as an independent
Order. It was intended from the start to be both a military and a
religious Order. Its first avowed duty was to keep the road between
Jerusalem and the coast safefor pilgrims. The Order soon. however.
became involved with most of the military campaigns of the Latin
Kingdom.”

Between the First and Second Crusades money for the mainte-
nance of the Kingdom was acquired by several methods. One method of
obtaining funds was to attack an enemy city. There were two alters
natives involved here. First the army could be withdrawn for the

payment of.a sum of money agreed upon or the city could be captured

 

12This discussion of the Military Orders is based on Steven
Runciman. II. pp. 156-157.

54

and sacked. Both methods were used by the crusaders. For example.
King Baldwin attacked the city of Aleppo on the counsel of his advi-
sors for the purpose of obtaining sufficient money to pay the balance
of his own ransom.13 Bohemond the younger in his attack on the enemy
fortress of Kafartab is an example of destroying and sacking an enemy
stronghold. "He spared none found therein."14 With military skill
and a good deal of luck both methods supplied considerable wealth.

Another method of acquiring wealth was to defeat the enemy in
Open battle. One example of this occurred in 1133 when King Fulk ‘
after several days of cautious delay made a surprise attack on a Moslem
named Sawar in the area of Antioch. William of Tyre noted that "our
victorious troops returned to Antioch in exalation. They were laden
with marvellous spoils. even to the point of satiety. so that they
desired no more. With them they brought a great variety of boot --
slaves. horses. herds. flocks. and tents. in fact riches of all
kinds."15 The Moslems. like the Christians. traveled with baggage
and treasure. When defeat occurred in battle the thought was for
personal safety and not for protecting the baggage and treasury. As
a result spoils of war were a major method of resupplying an empty
treasury. This was also one reason why battle was attractive to the
Christians: it gave everyone an opportunity to increase his fortune.

Simple plundering expeditions were still another way to gain-

ing wealth. Raids of this type had for their sole objective the

 

”William of Tyre. II. pp. 21-22.
“William of Tyre. II. pp. 21.22, 33.34.
1William of Tyre. II. pp. 57-58.

55

stealing of other persons' property. They had no military objective.
One example of this ignoble type of activity occurred in 1130
while the crusaders were returning from an unsuccessful attempt to
capture Damascus. A large group of Latins led by William de Bury
split off from the main body of crusaders.16 This group then broke
up into small parties which roamed over the countryside devastating
fields and carrying off everything within their reach. This type
of activity should have been inexcusable by either of the protagonists.
Regardless of this. it did serve the crusaders as a means of accumu-
lating wealth.

Yet another method of raising money was ransom. In battle
as in the capture of a city or a fort. one of the chief prizes was
to capture a high born enemy and hold him for ransom. There are
many examples of this activity on the part of both the Christians
and Mbslems. Baldwin who was captured by the Moslems and released
for ransom money is one illustration.17 After his release he attacked
the city of Aleppo in the expectation of acquiring hostages for
which he could obtain ransom.money to pay off his debt. This was a
lucrative method of obtaining funds eSpecially if a high ranking emir
was the hostage.

Another source of revenue for the king of Jerusalem was
gifts from friends in the Holy Land and also tribute and gifts from the

Mbslems. King Baldwin paid a portion of his ransom with money he

 

16William of Tyre. II. pp. no-1”.

171.15.111.211... of Tyre. II. p. 25.

56
received from his friends and royal servants.18 The Moslems were
divided among themselves. and this aided the king in locating money
for his own coffers. An excellent example of this can be found when
Zangi. a Moslem leader. wished to take over the city of Damascus. The
governor of Damascus and the surrounding area. Anar. had no love for
Zangi. and he had no desire to give his domain to him; therefore Anar
sent envoys to the King of Jerusalem to negotiate a treaty. Anar prom»
ised to pay twenty thousand gold pieces a month to the king for his
aid.19 From this it is clear that from both friend and.anemy the
king received money for various reasons.

Finally another source of revenue for both high lords and the
king was the collection of tolls from.merchants. "Regular taxes were
levied on ports and exports. on sales and purchases. on anchorage. on
pilgrims. and on the uses of weights and measures."20 The Near East
had always been a center of trade. The crusaders did.not attempt to
discourage this. The contrary was true. Especially with the aid of
the Italian trading cities a healthy commercial life maintained its
existence. As noted.previously the city of Edessa was inhabited pri-
marily by merchants. This was not unique to this locality. All of
the major cities in the area were trade centers. The king as well as
the nobles received revenue by taxing this commerce.

Although these methods of revenue accumulation existed.they

were not adequate to meet the demands of the treasury. Reliance upon

 

18William of Tyre. II. p. 25.
19William of Tyre. II. pp. 105-106.

ZORunciman. II, p. 298.

57

- plunder. pillage. and Spoils of war was beyond doubt a very insecure
method of raising revenue. Too much depended upon sheer luck. and as
the needs for*more money developed this method was completely inade-
quate. This was especially true after the Mbslems became unified.
The Infidels were thus better able to resist crusader encroachment.
and they were capable of taking the offensive. Just as with the
problem of manpower no capable solution was deveIOped to supply the
funds needed for the kingdom.to maintain its existence.

Because of the precarious position of the Latin Kingdom.it was
primarily a military state. On military campaigns the troops carried
a baggage train with them. This baggage generally included horses.
pack animals. food for men and horses. water. lodging. weapons. and
equipment for men and horses. In short the army carried sufficient
quantities of the necessities of life for'men.and animals to maintain
themselves for a period of a few days. It would not be possible for
the armies to live by pillage particularly while they were in their
own territory. When outside of their own territory. of course. pil-
lage and plunder did occur and it existed on a large scale. Foraging
parties particularly for fodder were very frequent. and they were the
rule rather than the exception. Food and water remained important
considerations in any campaign. In the forts. castles. and cities a
food supply was stored which could sustain the inhabitants in event
_of a siege. Edessa. for example. was stocked with supplies by both
Baldwin and Josceline the Elder. In rebuilding fortifications and in

building new ones the supply of available water was a prime concern.21

 

“William of Tyre. II. pp. 140-141.

58

While on the march both of these items were carried with the arm.
There are many examples of battles and cities which were lost by the
crusaders in part because of the lack of either food or water. The
city and fortress of Montferrand fell because of the lack of food.
A relief column with food and men was ambushed and. lost all of its
baggage. The men escaped into the city but they had lost all of their
provisions. Food was scarce before the arrival of the reinforcements.
With the arrival of more mouths to feed in a city closely besieged
the situation was desperate. Horsemeat served as food for a time.
but this supply was soon exhausted. Even though the garrison had
sufficient numbers of men for defense the fortress fell because of
hunger. Water was equally influential as a factor in determining
the result of a battle.22

Machinery necessary for capturing enemy strongholds was ob-
tained by several methods. In the siege of Tyre for example the
Venetians brought in their ships suitable material for building
engines as well as other provisions.23 The machines consisted of
the same type noted previously--hurling. digging. towers. battering
rams. scaling ladders. etc. Many times in wholly land campaigns the
machines were carried with the arm while on the march. When Pons.
count of Tripoli. besieged the city of Raphania he carried his siege
engines with him from Tripoli.24 One of the reasons why Joscelin
failed to retake the city of Edessa is that he failed to bring the

 

22William of Tyre. II. p. 130.
23William.of Tyre. II. pp. 10-11.
2“William of Tyre. II. p. 30.

