2] G :J ((- .- ABSTRACT SPATIAL ASPECTS OF CULTURE CHANGE IN TEMNE-LAND, SIERRA LEONE By Charles A. Heatwole This thesis is a study in spatial aspects of culture change. It focuses on the Temne, the second largest ethnic group inhabiting Sierra Leone. Primarily cultural geography, the work is also partly histori- cal and partly conceptual. As regards the former, a fairly exhaustive culture history of the Temne is rendered, dating from approximately 1400 A.D. to the present. Though many components of culture are examined, economic and settle- ment characteristics receive special scrutiny. During the centuries in question many internal and external forces affected the Temne. These included: the migration of other peoples to Sierra Leone; the trans— Atlantic slave trade; warfare with neighboring peoples; the establish- ment of British hegemony over Sierra Leone; the advent of Christianity and Islam; the introduction of modern western economic, educational, social, political and communications systems; and the granting of Sierra Leonean independence. The effects of these stimuli in shaping and modi- fying Temne‘culture are recounted, keeping uppermost in mind their spa- tial manifestations. What emerges is a story of change in an African society and in their environment as well--the physical landscape being shaped and modified, to paraphrase Vidal de la Blache, in accordance with the changing image of the people. Charles A. Heatwole Conceptually, culture is portrayed as a dynamic process. Contrary to ethnocentric western stereotypes, Temne culture (and indeed that of other African peoples as well) must be viewed not as primitive and fos- ilized, but rather as appropriate for its own setting and highly adap- tive. This dynamic quality of culture is stressed throughout. A variation on D. N. Meinig's concepts of "core," "domain," and "sphere," is utilized to help portray transformations in the areal extent of the Temne culture realm that occurred during the study period, and the thesis is concluded with a tentative model of culture change. SPATIAL ASPECTS OF CULTURE CHANGE IN TEMNE—LAND, SIERRA LEONE By Charles A! Heatwole A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 197l ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Though the title page by-line contains but a single name, it must be recognized that many people helped make this volume a reality. The author wishes to acknowledge them. From the Department of Geography, primary gratitude is extend- ed to the writer's thesis adviser, Dr. John M. Hunter, for his ceaseless encouragement and many constructive criticisms and suggestions. The aid of Dr. Daniel Jacobson, who also served as a source of ideas and encour— agement, is likewise much appreciated. Sherman Hollander, Staff Carto- grapher, provided extensive assistance in the preparation of the maps, and Ellen Rosenburg, Executive Secretary, contributed the vital functions of typing and proofreading the manuscript. To all of these people the author is most grateful. A word of thanks must also be expressed to the Peace Corps for providing the author with two years“ residency in Sierra Leone. It was during the course of his duties there that the writer's interest in the Temne was born. while the author lived in Sierra Leone many pe0ple con- tributed what are now deemed invaluable bits of data. Space and memory cannot permit due rec09nition of all, but a special word of appreciation is extended to Miss Connie Kimmel, Returned Peace Corps Volunteer, for her follow-up information and photography. Finally, but most important of all, the author is indebted to his parents, Mr. and Mrs. Warren R. Heatwole, for their generous financial ii support. Without such an expression of love and understanding very little could have been accomplished. This thesis is dedicated to them. LIST OF TABLES TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS CHAPTER I II III IV INTRODUCTION Introduction Statement of Problem Aims and Methodological Considera- tions THE TEMNE HERITAGE AN The Coming of the Temne The Environmental Setting Temne Culture of the Fifteenth Century Summary ERA OF TUMULT: ISOO-IBOO The Sapi Confederation The Mani Invasion and Its Aftermath The Slave Trade Indigenous Activity Summary COLONIAL INFLUENCE: 1800-1900 The Temne Struggle for Survival The Abolition of the Slave Trade The Timber Trade and Its Aftermath A Revolution in Agriculture The Sudanic Trade Miscellaneous Colonial Influences Expansion of Swamp-rice Cultivation Summary iv vi l4 86 V THE ERA OF MODERNIZATION: POST-1900 123 The Growth of a National Transportation System The Diffusion of Forces and Institu- tions of Modernization The Temne Response A Note on the Independence Period VI CONCLUSIONS 183 Reflections on Secondary Aims A Tentative Model of Culture Change BIBLIOGRAPHY 196 Table LIST OF TABLES Page European-Introduced Cultigens: l500-l800 ......... 77 Number of Major European Firms Represented in Temne Towns: l925 .................... l33 Activity of Retail Stores in Sierra Leone by Nationality: l955 .................... l38 Working Population (Aged 10 Years and Over) By Industry Groups in Predominantly Temne Districts ..... l68 vi Figure 450)“) 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Location of Temne-Land ................ Culture Realm Concepts of D. W. Meinig ........ Temne Migrations ................... Sierra Leone Geographic Features ........... The Traditional Temne House (After Littlejohn). . . . Temne Culture Realm (ca. 1500) ............ Sapi Confederation (ca. 1550) ............ Temne Culture Realm (ca. 1600) ............ War Fences. ..................... Bush-Fallow Agriculture: Clearing the Forest . . . . Bush-Fallow Agriculture: A New Farm Following Burning of Cut Vegetation .............. Bush-Fallow Agriculture: A New Farm Following Planting, ; Bush-Fallow Agriculture: A Mature Farm Awaiting Final Harvesting ................... Temne Culture Realm (ca. 1787) ............ Temne Culture Realm (ca. 1815) ............ Temne Culture Realm (ca. 1841) .......... An Oil Palm Plantation Near Yonibana, Southern Tonkolili District .................. Trade Routes To The Sudan (ca. 1880) ......... Temne Dialects .................... vii Page 3 10 20 21 34 43 47 50 53 61 63 65 67 84 9O 92 104 116 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 3O 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 Boliland Rice Cultivation ............... Roads and Railways 1964 ................ Barrell-Rolling ................... A Lebanese Trader in the Protectorate (c. 1909). . . . Administrative Areas . A Partial View of Magbile, Central Port Loko District (c. 1909) .................. A Traditional Creole House Near Freetown ..... House Construction .................. A Poro Hut in Masengbe, Southern Tonkolili District ................... Town of Matotoka ................... A Partial View of Rotifunk, Northwestern Moyamba District . . . . . .................. The Sierra Leone Development Company (DELCO) Mining Operation Near Lunsar ............. A Sacred Grove Near Masengbe, Southern Tonkolili District ....................... Temne Distribution 1963 ................ Migration Into Temne Chiefdoms ............ Change in a Hypothetical Culture ........... Interaction of Temne and Mani Culture Planes ..... The Temne Culture Plane Around the Time of the Mani Occupation. ................... viii 120 125 130 136 141 147 150 153 159 161 163 173 176 178 189 191 192 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION In can cOAmognaphy and nepontb 05 nattonA and countnteA, we have Apohen tn genenat 06 att manhtnd, Apnead oven the 6ace 06 the whote eanth: netthen ta it can puapoae at thtA pneAent to dectphea panttcu- tanty att theta cuatomA and mannent 06 ttfie, which wene a dtéfitcutt entenpntbe, conatdentng how tngtntte they be, and ab many tn manned at thene be Aoctetteb and abbembtteb 06 men. Howbett I thtnh tt good, not to tneApaAA att, but to make netatton 06 some thinga concenntng thoae peopte eApectattg,who ttve (antheat nemote gnom can beat; among whom, I doubt not but I Ahatt fitnd auch matted a4 to moat men wttt deem both pnodtgtoua and tncnedtbte. ---p]iny, The Natural History From its earliest days geography has had a cultural dimension. Extant records from the time of Herodotus suggest that cultural varia- tions throughout the then known world were a favorite topic of discus- sion. Indeed the famed proto-geographer's areal breakdowns of Orient- Occident and Europe, Asia and Libya, conceived in the fifth century B.C., were viewed not only as an indication of separate continental land masses but also as being culturally distinctive.1 Throughout the Middle Ages, Renaissance and Age of Discovery culture remained a viable aspect of geography as writers and explorers expounded upon "strange” peoples and customs. fi'w““" v~v iwwv v ‘W' 1James L. Newman, "The Culture Area Concept in AnthrOpology," Ihg_ Journalrovaeography, Vol. LXX (January, 1971), p. 8. However, it was only during the nineteenth century that cultural geography, as presently conceived, came into being. Largely as a response to the domination of the discipline by physical geographers, men such as Friedrich Ratzel and George Perkins Marsh argued in favor of a more anthropocentric approach. This approach emphasizes the systematic study of the inter- action between man and his environment. It stresses the dis- tribution of human institutions and their impact on man's habitat. One of the best summary statements on the nature of cultural geography has been provided by Vidal de la Blache: One must start with the notion that a land is a reservoir containing dormant energies of which na- ture has planted a seed, but whose use depends on man. .It is he who, by molding them to his purpose, demon- strates his individuality. Man establishes the connection between disparate elements by substitut- ing a purposeful organization of forces for the incoherent effects of local circumstance. In this manner a region acquires identity and differentiates itself from others, becoming in the course of time like a medal struck in the image of a people.2 Statement of Problem This thesis is, in large part, an exercise in cultural geo- graphy. It focuses on the Temne, the second largest ethnic group in Sierra Leone, a small country on the west coast of Africa (Figure 1).3 Specifically, it seeks to gain an understanding of culture 2Paul Vidal de la Blache, Tableau de la Geographie de la France (Paris: Hachette, 1903), p. 8, quoted in Jan 0. M. Broek, Geography: Its Scope and Spirit (Columbus, Ohio: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1965), p. 24. 3The 1963 census placed the Temne population at 648,931. The Mende, with a population of 672,831 in 1963, are the largest ethnic group. Source: Sierra Leone, Central Statistics Office, 1963 Population Census 3f Sierra Leone, Vol. 2: Social Characteristics (Freetown, T965), Table , p. 13. 14' 13° 12° II"Y IO" 9’ 7 PORT. I I 7 I I ,- GUINEAJ'X/ / MALI y/“W’ LOCATION OF ‘\.\ T E M N E - LA N D 5- ,/ /'/ II’I— a. ./_/’r_.'l‘(ll° _/'/ | L/ j ( \., GU I N EA 10° F; _ _.._.._ _ - -—1|O' .\- . \'\ .1 . \- fb‘ :" 1.‘ '\. I) G U I N E A 9' -- I" I -— 9° 1. \- _I I" - ,x .;. /' / i (-l‘ ’\ Ix~ 4' ‘x \ . aERRA /-‘ i 3' F— LEON E I 1‘ ”3° I a I" I ‘f'\. /." ‘ l!- [I \.\ [I ‘1’-" \ ._,i/ ‘1. A f / 0 n f /'C I" x” ‘1 , . 7-~— Ocean ._,/I LIBERIA m Temne- Land —-— Modern International Boundaries N v I‘- a wuss I00 . V I I I L - I 14° 13° 12° II° 10° Figure change in Temne-land and how the landscape--the reservoir of dormant energies--has been utilized and modified over the years. Most people would agree that culture refers to learned patterns of behavior. To borrow from Mikesell, "culture does not refer to human reflexes or drives per se, but rather to elements of man's mature endowment that he has acquired by a learning or conditioning "4 process. Culture may thus be viewed as the totality of learned traits that characterize a given peeple. Hunter, with reference to Africa, has attempted to summarize this totality in the following components of culture: (1) Life-style, which includes economic endeavors, settlement characteristics, and adaption to and utilization of vegetation and other resources; (2) Politico-military organization, which may be hier- archically structured; (3) Social organization, which includes kinship concepts and descent-inheri- tance systems; (4) Language and dialects; (5) Religion; (6) Education, be it traditional or institutionalized in a 'modern' mold; (7) Historical experience; (8) Folk myths; (9) Dress, hair styles, ornamentation and scars; (10) Cuisine; (11) Tools; (12) Carvings and graphic arts; (13) Music and dancing; and (14) Literature. As expressed earlier, this thesis will have a definite temporal dimension. In fact, something in excess of 500 years will be involved. During this period (roughly 1400 to the present time) cultural realities in Temne-land were hardly static. 0n the contrary many intra- and 4Marvin Mikesell, "Cultural Ecology," in Focus on Geo ra h : Key Concepts and Teaching Strategies, ed. by Phillip Bacon (40th Yearbook; Washington, 0.0.: The National Council for the Social Studies, 1970). p. 40. 5Adapted from John M. Hunter, "Culture," Department of Geography, Michigan State University, 1970 (Mimeographed). extraucontinental forces were at work shaping and altering the Temne way of life. Reflecting on the many aspects of culture (see above) the prospect of documenting Temne culture change over a five hundred- year period thus becomes nothing less than intimidating. With a view to narrowing the problem to a workable scale, emphasis will be placed on the more spatially manifested aspects of culture. Now it may be argued that all of the above components of culture can assume spatial dimensions. This point is readily con- ceded, as is another logical extreme-—that any one component could be examined at dissertational proportions. But the writer believes that some aspects of culture are "more spatial" than others, and that to gain a general understanding of the spatial manifestations of cul- ture change in Temne country it would be most meaningful to broadly focus on these aspects rather than opt for an approach emphasizing either a single component or the myriad complexities of culture. Thus, while nearly all compqnents of culture will be touched upon, greatest emphasis will be placed on economic and settlement character- istics, as it is deemed that these have played the greatest role in shaping the landscape in the image of the people. Aims and Methodological Considerations The basic aim of this thesis--an understanding of the spatial aspects of culture change in Temne country——does not require further elaboration. At this point, however, the writer wishes to enunciate three other aims which he hopes to achieve. The first aim is to help destroy a myth. Since the Temne con- stitute an indigenous African society many people would probably refer to them as a tribe. This is unfortunate because ”tribe" has become "synonymous with primitive, atavistic society which resists all 6 Due change, particularly that associated with 'modernization'." to its pejorative connotations, "tribe" has fallen into widespread disuse within the Africanist academic community. Yet in the larger population it lingers on. V Relative to this thesis, the problem of "tribe“ is that it suggests a society that is culturally fossilized--a people whose way of life has remained unchanged since they emerged from the primordial mists. However, as noted by Cohen, The important point, not often mentioned by the non—specialist, is that a 'tribe' is never an immutable entity. 