mgr
AN ANALYSIS OF some ASPECTS
05 THE LANSING HOUSING MARKET
fixed: for the Degree of M. A.
Micz‘qzoA‘N STATE COLLEGE
Car! Bernard Brockway
' _ 1950
mutwuztlliguguuWWM. ~
____. __ _._"——'
This is to certifg that the
thesis entitled
"An Analysis of Some Aspects of the
Lansing Housing Market"
presented by
Carl B. Brockway
has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for
hf. A. degree in Economcs
@641 Mm
) Majdi/ professor
Date AuguSt 25; 1950
0-169
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AN ANALYSIS OF SCKE ASPECTS
CF THE LETSIITG HOUSII‘IG ILCLRICET
By
Carl Bernard Brockway
A Thesis
Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Hichigan
State College of Agriculture and Apolled Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Economics
1950
THES'S
A C III“: C '.'-."L EDGE T
The writer wishes to express especial apprecia-
tion to Dr. haleigh Barlowe of the Amricultura Economics
Department of Hichigan State College for his original
suggestion of the tOpic and for his helpful criticisms
of the form and thought of the study.
Dean Herman Gyngarden gave many helpful sugges-
tions at the outset, and his doctoral dissertation, rhich
was used as a model, was an invaluable guide.
I wish to thank also all members of the Lansing
Board of Realtors, especially Mr. Stabbins of Advance
Realty and Er. Parfitt, for permission to collect and use
data on real estate prices.
Finally, this study would never have seen com-
pletion had it not been for the patience and aid, in all
phases of the writing, of my wife.
2.. 8810
TABLE OF CCNTENTS
Chapter Pa'e
I ILITRODUCTICBT . O 0 O 0 O O O O O O O O O I O O O 1
Purpose. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Importance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
scope O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 5
Procedure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0
II AN ECCLCGICAL STUDY CF LAKSIXG, IICHIGAH. . . . ll
Purpose. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Some theories of urban ecology . . . . . . . 13
Burgess Concentric theory . . . . . . . . 1M
Hoyt Sector theory. . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Firey Cultural theory . . . . . . . . . . S
The dynamics of Lansing's growth . . . . . . lo
An "historical" map . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Written history of Lansing. . . . . . . . l
The static structure in 19NO . . . . . . . . 2;
Limitations an'l precautions. . . . . . . . . 27
The six natural areas. . . . . . . . . . . . 27
III XETHCD USED IN CCNSTPUC"IN
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IV THE SIX INDICES . . . . . .
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High rent area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M
Iiiddle rent area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ML
Low rent area. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MS
Transitional rea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9a
Negro area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5s
_ast Lansing area. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
Comparison of the Mn lice
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V CCXPAP ISO‘ "IT" “.TD ATALYSIS CF FACTORS
INPLUB 'ICII"G P?5.L ESTATE PPIC ES . . . . . .
General price level and housing prices . . . 71
Construction costs and housing prices. . . . 75
Supply and demand and housing prices . . . . 82
VI CCKCLU WI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
VII BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107
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Chapter I
INTRODUCTICN
Purpose
The primary aim of this paper is to analyze the
Lansing housing market — to study the demand, supply and
catalytic factors which influence prices of used houses in
the real estate market with the purpose of predicting in
broad outline the future trends of real estate prices. A
secondary but important purpose is to study the interre-
lationships of various housing market factors over time.
This latter mentioned aim is, of course, imperative to the
accomplishment of the first. For two reasons it may seem
presumptuous to claim as one purpose the predicting of
future trends in the market: (1) the complexity and in-
tangibility of the factors that must be considered, and
(2) the fact that numerous qualified experts already are
making housing and real estate price forecasts.
Regarding the first of these reasons, it is recog-
nized that completely accurate predictions of future trends
cannot be made in any field of economic activity and es-
pecially not in the field of real estate. However, since
Judgments as to future conditions of the market are being
made and acted upon every day, it is not a case of perfect
prediction or no prediction, but rather a question of pre-
diction by guess, hunch, and rule of thumb or by analysis
of some of the influencing factors in the past to determine
some of their interrelationships and trends. A careful and
systematic study of the latter information should provide
a more depends le basis for decisions than the former me-
thod.