59

needed engines with him.25 At times the necessary engines were built
from.the material found in the surrounding region. or if this was not‘
possible. raw materials from the nearest source were transported to
the objective and then constructed into machines at the point where
they were needed.26 5

The weapons of the Franks did not change appreciably during
the interval between the First and Second Crusades. Breast plates.
helmets. shields. lances. swords. bows. and cross bows remained the
standard equipment. Perhaps the greatest change was in the amount
of armor worn. It is probable that it became lighter. The old
charge of the heavily armed cavalry. however. remained the favorite
tactic of the crusaders.and in this the Moslems were no match for
them. The Moslem troops used their lighter swifter horses in luring
the slower Christians into traps. Basicallya however. the weapons
of the crusaders remained the same.

The most pressing needs of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem in
relation to logistics were men and money. No adequate solution for
these needs was found. This failure accounts to a large extent for

the failure of the crusading state.

 

25William of Tyre. II. p. 158.
26William of Tyre. II. pp. 108-109.

CHAPTER V
DECLDIE OF THE LATIN KINGDOM

Three years after the fall of Edessa in 1144 the West wit-
nessed the launching of the Second Crusade. Great accomplishments
were anticipated for this adventure. These expectations were not
ill founded. for the two major contingents of Frenchmen and Germans
were led respectively by Louis VII. King of France. and Conrad.

Holy Roman Emperor. For various reasons. however. this crusade was
an utter failure. In part this expedition was doomed from the start.
Before the French army had left its own territory Odo of Deuil com-
mented on the difficulty of controlling the entire body of troops
and camp followers.1 Not only was there internal conflict among the
French. but there was also bitterness between the two contingents.
The German army preceded that of theFrench. and they left nothing
but destruction and angry local populations in their wake. In addi-
tion to this. there was a great deal of friction between the crusaders
and the representatives of Byzantium. Throughout his chronicle Odo
condemned both the Germans and the Greeks.

The old problems of obtaining sufficient quantities of men
and money remained for the Latin Kingdom. Now added to this was the
rise of a more unified Moslem world. This was attempted first in
the north by Zangi and followed up later by Nurredin. It was finale

 

10do. pp. 23 and 25.

61

accomplished for a short time by Saladin operating from.his base in
Egypt. The defeat of the Second Crusade along with the one of 1100
were moral defeats as well as military defeats for the Latins. for
it demonstrated to the Moslems that the Christian host could be over-
come. This restored self confidence and aggressiveness in the Moslem
world. In addition to this indirect effect. the Second Crusade had
a direct effect on the Moslem unification in the Near East. The
king of Jerusalem along with the survivors of the Second Crusade
decided to attack the city of Damascus. As noted previously the emir
of this city was on friendly terms with the Latin Kingdoms-the Chris-
tians were guaranteeing his independence from Zangi. With the
Christian attack. Damascus was naturally thrown into the hands of
Zangi. and. as a result. the Moslem world was brought one step closer
to unification.2 Thus we can see that not only was the Second Crusade
disrupted by internal dissension while en route. not_only was it
nearly completely destroyed by the Turks. but also it aided the cause
of Moslem unity} and thereby hastened the final and complete fall of
the Latin Kingdom.of Jerusalem.

With the beginnings of Moslem.unity the problem of manpower
became more acute than previously; however. the Latin Kingdom.had
no new solution for an already inadequate system. Their primary
reliance remained on pilgrims from the west. As early as 1119 King
Baldwin wrote to the Republic of venice asking for help.3 In 1130
Hugh of Paynes. the founder and first Master of the Templars. returned

 

ZWiniam of Tyre. II. pp. 179-202.

3Runciman. II. p. 166.

62
from a voyage to Europe. He had been sent to the west by King
Baldwin for the purpose of obtaining reinforcements. Once again the
Latins were most interested in those men who possessed fighting
capabilities and who could aid the crusaders in the siege of Damascus.“
In 1153 the crusaders attacked the city of Ascalon. but had it not
been for the arrival of the usual large numbers of pilgrims at Easter
the siege would have failed.5 Also with the rise of Moslem unifica-
tion a major appeal was made to the west in 1169. Both Philip II.
King of France. and Henry II. King of England. were urgently asked to
aid the Latin Kingdom. It was hoped that if one of the monarchs
accepted the throne of the Latin Kingdom he would bring a consider-
able fighting force with him to the Holy Land.6 Appeals to Europe
for'more fighting men were continual. but on the whole they were
ineffective except for the pilgrims. It took a major catastrophe
in the East to arouse the kings and lords of the west. To remain
fair to the leaders of Europe. however. it must be kept in mind that
these men were occupied with important matters relating to their
own possessions. and it cannot be expected that they could readily
drop their immediate concerns and travel in force to what must have
appeared to them as a romantic and commendable cause. but one that
was far distant and very remote from their everyday problems. The

men in the west cannot be severely criticized for not dropping their

territorial quarrels and personal problems and for’not going to the

 

William of Tyre. II. p. to.
5William of Tyre. II. pp. 221-222.

6Runciman. II. p. 384.

63 ' 1
aid of the Latin Kingdom. To do this something approaching the I
superhuman would have been necessary. and the vast majority of the
men of the Middle Ages. just as the vast majority of the men of our
present world. did not approach this requirement.

Even the Latins who established themselves in the East were
constantly fighting one another. It has been noted that the Moslems
were undergoing a process of unification. and to many. with the use
of hindsight. it appears incredible that the crusaders did not forget
their internal squabbles and units in the face of the growing power
of the Moslems. It seems contrary to all reason that many of the
crusaders were so blind that they did not perceive their entire
existence was dependent upon Moslem disunity. Unfortunately a con-
temporary of an event is not in a position to see sharp outlines of
complete black and complete white. Rather the contemporary sees
many shades of gray. To a Christian who had lived in the Latin
Kingdom for any length of time all Moslems did not continue to be
his enemy. There was an intermingling of the two peoples. and a
sort of accommodation evolved between the Christians. the Moslems.
and the Jews. The autobiograpmr of 115th ibn Murshid presents the
anno sphere of an intermingling and.toleration of the Moslens and the
crusaders. He appears to have had many friends among the Latins
although he did spend some of his time fighting them. A more con-
crete example of this accommodation was the eagerness with which the
governor of Damascus. Anar. sought an alliance in 1139-11110 with
King Fulk against his fellow Moslems commanded by Zangi.7 A great
deal of intermingling occurred particularly on the commercial level.

 

7William of Tyre. II. pp. 105-106.

6#

With such intercourse group and religious hatred subsided and personal
dislike of other persons replaced or superseded it. Personal gain
replaced gain for a common cause. Personal acquisition became more
important than broad overall objectives of a larger ideal. In addi-
tion it must be remembered the men who established themselves in the
Holy Land came from various locations in Europe. The men of the First
Crusade who established the principalities in the East. and in whose
family they remained for the most part. were not from the same local-
ities in Europe. These men were not dependent on or leyal to any
one individual before their crusade. As a result it would be almost
impossible for them to forget their personal motives for going on
this crusade and work wholeheartedly for a more or less mystical
objective. Although religious considerations were of the utmost
importance for the First Crusade they did not overshadow all personal
considerations. and they did.not supersede all personal conflicts
based on personal friction. It should be pointed out also that
the.Moslem unity was based upon the military power of an individual.
None of the men of the Latin Kingdom personally possessed the power
sufficient to enforce an absolute monarchy in the area even if he
had the desire to do so. Thus I feel we can understand why the
Latin Kingdom failed to unite in one state in the face of Moslem
unification. It is frustrating that the crusaders did not unite.
and thus perhaps preserve their kingdom; however. it is not dif-
ficult to understand why they were unable to do 80.