0n the contrary, it is exactly the opposite, and to be understood at all it must be seen as an adap- tive identity that changes in relation to outside forces as well as to a number of important internal forces.7 Thus, as Cohen suggests, one should not look upon African societies as epitomes of stagnation. Rather, African cultures, like Cultures everywhere, must be viewed as dynamic. They must be seen as active participants in a process which, throughout the years, has involved alteration of life-style in order to cope with changing social, poli- tical and economic realities. Thus, it is hoped that this study of Temne culture change will help lay to rest the word tribe and the pejorative notions of primitiveness and cultural immutability that it suggests. 6John N. Paden and Edward W. Soja, The African Experience, Vol. II: Syllabus (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1970), p. 21. 7Ronald Cohen, "The Traditional Society in Africa," in The African Experience, Vol. I: Essays, ed. by John N. Paden and Edward W. Soja (Evan- ston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1970), p. 60. A second aim is to examine the conditions under which Temne culture change has occurred. Implicit in most examples of culture change is the notion of diffusion, a dynamic concept involving the transmission of culture attributes from a source area and their adoption by previously non-users of the traits. Discussing minority migrations, Scoville, an.economic historian, has postulated two major routes of diffusion. The first he terms ”diffusion by radia- tion," which I'involves transmission through processes of imitation, 8 observation, and infection through direct contact.” The second variety, "diffusion by migration,” involves the physical transplant- 9 ing of a people into an area having a different culture. He notes that the latter classification is usually ”more spectacular and vio- lent" than the former and perhaps for this reason has received 10 greater attention, at least among economic historians. Scoville goes on to state, Some of the most important minority migrations, at least in recent times, have represented peaceful penetration rather than military conquest. War may accelerate the diffusion of military techniques, but the very nature of coercive force in human affairs probably impedes rather than hastens the diffusion of most productive functions. Barriers to effective communication and transmissions of knowledge are more likely to be greater and longer lived between conquerors 8Warren C. Scoville, "Minority Migrations and the Diffusion of Technology,“ Journal of Economic History, Vol. XI (1951), p. 349. 95coville, gp. cit , footnote 8, p. 349. In the geographical literature the same processes have been labelled "expansion diffusion" and "relocation diffusion" respectively. See Peter R. Gould, Spatial Diffusion, Association of American Geographers Resource Paper No. 4 (Washington, D. C.: 1969), pp. 3-4. 10Scoville, op. cit., footnote 8, p. 349. and conquered than between other groups.H How do Scoville‘s remarks relate to the Temne experience? Can evidence be brought forward to validate "radiation" and "migration" as distinct concepts? If so, has one truly been more spectacular than the other? Has peaceful diffusion made greater contributions to the cultural features of Temne country than relatively hostile modes of transmission, and what has been the nature of these contri— butions? It is hoped that these questions will be answered in the pages that follow so that insight can be gained about the conditions under which culture change occurs in African societies. The final aim of this thesis will be to examine the utility of a variation on Meinig's culture realm concepts of "core," "domain" and "sphere" in conceptualizing transformations of the areal extent to Temne-land that occurred during the study period. According to Meinig, A core area, as a generic term, is taken to mean a centralized zone of concentration, displaying the greatest density of occupance, intensity of organization, strength and homogeneity of the par- ticular features characteristic of the culture under study. It is the most vital center, the seat of power, the focus of circulation . . . The domain refers to those areas in which the particular culture under study is dominant, but with markedly less intensity and complexity of development than in the core, where the bonds of connection are fewer and more tenuous and where regional pecularities are clearly evident . . . The 5 here of a culture may be defined as the zone of outer inf uence and, often, peripheral accul- turation, wherein that culture is represented only by nScoville, 99, £13,, footnote 8, p. 352. certain of its elements or where its peoples reside as minorities among those of a different culture.12 Figure 2 is an idealized representation of these terms. They may be viewed as gradational in nature; an expression of how a pecul- iar set of culture traits gradually lose their homogeneity as they come into contact with--and are superseded by--other cultures. The present writer deems it appropriate to stress his desire to "examine the utility" rather than "test the validity" of Meinig's concepts. He feels this is an important distinction, for in a very real sense Meinig's terminology will be taken out of context. Meinig formulated the above terms as a means of describing the areal extent of the Mormon culture region in the American West. As such, he was not examining a distinct ethnic nation; on the contrary, he was look- 'ing at a segment of American society largely differentiated from the greater population by a single culture trait-~religion. He did not intend his generic concepts to be primarily expressions of popula- tion distribution; rather, they were meant to be expressive of the differential areal intensity of Mormonism. The Temne situation is quite different. This writer, therefore, will assign Meinig's terms a somewhat different connotation. The Temne are an ethnic group who have historically been distinct from adjacent peoples not by a single characteristic but by a whole series of culture traits. Moreover, as Temne culture has been dynamic, these traits have exhibited change. How, then, shall the "Temne culture core" be defined? To define it in terms of Temne culture traits extant at the beginning 12D. W. Meinig, "The Mormon Culture Region: Strategies and Patterns in the Geography of the American West, 1847-1964," Annals of the Associa- tion of American Geographers, Vol. LV (June, 1965), pp. 213, 215 and 216. 10 CULTURE REALM CONCEPTS OF D.W. MEINIG DOMAIN SPHERE Figure 2 11 of the study period presents certain difficulties, for many (if not all) of these traits have been modified; and having changed, the implication might be that Temne-land has, in the process, be- come "less Temne." Such a notion is fallacious. No one can doubt that tremendous culture change has occurred in the United States in this century. Yet it would be sheer folly to state that the U.S.A. has, as a result, become "less American" than it used to be. To repeat, culture is dynamic; and to appr0priately define "Temne cul- ture core" account must be made of such dynamism. Thus this writer reasons that Temne culture (and Temne-land), however it be manifested during a given period, may be roughly viewed as areally synonymous with the distribution of the Temne people at that time. "Core," "domain" and "sphere“ will therefore be indicative of the differen- tial areal intensity of the Temne people relative to total popula- tion. The terms will therefore assume definite demographic conno- tations which represent distinct alterations of their originally assigned meanings. Yet this writer feels that, though modified, the concepts' basic gradational implications remain and that they may provide a very useful methodological framework for analyzing the spatial dynamics of Temne culture. To document Temne culture change the writer will utilize various sources. Predominant among these will be oral traditions, accounts of early European explorers, "travelogue" and formal geographies, govern- ment documents of both Britain and Sierra Leone, and personal observa— tions. Unfortunately, quantitative data are generally lacking. Only since 1896 (when Temne-land was brought within the Sierra Leone Protec— torate) has some sound, numerical documentation of change been available. 12 Thus, most evidence of culture change will be non-quantitative. It will involve piecing together bits of evidence suggesting alteration of the various components of Temne culture. Moreover, some sources, particularly oral traditions and early European accounts, are often sketchy and occasionally even contradictory. Thus, from time to time estimation will be necessary, and this will be appropriately acknowledged. To facilitate analysis, the account of Temne culture change has been divided into four time periods. The first is pre-1500 and involves what can be gleaned of Temne ways and of the physical characteristics of the landscape prior to European contact. The second period includes the years 1500 to 1800. This era saw sig- nificant culture change resulting from infusion of European traits, migration of other ethnic groups to Sierra Leone, the slave trade, and the appearance of Islam. The period ends with the founding of what was to become the British Colony of Sierra Leone. The third period, 1800-1900, was a time of increased orientation towards the Colony and European ways. Christianity began to rival Islam. Econo- mic endeavors began to take a decidedly European turn. The period ends with the establishment of the Sierra Leone Protectorate which formally brought Temne country under the Union Jack. Finally, there is the modern era, 1900 to the present; an era of Pax Britannica and rapid change resulting from efforts to improve Protectorate life and 13 develop its resources.13 Through all of these periods the Temne people were experiencing culture change--change which often had notable spatial manifestations. 13The independence period, post-1961, will not be treated separately, though a brief discussion of it is included in Chapter V. Though the transition from colonial status to independence has had no mean socio-psychological impact on the Temne and other Sierra Leoneans, its effect on the spatial components of Temne culture has essentially been negligible. CHAPTER II THE TEMNE HERITAGE] In 1462 Pedro da Cintra, a navigator in the service of Prince Henry, sailed south along the western coast of Africa. Near latitude 8° North, what had been a low, swampy coastland was suddenly inter- rupted by a mountainous peninsula on the south side of a wide estuary. Impressed by the abruptness of the mountains and "seeing that it was a wild, rough country,"2 the Portuguese explorer named the place "Montagna Liona,” or "Lion Mountains." "Serra" soon replaced "Mon- tagna," and after numerous spelling changes (e.g., Serra Lyoa, Serre Lionne, Sierra Leona) the toponym "Sierra Leone" came into being.3 One account of this coastal area, written around 1500 by another Portuguese voyager, Duarte Pacheco Pereira, makes reference 1Temne has formerly been spelled in a variety of ways. Examples are Timmany, Timmanee, Timne, Timmeni, Teymene and Timni. The current mode represents the best approximation of the correct phonetic spelling, Temne. In addressing a person to whom deference is due, the term ha-tem“ is used. This may be loosely interpreted as "old man,""respected one,""great person," or something of the sort. The suffix "-ne" is the Temne word for self. Hence, Temne might be translated "the old man him- self," "the great people themselves," etc. 2Duarte Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, ed. by George H. T. Kimble (London: Hakluyt SoEiety, Series II, Vol. LXXIX, 1937), p. 99. 3See P. E. H. Hair, "The Spelling and Connotation of the Toponym 'Sierra Leone' Since 1461," Sierra Leone Studies, New Series No. 18 (January, 1968), pp. 43-58. It should be understood that for several hundred years "Sierra Leone“ referred only to the peninsula mentioned above. It was not until 1896 that the toponym's areal definition was extended to include its current limits. For the sake of reference and convenience, however, "Sierra Leone," unless stated otherwise, will signify the modern connotation. 14 15 to Temne occupation thus: Ilhas dos Idolos and the extremity of Serra Lyoa called Cabo Ledo lie NW and SE and occupy eighteen lea- gues of the route; all the inhabitants along this coast between these islands and the said Serra are called Tey- menes . . . ' However, what the author of this passage fails to mention (very probably, and understandably out of ignorance) is that Temne-speaking peoples were only relatively recent immigrants to this coastal locale. The Comingpof the Temne The date and nature of the Temne migration to Sierra Leone have been the subjects of much discussion. A Temne oral tradition of their origin, recorded in 1861 by the Reverend Christian F. Schlenker, is sketchy and somewhat fanciful. It speaks of one Bai Farma, a warrior- 1eader, who is said to have first brought some manner of hegemony among the early Temne. Coming from the east, this great chief is sup- posed to have fought other ethnic groups before reaching the heart of the present bounds of Temne country (See Figure 1).5 This account, however, cannot be accepted as factual, for though it states that Bai Farma died more than 300 generations before Schlenker recorded the story, the warrior-chief is credited with having fought the Maroons,6 who arrived at Sierra Leone (peninsula) in 1800 as part of a colonization 4Pereira, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 97. "Ilhas dos Idolos" refers to Isles de Los, oppOSite Conakry, Guinea. 5Christian F. Schlenker, A Collection of Temne Traditions, Fables and Proverbs, with an English Translation; As Also Some Specimens of the Author‘s Own Temne Composition and Translations; to Which is Appended a Temne—EngliSh vocabulary (London: The Chhrch Mfissionary Society, 1861; reprint ed., Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus-Thompson Organization Limited, 1970), pp. 3 and 5. 6Schlenker, op. cit., footnote 5, p. 3. 