As regards the second factor (i.e., there alreaCy
exist experts who attempt to predict future trends in the
market) it is true that there are a few organizations who
are concerned with this problem, but their analyses are
almost entirely on a national basis while one of the unique
aspects of the housing market is its local nature. The de-
manders, that is, the buyers and renters, of housing are»
confined to one particular locality, a city or metropolitan
area. People do not usually move great distances in order
to obtain lower rents or prices on real estate. Since the
incentive toward mobility for most of us is the employment
motive, if we find that we have a secure job in one place,
we are not likely to JeOpardize our status by moving to
some other city Just because rent happens to be $10 a month
cheaper. It is therefore necessary for the analyst of hous—
ing demand to work with local market data rather than with
the statistics of a whole state or nation. One authority,
in discussing housing research, states, “Statistical series
on a national basis are of limited usefulness, and, in fact,
can be misleading if applied unqualifiedly to local situations."1
1 Richard U. Ratcliff, Urban Land Economics, (New York, 1949),
p. 459.
Importance
The real estate market is a very important aspect
of our economy. It involves both a large amount of invest-
ment funds and many people. Most people make one of the
most important financial decisions of their lifetime when
they buy a house. They not only commit most of their past
savings, but also inneny cases a good part of their future
income will be earmarked for this purpose. Should both
house prices and incomes depreciate by fifty per cent during
the period that the buyer is paying for his house, the pay-
ment schedule to which he has committed himself may consti-
tute a terrific burden — a burden that he cannot unload
without loss because of the reduction in selling prices.
On the other hand, could the laboring man know that market
C
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nditions will remain stable in relation to incomes, per-
haps rising somewhat for a period of five years or so, he
might find it very desirable to risk buying a home.
There are many groups in addition to buyers and
sellers who would benefit from
RD
knowledge of the local mar-
ket. Government officials who are concerned with zoning,
city planning, public housing, et cetera, need to know mar-
O
ket conditions in order to carry out their duties Ind pro-
grams adequately. For example, a large public housing pro-
gram might well be timed to counteract the real estate cycle
rather than to intensify the peak. Among the reasons the
real estate broker has for an interest in knowinv the future
(3
prospects is in order that he may adjust his outlay of capital.
-4-
.-
Still other groups interested in the real estate market
are investors and subdividers.
Perhaps he most important reason for knowing
something of future conditions is in order to control and
modify fluctuations before they occur, that is, to practice
preventive rather than corrective measures. Great booms
and their accompanying busts are very detrimental to our
way of life, not only in the economic sphere, but also in
the political and social spheres. In order to function
smoothly any society needs a certain amount of stability.
In regard to the part that market information can play in
stabilizing the real estate cycle, one authority has the
followinp comment:
"One of the most effective methods for
contributing to the stability of the housing
market is to improve the flow of information
among the traders in the market. Prospective
consumers must know more about the offerings
in the market, about recent transactions,
about construction costs, and about trends
on both the demand and supply side. Prospec-
tive sellers and producers must be informed
on all the same points, with particular em-
phasis on the facts with respect to demand.
A freer flow of market information will not
cure all the market imperfections, but with-
in limits, it will help to direct production
to the points where supply is most urgently
needed, to check production before too great
a surplus is created, to rationalize the re-
lationship between market price and cost of
production, and to reduce the spread of mar-
ket prices for housing of similar facilities.
Certainty is the greatest of market stabilizers.
Certainty depends on predictability and, in
most areas of economic activity, prediction
must depend mainly upon an analysis of recent
trends and present market facts."4
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Scope
In 5~eot raphical area this stu;y will encom
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hansing and East Lansing. The city of East Lansins was
includ 3 because it appears to be an inte rel part of the
Lansing
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housing market. It is especially attractive as a
place of residence to the hiph inccse groups of Lansing
proper, and vice versa, ny st ufme ts and workers of East
Lansing reside in Lansing.