Without the arrival of fresh blood from the west the Latin
Kingdom was forced to remain on the defensive and not the offensive

defense as advocated by Baldwin I. Although there was a continual

65

flow of pilgrims to the Holy Land. the season around Easter was always
a welcomed period for the Christians because this was the traditional
time of pilgrimages. and.men would.arrive in sufficient quantities
to enable the crusaders to attempt an offensive operation.8 With
the arrival or anticipated arrival of a fighting host from the West
there was a good deal of friction among the princes of the Latin King-
dom over what portion of the Kingdom.the new men would assist. At
times when news of a proposed departure from Europe reached the Latin
princes they sent their personal representatives to the west to con-
vince the leader of the proposed expedition to aid them upon arrival
in the Holy Land. An excellent example of this type of activity is
Raymond. Prince of Antioch. When Raymond received.news of the pro-
posed crusade of Louis VII he sent representatives to him. These
men showered the king with gifts in an attempt to convince Louis
to aid Raymond in the expansion of his domain of Antioch. After the
arrival of Louis. even though his forces were greatly diminished by
their defeat at the hands of the Turks and the ensuing debacle.
Raymond continued his activities but with little success.

Examples of waiting for armed.pilgrims from Europe to swell
the ranks of the army are very numerous. One such group consisted
of a contingent of nobles from Aquitaine. After they had made their
pilgrimage to Jerusalem they proceeded to Antioch. Late in 1163
along with the army at Antioch they made an attack on Nurredin.
They were completely successful. The army of Nurredin was nearly

 

8Williamof Tyre. II. PP. 221-222; Ambroise. pp. 176-177.

66

destroyed. and the Christian host returned greatly ladened with riches
of all types.9 The arrival of Thierry. Count of Flanders. in 1157
is another such example. When he and his followers arrived at
Beirut most of the leaders of the Latin Kingdom were in captivity.
Great hopes were placed in his arrival. and he did not disappoint
the people. With his support the crusaders captured the fortress of
Shayzar which was turned over to his care.10

The crusading movement was a European-wide phenomenon. The
Franks made up the largest numbers. but there were considerable con-
tingents of English and Germans as well. In addition there were also
men from.the trading cities of Italy'and from the northern areas of
the peninsula. Of course there were also Normans from the south of
Italy such as those of Bohemond's contingent. Scandinavia also fur-
nished armed.pilgrims for the defense of the Holy'Land. As noted
previously this vast amalgamation of various nationalities contri-
_buted to the general weakness of the Latin Kingdom. This universal
attraction of the crusading movement clearly demonstrates the appeal
and loyalty felt by the people of western Europe toward the Universal
Church and toward the papacy. The greater the loyalty that was comp
mended by the Church the greater was the zeal exercised by the cru-
saders. This greater zeal. however. did.not necessarily result in
greater success for the pilgrims.

As noted the Latin Kingdom did not solve this most pressing

need of manpower; nor did it solve the problem of finance. With the

 

9William.of Tyre. II. p. 306.
10William of Tyre. II. pp. 261+-268.

67 r‘
absence of sufficient manpower to make the Kingdom secure and with

 

I.-

the resulting shrinkage of territory the sources of potential wealth
also shrank. Edessa and the surrounding area was a wealthy unit.

With its fall to the Moslems this source of finance was removed from
the Christian Kingdom. This type of shrinkage continued with differ-
ing degrees of rapidity from the fall of Edessa until the final expul- -
sion of the Christians.

The old tested method of plunder raids continued as a
favorite of the crusaders for gaining revenue and wealth. While
Saladin was occupied besieging Aleppo Baldwin IV led an expedition
to Messara. Here the Christians destroyed the surrounding area with
fire. and they carried off herds of cattle and vast amounts of
plunder.11 Men in the Military Orders during the Third Crusade also
engaged in plunder raids. “In the middle of the night of the Holy
Innocents. the Hospitallers and Templars left the camp. and returned
in the morning with two hundred oxen. which they had driven off from
the mountains near Jerusalem.“2 Raids of this general type were
frequent. The old method of capturing or besieging cities was also
still used as a method of supplying revmue. The siege of Cairo in
1168 by the King of Jerusalem. Amalric. had as its sole aim to
extract money from the sultan in return for the city.” Naturally
as the power of the Latin Kingdom diminished both plunder and attack-

ing cities became less frequent and less successful. For a powerful

 

12The Third Crusade. p. 101+.
”William of Tyre. II. pp. 350-353.

68
ruler these methods may have served as successful means of supple-
menting a uniform method of revenue accumulation. but with declining
power this type of activity was insignificant for a dependable supply
or money or wealth.

A less bloody method of raising revenue was through the sale
of lands. After the capture of Ascalon King Baldwin III “...distri-
buted possessions and the lands dependent thereon both within and
Without the city to those who had well deserved them; to some. also
for a price."1u Again this method of raising revenue demanded a
king's unlimited domain or a policy of continual aggression and ex—
pansion; therefore. this system of money collection could not exist
over a long period of time. A state with stationary boundaries could
not use this method. for soon the royal domain would be diminished.
Certainly a state with contracting boundaries could.not successfully
use this method.

In spite of the general dislike and distrust between the
Latins and the Greeks. and empecially between Antioch and Constanp
tinople. the Byzantine Eknpire contributed much to the durability of
the Latin Kingdom. On one of the expeditions into Egypt the Empire
supplied men and ships for the Latins. Although the Greeks ran short
of food and were faced with.near starvation they remained until the
and.” The Franks on their part refused to share their supplies
with them. Perhaps if this expedition had begun on time and if there

had been more cooperation from the Latins greater success could have

 

“William of Tyre. II. pp. 233—234.
”William of Tyre. II. pp. 366-367.

69

been achieved. In addition to aid in battle. the Emperor at times
bestowed rich and elaborate gifts on the king of Jerusalem and his
followers. "We have leamed from certain people whose testimony is
entirely reliable that in addition to the gifts showered with profuse

generosity upon the king's followers-«and these were said to be
countless-~the treasure bestowed upon the king alone was reputed to
amount to twenty-two thousand marks of silver of standard weight.
Garments. silken stuffs. and precious vases also formed a part of
the treasure bestowed."16 The Emperor was even generous to his old
enemy Bohemond. The Emperor married Bohemond's sister and after the
Norman's release by the Moslems he paid a visit to Constantinople
where he was kindly received by the Emperor and showered with gifts.17

The major groups of pilgrims coming from the West carried with

them their own treasure chests just as the men of the First Crusade
had done. It was fortunate that St. Louis on his first venture did
bring his treasure with him. for he needed it to pay ransom for him-
self and for his men. Not only was his treasure used to pay ransom.
but it was also used for the everyday demands of money. For example,
while attempting to bridge a river in Egypt Louis paid a Bedouwin
five hundred besants to guide the king's any to a usable ford in the

18

river. In the Holy Land King Louis also spent large sums of his

 

16William of Tyre. II. pp. 233-234.
17mins... of Tyre. II. p. 311.
18Villehardoain and de Joinville. p. 188.

7O
treasury in fortifying the city of Jaffa.19 In the aspect of
carrying a treasure chest. little difference can be noted between
the First Crusade of 1096 and the Seventh of 1284. From this it seems
apparent that. at least outside of the commercial life. convenient
forms of money handling had not become widespread by the end of the
thirteenth century.

While the Latin Kingdom was still intact1or before the fall
of Egypt to Saladin. tribute and gifts from the Moslems also served
as one source of revenue for the Latin kings. Damascus bought off the
king several times.20 In one instance the emir of that city gave the
king of Jerusalem four thousand pieces of gold for a truce of three
months. When Amaury became king the Egyptians who had been paying
tribute stopped. Amaury therefore collected his forces and marched
into Egypt. He was victorious and the tribute payments were again
restored.21 This method of acquiring revenue was again dependent
upon a powerful agressive state. and as soon as the Latin Kingdom
began to contract. these funds were no longer available to it. The
Moslems knew full well of the need for'money of the Latin king and
they used this need to further their own objectives. The Chris-
tians could be paid to stay away or. as pointed out previously. they
could be paid to fight for the Mbslems.