16 effort sponsored by British philanthrOpists (See Chapter IV). Other evidence of a less contradictory nature, discussed below, suggests that the Temne arrived in Sierra Leone much more recently than is implied by this tradition. Moreover, though mention will be made later concerning a possible westward migration in prenhistoric times, it is doubtful that they came to Sierra Leone from the east. It seems certain that the Temne entered what is now Sierra Leone from the north or nothwest sometime around 1400. That they came from this direction, rather than from the east, appears validated on three counts. First, the Temne language constitutes the southern- most component of the distinct "Temne cluster" of the West Atlantic linguistic group. Other members of this family are Nalu, Landuma and Baga, spoken to the northwest of Temne country in Guinea and Portu- guese Guinea. As linguistic analysis has failed to indicate a com- parable degree of affinity with peoples to the east or south, the purely linguistic evidence for a more northerly origin is substantial. Second, certain Temne customs strongly suggest former occupance of-- and a somewhat mystical relationship with--the Fata Jallon massif, lying in the Republic of Guinea almost due north of modern—day Temne country. For example, the official announcement following a chief's death is that he has become sick and "has gone to Futa to get medicine to heal himself."7 His successor, prior to coronation, is secluded in a patch of forest for a period of time during which he is steeped in the rights and obligations attendant to his new office. The place of h; v- if'w‘iV‘fi—‘V‘fiifi" w‘vfi'fi xBubu Inga. "Ceremonies on the Death and Coronation of a Para- rnount Chief in Temne Country," Sierra Leone Studies, 01d Series No. 2 (1919; reprint ed., April, 1926), p. 71. 17 seclusion is referred to as “Ro—Futa," designating "the 'far country' from which he was 'brought down"."8 Pertaining to such important oc- casions as the death and coronation of Paramount Chiefs, these references to Futa Jallon must be deemed highly significant. The writer is unaware of references in these and other ceremonies to specific locales east or south of Temne country. Finally,oral traditions other than the above suggest northern origins. Specifically, Fula traditions credit the Temne with long-term occupance of Futa Jallon before their (Temne) migration to Sierra Leone.9 Several sources even state that there is a Temne tradition placing them in Futa Jallon prior to their Sierra Leone experience. The present writer has never seen it in print, and one may wonder how it escaped Schlenker, who gained a notable reputa— tion as a Temne scholar. Whatever the case, the evidence for a northern origin of the Temne people in Futa Jallon appears overwhelming, and most historians now take it for granted. How long the Temne occupied Futa Jallon prior to their migration to Sierra Leone is not known. However, mention has been made of similarities between the Temne language and the family of Bantu lan— 10 guages in central and southern Africa. In all likelihood, the original 8A. B. Ture, "Notes on the Customs and Ceremonies Attending the Selection and Crowning of a Bombali Temne Chief," Sierra Leone Studies, Old Series No. 22 (September, 1939), p. 100. 9Merram McCulloch, Peoples of Sierra Leone (London: International African Institute, 1950), p.‘50. 7 10Some examples include: Eldred E. Sayers, "Notes on the Clan and Family Names Common in the Area Inhabited by Temne-speaking People," Sierra Leone Studies, 01d Series No. 10 (December, 1927), pp. 15-17; Northcote, W. Thomas, llWho Were the Manes?" Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol, XX (October, 1920), pp. 39e413‘Uoseph H. Greenberg, The Languages of Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966), pp.T6:4l; and Malcolm Guthrie, I“Bantu Origins: A Tentative New Hypothesis,“ Journal of African Languages, Vol. I (1962), pp. 18-19. 18 Bantu homeland was located somewhere between Lake Chad and the Congo Basin, and while there is irrefutable evidence for eastern and southern movements, possibly beginning about 2,000 years ago, linguistic evi— dence now also strongly suggests significant westward movement across the Sudan. The implication, then, is that pe0p1es whom we may desig— nate as "proto-Temne" may have been of Bantu origin and lived in and around Futa Jallon for several centuries prior to the migration to Sierra Leone. Certainly, however, the Temne did occupy Futa Jallon and in the process acquired certain cultigens and other culture traits that they would impart to the essentially undisturbed conditions then extant in Sierra Leone. For example, it is highly probable that the Temne acquired and cultivated rice at a very early date. Oral tradi~ tions state that rice was the first food God gave them.11 This may not be inaccurate, for it is known that a purely African variety of rice (Oryza glaberrima) was cultivated in the Middle Niger Delta some 3,500 years ago, and that an Asian variety (Oryza sativa) arrived via trans- Saharan routes long before Eurbpean contacts.12 Additionally, there is much evidence to suggest long—standing usage of millet, yams, groundnuts, pepper and cola.13 It is very likely that the Temne were at least partially responsible for bringing these crops (and the techniques neces- sary to cultivate them) to Sierra Leone. ‘v V—v‘ v i IISchlenker, 0p. cit., footnote 5, pp. 15 and 17. 12H. 0. Jordan, "Rice in the Economy of Sierra Leone," World Crops, Vol. XVII (December, 1965), p. 68. 13A. P. Kup, A History of Sierra Leone: 1400-1787 (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityEPress, 1961),Tppi 179-189. 19 Historians agree that the migration of the Temne and several other pe0p1es from the West African savanna southward towards the forest zone resulted from imperialistic expansion on the part of Sudanic empires. Specifically, Kup hypothesizes that the Temne moved south as a result of the growth of Mali.14 Religious fervor may well have played a leading role in this expansion, and it is possible that part of the motivation for the Temne exodus was a desire to escape Islamization. At any rate, the migration occurred. Its time of ori- gin and duration have not been determined,though Kup, working largely from Susu traditions, has suggested a Temne arrival in the northwestern quadrant of Sierra Leone sometime around 1400 (Figure 3).15 The Environmental Setting This thesis is in large part a study of landscape change, and. therefore it is important to gain an understanding of the Sierra Leonean environment as the Temne found it when they arrived. Aside from the mountainous peninsula, the coastal area consists of low—lying swamps and beach bars (Figure 4). This region, averaging about 20 miles in width, gradually gives way to a zone of interior plains whose generally monotonous tapography is interrupted by exten— sive interior swamps (bolilands) in the north and a few residual hill masses scattered throughout. Eastward of this is an extensive plateau and hill country higher than the mountains of the peninsula. From m w y f ‘v 14A. P. Kup, "An Account of the Tribal Distribution of Sierra Leone," Man, Vol. LX (August, 1960), p. 116. The Mali Empire existed roughly BEEWeen the years 1200 and 1500. 15Kup, op. cit., footnote 14, p. 116. 20 14' 13' 12° 11° '0’ 9' l I I I I I gnaw"? 1’ N FUTA $1, 2.1 ‘ ____ __ ‘, ., I JALLON rim ‘__._. é..- 11o — 3m; Rat‘s "‘ "' i? _ f \ __ _ ——10° ' 'a'\.'.4, --------- \ I \ / \\ o // \'\\ ’1" 0 . -l\. ! ---, . 1 , I o ' 4 VA j .0 1— V Pb . ,NNA \'\ — 9° REST°‘I . ‘s , - J" .I" 1-. N / . I " . __,_.I . ’_ . ,I .0 I—- ' " TE M N E #8. .. . I .g ,,. MIGRATIONS -- x . . . . . a [I «(~—- Pre—Hnstonc A flan Hc ' ' . . I,” Migration ._ '1 ' » .I' 4— Laie Fourteenth __ " 06 e a n .~, .1 Century Migration 7. ----- Approxlmoto Savanna— Forest I nioriaco —.--- goundory of Modern iorra Leona " uILEs A 100 .26. I I l I - .I l M‘ 13' 12' 11’ IO' 9' Figure 3 21 '3. '2’ 11° ..._ 1 ' 1 ._ _ _ _1_.__ \ 1 T e... SIERRA LEONE _ ,. "\r" \. ~ GEOGRAPHIC ‘ fl“ \. FEATURES ,3 ‘ \ Ieoo-Iaoo ,«" “ ILA "i i' \ r- e; ) -( 9 E, ‘w. 5“" ; pm“. Kasona (- _ 9° I L ‘Porl Loko \ /\J, _" Magbllo _. f") i /‘ .’ . ogm , -/ , , fiRoIIfunk ,1 d. - KuIU/i R V *0. f . ‘1‘, CL .1 3° —8° F B 1 I I .~. T ' J: $09.?5 _/' -.094_ e'/ a _/ I— 0° . ‘ '/ _, 11°./ A f /0 n f [C MSIC_A_L-RE_G'QN§ 0 11. Sierra Leone Peninsqu 690/7 8 Coastal Swamps C Interior Plains 0 Interior Plateaus and Hills ”L o 1o 20 so 40 _.7. I j 1 is 13' 11° Figure 4 22 this most interior zone many roughly parallel rivers flow to the coast. Often ending in broad estuaries, these rivers "divide rather than open the country, in that until twenty or thirty miles from the Atlantic, rocks and rapids obstruct any but the shallow- est craft."16 Lying between 7° and 10° North latitude, Sierra Leone is traversed by the seasonal northeast winds and southwest monsoons which affect all of West Africa. A wet season begins in May, peaks in July and August, and recedes until December when a five-month dry season sets in. Thus though the monthly temperature range is rather slim (means usually range from 75° to 85° F), variations in precipitation may be phenomenal. An annual rainfall of over 110 inches concentrated in only 3 or 4 months is not uncommon. As the wet southwest monsoon strikes the coastline at a right angle, annual precipitation decreases towards the north and northeast, the orc- graphic effects of the peninsular mountains and scarp of the interior plateau region providing exceptions to the general trend. Though climate has hardly been static throughout Africa's history there is no reason to believe that the climate has significantly changed in Sierra Leone since 1400. Likewise the author is aware of no evidence suggesting significant alterations in the country's basic topographic features since that date. Changes in the floral and faunal components of the landscape, however, have been dramatic, and to fully appreciate such modifications it is necessary to attempt a description of such 16Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 1. 23 features as they existed at the time of the Temne arrival in Sierra Leone. Arriving in the northwestern sector of Sierra Leone, the Temne. found few human inhabitants. Of the eighteen ethnic groups that now inhabit the country only one, the Sherbro-Bullom (who occupy many coastal areas), has no tradition of immigration.17 Their time of arrival is not known (perhaps they are autochthonous), but it is certain that they preceded the Temne. Additionally, it is possible that the Gala and Krim peoples had previously occupied the southernmost part of the country and that Limbas and Lokos--probab1y motivated by the very catalyst influencing the Temne migration-~had just begun occupying the plateau and hill country to the east.18 Thus, aside from the possible effects of scattered Bullom adjacent to the north coast, what the Temne found was a land with flora and fauna, at most, only slightly modified by the hand of man. There is evidence to suggest that the Temne homeland in Sierra Leone consisted largely of tropical rain forest in the south and forest-savanna mosaic in the north. The forest is described in early 17McCulloch, o . cit., footnote 9, p. 77. The Sherbro-Bullom, generically known as the Bullom, were originally one people and probably occupied the totality of coastal Sierra Leone when the Temne arrived. However, as a result of Temne advances and the establishment of a Brit- ish colony on the Sierra Leone peninsula, both at a later date, these people are now divided geographically into two sections. The northern group, inhabiting coastal lands from the peninsula northward, has re— tained the name Bullom and will figure prominantly in the present chapter. The southern and larger segment are called Sherbro, and have historically maintained only peripheral contacts with the Temne. 18Kup, op, cit., footnote 14, p. 116. 24 Europeans' accounts of magnificent trees, and inferred by present remnant stands, sacred groves, precipitation data, and the logic of a forest refuge for people seeking solace from the wrath of a Sudanic empire.19 Such vegetation was dominated by evergreens often towering in excess of 100 feet above the ground and included a pro- liferation of species, among them camwood, scented guarea, white and black afara, red ironwood, and several types of mahogany.20 The mosaic zone, a transition area containing both forest and savanna species, is also implied by remnant stands of vegetation and climatic data. Moreover, following on reports of significant numbers of her- bivores, we must also envision substantial areas of grassland within the predominantly forest zone. Throughout the northern half of the interior plains region there exists a large area of intermittent swamp grasslands, possibly the site of a delta at a time of higher sea level.21 Aside from these swamp grasslands, "bolilands," grass and bush also very likely occurred adjacent to rivers and, due to edaphic factors, at scattered places within the forest. Mangrove swamp along most of the coast and extending far up many estuaries completes the vegetation picture. fi Wfiwv av wt V‘V Vfi 19Effective occupation of a tropical rain forest area carries with it connotations of knowledge and use of cultigens and agricultural tech- nology different from those appropriate for a savanna area. Moreover, military prowess based on calvar --as was the case with Mali—-is clearly unsuited for a forest locale. Both factors very probably militated against any attempt by Mali to occupy the forest zone, and concomitantly recommended it to peoples seeking to escape vassalage. 20John I. Clarke, "Vegetation," in Sierra Leone in Maps, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press,71966), p. 24; John I. Clarke, 'The Forest Estate," in Sierra Leone in Maps, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press, 1966), p. 86. 21G. J. Williams, "Physical Regions," in Sierra Leone in Maps, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press, 1966), p.726. 25 Save for the mangrove area, all of Temne country was (and is today) underlain by lateritic soils, which consist of a thin layer of topsoil surmounting a ferruginous base. That such soils, extremely low in the mineral nutrients needed for plant growth, could support tropical rain forest or other vegetation is a matter of some importance to our discussion of landscape evolution. The infertility results from the rapid leaching of nutrients occasioned by the intense microbial activity, heat, and rainfall prevalent in this and many other tropical areas. Thus in lateritic regions most elements vital to plants are not contained in the soil but rather in the vegetation itself. The plant association is maintained by a recycling of these nutrients, the min— erals in the leaf-fall being reduced to a soluble state and re—absorbed by the root systems, which are adapted to these conditions. Such a situation represents a very precarious ecological balance. As tropical rain forest takes many decades to regenerate itself after removal, it can be readily appreciated that over-cultivation can only result in pro- nounced disruption of the nutrient cycle leading to accelerated lateriza- tion of the soil and possibly irreversible landscape deterioration. As regards the fauna, early Europeans' accounts speak of an abun- dance of numbers and species. As late as 1788 John Matthews would write: The woods and mountains, as well as the savannahs, are well stored with wild beasts and game . . . they have leopards in abundance . . . They have likewise elephants, buffaloes, wild hogs amazingly fierce and large, deer of various kinds, some very large and beautiful, others small like young ante10pes . . .: there are musk cats, and a great variety of other animals, which the natives use for food; and monkies of so many casts and species that it would require a volume to describe them . . . Wild geese and ducks, of various kinds, Guinea hens, pheasants, quails, curlues, plovers, snipes, parrots, and a great variety of doves and pigeons, are found in the 26 woods and on the banks of rivers . . . Great npmbers of alligators are bred in the creeks . . . 