The time period covered by the real estate price
[.24
indices and other indices with which they will be comp
is fifteen years, from 1935 to 1950. This period was cho—
sen for two reasons: (1) because it seemed necessrry to
go back some years before the war in order to observe price
movements in a normal period before the influence of the
war, and (2) because most of the indices with ahich the price
indices were compared use the 1935—1939 period as a base.
lQZB or thereabouts in order tqat a whole business cycle
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As the title of the paper indicates, this is an
analysis of some of the factors of the Lansing housing mar-
ket. It would be almost impossible to include all of the
factors which might be deemed relevant in the housing market
analysis. However, it is felt that the major elements have
been included - statistics on real estate prices, popula-
tion, construction costs buildin; activity, incomes, and
the general price level es measured by the Bureau of Labor
Statistics' consumer price index.
Procedure
The first esse ntie 1 step was to divide lexsjn5
into cer rtei n homo eneous areas, in order thst their trends
could be compared and examined for si.nificent QlI-Ei€uC
The hypothesis was that there are certain forces HSiCh
oper rate to n he certsin areas essen iti ally different fron1
others. Some of these forces sre socio- economic differences,
racial and ethnic characteristics, geographical locetion
end culturel end institutional influences. The delineation
of these ereas is made in Chspter I, entitled "An Ecolo-
The second step was the finding of method to
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construct the reel estrte price indices. Real estate is a
peculier commoc1ity and is not sus sceptiole to the orthodox
type of index construction. The method used was developed
C13
by Hersh n Wyn] r cen in doctoral dissertation. A complete
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discussion of the method vsiJL be found in Chspter Ill. In
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essence it involves fir nding houses n.*hich hs ve been lis
more then once over the period considered end which heve
not been essentially changed by major improvement in order
thet there can be e comp rison of e rele .tively homOLenecus
product. In actuality, the complete nunlber of listings for
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Herman syn5. erden, An I dex of Loc 1 Feel Estate Prices,
n unpublished doctorsl dis rte icn, Tfnn rbor, l§£73,
up. 65-77.
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each house is made into a separate index, and all these
separate indices are combined to form the final index.
After having defined the areas end found a method,
it was next necessary to collect the dots on prices. These
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in. heal Estate Board
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were obtained from the files of the Len.
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and from the Advance Realty Company.
There are several questions with which any collec-
tor of data for index numbers must be concerned. Is the
data accurate? Is it comparable? Is the sample represen-
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tative, end is it a
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.equate? The prime requisite for com-
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psrability is a homov uct. Perfect homosenEity
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in the real estate market is impossible, but the method
used seems to insure the closest possible comparability.
It assumes, however, that those houses which have been es—
sentially altered by improvements be eliminated from con—
siderstion in the index. Unfortunately, the form in which
the data are available meke this determination practically
impossible. The data collected from the Advance Realty
Company were so filed that information on building permits
and comparison of photographs make it possible to eliminate
some of the houses from consideration. The info nation from
«nsing Boerd of Realtors did not permit any elimination
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on this basis. Certain ones were eliminated when they seemed
to deviate too extremely from the average prices in any given
year. In other words, it was necessary to use the criteria
of "reasonableness". For this reason, the indices may well
have an upward bias.
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since the CctE we
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e taken directly from the files
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Cl real estate firms, they are accurate in the they were
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obtained from a primary source. How ver, an element of
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na r to have sufficient
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curacy does enter in because in ord
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t was often necessary to use list n;
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prices rather than
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5 al selling prices. Sellin”
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prices were used in every
case where it was possible. In no case was a listing price
used in one year and a selling price in another on the same
house, since the two obviously would not be comparable. The
use of listing prices gives the index an upward bias. Some
writers have maintained that the listing price would probably
ell
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price by a constant amount through all
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be above the
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time periods and that therefore comparison would still be
valid. Observation of the relationships between list price
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an selling price does not substantiate this conclusion.
At the beginning of an upswing in business selling prices
are even with list price. As the upswing of the cycle con-
tinues list prices begin to gain on selling prices nd final-
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1y when selling prices begin to level off and go down, list
prices are reluctant to drop, and the gap b tween list price
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and selling price is greatest t this point.