Ransom still served as a method of acquiring wealth as can

be seen in the Third Crusade. The Mbslems surrendered Acre for an

19Villehardouin and de JoinVille. pp. 265.266.
20William of Tyre. II. pp. 105—106 and 282-283.

“William of Tyre. II. pp. 253.251».

71

agreed price and.the Christians were to hold a number of inhabitants
of the city as hostages to ensure the payment of a fixed sum of
200.000 talents. The city was divided between Richard and Philip.
This included all of the things that were found there including the
hostages.22 King Philip of France intended to use his share of the
ransom.money to finance his trip home. He was disappointed. however.
because soon many of them became ill and died.23 In the meantime
Saladin did not pay the ransom.money expected and all of the hostages
were lined up and killed.

In addition to the men supplied.by the Military Orders the
Church supplied funds for'military campaigns. Even more than the
First Crusade the Fifth Crusade was one directed by the Church.
Pelagius has been condemned.by many for the failure of this movement.
but the point remains that he commanded the papal resources. The
Papacy spent 30.000 marks on the venture. and by August. 1220. the
papal treasury was empty. The crusade taX'was a great burden on the
people of Europe.2“ Although a great deal of controversy clouds the
activities of the ecclesiastical and secular roles of this crusade
the point is clear that the Church at Rome made an all out effort
to aid the crusaders and obtain some concrete results.

Trade served as yet another method for the state to become
solvent. There was of course a toll on merchandise traffic as men-

tioned earlier; however. trade in itself was a source of revenue.

 

22The Third Crusade. p. 106.
23Ambroise. pp. 221-222.

24Joseph P. Donovan. Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade (Handel.
phia. 1950): Pp. 80-81.

72

New products were introduced from all over the world. and in addition
merchants spent their money on goods in the Holy Land. "... The
large sums Spent by them.[i%yptian§7 every year among us enriched
the fiscal treasure and increased the private wealth of individuals."25
This type of actiVity not only enriched the merchants of the Italian
cities. but it also aided the entire population of the area through
the circulation of money. Furthermore. the building of private for-
tunes aided the opportunity for the king to gain much needed revenue
through taxes or gifts. for in an area where the turnover of money
is rapid the opportunity of regaining what has been lost is greater
than in an economy where precious metals are boarded.

In 1183 a system of taxation was introduced into the Latin
Kingdom. It was a one percent income tax and personal property tax
combined: one besant wasto be collected for every one hundred
besants which an individual possessed. and for every hundred besants
of property owned. and for every hundred besants owed to them. and
on income two besants for every hundred. Both town and country dwellers
were taxed. The amount to be paid was judged by assessors of the
crown or by a sworn statement of the owner. The revenue of this
Specific tax was to be used only for defense. and it was to replace
the taille which had been paid.by the Church and the people. This
new tax in reality was not a tax system. for it was not designed to

be collected more than one time.26 As such it was not a reasonable

 

25tlilliam of Tyre. II. pp. 357-358.

26William of Tyre. II. pp. 487-h89.

73

solution for a most pressing problem. but it was again only one of
many'stop-gap measures employed by the Latin rulers in the East. It
appears that through the entire life of the Kingdom.no systematic
taxation occurred. Taxes were imposed. but they had as their objec-
tive some immediate concern. and they were not aimed at providing
the Kingdom with a sufficient supply of revenue to maintain the state.
For example. during the Third Crusade King Richard and his host
captured the city of Jaffa; however. its defenses had been destroyed.
The Christians stayed at the city to rebuild its defenses. The
money needed for this task was received by a Special tax imposed for
the expressed purpose of rebuilding the fortress.27

Yet another'method of obtaining revenue was selling Slaves.
With the defeat of an enemy prisoners were captured. The high born
were held for ransom. The poor were sold into Slavery on the
Moslem markets. Because one of the reasons for going into battle
was an attempt to gain wealth the sale of low born humans was common.
This had been a popular occurance from the beginnings of western
EurOpean civilization. For example. with the conquest of Damietta
in 1219 by the men of the Fifth Crusade the Christians kept three
hundred hostages and baptised the children. The remainder of the men
and women were sold into slavery.28

Of course marriage. then as today. served as a means of ac-

quiring wealth. Marriages of high bern children were often negotiated

————___—

27Ambroise. pp. 277-278.

28230novan. pp. 65-66

7#

 

while the children were still in infancy for political and economic
gains. Any high born bride brought with her a rich dowry of land

or money or both. For example. when Emperor Manuel's daughter was

 

married at the age of thirteen in September. 1158. to King Baldwin III
she brought with her a hundred thousand hyperperes and twenty thou-
sand coins along with serving vessels valued at another fourteen
thousand hyperperes.29 Unfortunately this type of revenue was not
continual. It came in one lump sum. and when it was spent it was

not replaced.

The crusaders did not find a solution to their revenue prob-
lem. They developed no systematic method whereby the government could
maintain itself. Spoils of war. sale of lands. marriage dowries.
gifts and tribute. Slaves. ransom. and taxing methods were all stop-
gap measures. They were completely inadequate to meet the demands of
government. The only solid financial base the Latin Kingdom pos-
sessed was trade. and even though the entire kingdom benefited from
it the majority of the profits were directed into the hands of for-
eigners--principally the Italian trading cities. Had the Latin King-
dom devised a more comprehensive method to exploit this trade to the
benefit of the Kingdom as a whole perhaps the income from this. sup-
plemented by the other various ways. would have been sufficient to
meet the demands of the king. This may also have permitted the King-
dom sufficient revenue to hire first rate mercenaries thus preserving
the Kingdom. and also attract greater numbers from the West other

than temporary pilgrims.

 

.1.

29William of Tyre. II. p. 274.

75
Throughout the life of the Latin Kingdom supplies of food and

water were constant problems on all of the military campaigns under-
taken. With the very existence of the state dependent on their mili-
tary strength. it is remarkable that no adequate logistical system
evolved or developed. The Kingdom was organized on a feudal basis
with the land in the hands of the lords and.worked by the peasantry.
Under such a system. barring a famine. the food supply and distribu-
tion was adequate; however. when a military campaign was planned.and
the army congregated. there was no logistical system to keep the army
operating. Occasi onally. such as in 1155. famine covered the land.
and under these conditions all military operations would cease.30
Normally. however. during periods of peace the food supply was en-
tirely sufficient to meet the demands of all.

Naturally when on a campaign some food was carried by the
army. Owing to the arid conditions of the area more supplies were
carried on any march covering a long period of time. This was espe-
cially true of the expeditions into Egypt. While passing through the
desert from Gaza. the last Latin stronghold. to Egypt the army was
forced to be self-sufficient. There was little opportunity for them
to purchase supplies at markets along the route of march nor was it
possible for them to live off the land. for it was barren. Another
excellent illustration of the necessity of conveying supplies was the
joint expedition into Egypt by Latin and Byzantine forces. The
Franks transported sufficient staples with them for the campaign.

but the forces of the Empire were not as fortunate.31 After the

 

30William of Tyre. II. p. 236.
31mm” Of TyrG. II. pp. 366-367.