2 In short then, what the Temne migrants found was an idyllic land of dense forest, lush grassland, and rich in game. Temne Culture of the Fifteenth Century What was early Temne culture like, and what impact, if any, did it have on the landscape as depicted above? Unfortunately, we have no authoritative records with which to answer these questions. However, a provisional scenario, based on early writings by Europeans, tradi- tional vestiges in modern Temne country, and generalizations which West African historians have made about early peoples, may be legitimately attempted. As for the peopling of the country, it is likely that the migra- tion was characterized by scattered bands of hunters and gatherers moving with deliberation. Indeed an oral tradition common to several peoples states that their ancestors "followed the elephant herds, hunt- ing them towards the setting sun; when they reached the sea, finding 23 Being unfamiliar the country uninhabited, they settled down." with a rain forest setting, it is probable that these early peoples followed the numerous rivers as much as possible. The numbers of people involved here cannot be determined though the earliest European 22John Matthews, A Voyage to the River Sierra Leone, Containing an Account of the Trade and ProdUctions of the Country and of the Civil And Religious Customs and Manners of the People, by John Matthews During His Residence in That Country in the Years 1785, 1786 and 1787, With An AdditionaT’Letter on the African Slave Trade (lst ed., new impression; London: Cass, 1788), pp 193494; 196-97. 23Kup, op. cit., footnote 31, p. 125. 27 records hardly suggest heavy population densities. Moreover, in reference to the area around Port Loko, an important river town near the heart of the region first occupied by the Temne, a more modern account has stated: "The oldest known inhabitants of what is now called Old Port Lokko were the Portuguese, who formed a .settlement for the collection of slaves long before there were any natives living in the district.”24 The present writer questions the supposed dearth of "natives," as implied by the above passage, but it does express agreement with the key point: population density was very light. Economic endeavors were of the most elementary variety. The first immigrants are said to have come to the area as hunters and collectors rather than agricultural- ists, though they may have practiced shifting cultivation when circumstances allowed. Such an economy would not have been well suited to people in process of migration, it would also have been the natural response to a forest envirggment still largely uninhabited and abounding in game. This game was brought to earth in a variety of ways. The smaller animals were snared, trapped or driven into nets. Camouflaged holes in the ground, often containing sharpened upright stakes. were frequently utilized. Leopards were probably caught in a box-like trap constructed with stakes and baited with a small animal. Larger game in this pre- firearm era presented special problems. To deal with bush-cows and elephants, for example, a hunter would lie in a tree over a game path 24Noel G. Frere, "Notes on the History of Old Port Lokko and Its Neighbourhood," Sierra Leone Studies, 01d Series No. 2 (1919; reprint ed., April, 1926), p. 63. 25D. J. Siddle, "War-towns in Sierra Leone: A Study in Social Change," Africa, Vol. XXXVIII (January, 1968), p. 49. 28 and spear his prey with a heavy-shafted spear, the point of which had been poisoned. The animal was then followed until it died.26 Moreover, as a result of the creeks and rivers that abounded in their adopted home, it is very probable that fishing played an important role in the early Temne economy. Briefly, this involved four basic techniques: (a) the gathering of stranded fish in "minnow wells,“ enclosures of loosely packed lateritic rock set just below the highe water mark of an estuary and completely drained by the ebbing tide; (b) the impaling of fish with a spear or bow and arrow, either from a bank or a canoe; (c) line fishing utilizing fish bones as hooks; and (d) the employment of small traps of palm fiber placed in a river bot- tom, mouth facing downstream, and baited with a frog or crayfish.27 Considering that the Temne had migrated from an upland locale it is likely that they did not bring knowledge of canoes and tidal techniques with them but rather acquired these attributes from the neighboring Bullom.) As mentioned earlier, the Temne brought a knowledge of agricul- ture with them, though it played a minor role relative to hunting and gathering in the early years. Around 1500 Pereira wrote, "In all this Serra there is much fish, rice, maize, hens, capons, and a few cows and other cattle."28 His use of "much" suggests substantial agricultural endeavors. This is questionable for agriculture carries 26Kup, op. cit., footnote 13, pp. 186-87. 27kup, op. cit., footnote 13, pp. 175-76. 28Pereira, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 99. As maize was a New World import that di no arrive in Sierra Leone until the mid six- teenth century, it is likely that what Pereira really saw under cul- tivation was millet. 29 with it connotations of a basically sedentary way of life. Evidence discussed later suggests this life-style was only adopted on a large scale in the late sixteenth century and that it was not until then that agriculture became a significant part of Temne livelihood. More- over, we may hypothesize that the abundance of game, the dense forest and strange climatic conditions all played a part in discouraging "much” cultivation. Bananas and coco-yams were available, having probably "spread westwards naturally from the African shores of the Indian Ocean."29 30 and it is Oil palms grew on the margins of the coastal swamplands possible that the Temne acquired knowledge of the food value of its kernels and "wine" (fermented sap) at an early date. Also, the writer can vouch for the edibility of the leaves of certain plants. This is merely to suggest that there was an alternative at the time--vegetational and otherwise--to agriculture. It is not meant to imply that cultivation was non-existent, for one can hardly refute Pereira's observation of rice and "maize." The extent of the practice is the questionable point, and here Pereira's words seem somewhat misleading. To repeat, in this era of dense forest, low population densities, and a somewhat semi- nomadic way of life, agriculture undoubtedly played a very minor role in the Temne economy. What little cultivation existed was probably of the shifting, or bush-fallow variety, a discussion of which will appear in the next chapter. 29Kup, op. cit., footnote 13, p. 174. 30K. Swindell, "Oil Palm," in Sierra Leone in Mapg, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press, 1966), p. 78. 30 As a final word on the economy, Pereira's observation of "hens, capons, and a few cows and cattle," might lead one to believe that the Temne kept domesticated animals at this time (c. 1500). It is known that cattle, sheep and goats were being domesticated in the Sudan/ Sahara area as early as the neolithic;3] and though no records are available, it would be tenuous indeed to say that the Temne, migrating from the Sudan, did not bring some knowledge of animal domestication. This practice is not explicitly described by Pereira and it is possible that what he observed were wild species. This is not to refute the pos- sibility of domestication. Some peoples living in West Africa's forest zone may have been keeping humpless cattle, goats, pigs and poultry as early as the year 1000 A.D.32 However, it would seem that the factors militating against widespread agriculture would also hold true for animal domestication. Thus this latter practice, like the former, must be viewed as playing at best only a minor role during this period. As we shall see in the next chapter, there is evidence to suggest that animal domestication, like agriculture, only began in earnest towards the end of the sixteenth century. In reference to settlement characteristics, matters of popula- tion density and mobility should not require further discussion at this point. It remains, however, to say something of house types and nascent agglomerations. 31Oliver Davies, West Africa Before the Europeans (London: Methuen, 1967), pp. 150-51. 32C. C. Ifemesia, "The Peoples of West Africa Around A.D. 1000," in A Thousand Years of West African History, ed. by J. F. Ade. Ajayi and Ian Espie (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1965), p. 43. 31 Drawing on evidence about the Susu, Mende and Kono migrations,33 Siddle has presented a picture of early settlement characteristics that may legitimately be extended to the Temne.34 The essential components are a band of hunters and collectors residing in temporary shelters near running water. Their period of occupance may have lasted a year or two depending upon the availability of game. During the Temne's early years in Sierra Leone we may hypothesize that small ephemeral clusters of huts made of saplings, creepers and palm fronds were con- structed. Anything more elaborate at the time (early 1400's) would be questionable for people in the process of migration and pursuing semi-nomadic economic practices. According to Siddle, Free-range hunting and collecting is clearly only possible in areas with very low papulation densities. This way of life must have become gradually more dif- ficult as more and more immigrant groups arrived, and at some stage a transitigg was made to fixed location .bush-fallow agriculture. ‘ Immigration undoubtedly continued throughout the fifteenth century re- sulting in an increase in population density. Friction between ethnic grOUps resulted; and indeed migration traditions of the Temne and other peoples are rife with references to warfare. Pereira's mention of the "small quantities" of slaves the early Portuguese obtained by barter with the Temne very probably reflects this.36 Thus, with increasing population 33These ethnic groups are respectively found in the northwestern, eastern and southern parts of Sierra Leone. 34Siddle, op. cit., footnote 25, p, 49. 35Siddle, op. cit., footnote 25, p. 49. 36Pereira, 0p. cit., footnote 2, p. 96. 32 density, it is possible that a transition to fixed settlement was begun sometime around the middle of the fifteenth century. Whatever the period, there is proof that such change occurred before the arrival of the Portuguese. In 1507 Valentim Fernandes, a German writer drawing on informa- tion gathered by Portuguese explorers, described the Temne habitat in this manner: The houses of the poor are made of stakes stuck in the ground, plastered with mud and covered with straw and rushes. The houses of the rich are built of mud and brick; inside they are well white-washed; the outside is of chalk and/or white clay. Outside they are well made, being the best houses in all Guynee [i.e., Guinea]. Some are filled with rich matting; on these mats, of which they are just as proud as we ourselves are of carpets, and Africans place as seats three-legged stools, very well made and covered with ox—skin. Their furniture consists of bowls, pots and earth- enware pans. Their bed is a mat near which they keep up a fire all night.37 Although Fernandes does not mention it, scholars of Temne culture agree that a very important characteristic of these houses was their circular design. The present-day Temne regard a circular mud structure topped by a conical thatched roof to be their traditional house type. Moreover, an analysis by Harvey suggests that circular structures were a ubiquitous characteristic of those groups which peopled the northern part of Sierra Leone.38 Possibly it was a general importation concomitant 37Valentim Fernandes, Description de la Cote Occidentated'Afrique (Bissau, 1951), pp. 93 and 95, cited in Kup, op. cit., footnote 13, p.7158. 38Milton E. Harvey, "Rural House Types," in Sierra Leone in Maps, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press, 1966), p. 64. 33 with immigration from the Sudan. Why circular houses? A Temne legend, reflecting later Islamic influence, states: . . when they were at Madina building round houses for Mahomet, their standard of building did not satisfy him, he therefore expelled them from the town and told them to travel to the west for many moons on the expira- tion of which they were to settle down and build nothing but round houses until they learnt to built them prop- erly.39 Langley, however, has offered the following opinion: "The real reason . the Temne built round structures is because they are . . . the easiest to design and build."40 Whatever the rationale, the essential point is that the tradi- tional Temne house—type is circular (Figure 5). Littlejohn has offered the following account of its construction. Two circles are marked off on the ground by pegging a length of rope and drawing out the circumference with a stick tied to the other end. The house consists of two circular walls . . ., the inner higher than the outer, on which rests the roof. The space between the walls is partitioned into bedrooms and store rooms . . . gaps in the outer wall [serve as a] kitchen and verandah. A wall is made from two circles of upright stakes about a span apart traversed by 8-12 horizontal rows of saplings lashed on. In the numerous squares so formed mud is roughly packed and allowed to dry. After that the wall is finished with supplementary packing and mud plastering inside and out. The main poles of the roof are lashed to specially stout up- rights in the walls and held together at the top by a circlet of saplings. Several rings of saplings are lashed round them, smaller poles tied to these, and the whole thatched. A good, strong house, say twenty- five feet high and about the same in diameter takes well over a year to finish. Naturally there are 1 variations in design but these are the essentials. 39E. R. Langley, ”The Temne; Their Live, Land, and Ways, ” Sierra Leone Studies, Old Series No.22 (September, 1939), p. 72. 4OLangley, op. cit., footnote 39, p. 72. 4IJames Littlejohn, “The Temne House," Sierra Leone Studies, New Series No. 14 (December, 1960), pp. 63-64. 