76

collapse of the Kingdom.of Jerusalem. it was necessary for the re-
lieving forces. and for all military campaigns. to bring food with
them. The land was now in the hands of the enemy. In this reSpect
the First and Third Crusades were similar: it was necessary to en-
gage the enemy. defeat him. and recapture the land. King Richard
would have preferred to remain in contact with the sea and thereby he
could maintain contact with his fleet which carried supplies. This.
however. was not possible. As a result his army was provisioned by
sea whenever conditions permitted. and when it was not possible he
carried with him large quantities of needed materials. An example
of this is his march from Acre to Ascalon. His fleet was directed to
carry supplies for the army sufficient for ten days. and the fleet
and the army were to work in close cooperation.32 Expeditions which
traveled entirely by sea were. of course. required to transport with
them their own food supply. St. Louis on the Seventh Crusade had
his Ships well provisioned before he left Cyprus. and it was hoped
that this supply would be sufficient to maintain the king on his stay
in Egypt.33

The army lived off the land as much as possible while in
enemy territory. The siege operation of an enemy city was often
conditioned by the possibility of using the available food.and water
in the district. The siege of Damascus by the remnants of the Second
Crusade is an exemplification of this. To the north and west of the

city were dense orchards which stretched five miles or more in depth.

 

32The Third Crusade. pp. 78-79.

33Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 168.

77
This vast forest was part of the defense system of the city. The
paths through it were narrow. and they were ideal for ambush or sni-
pers. Although it would require an extreme effort on the part of the
Latins to clear this forest of the hidden enemy. it was decided upon
"because after the most strongly fortified places on which the people
of Damascus placed their greatest hope had been taken. all else would
seem light and easily accomplished; secondly. because they wished to
give the troops the benefit of the fruit and the water."3u King
Richard also used this practice. For example. when his weary troops
arrived at Jaffa. which had been dismantled by the Moslems to the
point where nothing of the city still stood. they pitched their tents
outside of the ruins and "refreshed themselves with abundance of
fruits. figs. grapes. pomegranates. and citrons which the country
round produced...."35 Also as his army approached the city of Jeru-
salem a party of Hospitallers and Templars left the camp and returned
with two hundred oxen which they had driven off from.their Mbslem
owners.36 Even Louis IK'with all of the elaborate preparations
Which he made lived off the land to a certain extent. During the
period of Lent. for example. his host ate no meat or fish of any kind
except eels which they caught in the Nile River.37

While on campaign markets still provided a frequent source of

 

3”william of Tyre. II. pp. 187-188.
35The Third Crusade. p. 97.
36Theglhird0rusade. p. 10“.
37Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 207.

78
supplies. and with the fall of Jerusalem each crusade carried with it
a private treasure chest. These markets were important sources of
supplies throughout the crusading period. As noted previously the
First and Second Crusades had great difficulty while in Byzantine
territory over’market priVileges. With the Third Crusade sea travel
replaced that of land travel and for the most part by-passed the Em-
pire; however. by that time the Holy Land had again fallen into Mbs-
1cm hands. and to procure supplies they now had to be brought in from
an outside source, captured from the Mbslems. or purchased from
Moslem.merchants or from Latin merchants trading in or near Mbslem
lands. At the time of the Third Crusade. and for King Richard. local
markets remained important. For instance. while the Christian host
was besieging Acre and was concurrently being besieged by Saladin's
forces. Moslem merchants sold food to whoever could afford it among
the Christian army. In addition to this. merchant Ships arrived from
the Italian trading cities loaded with food which they distributed at
a price to the starving army. Louis IX was also dependent to some
extent upon provisions furnished for sale by camp followers in his
own army.38 The Italian trading cities. and to a lesser extent the
cities of southern France. continued to profit handsomly from the
crusading movement; not only did they provide transportation for the
armies. but they maintained a lively commercial activity in providing

these armies with provisions from Europe. Cyprus. and Byzantium.39

war machines used by the crusaders continued in the same

 

38Vi11ehardouin and de Joinville. p. 203.

39Henri Pirenne. Economic and Social Histgry of Medieval
Elmee (New York. 1961). p. 310

79
general category of hurling. scaling. digging. and towers. These
familiar types were constructed by the men of the.First Crusade in
1098 and as late as the Seventh Crusade in 12h8. There are numerous
examples of the use of all these general types on all of the crusades.
There were. however. some modifications of these basic designs to
meet the Specific needs of the Christians at various times. For ex-
ample. during the siege of Acre in the Third Crusade. the Pisans
devised a tower on their galleys which permitted them to attack the
town.“0 During this same siege the French and the EngliSh constructed
carefully planned machines. for all of the earlier models had been
destroyed by the enemy.1H Another method of adaptation was the de-
'velopment of easily portable forts or castles by Richard the Lion-
Hearted. This greatly added to the safety of the army when in hos-
tile territory. The basic method. however. remained the same as it
had.been in ancient times. There was of course some refinement of
these methods. but there were no great revolutionary developments in
the field of attacking a walled fortress.

Material for constructing these machines was obtained in the
same way. 'Many times it was gathered from the surrounding area. At
times. however. needed materials were transported from distant areas.
Richard frequently did this. He would use machines in one locality
and then dismantle them after the Siege was over. Next he would re-

move them to his next objective and have them reconstructed.’+2

 

“OAmbroise. p. 167.
”1The Third Crusade. pp. 64 and 66.
42Ambroise. p. 3h8.

8O

 

Oftentimes the material for building machines was carried on board
ships from Europe. many times spare Ship parts such as masts served
to build towers and throwing machines. At the siege of Acre as

noted previously the Pisans constructed a tower on their galley. This
tower was built from spare ship parts. Remains of shipwrecks were
also important sources of lumber not only for machines but for gen-
eral construction as well. At one point many ships of King Richard's
fleet were destroyed by a severe storm in the port of Ascalon.

Richard had the wrecked ships torn down. and he commanded the lumber
be used to construct long boats.“3 At another time Richard's forces
collected beams. poles. and wood from old ships and constructed a
barricade against the Turks.#4 St. Louis while in Egypt called his

- barons together’and asked them to provide him with wood from.their
ships for the purpose of damning the Nile River. The only other
supply of wood available to him was that of the Ships supplying the
army with necessities of life.#5 Still another illustration of this
was the orders of Pelagius on the Fifth Crusade to use the wreckage
caused by a violent storm to construct a bridge across the Nile.“6
Material was also purchased from the enemy to use against the Infi-
dels. Not only was food purchased from them. but also material for

the construction of Siege machinery and also individual weapons.

 

“BAmbroise. p. 388.

LWThe Third Crusade. pp. 1#7-148.
“5Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 187.
uéDonovan. pp. 51-52.

81
The first crusade of Louis IK gives one example of this. John of
Armenia. the king's artilleryman. made a purchasing trip to Damascus
for the purpose of buying horns and glue which were used in the con-
struction of crossbows.u7 It is clear that selling the enemy wea-
pons is not Simply a modern issue. It is at least as old as the
crusades.

Not only was it necessary for the Christians to build offen-
sive material. but it was frequently necessary for them to rebuild
forts or’the walls around a town. When Christians or Moslems with-
drew from an area it was often destroyed. Also. when a fort or
castle that was a thorn in the side of the Turks was captured by them.
they razed it to the ground. Furthermore the continual warfare de-
stroyed many walls and forts. If the crusaders could retake the area
. they would naturally desire to rebuild the fortifications. It was a
problem to find available material to reconstruct the destroyed and
weakened fortifications. Most often they were rebuilt from.the old
ruins. In an effort to block Ascalon from the south. by way of
illustration. the crusaders rebuilt the city of Gaza from its ruins.“8
The fortress of Banyas was repaired in a similar manner. On the
Third Crusade King Richard rebuilt the city of Ascalon after he cap-
tured it.“9

Even though these structures were repaired from their own

ruins the expense was still great. Ascalon cost Richard a great deal

 

“7Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 246.
1+8William of Tyre. II. pp. 202-203.

49lunhroise, p. 311; ghe Third Crusade. p. 113.

82
of money. At Jaffa the city was rebuilt by a tax'which was levied for
that purpose.50 St. Louis was also involved in this reconstruction
activity. After his release by the Mbslems he journeyed to the Holy
Land. At Jaffa he personally financed the fortifications of the city
at a great cost. ”He fortified the burgh from the one sea to the
other. and set there full twenty-four towers. and the fosses were
puddled with mud within and without."51 It cost the papal legate
thirty thousand livres for the construction of only one gate and a
portion of the wall surrounding the city. St. Louis financed two
gates and the remainder of the wall. As can be seen from this. the
repair of fortifications was an expensive operation.

The value of war horses and pack animals to the crusaders is
clearly evident by their frequent mention in the chronicles of the
various crusades. The success of any military operation was in part
dependent upon the condition of the war horses. The most important
element of the Christian army was the mounted knight. Without his
horse this fighting machine was nearly useless.' At the time of the
crusades. no military force could withstand the charge of the mounted
knight. On foot. however. he was hampered by his armor and some of
his weapons such as a lance were useless to him. Pack animals were
also necessary for the existence and success of any military campaign.
There are many illustrations in the various chronicles of battles-
which were lost or never undertaken and of the hardships brought on

because of the lack of sufficient pack animals. For example. the

 

SOAmbroise. pp. 277-278.
51Villehardouin and de Joinville. p. 276.

83

men of the Third Crusade were forced to turn back from their march on
Jerusalem in part because their pack animals were sick. sore. and.un-
able to carry the necessary quantities of provisions needed for such
an undertaking.52

In part the value placed on both war horses and pack animals
can be seen in the extent the crusaders endangered themselves to pro-
vide for their animals. The crusaders continually; at a great risk
to their own lives. sent out foraging parties to collect fodder for
the animals. and oftentimes the animals themselves were taken out to
graze under the armed protection of the warriors. [In a land inse-
curely held in their hands. the crusaders had to continually face the
threat of wandering raiding parties. and also the threat of Bedouwin
nomads. There are many examples of the destruction of foraging and
grazing expeditions by the enemy; While still besieging Acre a group
of Christians went out on a foraging expedition and they were annihi-
lated. When King Richard was at Jaffa a fodder gathering expedition
was sent out under the guard of the Templars. They were attacked by
four'companies of Turks. and they all were killed or captured.53

Another indication of the value of horses is the frequent
mention by the chroniclers of the suffering the horses experienced on
the various campaigns. The lack of food and.water was difficult on
the men. and the sources also point out their lack greatly affected
. the animals. Often the natural elements such as storms raised havoc
with men and animals. In his march on Jerusalem King Richard's men

 

52W. pp. ion-107. Ambroise. p. ion.

53Ambroise. pp. 163-168. and 2&3.

 

84
and animals were lashed by severe rains which caused the roads to be-
come thick with mud. This mud was a great obstacle and it presented
the animals with an extremely difficult situation. There are many
examples of this on all of the crusades. Yet another illustration of
the importance attached to animals was the desire to obtain them as
booty. Whenever the chronicles mention the Spoils of war or gains by
plunder. horses and pack animals comprise one of the chief items of
worth. Illustrations of this are very numerous. The capture of a
Mbslem caravan by Richard is but one. Several thousand camels were
captured along with large numbers of horses and mules.5u Horses were
a mark of distinction for the knight. This was one status symbol
which set him apart from the common man. AS such the horse was con-
sidered as a noble gift. Two horses presented as a gift from Saphadin
to King Richard were received in this manner. The two horses were
both a noble and an honorable gift from the enemy and demonstrated
-the respect the Moslems had for the English nonarch.55

54The Third Crusade. p. 139.
55The Third Cmsade. p. 153.

 

 

RETROSPEC

From the days following the speech of Pope Urban II on Nov-
ember 26. 1095. when the first organized bands of crusaders were
making preparations for departure. through the final major organized
attempt made by King Louis IX in 1270. the problem of supply demanded
a great deal of the attention of the crusaders. and their failure to
solve the logistics problem accounted in a large measure for the
failure of the crusaders to maintain control over the Holy Land.

With the exception of the crusaders who reached the Holy lend.between
the capture of Jerusalem.in 1099 and its fall in 1187. the crusaders
were forced to fight for a toe hold against the Moslems. The Third
Crusade might possibly be an exception to this. for the Latins still
-retained the three cities of Antioch. Tyre. and Tripoli with a small
amount of territory around each of them. Even so these areas were
very insecurely held and they might have fallen to the enemy at any
time. This. of course. complicated the supply prdblem because it was
necessary for the crusaders to transport with them sufficient quanti-
ties of goods to enable them to make a landing and establish a base
of operation. The Fourth Crusade also is an exception to this gen-
eralization in the sense that it was fought against other Christians
rather than Moslems.

With the exception of the first two. the crusades were pri-

marily sea and amphibian operations. This made it necessary for the

85

86

AZ...‘ .-

crusaders to transport supplies to maintain themselves and their

 

animals to the battle area and also to establish a beach head. This
in turn complicated the supply problem. for the army was dependent
upon supplies transported to them by sea and on what they could find
and pillage in the immediate area. Sea borne trade was at best un-
reliable Since it lacked the more modern navigation instruments. and
it was solely dependent upon the natural elements.

Those responsible and organized contingents which traveled by
land would have preferred local markets to supply their daily needs
while in friendly territory. Even these groups. however. depended on
pillage and plunder to satisfy their needs when local markets were
inadequate or absent. Although some reserve supply was transported
with these contingents it was never sufficient for an extended period
of time. Once the land armies reached the enemy territory they relied
more completely on plunder and pillage for their subsistence.

With the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem the
crusaders organized a feudal type of government. Accompanying this
was a type of manorialism in which a peasant class composed of var-
ious nationalities and religions worked on the land which was held by
a Frankish lord. a churchman. or one of the Military Orders. The two
major supply problems which the Latin Kingdom faced, and which they
did not solve. were the shortage of men and of money. Various meth-
ocbwere attempted to cope with these problems. but none of the solu-
tions was adequate. This failure on the part of the crusaders ac-
counts in a large measure for the failure of the Latins to maintain
their state in the East. This failure was also connected with the

rise of Moslem unity and the lack of crusader unity. All combined

87

these events. along with many others. spelled the failure of the
crusading effort in the East. The life of the Latin state was depen-
dent upon military action. but no logistical system was developed
which met the required demands.

Perhaps the crusaders can be justifiably criticized for lack
of imagination or for not adapting themselves or their customs to a
larger degree to meet the demands put upon them. In logistics neces-
sity was not the mother of invention for the crusaders in the sense

that no adequate solution was developed.

 

 

I In;
I

BIBLIOGRA PHIC AL ESSAY
PRIMARY SOURCES

Fulcher of Chartres. Chronicle of the First Crusade. trans-

 

lated by Martha Evelyn McGinty (Philadelphia. 1941) is one of the
basic pieces of primary source material for the First Crusade.
Fulcher was born in 1059 and was a priest before going on the First

He departed in Baldwin's company. and he was Baldwin's
His stated purpose in

Crusade.

Chaplain both at Edessa and at Jerusalem.

writing was to tell the deeds of the army of God. This is the best

representative source on the First Crusade. Fulcher in his relation-

ship with Baldwin enjoyed intimate information about the Kingdom.

The worst criticism against this work is the omission of material un-

favorable to Baldwin. His numbers are inaccurate and his dates are

a bit inconsistent. He was a churchman and his work does reflect

this. In addition. some of his material was taken from the work of
the anonymous author of The Deeds of the Franks and the Other filgrims.