34 The TRADITIONAL TEMNE HOUSE (AFTER L/TTLEJOHN/ Figure 5 35 It is significant that such a house does not require knowledge of carpentry, reinforcing its claim to antiquity. However, Fernandes' report of "bricks" presents a problem; perhaps what the Portuguese really saw were the rough balls of mud filling the sapling lattice. At any rate, what we must keep in mind is that in 1507, based on observa- tions possibly several years old, there was mention of fairly elaborate mud houses. No indication of size is given, but if they were anything like that described by Littlejohn (not to mention his remark on the length of time necessary for construction), the implication is that some degree of permanency of settlement had begun by 1500. The character- istics of "the best houses in all of Guynee" would, after all, hardly seem appropriate for the life-style of itinerant hunters and gatherers. Of great significance to the present discussion is a passage from Esmeralda ge_Situ Orbis (c. 1500) which states that a village called Tanguarim, containing about 200 pe0ple, rested across the es- tuary from "Serra Lyoa."42 It is doubtful that towns of this large size were typical of Temne country in 1500. Tanguarim's position astride excellent fishing grounds and proximity to several streams leading to various parts of the immediate interior may well have pro— duced a village out of all proportion to other agglomerations. More— over, Tanguarim is not specified as a Temne town; very possibly it was a Bullom settlement. Yet this reference, coupled with the discussion of the size and architectural elaboration of the Temne house, must be taken as indicative of at least the beginning of sedentary living. In brief, a trend towards such an existence by the year 1500 must 42Pereira, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 96. 36 be accepted. Thomas suggests that early settlements formed around the patrilineal clans characteristic of Temne society.43 The size of these early villages is not known although Thomas in 1916 described 13 huts as "typical."44 No matter what the physical dimenSions may have been, a truly profound shift to a sedentary existence did not occur until the latter part of the sixteenth century. In a series of extracts from Esmeralda de Situ Orbis, Pereira makes the following remarks on Temne country around the year 1500: Both gold and slaves are bartered for brass basins and brass bracelets, bloodstones, red cloth, linen and cot- ton cloths; and in this country they make beautiful mats of palm-leaf and necklaces of ivory . . . All the negroes from Rio Grande to Serra Lyoa are idolators and are circumcised without knowing why, except that some say it is for cleanliness, while others say that they would not be able to beget children if they were uncircumcised and others say that it was the custom of their fathers; but it is probably that the chief rea- son why they fall into this error is that the Jalofos, Mandinguas and Tucuroees are Mohammedans and are cir- cumcised by their law, and the Beafares beyond them in the same way, and as they are neighbors of the ‘ inhabitants of Serra Lyoa they have taken this custom of circumcision from one another . . . All the negroes of this country are naked or wear loin-cloths of cotton; there are no stone build- ings in this Serra, the dwelling places being simply thatched huts. Twelve or fifteen leagues from the sea inland is a race of men called Sousos [Susu]; they possess much iron, which they bring to Serra Lyoa and other parts and make a good profit.45 As for the bartered items, the exact meaning in terms of Temne technological know-how is somewhat vague. The brass, bloodstone and 43Northcote W. Thomas, Law and Custom of the Timne and Other Tribes, Anthro olo ical Repgrt on Sierra Leone, Part I (London: HarFison and Sons, 1913). p. 3?. 44Thomas, op. cit., footnote 43, p. 22. 45Pereira, ap. cit., footnote 2, pp. 96-98. 37 linen were Portuguese trade items and not those of indigenous peoples. Susu (and Temne) possession of iron cannot be contested, but knowledge of metalworking is questionable. Interestingly enough, an account written in 1788 credits the Temne with knowledge of blacksmithing while one from 1825 says the opposite.46 Both of these references mention only the most menial carpenter's tools.47 For 1500, then, we may hypo- thesize that metalworking was, if anything, rather limited. But other skills undoubtedly existed. Pereira's mention of ivory necklaces and palm mats has recently been elaborated on by Ryder, 48 Additionally, who has postulated a very high degree of workmanship. the "loin-cloths of cotton" was indicative of at least a rudimentary knowledge of weaving. Fernandes states: The clothes of important men are cotton shirts and breeches. The poor have a cloth made of wood-fibre with which they cover their loins. 49 The women have a cloth around their loins . . . A coarse variety of cotton material, known locally as "country cloth," is possibly quite ancient. According to Matthews in 1788: "Every family spin and weave their own cloth, and make their own clothes . . .50 46Matthews, op. cit., footnote 22, p. 107; Alexander Gordon Laing, ,Travels in the Timannee, Kooranko and Soolima Countries, in Western Africa (EondBn: Jahn Murray. 1825), p.7102. 47Matthews, op. ,footnote 22, p. 107; Laing, op ,foot- note 46, p. 103. 48A. F. C. Ryder, "A Note on the Afro-Portuguese Ivories," Journal of African History, Vol. V (1964), pp. 363-65. 49Valentim Fernandes, Description de la Cote Occidentale d'Afrique (Bissau, 1951), p. 95, cited in Kup, op. cit., footnote 13, p. 158. 50Matthews, op. cit., footnote 22, p. 107. 38 This may not be valid for the year 1500. But the notations by Pereira and Fernandes indicate that some weaving was practiced; as Pereira re- presents one of the first Portuguese to visit Sierra Leone, it is doubtful that all (if any) of the material he saw Was of European manufacture. In the Temne case, Pereira's references to circumcision and Islam may or may not be related. It is common knowledge that circumcision is a convention amongst many traditional societies the world over. Fur- thermore, as we shall see, Islamic ways did not begin to make serious inroads amongst the Temne until the eighteenth century. Traditional Temne religion revolves around a supreme deity, "Kuru," and myriad spirits generically termed "krifi." Neither are worshipped; sacrifices may occasionally be offered though this is possibly a Muslim innova- 5] "Kuru" apparently has some connection with the sky. The tion. "krifi," divided into good and bad spirits, are everywhere, and both good luck and misfortune are said to result from their machinations. Much material exists on Temne social structure and interested readers may consult any of the numerous sources that are available.52 The Temne are divided into about twenty-five patrilineal clans. Kinship ties, exemplified by the extended family concept, have traditionally dominated social aspects of Temne life, age being the prime determinant of those to whom deference is due. Matters of descent, totemic associa- tion, succession, marriage, and death are not discussed here, although a brief description of land tenure will be given later. 5‘McCulloch, op. cit., footnote 9, p. 70. 52Some examples: McCulloch, o . cit., footnote 9, pp. 54-59; Thomas, op. cit., footnote 43, pp. 163-07. 39 As regards political organization, Clarke points out that the traditional basic unit of local government in Sierra Leone was the town. Headmen guided these settlements which were grouped adminis- tratively into sections under subchiefs. Several sections composed a chiefdom under the leadership of a single chief.53 Whether or not such an arrangement existed at or before the time of the migration is not known; in fact, chiefdoms are not specifically referred to in the literature until several centuries later. In the early days it is possible that warriors or skilled hunters played major political roles. The existence of the above hierarchy by 1500 is also problematical, though the trend towards a sedentary existence carries with it a con- notation of evolving political sophistication. Speaking generally of the Windward Coast (i.e., modern Guinea, Sierra Leone and Liberia) in the pre—European period, Fyfe, utilizing ,1 unwritten sources, suggests a series of small communities living in political as well as geographical isolation from their neighbors.54 There were no big empires; it was a country of small independent states each with its own government. Some were ruled by kings--but they were not absolute monar- chies. The kings had councils to advise them, and could not disregard their council's advice . Societies also exercised great power.5 Among the Temne, the most important society has traditionally been the Poro. The origin of this powerful secret society for men is not known. 53John I. Clarke, "Chiefdoms," in Sierra Leone in Maps, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press, 1966), p. 32. 54Christopher Fyfe, "Peoples of the Windward Coast A.D. 1000- 1800," in A Thousand Years of West African History, ed. by J. F. Ade. Ajayi and Ian Espie (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1965), p. 153. 55Fyfe, op. cit., footnote 54, pp. 153-54. 4O Possibly it was imported with the migration from Guinea, though simi- larities between several of the cult terms and the Sherbro language suggest that the Temne may have acquired it from the Bullom after ar- 56 Whatever the truth, the society is quite riving in Sierra Leone. old and may well have represented the prime political power among the Temne by 1500. Significantly, an early Portuguese account describes an institution that may well have been the Poro.57 There is no evi- dence that the society has ever had any form of centralized organ- ization. Rather, its composition perhaps best approximates a series of lodges having no formal contact with each other.58 Each village would have its own lodge, located in adjacent "bush“ (i.e., forest). Even today the society is a force to be reckoned with; its political power is still strong (no man can hape to become a chief without Poro backing) and the society seems always to have played a major role in the education of the young. How can the Temne culture realm in the year 1500 be depicted? A map simply showing the Temne in occupance of the land between the Isles de Los and the Sierra Leone peninsula (referring to Pereira's observation quoted at the beginning of this chapter) would not be ade- quate, for a loose-knit confederation of peoples of the "Temne cluster" of the West Atlantic linguistic group was coming into existence. The Temne were to be the dominant component in the alliance and for this 55kenneth A. Little, "The Poro Society As An Arbiter of Culture," African Studies, Vol. VII (March, 1948), p. 2. 57Fyfe, op. cit., footnote 54, p. 154. 58Little, op. cit., footnote 56, p. 5. 41 reason the early Portuguese seem to have applied the name "Teymene" to some people who were, strictly speaking, of other ethnic back— grounds. For our present purpose, the most notable “other” groups were the Baga and Bullom, peoples who affinities with the Temne were such that it may be more correct to speak of a "Temne-related” culture realm at that time. In 1500 the Baga were northern neighbors of the Temne and probably migrated from the area in and around Futa Jallon with 59 them. As such the two groups undoubtedly had many traits in common, and even today the Baga language is considered a Temne dialect.60 They very likely ranged as far north as the Isles de Los (if not far- ther) and thus constituted the northernmost "Teymene" noted by Pereira. As for Temne affinities with the Bullom, a comparative word list drawn Up by Pereira suggests that by 1500 the two groups had been living in conjunction long enough for their languages to be mutually intelligi- ble.61 The history of relations between these two peoples has essen- tially been one of peace--indeed gradual absorption of the Bullom by the Temne. It is probable that in 1500 the "Serra Lyoa" peninsula and the land immediately north of it across the estuary (even today referred to as the Bullom Shore) were essentially Bullom in ethnic composition. Apparently the peninsula only became predominantly Temne 62 at a later date, although in 1500 communion with the Bullom was 59Kup, op. cit., footnote 13, p. 135. 60McCulloch, op. cit., footonte 9, p. 51. 6lKup, op. cit., footnote 13, p. 6. 62McCulloch, op. cit., footnote 9, p. 51. 42 obviously quite strong, as witnessed by Pereira's crediting the Temne with occupance of that area. Just how far strong Temne influence existed south of the peninsula cannot be stated. ,As the Temne seem to have been most numerous around the Little Scarcies River,63 in the northwestern part of Sierra Leone, their influence south of the peninsula was probably minimal. What we may therefore envision is a Temne "core" area existing in the northwestern part of modern-day Sierra Leone, and a "domain" radiating outwards from the Isles de Los in the north to the penin- sula on the south. Plotting the "sphere" presents a difficulty, but following on Fyfe's notion of political and geographical isolation we may hypothesize a rather scant zone. Indeed, abrupt cultural inter- faces have been the general model. The eastward extension of these zones presents a puzzle. As the Portuguese came to Sierra Leone as seafarers it is understandable that their early writings contain few references to peoples of the interior. Temne traditions do not suggest affinities with pe0p1es to the east similar to those then extant with the Baga and Bullom, and this permits us to assume rather shallow zones of "domain" and "sphere" in that direction. Figure 6 is presented as an approximation of the spatial dimensions of Temne culture in the year 1500. fivw‘fiv fir 63Kup, op. cit., footnote 13, p. 123. 43 14° 9° 89 7O 1 WW I I, TEMNE CULTURE CG. I500 YALUNKA - r—"x’ J1"— “'—-—._._\- ., ~ '-:.;.;.;.;.;. ......... \- . \I .‘O ..... \ Izles ' \\ e - ~ I Les '1" \ .‘.. Ll MBA "' LOKo 900-. ==5;2:a...,.. ’ 1 ...... /' -‘ ’3 KRIM , O [I / Af/Onf/C ;\.. Ocean ALL”. I,“ 100 1_ L. __ ~——-.__Lf__ J - .,'»\\ Ideniiiy oiher eihnic groups . II WW- - l REALM m CORE DOMAIN SPHERE Names ouiside Temne realm 9° Figure 6 44 Summary In summary, what we have pictured in this chapter is an essential- ly unmodified landscape undergoing human colonization. Arriving as bands of hunters and gatherers around 1400, the Temne gradually began turning to a more sedentary way of life until, by 1500, we see the first real signs of towns, agriculture, and political organization. A distinct, recognizable culture was coming into being. But popula- tion densities were low and only a few choice sites, mostly riverine, appear to have been effectively occupied. Thus, the human impact in these early years was extremely diminutive-~the land maintaining, an the whole, its pre-Temne image. CHAPTER III AN ERA OF TUMULT: 1500-1800 This chapter is concerned with Temne culture during the some 300 years prior to formal EurOpean colonization of the Sierra Leone penin- sula. The overriding characteristic of this period was political and social unheaval, occasioned by migrations, increasing population densi- ties and the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Concomitant with these activities were diffusions of culture traits into Sierra Leone that led to the growth, development, and modification of several traditional aspects of Temne society. The Sapi Confederation The era began on a note of relative cooperation and peace. In the writings of Fernandes and Pereira (c. 1500) mention is made of the Sapi,l a name applied to a then-growing confederation of peoples occupy- ing part of the coast both north and south of the Sierra Leone peninsula. As the name of this alliance has been spelled in a variety of ways some confusion exists as to its exact composition and areal extent. However its elements appear to have been coastal peoples of the West Atlantic language family (i.e., Sherbro-Bullom, Temne, Tyapi, Baga and Landuma) and possibly even Limba and Yalunka peoples in the interior of Sierra v fifi fi v w—r 1Sapi is a modern spelling. Portuguese variations included Capez, Kapez, Capijs and Capeos. 45 46 Leone.2 By 1550 the alliance, dominated by the Temne, stretched some 200 miles along the Atlantic coast from the Isles de Los to Sherbro Island, temporarily including even the Mande-speaking Susu (Figure 7).3 According to Kup, "the Sapi alliance exercised some kind of loose-knit suzerainty, but at no time was it in any way comparable to the well- disciplined empires of the western Sudan of the same date.”4 It is tempting to suggest that this "loose-knit suzerainty" represented a nascent coastal empire under Temne hegemony. If its size and membership are any indication, some such potential very prob— ably existed. Any hope of fruition however, was ravaged by the events which affected coastal Sierra Leone in the 1560's. The Mani Invasion and Its Aftermath Around 1560 a body of Mande-speaking peOple known as the Mani (occasionally Mane or Sumba) descended either the Mano or Moa rivers to the sea (Figure 4). Possibly fleeing a Sudanic emperor determined to extend Islam to his pagan neighbors, the Mani then turned north, confronting the Sherbro-Bullom and Temne.5 The latter groups were no match for the invaders. Savage fighters, and probably cannabalistic,6 the outnumbered Mani advanced steadily against their adversaries. Their v ‘7 ‘v—v v 2A. P. Kup, A History of Sierra Leone: 1400-1787 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961), p. 123. 3Kup, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 127. 4Kup, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 123. 5Kup, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 128. 6Northcote W. Thomas, "Who Were the Manes?", Journal of the Royal_ African Society, Vol. XIX (April, 1920), p. 176. 47 14¢ 13° 12° 11° '0' 9. I I l I I I N SAPI CONFEDERATION ca1550 II'P“ ' _ TY ' _e YA . ,0.._ LA BA __,\Y,A,/'—"-'-'-'-'\. I " '- BA 30/ YA \\ g / ': BA SU/ 50 LI \; I ‘I‘ BU _’,/ 3U ....... Ll I, I .0 ,_ . . TE .3: -.....- \i‘ ‘ \. 8U TE." ‘1 .. ~ TE ' I”. .. ‘ BU I:'~‘//.ll _ p . ._,_,\. BA .8464 1‘ i I 'I o._ BU ,’ / BU BULLOM . -. 1 . ' . .1 1 LA LANDUMA ,bm!_,1f; ,’ Ll UMBA .~ '4‘. . . ,/ su susu - .. f». .1" TE TEMNE A Han/7'0 I" ~~ . I", TY "Am 7.__ .. , YA YALUNKA I Ocean 'i ------- Confederation BoundOYY (Approximate) ..._.— Boundary of Modern Sierra Leone 6. 0 MILES IOO ' ~ Alter Kup I I I I ' l 1 14° 13' 12' 11° "3' 9' Figure 7 48 ferocity was such that many Temne fled to Portuguese ships "because they preferred being slaves in the West Indies to being eaten by the Mani soldiers."7 By the late 1560's the Temne and Sherbro-Bullom had been subjugated. Impressed for military service, these peoples now found themselves part of a Mani-dominated confederation whose military aspirations had yet to be satiated. Striking north towards Futa Jallon around 1570, the Mani and their allies were confronted near the Great Scarcies River by peoples of the reduced Sapi Confederation. Employ- ing a small detachment of Fula cavalry, the Sapi, now led by the Susu, were completely victorious. The Mani retreated to the south, their op- ponents pressing the advantage. For a while the Sierra Leone River separated the hostile parties,8 though around 1600 the Temne again struck north and captured the territory in and around what was to be~ come the town of Port Loko.9 A period of peace ensued. After this warfare, the Mani leadership apparently moved south into modern Liberia, leaving behind overlords, or "kings," to govern the Temne. The exact number of remnant Mani was apparently small as they were assimilated by the Temne in the space of a few generations. One Portuguese writing a mere thirty years after the invasion reported that he could not distinguish the invader from the vanquished.10 Thus the physical presence of the Mani waxed and waned within a relatively short 7A. P. Kup, The Story of Sierra Leone (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1964), p. 161 8Kup, Op. cit., footnote 2, p. 132. 9Kup, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 142. 10Kup, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 139. 49 period. Yet the Mani experience was to have profound long-term effects on several aspects of Temne life. Economically, Temne-Susu commercial contacts were abandoned for a time, depriving the former of Susu and possibly Sudanic wares. The political aftermath was even more notable. The Sapi alliance was shattered and its remaining membership soon dis- solved. Most important for the Temne, however, the Susu drive to the south, following their victory at the Great Scarcies, forever separated the Temne from their Baga and Landuma cousins. The Temne advance in 1600 did not repair this damage. Thus by the beginning of the seven- teenth century the Temne-related culture realm had been considerably reduced (Figure 8). Moreover, cooperation and peaceful intercourse with neighboring peoples were now replaced by fear and isolation. In reference to culture items, a few Mani traits are known to 11 have diffused to the Temne. These included various types of weaponry and funeral customs, and possibly the making of "nomoli,° small soap— stone carvings which today are considered national art treasures.12 For our purposes, however, the most important innovation was the "ata- banka," or war fence. . An important element contributing to the early Mani military success was their practice of constructing a protective barricade of stakes whenever they halted. Subjugated peoples, having received a harsh nConversely some Temne traits seem to have disappeared, as the beautiful ivory carvings apparently ceased to be made after 1600. It is certain that this was not occasioned by an abrupt decline in the ele- phant population. More than likely it was the result of Mani influence. See Christopher Fyfe, A Short History of Sierra Leone (London: Longmans, Green and Company, Ltd., 1962), p. 11. 12kup, op. cit., footnote 2, pp. 140 and 166. 50 13° 1 12° 1 I" 1 ,o,_ l 1 1....-._ _ _._ _.\ I .0, ,l". /'/I \ N TEMNE CULTURE .2. YALUNKA '\. REALM I \\ co.1600 f .1 e \ L '1 7 5 < ""L, / -) 39 2 <9 I '7 “we \. L \. ,1 j r, . j , -.I " ,l . .1 K 1 s s I ff“ . ./ 8°1- , ' _.a. a I k U \ 620 J . 45 f "'1. 6> ./ ‘ ' a} ’fi ./ ' O ./ g F - - _ KRI M ./ Arrow/c ~ '- ._ , SIS /-/ m com»: Ocean . . ./ DOMAIN f/ SPHERE . :3 Names outside Temne realm ,. ° - JIM-ES - 5° I] identify other ethmc groups.” I I 1 1' . I I 1 13° 12° 11° Figure 8 51 demonstration of the technique's utility, adapted the trait, and subsequently enclosed their own villages with protective barriers. The resultant settlement characteristic--a village enclosed by a war fence--would remain a part of the cultural landscape of Temne country (indeed of much of Sierra Leone) for over three hundred years. Significantly, the ”atabanka” was no ordinary fence, as can be gathered from the following description by Alldridge in 1910: Formerly every town was encircled by from two to four war fences, which were rough stockades. These war fences were formed of live trees, the lower part being kept free of foliage, while the top was allowed to sprout. The stakes were thickly interlaced with a rude lattice of long, live canes that also sprouted so that there was soon a dense mass of vegetation at the top of the fence, which as a rule was about fifteen to twenty feet high. The gate of the war fence was with- out exception a solid slab of hard wood, cut from the buttress of a large tree, and so strong that it could never be broken in native warfare. . . 3 Parts of two such palisades are pictured in Figure 9. In an era of conflict, occasioned by the growing Slave trade and rivalry between ethnic groups, such a structure was extremely use- ful. More importantly, this practice of enclosing villages with live, permanent fences, producing a ”war-town," was "most responsible for "14 Thus though a transi- fixing settlements at one site for long periods. tion to a sedentary way of life was in process prior to the Mani invasion, it was the introduction of the "atabanka" which hastened and finalized this change. 13T. J. Alldridge, The Sherbro and Its Hinterland (London: Mac- millan and Company, Ltd., 1901), p. 56. 14D. J. Siddle, "War-towns in Sierra Leone: A Study in Social Change," Africa, Vol. XXXVIII (January, 1968), pp. 47-56. .Leemeeesa ego to coemmLEng An emuawocamm .ormp .xmpmmm ”cowCOA .spFemz megawm>mncz new .msoumzu m>_pmz .mm_aoma .mmmcmoLa mpH .mH pH m4 mm“ .mmz pH m< mcom4 mecmwm ”amo_ou nmscoemcmch < .mmu_cu__< .w .H ”mucsom 2. .mmcwpamm cmumFmecw use .mmmcp Lo new lueom .mmucme asp me “Love; esp mpoz .SMASPLm mg“ »n umzmfi Ipso mcmz xmze cmgz xczacmo zpcmmpmcw: wear an» Pepe: macaw Inca? chspfisu ecu Lo “can m umcmemc zone .mpxmemLWF Acmpcmcwm m vmmmcsoucm new cowumxwe czop cw “Lea pcmpcoaew cm umAMFQ manemwpmq £63m .wcez me» An umozuocch mmuzmd qu o mmeHd 53 x ‘ ..'..._ . , 45." h . , ‘2“.1- \ u.‘ J); . 3...; 54 The siting of war-towns usually reflected defensive and prac- tical considerations. Siddle states that in most regions they were positioned on a low hill or interfluve.15 On the other hand, Harvey has*written that the most important element in town fixation was ease of access to water.16 These two suggestions are not necessarily incom- patible, though most Temne settlements seem to have favored the latter. One can readily appreciate the desirability of both factors, and local circumstances probably governed which was the more important. At any rate, with the introduction of the "atabanka," the "traditional" Temne town soon develOped. Such towns seemed to glorify things circular. Concentric rings of circular houses were laid out around a central meeting place, or "barri." All was enclosed by a circular war fence-—perhaps a series of them. Naturally the stout, live fences impeded expansion of indi- vidual units. Thus, if population thresholds were realized other circular agglomerations were constructed adjacent to the first such that a town might eventually achieve a "clover-leaf" appearance. How big these Temne war-towns were is problematical. Studies by Siddle of villages in isolated parts of the Gala forest reserve in southeastern Sierra Leone suggest a maximum size of approximately sixty huts, or five hundred people (Figure 4).17 This is not a Temne area, but as 15Sidd1e, op. cit., footnote 14, p. 47. 16Milton E. Harvey, "Town Sites," in Sierra Leone in Meps, ed. by John 1. Clarke (London: University of London Press,T1966), p. 50. 17Siddle, op. cit., footnote 14, p. 50. This does not necessarily contradict the notion of the "typical" town quoted from Thomas on page The situation in 1916, as in the pre-Mani days, precluded the need for war-towns, allowing for the establishment of small agglomerations based on the extended family. 55 peoples in the Gala region also experienced the Mani incursion, and adopted the war-town complex, we may assume very similar settlements. This tight clustering of thatched structures must have been very sus- ceptible to both fire and disease, yet these considerations were over- ridden by the defensive needs of the day. Though not contiguous to the war-town, one other feature arose which completed the traditional settlement pattern--outlying hamlets. Each 'war-town' was supported by a variable number of satellite villages. Their number varied according to the size and strength of the main community, but there were rarely less than three and seldom more than eight. These dependent villages were usually found within a five-mile radius of the 'waretown.' Their function was to extend the area of food supply, and if possible to provide a surplus for sieges. They were often manned by slaves, and, whilst remaining under the authority of the parent settlement, they themgelves sometimes be- came well-defended 'war-towns.‘ The reference to food supply suggests another characteristic of the cultural landscape of Temne country that the "atabanka" was most influ- ential in encouraging: bush-fallow, or "shifting," cultivation. Writing a few years after the Mani invasion, Hawkins (1564) noted that these people had enslaved the Sapi and made them cultivate millet, rice, roots and pumpkins, and tend chickens and goats--endeavors 19 The implication is that these which he says were previously unknown. skills were innovations borne by the Mani advance. This is doubtful. As we have seen, the Temne very likely had a knowledge of plant and animal domestication prior to their migration but, due to conditions in 18Siddle, op. cit., footnote 14, p. 47. 19C. R. Markham, ed., The Hawkins' Voyages (London: Hakluyt Society, Vol. LVII, 1878), p. 17. 56 their new habitat, practiced them only on a menial scale. Moreover, it is questionable that the Mani, themselves in the process of migra- tion and conquest, could have readily applied such sedentary ways, let alone so rapidly convert the vanquished. A better explanation of Hawkin's observation is that the war fence, which served to promote a sedentary life-style, merely encouraged the utilization of pre-existing technology. Whatever the truth, the development of war-towns and the expansion of bush-fallow agriculture were contemporaneous. This tech- nique, which was probably practiced in the Sudan as early as the Paleo- lithic,20 merits some discussion. Not only would it become the main- stay of the Temne economy (it remains so to this day); it would also leave an indelible imprint on the natural environment. Shifting cultivation is ideally suited for areas having a hot climate, seasonal rainfall, poor soils, and a human population possess- ing only the most elementary agricultural tools. These conditions epitomized Temne country in the immediate post-Mani period and, again, exist even to this day. It is probable that around the year 1600 pop- ulation pressure was less severe, and fallow periods longer, than today. But save for a few crops that were introduced at later dates--as well as some new tools and fertilizers-~the writer is aware of no evidence that the essential characteristics of bush-fallow agriculture are significantly different now than they were in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. Thus, based on observations of present-day Temne farmers, insight into early Temne agriculture can be garnered by 20Oliver Davies, West Africa Before the Europeans (London: Methuen, 1967), p. 10. 