In dealing with the problem of logistics Ellcher's manuscript does

present a good deal of information.
The Deeds of the Franks and the Other Pilgrims. edited by

Rosalind Hill (London. 1962) is the work of an unknown knight who be-
gan the First Crusade as a member of Bohemond's contingent and who.
after the capture of Antioch. changed his allegiance to that of Ray-

mond. Count of Toulouse. This work covers the period from November.

88

89

 

1095. to August. 1099. The entire book was completed no later than 1“

$1

1101 while the author was in Jerusalem. Both Fulcher of Chartres and
William of Tyre were aware of this book. and it apparently influenced
both of them considerably in the writing of their histories. The
author was one of the first to enter the city of Antioch on its fall
to the crusaders; however. he did not take part in the top level con-
ferences and his reports of these are hearsay. He does give a good
picture of the common knight on the crusade. The author was a reli-
gious man. He also had a great dislike of the Greeks. He presented
no great amount of information on logistics.

August C. Krey. editor. The First Crusade: The Accounts of
Eye-Witnesses and Participants (Princeton. 1921) is the story of the
First Crusade composed of selections from primary source material.

It is a valuable contribution. for some of the material such as var-
ious letters are not translated in any other source. A good deal of
the material Mr. Krey selected does deal with logistics so this is
valuable source material on this problem. It is also handy to use be-
cause it contains several related sources in one volume. For example.
he used one letter from Emperor.Alexius. five from crusaders. four
from leaders of the crusades. andtwo from Popes.

William of Tyre. A History of Deeds Done Eeyggg_thg_§ga.
translated.and annotated by Emily Atwater Babcock and A. C. Kreyl
(New'York. 1943) is another of the basic pieces of primary source
Imaterial. This is both a primary and a secondary source. William.was
archbishop of Tyre from 1175 to 1184 or 1185. and then he was chancel-
lor of the Kingdom until his death.in 1185. He was a native of the

Latin Kingdom where he was born. probably in Jerusalem. in 1130. He

90
was chosen by King Amaury in 1167 to write a history of the Latin
State. William.used material already in existence for the early
period. and then he contributed his own knowledge for the period
covering his lifetime. This is the most comprehensive manuscript
dealing with the crusades.

The primary source on the Second Crusade which was the most
useful for my purpose was Odo of Deuil. De Profectigne Ludovici VII
in Orientem. edited and translated by Virginia Gingerick Berry (New
York. 19u8). Odo took part in or witnessed.most of the events he
described. This chronicle centers around King Louis VII. Odo had
several reasons for writing his book. One of these reasons was to
show the duplicity of the Greeks. Another was to caution later
crusaders on the problem of supplies. The book was probabLy'written
in the winter of 11h8. His account appears to be reliable except
when dealing with the Greeks. and perhaps he is overly critical of
the Germans who preceeded the French army.

For the Second Crusade I have also used De §§pugnatione
Lyzlonesi. edited and translated by Charles Wendell David (New
Ybrk. 1936). This chronicle deals with the English expedition of
the Second Crusade which stopped in Portugal. captured Lisbon. and
never did reach the Holy Land. This crusade was composed of the
lower classes. for England's nobility was little affected by the
crusading ideal. The author and the date of composition are unknown.
0n the problem of logistics this chronicle contains little that is
pertinent to the crusading movement as a whole.

One chronicle dealing with the crusade of Richard the Lion-

Hearted is The Third Crusade.gang§ye Witness Account of the Campaign

 

91
of Richard Coeur de Lion in Cyprus and the Holy Land. edited and

introduction by Kenneth Fenwick (London. 1958). This is the most

reliable manuscript dealing with the Third Crusade. and it contains

a good deal of information pertaining to logistics. Of the three

chronicles on the Third Crusade which I have read this is the most

readable translation. The author of this work is unknown. The

poem by Ambroise. The Crusade of Richard Lion-Hearted. translated
by Merton Jerome Hubert with notes and documentation by John L.

LaMonte. (New York. 19M) is another of the major primary sources

which have been translated into English. This chronicle is in the

form of a poem which makes it more difficult to handle. but still
it is one of the major and more comprehensive contemporary accounts

Ambroise was probably a professional poet

The third

of Richard' 3 activities.

of Norman origin who accompanied Richard on the crusade.

 

primary source I used for this crusade was the Crusade of Richard
Coeur de Lion by Richard of Devizes. edited and translated by Rev.
Dr. Giles and found in the volume Wle of the Crusades (London.
1900). The author was apparently a monk. but little is known about
him. This chronicle is valuable because it connects affairs which
were taking place in England with those taking place on the crusade.
This chronicle again contains a considerable amount on logistics.
For the actual crusade this work is not as comprehensive as the
other two.

For the Fourth Crusade I have used Sir Frank Marzials'
translation of Villehardouin's Chronicle of the Fourth Crusade and
Wonstantinople (New York. 1958). a Dutton Everyman
Paperback. This is probably the most important manuscript on the

92

on the Fourth Crusade. Villehardouin was a nobleman by birth. and

he was most likely a religious man. but by no means was he an enthu-

As a nobleman he did participate in many of the top level

siast.
Little is known of him before or after

decisions of the crusade.
His work was probably written before 1213 or within

the crusade.
To a large extent his chronicle lacks

nine years of the event.

color and description. It is straight forward and simply written.

Since he was involved in much of the decision making. such as obtain-

ing a treaty with the Venetians. his work is invaluable. but because

his writing lacks color it is often times deficient as a source of

logistical study.
I also used the chronicle by Robert of Clari. The Conguest

of Constantinople. translated by Edgar Holmes McNeal (New York.
1936) in dealing with the Fourth Crusade. Robert of Clari was a

lower class knight than Villehardouin. He did not take part in the

major decisions. but rather he was expected to carry out these

His chronicle ends in April of 1205. He was very critical

His is the most detailed account
On

decisions.

of the high men of the crusade.
in existence of the events which took place at Constantinople.
Robert showed little prejudice

the whole his account is accurate.
He

in his writing and he was not telling of his own exploits.
shared the common dislike of the Greeks. was not concerned with

the schism of the Church. and did not put forth any strong feelings

about the Venetians. His account is much more colorful than that

of Villehardouin. and Robert was more concerned with the problem

of supply for the lower individuals.
The most important primary source I used for the Seventh and

 

IL 8-" v———o-—
I."

 

A93

Ethth Crusades was Joinville's Chronicle of the Crusade of St. Louis. E

 

translated by Sir Frank marzials (New York. 1958) and found in the ~~——w
same Dutton Everyman Paperback volume as Villehardouin's chronicle
of the Fourth Crusade. Joinville began the Seventh Crusade as an
independent nobleman who took knights into his service. He was soon
taken into the service of King Louis and served as his seneschal.

As such he was close to the king until the monarch's death. This
chronicle was not written until about a half century after the event
when Joinville was an old man. As such it may not be accurate in
much of its detail. but when the author stated that he took nine
knights into his service and that he hired a ship to take them
overseas there is no reason to doubt this. Joinville's account
contains much information on logistics. and for the most part his
statements on this can be accepted as accurate. He was undoubtedly
writing in praise of St. Louis. and events relating to this are a
bit exaggerated.

The Chronicle of @gimg. translated by Edward Noble Stone
(Seattle. 1937) is by an unknown minstrel._ This chronicle deals with
the Pope. the Emperor. France. Syria. England. Flanders. and Spain.
but it is especially concerned with France and the crusades. The
object of the author was to entertain and not to write history. It
relates gossip and tradition rather than facts. It is really an
early example of historical fiction. and it does not contibute to
factual material relating to the crusades. It does. however. help
give a contemporary and popular picture of the crusading movement.