57 following the activities of a hypothetical farmer through a calendar year. The "farming cycle” began in January when Temne country enters the heart of its dry season. Such a time is ideal for preparing fields so that sowing can begin with the first rains; and preparing fields was a process that took several weeks--even months--to complete. Tak- ing an area covered with forest or dense bush and preparing it for crops was a tedious matter, especially so because only the crudest tools were available. Using machetes, the farmer and his family or kin-group slashed away at the undergrowth and felled the trees, useful species, such as the fire-resistant oil palm, being spared. The size of the cleared area had some correlation with the amount of food need- ed to sustain the group during the following year and a substantial area could thus be involved, the cutting of which might have occupied a few weeks. This accomplished, the cuttings were allowed to dry out. Then they were burnt. This was a destructive yet expeditious step. Tons of potentially useful organic matter went up in smoke, yet the land had to be cleared and fire was the only available tool. By late February or early March the charred remains had been gathered and burnt and the breaking of the soil began. This was as tedious as hacking down the bush for it involved turning the soil over the whole area with a small hoe, stroke by stroke. By late March or early April the task was completed and only minor jobs of manicuring remained. Yet the farmers proceeded with alacrity for if early rains would catch their fields unprepared for planting the results would have been disastrous: cut vegetation that could not be burned; a new surge of unwanted vegetation impeding the process of field prepara- tion. When the rains came the planting began. Several crops (especial- ly rice, groundnuts, millet, pepper and yams) were sown in the same 21 field, all mixed together. This practice was somewhat enigmatic to early western observers (Matthews interpreted it as merely a means of saving labor)22 yet there was sound logic behind it. Planting crops with different rates of maturation meant a relatively sustained yield and provided insurance against a rainy season too short for the complete development of some Species. A new kind of work than began as exacting care was taken to protect the fledgling crops. Great attention was paid to weeding lest the crops be smothered by inedible growth. A short fence of sticks and palm fronds, impassable to rodents and other animals that would attack the crops, had to be constructed and maintained. Dawn to dusk policing was necessary to ward off birds that would-feed on the maturing grains. Such work occupied the length of the growing season. Towards the middle of the rains (July-August) some harvesting took place; for some craps that matured early, such as groundnuts, a second sowing might be attempted. After the end of the rains (Novembere 211h reference to rice, upland varieties ("hill rice" have tradi- tionally enjoyed greatest popularity. Only recently have swamp species been widely cultivated). See Chapter IV, page 117. 22John Matthews, A Voygge to the River Sierra Leone, Containing an Account of the Trade anleroductions of the Country andTOf the Civil and’Religious Manners of the People,Tby Jahn Matthews During His Resi- dence in That Country in the Years 1785, 1786 and l787,yWith an Addi- tional Letter on the African Slave Trade (lst ed., new impression; Londbn: Cass, 1788). p. 56} December) the final harvesting ensued. Being done by hand, this too was rather tedious. Rice, for example, had to be harvested stalk by stalk. The harvest completed, the farmer could perhaps indulge in a few weeks' respite; but not much longer, for with the dry season now beginning he had to begin making preparations for cutting a few farm from the forest for next year's planting. For by removing the forest cover from the previous area the farmer had deprived the topsoil of its source of nutrients. The ash dressing left over from the burning had provided an element of fertility, but the disruption of the nutrient cycle plus the tremendous leaching occasioned by the heat and rains yielded a soil vastly depleted of elements necessary for crop growth. To impart new fertility the old farm had to be allowed to life fallow--to revert to bush for a period of years sufficient for the nutrient cycle to re-establish itself. Indeed the farmer had al- ready helped facilitate this, for when he cleared his land he had not uprooted the lesser vegetation but merely cut it off a foot above the ground. How long a given plot of land would be allowed to life fallow was related to local environmental considerations and population pres- sure. A seven- to ten-year interval was possibly the minimum. Under- standing the above, the terms "shifting cultivation" or "bush-fallow agriculture" become self-explanatory. Its advantage lies in its adap- tibility to a precarious ecological balance. The process is reviewed pictorally on the following pages. Obviously such a system could not help but have a tremendous impact on the natural vegetation. With a given plot being refarmed 6O zamcmouoga m.Lo;p:< “muczom Acmzcma mew; Lo wt: ”wave .A>H empamgu mmmv magmzm _mummou Lo mcwmcee we» ou umpAEAP an op nmmmmu maze “as“ xcsp Icmo cpcmopmcw: mgu cw Arno me: u? coe .meamgu pcmmmca mg“ mucemmc mm Ewmcocgumcm cm pcommcamc .mmmcp seam .mEFma five men nmcmam camp m>mc ;u_;z mmmcu ash .cZou use cowpmpomm> mc_ncmpm mp_ no; go =.nm;mzcn= :mmn “man we; acme 2m: < Hmmmod NIH wz~m uau Lo mcwcczm mcwzorpoa seed 3oz < umcaupzuwcm< zoppmmigmam FF mmeHL F_ eeemea 64 gaecmogoza m_cogp:< ”mucnom was: v_z op xpcmw “me_k .ocwpm m ;p_3 mFmecm 6cm muc_n Fae lace; ewe mucus a: gown: soc» cm veep mw; mo 3mw> queLocma m cmscme any mm>wm gown: e. ocoxrame cm m? mczpuwa mgp Lo cmucmu pemF ecu cw mezuuacpm cememc one .ocwzoppme Low swap 0» cowmco>mc Fmsucm>m m.scme on» mmumuwpwome meg» .mcwvcmum peep comp m>mc mnzczm new mmmcu mo masspm esp pmgu mgoz wthz<4m wzHZOJJQE zmoz "weep .cumoa Lo mmmammcp op “o: mxnimcmmmma mewccmz cmwm ocoa m m? cmucmu peep cw exuwpmsooca empcm>cH= .nmpmm>cm; camp AumeFm m>ms muzcnczocm new mow; veep In: .Lwaama can .ccou mmcwzm .m>mmmeo mu:_ucw maocu mg» cthmm>mprzu mm: o? Loam; .xcpcsou mceme op xFFmgaumc nemamewv anmaoga shag Fwo esp mumgu owns?“ esp mo meow» on» mcwgsv pm>osmc pmmcow mpmum-mmgmp mcwzoppod buHmhmHo HAHJOxzo» 2mmzh=om o «(m2 zomhwmuemg anmnoea mew; mmmem guzm xrmsow>mea .Lem» empem gmmx umum>wppzu me>wmcmpce 30: mam use near Fees“ -quwemm um~_eo x_;m?; «Emumn xrxuwsc .ccmr-mceme eo eowgmucw asp cw maswzm vcmmemem pampuPEmecw =.mu:waPon; .ppammg m m< .m_omwF esp cw comma zrco aocu uoom meg» mo cowym>wppsu mpmum-mmLmP .mcomA meemwm 0p cowpmgmvs grog» mo we?“ esp pm more gamzm mo mmcszocx um; xpnmnoea mesmh esp gmzogp chH<>HH430 mon oz<4~gom om mmonm om oezmwa 121 At first, swamp-rice cultivation was limited to the estuaries of northwestern Sierra Leone, but later spread south and then east to the interior bolilands. The diffusion of this technique must have been relatively rapid, for Migeod states that one Ali Tona cultivated swamp-rice near Port Loko around 1895.49 From a cultural standpoint the spread of swamp-rice farming had two interesting results. First, it led to a considerable migration of Temne to the lower Scarcies estuaries such that today this area has one of the highest population densities to be found anywhere in Sierra Leone.50 Secondly, it led to the cultivation of many areas of previously unused land. Apparently this involved a considerable change in the Temne's perception of their environment; for the writer has observed that bolilands (and presumably also riverive swamps) are now much more valued by farmers than upland areas, a View that would hardly seem to coincide with tra- ditional bush-fallow agriculture (Figure 20).51 It must be emphasized that these two observations reflect present—day reality and may not have been so evident by the end of the nineteenth century. Yet the statements of Migeod and others must lead one to the conclusions that such trends were at least underway by the end of the century. 49Migeod, 0p. cit., footnote 47, p. 27. 5°Jarrett, op. cit., footnote 48, p. 80; o. J. Siddle, "Distribu- tion of Rural Settlement," in Sierra Leone in Maps, ed. by John I. Clarke (London: University of London Press, 1966), pp. 60-61. 51This is not to suggest that swamp farming is replacing bush- fallow agriculture, though it has certainly gained in importance. The swamps are being utilized almost exclusively for the cultivation of swamp-rice which means that other staples continue to be grown in the traditional manner. Indeed most of the rice grown today in Sierra Leone is still of the upland variety. 122 Summary The period between 1800 and 1900 saw a remarkable modification of the floral and, to a lesser extent, faunal components of the Temne realm, as the forest gave way to widespread cultivation. Coinciding with this were alterations in Temne life as a result of the increased utilization of swamp-rice, the Sudanic trade, and the introduction of cash cropping and several foreign cultural institutions. Even more profound change would follow in the decades ahead. Throughout the nineteenth century expanding British interest in the Colony's hinterland was matched by French designs on the Sudan and the hinterland of Conakry. This differential quest for empire resulted in the delimitation of a boundary in 1895 that fixed the two powers' spheres of influence. Thus it was that Sierra Leone's current fron- tiers were defined.52 In the following year a Protectorate was de— clared over that part of the British territory not included in the Colony, an action which formally brought Temne-land under the Union Jack. In subsequent years significant efforts would be made to develop and modernize the Protectorate--efforts that would radically alter many aspects of traditional Temne culture. 52The present boundary with Liberia had been formally ratified in 1886. CHAPTER V THE ERA 0F MODERNIZATION: POST-1900 The declaration of the Protectorate had two immediate results. First, the establishment of the frontier with the French sphere of influence put an end to the lucrative commercial intercourse which had existed between European and Creole traders from the Colony on the one hand and Sudanic peoples on the other. Second, it raised the question of acquiring the funds with which to administer and develop the new lands now under the British flag. Accordingly, it was deemed that the development of the Protectorate's natural resources would be a most efficacious step, this leading to (a) a new source of commerce for the mercantile interests, (b) an enlarged tax base which could be used to ‘help finance both resource development and the expansion of administra- tive services, and (c) a general improvement in living conditions in the interior. In general, the first two matters were looked upon as being of greatest importance, for, on the whole, the process of empire building was hardly an altruistic exercise primarily designed to benefit indigenous peoples. But this is not to suggest that no such concern existed, as witnessed by Ingham's somewhat paternalistic appraisal of Temne-land shortly before the Protectorate was established. Is there anything in the present aspect of the [Temne] country--the towns and villages-~that would suggest an improvement now commencing? We answer, 'nothing.‘ 123 124 . Backward Africa needs British energy and enter- prise. The people of the country, left to themselves, will not lift a finger except to procure food and shel- ter--a process requiring little sustained effort--but they can, and are, made to work if only their education is rightly directed.1 , Thus for various reasons the Protectorate was proclaimed, setting the stage for a relatively massive effort to develop the interior of Sierra Leone. To deal with the varied aspects of modernization that resulted from the events of 1896, the writer has decided to borrow the general methodological framework utilized by Riddell.2 What follows, then, is a roughly tripartite analysis of this period, consisting of (a) the development of a national transportation network, (b) the diffusion of forces and institutions of modernization, and, most importantly, (c) the Temne response to the forces of change. The Growth of a National Transportation System First and foremost, modernization was contingent upon the con— struction of a transportation network providing relatively easy access to the areas to be developed (Figure 21). Of course this is not to postulate that no means of communication had existed between the penin- sula and the interior in previous years, as witnessed by earlier refer- ences to the Sudanic trade and the diffusion of white and Creole traders and missionaries in the nineteenth century. But "relatively easy access" 1Ernest G. Ingham, Sierra Leone After a Hundred Years (London: Seeley, 1894), pp. 263 and 262. 2J. Barry Riddell, The Spatial Dynamics of Modernization in Sierra Leone: Structure, Diffusion and Response (Evanston: Northwestern Univer- sity Press, 1970). 125 '3. 12’ "o "' I 1 l- — _._ ._ _ __ \ I I ’ .\.‘ ’_/' N ROADS AND .\ RAI LWAYS '( 1964 , ‘ . ~ .I' '1 1. Ir/ ‘1 v~' ) g) Kambia ‘ .Bumban g.) .1- Nu’"’ 1...“. r—f { _. ‘. Makenl \- ( Magburaka \ "0/ Iaiaioka a) j l J 3,. Yonibano I '/ E ,3" / . J " _l 4 -’ K. ‘1’ Pendembu rr— ' r _ .i .1 f _. -_ / a . . .3 ,, _/ A Han NC Major Towns Ocean - and Cities .‘ . , Roads ' -' 3“ A, «_._H- Railways r— 0 mus .' [j After Mire/Mil I3. [2. . '1'. I Figure 21 126 is the key point. It will be remembered that the numerous waterways were generally navigable only for short distances inland. Additional- ly, overland routes, no matter the volume of traffic, were very rudi- mentary. Trotter's 1895 overland journey from Port Loko to Bumban, following what had been a leading Sudanic trade route, provides valua- ble insight into the nature of the traditional lines of communication. The road, which resembles all West African lines of communication, is a narrow winding track, not unlike a footpath through a wood in England in summertime. Swamps, creeks and streams are frequently crossed, and the country, without being so densely covered with bush as the valleys further inland, is yet so close and so flat that nothing can be seen in any direction. The winding path is visible 20 or 30 yards ahead, and though one has constantly the impression that the next few yards will bring one to a point from which a view can be obtained, this point is never reached. We passed through this country in as complete ignorance of what lay to our right and left as if we had been blindfolded; the very villages we en- countered were not recognizable till the banana leaves, the unmistakable indication of native habitations, were almost within reach. Such elementary facilities--narrow paths along which the vast majority of goods moved via headporterage--were hardly conducive to the scale of development envisioned by Britain. Reflecting upon this situa- tion Ingham pleaded: "Roads! Roads!!! These are the urgent need, and the sooner we have them (railways and trams, if possible) the sooner will this backward country be opened up.“4 This exhortation was shortly to be heeded. Extensive hinterland tours by Governors Sir James Shaw Hay (1888- 1891) and Sir Frederick Cardew (1894-1900) left no room for doubt that 3J. K. Trotter, The Niger Sources and the Borders of the New Sierra Leone Protectorate (London: Methuen and Company,’1898), pp. 20-21. 4Ingham, op. cit., footnote 1, p. 259. the development of the interior's resources demanded the construction of a railroad. Accordingly in 1895 work was begun from Freetown on the construction of the 2 feet 6 inch-gauge Sierra Leone Government Rail- way.5 The prime objective of this line was to penetrate what is now the Eastern Province, which contained "vast areas rich in the palm pro- ducts so much in demand in Europe for glycerin and margarine.“6 Despite many construction difficulties the railway reached its easterly ter- minus, Pendembu, in 1908. The effects of this line on the Temne was essentially nil, for only the most southwesterly part of their realm was immediately affected. However, the returns from a short tramway extending northeast from Bauya were so encouraging that a 104-mile branch line was constructed through whatLhad become a rich oil palm belt area in the southern part of Tenne—land, and into the savanna country beyond. This branch line reached Kamabai in 1916 but was later truncated to terminate at Makeni. Although the volume of produce transported by the railway was encouraging, its impact was limited to a narrow stretch of territory roughly paralleling its course. This fact was noted as early as 1904, when Governor Probyn wrote: Until proper roads are made, however, the oil (Palm Oil) can only be brought to the railway as a head load in kerosene tins, etc., and it is obvious that as long as this is the case the oil will only be collected from places in the near vicinity of the railway. . . I have consulted those who best know the country and the con- ditions of trade brought about by the expansion of the 5Selection of such a gauge reflected contemporary financial re- straints as well as fear of integration with French railway lines (which used a larger gauge) then developing in the Sudan. 6Riddell, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 25. 128 railway and there is a consensus of opinion that until good roads are made the benefits of the Railway will be relatively small and that the natives, unless aided would not greatly improve the roads for many years.7 Thus it was that a system of feeder roads began to be constructed from various points along the railway--a process which created many points of "break-in-bulk", and thus gave rise to new towns. In the early years most of these new roads were quite short in length, and little more than improved foot paths designed to facilitate headporterage. In a few areas, however, they were wide enough to permit barrel-rolling (Fig- ure 22). It was only in the mid 1920's that wide, motorable roads began to be constructed. As in the case of the earlier avenues, these roads were designed to act primarily as feeders for the railroad rather than provide an integrated highway system. Indeed for many years the latter was pur- posefully discouraged in order to maintain the railway's economic via— bility. In many cases the eventual connection of these routes, all of which were unpaved, was more haphazard than planned. In some instances, for example, connections resulted from feeder roads being extended from different points along the railway line to a common town, or source of produce; in other instances they resulted from the efforts of indi— vidual chiefdom authorities to extend the roads to their locales in order to participate more fully in the expansion of commerce. But despite the different efforts of the colonial authorities and local interests, it has only been Within the past 35 years that something 7Governor Probyn to Colonial Office, November 11, 1904, ”Scheme for Inaugurating a Roads Department and Road Construction," cited by Riddell, op. cit., footnote 2, p. 24. 129 ”LozmwFooo on» yo cowmmeseoo hm.woo=ooeoom .OFmP .xoroom ”coocoo .gweoo3.uomoew>oo:: oco .meoomsu o>wpoz .mopmooo .mmoemoeo mum .mH pH m< oc< .moz pH m< ocooo oceoem ”Acorou noseowmcoge < .omowgo_F< .n .H ”woesom .oooeoueooooo; _ocowpwooeu Lo>o pcoeo>oeoew women m oo>oeo .moowgonoF canon“ .gowcz mFoLLon mmLoF cw xo3FWo; we“ op omppso mm; Fwo osu mo zoos .mopovcm> Logos eo uco>oo we» op Lowe; .moo_m _woc ozo opileo Epoo >__o_ooomouioo:ooco Foczprzowemo wo ucoeo>oe we» ououw_wooe o“ mo: .Lo>ozoz .omoocso ouowooes_ geese .Eopmxm xozgmw; —oco_poc o osoooo oFooz “on: eo mucoEmom Powu_cw we“ ooEeom one .mcwoooeoigmoo nomoczooco .moxFWoL esp mo mpwwocoo Powocos -Eoo oz» ooocooxo memo; zoom .oopoogumcoo on op comma mono; Looooe mo moweom o xo3FWoL ocp wo cowpoogomcoo chZoPPod QZHAJOmiAAmmmmo : moo .meopmom m>ppoz.dmmpmomo .mmmmmoco mpH .mH pH m< oc< .moz pH mq mccma oeempm ”acopoo omELoemcoch < .mmopeopp< .m .p “mocoom .m_op -cmpos coppooepmcoo mesmp _ocopppoocp mo coppo~ppppo oco copo Loop» eopzmcopome m_mm:oa map mpoz .xcpcsoo magmp mapr -cemoos oco mcpoopm>ma cw mpoe Lomoe o ammo—o ago .xeogpm: coppopeoomcocp mcp>_o>m map mo oomao :mpmo .mpocopompoao map op ommommpo xmap .cmsmmmcpmoa ompppxm .mcoma ocempm opcp mcppoampssp comma mmmcoama acoe oom_ ocoogo mcpccpmmm 135 mom_ .0 .mb<¢0humhomm MIH 2H mmamac3 ago .mEopmsm m>ppoz nmmEomm .mmmamoao mpH .mH pH m< oc< .moz pH m< maoma oaampm “acopou omanmmcoae q .mmapeoppq .m .p ”mocoom mcopo Loope Lopomcopome app: mmmooa mo m>ppoopocp mpapmmoo meo mmep mmeop map mo pmmp map op mmooc eompoocaape ozp ma» .xcopcmo mpap mo map: -cpmma map poiimamazmmpm ocoiimama amppo>meo Ppppm mpopamp -oE coppoocpmcoo aco mmooa maEmp Lopooapo _ocopppaoap map poap pcmcoooo mp pp poopcoo comooeom mo mcomx mppomoa momp .u .FuHmHmHo oxoa Hmom a amca mmmwaanu ”mmapea -Eou .mcoma oeampm mo ammogmomo < .coppoo .x .m ”moeoom .mompimmzoa aopoocpo mcemp pocopppoocp map mo mmpemo map op comp omo_ma zppcmcoooo moa aopaz ompm o .XEpcooo magme op Emap omoooogpcp oaz mmmcoama map xa ompoooo mam; mmezpozapm xcopmipppzs mcpmooep mmmae 149 zzoemmmm mpm 2o: moa mmzoa Lopooepo pocopppoocp map .aopoap oco one .mmcppoom .mmxopm app: mmmzoa cpmap oppoa op mscppcoo mcsme acoe amzoap onHuzmhmzou mmao: mm mmstm 153 \\\ _ r" l b ‘ a:’ .15?" two"? 1 ‘ ._\ -o’ $7, .12— ) I Figure 27 154 Utilizing traditional or modern construction materials, or a combination of the two, Temne towns are, again, now dominated by houses with rectangular floor plans. In many towns the only remain- ing traditional structures are those associated with the activites of the Poro or other secret societies, the bastions of conservation and "the old ways." Yet even these occasionally show signs of change. To use an example from the writer's personal experiences, Figure 28 shows part of a Poro hut in the town of Masengbe in southern Tonkolili District. When the author first visited the town in the spring of 1969 he found that of its approximately fifty buildings only one was a cir- cular mud structure with a conical thatched roof--the Poro hut. When he again visited the town a year later a change was immediately apparent: the thatch had been replaced by aluminum sheets. One wonders, then, how long these last vestiges will remain; possibly by the end of this cen- tury the circular house will be extinct. But settlement modification has not been limited to individual structures. Rather the morphology of entire towns has been affected. Matotoka, a town in central Tonkolili District, provides insight into the nature of this aspect of change. When Migeod visited Matotoka in the winter of 1924-25 he found a traditional Temne "clover-leaf" town which he described as "big with all 30 the houses crammed together anyhow and no main street through it." A field survey conducted early in 1926 states that the town contained 42 3OMigeod, op. cit., footnote 17, p. 84. aooamopoao m.aoap:< ”mopsom .mmamppmp pocopppaoep oco mcpmooa Es: -paspo map mpoz .mpopcmpoe coppooppmcoo camooe mcprppp: :mppo oco .>__Eom o mmooa op omppomma poap soap mNpm cp omoooma aozs mcpma .mmcoao mo mcmpm 3oam mmmap cm>m pm> .oaoo map mo aosm mmppmpoom pmpomm mo mmppp>ppoo map app: ampopoommo mmoap moo mmcoposapm Lo—ooppo mcpcpoamc xpco map mczop magmp xaos :H 155 HuHmHmHQ HaHaOXZOH 2mmxhzcm .mmuzmm 0.0% om... com 0.? m om 2. m m «cm H 9:338 822 -11- moqj; O \ Isl} I E _ _rt /\ $382 .aamméméoo.’ magic: op <¥OFOF>OF opt \\-¢u:§ x: x V. \ o._. \Nzex '|""' cl- coho: 81' 9.833: /e 160 aooamopoao m.aoap:< “moeoom .mpooa Echso_o oco mcmpmmo mmzoa Lopzmcopoma map mpoz .mpmmppm poopopcos mcopo ommcmompo poazmeom mmmzoa oco mmoomppoo mo mocmmao co mopompa mczop mcame :LmooE .mmocmm Lo; ma ammoPo -cm mmoxpimmsoa Lopsoepo omxooo appampp xa umNmepooLoao mam: mpcmempppmm mcemp :maz mxoo mpogopompogo-mco op ammoooo m< FuHmHmHo oz zamkmmzzpmoz .xzzmHhom mo 3mH> aemm xaoppzom oco ampo: .mom .xppopgpompm .m coppooppmcou .o mmop>emm .m mcpaapoomzcoz .m coppoopcasaou uco mpopopm .peoomcoep .m mcpxeeooo oco mcpcpz .N mungEou .a mcpampm uco moppcaz .xgpmmcom .mcoppzupgm< .p "mopeommpou F.n m.P m.o ~.N p.o m.o m.p ~.o m.~m o.oop mmopcmoamm amn.o opo.p ppm _mo.p mm pom mmm.p m¢_ mom._m www.mo _opop ppppoxcop N.mp N.P m.o m.e N.o m.m ~.N ¢.m m.om o.oop mmopcmoamo moo.mp mpp.p mmu me.m _~_ mmo.~ me.~ woo.m mmm.m~ mvm.mm Popop oxoa paoo mm 1. m.m m._ m.o o.o p.o N.P o.~ o.o 0.0m o.oop mmopcmoamo mmm.¢ mom mom _mm.p mm mmm m_m.p mm mmm.oo oom.me Fopop opasox m.m m.F m.o m.m ~.o o._ m.~ o.o o.om o.oo~ mmopcmopmo “mm.a mNo.P coo omm.~ mmp omm _mo.~ mp me.mm aoo.o~ _opop pFoaeom mIN m m o m o m N p mip popgpmpo mFQHmHmHo mZZmH >4Hzmhm3ozH >m Amm>o Qz< mm op ouooeme xpmmeop cmma 3o: moa .mcoma oaampm mo aoze ompm>oo moco aopaz .pmmeop aoom puHmHmHo HaHaonOH 2mmzhzom .mmwzmmomw ammuo mmmpau mcsmp onhm<._.HI:Z Iompcou poom IoquHaoo eoxcom -35 3...: - - - o o o o o p p o e p - - or: - .. - BE aeopcmomm opoosozlpsmm Immpa Optutittlhhp“YOrOINthVLTwVAIRNAR 82 8.2 82 ST 82 8.: o .2 mpzmzoazoo A .- m: H p €558 193 cultural components exhibit a series of dashes (meaning no change) throughout the period of Mani occupation. But other components were affected. Settlement and economic characteristics, included in the life-style category, were dramatically altered. Though it possibly took a fairly long period of time for the changes to be assimilated by peoples in all parts of the Temne realm, it is hypothesized that most Temne adOpted the settlement and economic changes rather quick- ly. Total adoption was possibly not realized until after 1600, the approximate date of the Mani departure. Thus the row devoted to life-style suggests (for indeed the incorporation of Mani traits cannot be exactly documented) that a majority of the Temne (60%) had adOpted these changes by 1570, with "saturation" occurring around the year 1605. The nature of the changes in life-style has been written into the row. But the other affected components reacted differently. Changes in politico-military organization were swift and profound. It is only a slight exaggeration to say that Temne membership in, and hegemony over, the Sapi Confederation disappeared overnight. Likewise, tra- ditional Temne rulers seem to have been quickly replaced by Mani over- lords. Thus the row assigned to politico-military organization exhibits a very sudden adoption of the above changes--90% of the Temne incor- porating/being affected by the changes by 1565 and adoption by the whole populace occurring by 1570. Finally, adoption of linguistic modifications are hypothesized to have required a period of time intermediate between the above extremes. Though there is no evidence that the change in this component involved more than a few 194 terms, it is probable that the period required for their assimilation was longer than that required for the politico-military changes, and shorter than that required for life-style modifications. Hence Figure 37 suggests that the linguistic changes were incorporated by 1580. Figure 37 is, again, basically hypothetical. Knowledge of the Mani impact on Temne culture is probably far from complete; yet cer- tain basic facts are known and the above model renders at least some appreciation for the modifications. The writer believes that this model, like Meinig's, may prove especially useful in situations where information is vague or incomplete. Change that is more thoroughly documented would make greater exactitude of the model possible. Figures 36 and 37 could, of course, be extended to cover the totality of Temne history. It follows that we would see several culture planes interacting with that of the Temne at various points in time and corresponding differential modification of the components of culture. This, however, presents the problem of multiple interaction--periods of time during which the Temne culture plane is being simultaneously affected by several others. This could result in a good deal of con- fusion, with all componential rows indicating change but there being no way to tell which of the possibly several "aggressor planes" were promoting change in a given category, or, again, the nature of these changes. Such difficulties could be circumvented. During periods of multiple interaction one could present a fission of the Temne culture plane into several identical parallel planes, each being paired with a single "aggressor plane.“ 195 Finally, for the sake of perception a graphic, visual density continuum might be substituted for the numerical one. Change, in the case of the former scheme, would be more readily apparent, though it might lack the exactitude of the latter. There is, of course, no major reason why the numerical scheme could not be made more precise by substituting an exact percentage for the shorthand used above. This would provide greater insight into the rate at which a popula- tion undergoes culture change. Hopefully the writer's model will stimulate thought among other students of culture change. Perhaps studies of other cultures will bring to light problems with the author's model not encountered in the Temne case. Perhaps the model will prove generally applicable to all. In either case, both comments and criticisms will be most welcome. BIBLIOGRAPHY African Bureau. "Sierra Leone and Gambia." Background Facts, NO. 3 (April, 1958), unpaged. Ajayi, J. F. Ade. "West African States at the Beginning of the Nine- teenth Century." A Thousand Years of West African History. Edited by J. F. Ade. Ajayi and Ian Espie. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1965. . and Espie, Ian, eds. A Thousand Years of West African History, Ibadan: Ibadan university Press, 1965. Alldridge, T. J. The Sherbro and Its Hinterland. London: Macmillan and Companyl_LtHZ, 1901. . A TransformedLCOlony: Sierra Leone As It Was, And As It 15, Its Progress, Peoplesi NatiVe CuStoms, and’Uhdevel- gped Wealth. London: Seeley, 1910. 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