One Mbslem source which I used was Hannah ibn Murshid. Ag

Arab-Syrian Gentleman and warrior in the Period of the Crusades.

 

9h

translated by Philip K. Hitti (New York. 1929). Usamah was a gentle-

 

man. hunter. warrior. poet. and a man of letters. He was born July
h. 1095. in Shayzar in northern Syria. He is an excellent example of
Hoslem chivalry. His work clearly indicated the division within the
Arab world as well as the accommodation between the crusaders and

the Moslems following the First Crusade. He wrote this autobiography
at the age of ninety and he died in 1188. one year after the capture
of Jerusalem by Saladin. at the age of ninety-six. This is a very
interesting piece of material and a very readable translation.

My second Moslem source was "Extracts from an Arabian Manu-
script." entitled The Road tg;Knowledge of the_Re;gns of Kings. writ-
ten by Al Makrisi and found in the volume Chronicles of the Crusades
(London. 1900). pages 535-556. These extracts contain a Saracen
account of the first crusade of Louis IX. The author was born 120
years after the event and.probably composed his history from the
material of others. Compared to Usamah's work this source is greatly

inferior.
SECONDARY SOURCES

I feel the best secondary source which I consulted was
Steven Runciman's A History of the Crusades in three volumes (Camp
bridge. 1951-1954). This is an excellent detailed study well docu-
mented with primary sources. It is highly readdfls and has excellent
internal continuity. It is truly a remarkable work for one man and
;Mr. Runciman has done an outstanding job. I think the greatest
quality of this work is the highly readable style combined with great

accuracy and large amounts of factual material. Mr. Runciman also

 

95

 

has a good bibliography after each volume.
Another major secondary Source is the proposed five volumes

LHistorx of the Cmgages under the supervision of the University of

Pennsylvania and edited by Kenneth S. Setton. At present the first

two volumes have been published. Rather than the work of one man

various chapters are written by different people. Because of this

they lack the continuity of Runciman's three volumes. Also they are

not as readable as Runciman's work. The material contained in this

series is. however. very detailed and accurate. and on the whole this

also is an excellent history of the crusades.

John L. LaMonte. Feudal Monarch! in the Latin Kingdom gf

Jeggsalem 1100-1291 (New York. 1929) is the best account of the
Latin Kingdom from a political and legal point of view. On the

whole this is a good book and one which is necessary to read if
one is to have any appreciation of the crusaders' state in the

East.
I have not found any really good study on the warfare of the

crusaders. R. C. Snail. Crusading Warfare 1022—1123 (Cambridge.
1956) is in many reSpects a superficial study. One example of this
is his discussion of reinforcements in which he mentions that the
pilgrims were one source of supplying the Latin State with men.
He did not. however. continue the discussion but merely let this

aspect drop. Also in discussing the crusaders' breakout at Antioch

he used Albert of Aix's description rather than the description

of the anonymous author of the Deeds of the Franks and the Other

W. Albert was a priest and the anonymous author was

 

96
an actual participant in the battle. Of the two sources regarding
the military formation used by the crusaders perhaps an actual.parti-
cipating knight would have a better concept of it than a priest would
have. C. W} C. Oman. Theggrt of War iggthe Middle Ages AD 328-1515
(New York. 1953) also has a chapter dealing with the crusades. but
because of the broad extent of time covered the relevant material on
the crusades is far from comprehensive. Neither of these accounts
is adequate in dealing with the problem of logistics.

There is little primary or secondary material in English
which deals solely with the Fifth or Sixth Crusades. Joseph P.
Donovan. Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade (Philadelphia. 1950) is narrow
in its topic but it is an acceptable work. It is well documented.

It contains a good deal of detail in the discussion of financing this
crusade. The theSis of the book is that the failure of this crusade
cannot be attributed only to Pelagius. The discussion of logistics
is secondary to this consideration.

Volumes IV. V. and VI of The Cambridge Meggevg; History also
contain chapters which pertain to the crusades. These chapters are
brief but good accounts of the material covered and were written by
experts. They were written in a very dry style. but the authors are
competent in what they say.

For the Byzantine reaction to the crusades I have use George
Ostrogorsky's History of the Byzantine State. translated by Joan
Hussey (New Brunswick. 1957). This is the best single volume history
of Byzantium. and it contains a good deal of information dealing with
the period of the crusades.

Charles Hendell David. figbgr§_ggrthgse Duke of Normandy

 

97
(Cambridge. 1920) is a dry but well documented biography of Robert
which devotes a chapter to Robert's activities during the First Cru-
sade. If one of the purposes of a biography is to make the object a
living being David has failed. for in the book Robert never comes
alive. He did provide some material concerning logistics. especially
in Robert's preparation for departure to the Holy Land.

Henri Pirenne. Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe
(New York. 1961) is one of the standard economic and social histories
of the period. Although it does not deal directly with the Latin
Kingdom of Jerusalem it does cover the general activities of the.
Italian trading cities.and thus it gives some insight into the econ-
omic life of the Latin State.

Aziz S. Atiya. Crusade. Commerce and Cgltgrg (Bloomington.
1962) is a rather unusual book. It is composed of a series of lec-
tures which the author delivered while at the University of Indiana.
nr. Atiya is an expert on the crusades; however. this book is nothing
but a mass of generalities with few'or’no concrete facts to support
them. In this respect this is a very disappointing book.

John H. and Laurita L. Hill's Raympnd; IV Count of Toulouse
(Syracuse. 1962) is a documented book favorable to Raymond. In this
respect the authors have gone too far. They seem to have chosen
sources which supported their thesis that Raymond was true to the
crusading ideal and rejected those sources which disagreed with their
thesis. They did present some material which is useful in dealing
with logistics. but this book is far from outstanding.

One of the most important articles which I consulted was

Frederic Duncalf. ”The Peasant Crusade." American Historical Review.

 

98

XXVI (1921). 440—453. This is an interesting article demonstrating
that this crusade was not as unruly as was formerly believed. Mr.
Duncalf has shown that there was not a great social gap between the
participants of this crusade and those of the crusaidng movement in
general. Another interesting article is Dana Carleton Hunro. "A
Crusader." Speculum. VII (1932). 321-335. in which the author presents
the crusader as a human being. He has shown that there was no such
thing as an average crusader. He then used Fulcher of Chartres as an
illustration of these two points. Dana Carleton.Munro. "The western
Attitude Toward Islam During the Period of the Crusades." Speculum.
VI (1931). 329-343. presents the attitude of the west toward Islam
and demonstrates how it changed during the period. He also shows how
it was manipulated by propaganda. walter Forges. 'The Clergy. the
Poor. and the Non-Combatants on the First Crusade." Speculum. XXI
(1946). 1-23. has pointed out that Pope Urban II realized it was not
possible to limit his crusading appeal to warriors and that it was
necessary to stir up the crusading zeal which existed in all classes.

In the more p0pular vein is Harold Lamb's The grgggders (Ban-
tam Books. New York. 1962) which is two volumes in one. Although it
is not a scholarly work Mr. Lamb did give an exciting account of the
crusades. At times. however. he did sacrifice facts for literary
achievement. The author gave a vivid description of what the cru-
saders must have experienced as they proceeded to the Holy Land and
While they were there. A less exciting book is Alfred Duggan's Th3
Story of the Crusades (London. 1963). The author gave a brief and
not too absorbing one volume account of the crusades. For a short

and simple approach to the crusades this may be an adequate study.

99

Much the same can be said for Henry Treece's The Crusades (New York.

1961+). a Mentor paperback.

 

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