As to the representativeness and adequacy of the
sample, the data were assembled by goinv
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through the material
in straight alphabetical order from A to Z. For the Ne“
and East Lansing areas every listing was examined, while in
the others the sampling was stOpped short of Z when it was
felt that an adequate sample had been obtained. In no case
-9-
did the sampling stop before the letter N had been reached.
In the middle income area for which the largest sample was
taken, 230 different houses with two or more listings for
each address were used, vhile in the Negro area vhich had
the smallest sample, 200 different houses were used.
All the important date upon Which the indices
are based are shown in the first part of Chapter IV. After
the area indices have been completed, they will be compared
and analyzed in the latter part of the chapter. The func-
tion of the comparison is to describe the differences vhich
exist and to determine vhether these differences were logi-
cal.
In Chapter V, a composite index of the six areas
is computed and then considered in conjunction with such
relevant housing market factors as construction costs, the
general price level, sugply, and potential demand, the
purpose being to analyze the relationships between these
variables over time. There are at least three reasons why
such an analysis would.be valuable: (l) to test imperi-
cally already existing theory in this field of economic
activity, (2) to attempt to discover new relationships
and generalizations which might be added to the economists'
store-house of knowledge in this field, and (3) to set up
certain quantitive relationships whiCh might be valuable
in predicting future movements of real estate prices.
-10-
In the concluding chapter of this study, some
attempt is made to predict in broad outline the probable
future course of real estate prices. The vehicle used
for this task is an analysis of probable future movements
of the related factors. Different sets of assumptions
are made in T858?d to future oevelopments on the inter—
national scene and separate analyses and conclusions
reached under each set of assumptions.
Chapter II
AN ECOLOGICAL STUDY OF LANSING, KICHIGAN
The hypothesis upon which this chapter is based
is that real estate prices may vary considerably between
certain areas of the city, and that to make separate in-
dices for these "natural" areas would be important in the
analysis. In selecting “natural" areas, one is faced with
a multitude of criteria which could be used to determine
them. Those to be chosen, of course, depend upon the pur-
pose for which one wishes to delineate the areas. Since
this problem deals with real estate prices, a socio-econo-
mic index is of primary interest, although cultural fac-
tors are important also and may not be reflected in the
rental map index which has been used in this chapter. It
would be interesting to attempt to set us a "natural" area
index through the use of a social register or occupational
register, but the time factor prohibits this. In addition
to the rental map (see map no. 1) an historical map of
Lansing,which may be of some use in studying the dynamics
of Lansing's ecological structure,has been constructed.
Before attempting an analysis of the Lansing
situation, it is imperative that one get a notion of some
of the conceptual frameworks through which urban ecology
can be viewed. A summary of some of the more widely recog-
nized theories follows. Before going directly into the
theories, it may be helpful to set up a taxonomy into
Ma? II" MOP Show'mg “59- Average. Movmflj Rent
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Bgus'mg. Mic Lu. Fig. ¢ Setthoufing
Bu‘kfin- €07 Lansing.m‘ck\gam,-B‘ock Stfit'sh'cfil H40-
-13-
which these theories may be fitted. Walter Firey has made
a very meaningful classification.1 He separates the the-
ories into two main categories, those which are descriptive
and usually depict their generalizations in an idealized
form on a map, and those which are rationalistic and attempt
to explain the underlying mechanism which will determine
the growth and structure of the city.
Except for Firey's attempt to consider cultural
factors and to integrate them with the economic variables
into a rationalistic system,which might be termed "the
principle of the prOportionality of ends," all of the
rationalistic systems are pitched in terms of economic
determinism.
Any community has various ends which it desires;
these ends may be economic, cultural, et esters, and they
vary in intensity. Firey, it seems, would attempt to mea-
sure the utility of these various ends (not in terms of
money, though probably necessarily in some quantitative
terms) and to balance the marginal utilities of the vari-
ous ends. At any rate, these rationalistic theories need
not concern us here, because we are interested for our pur-
poses in the idealized descriptive theories.
The first of these descriptive theories in point
. 2 a
of time was the Burgess Concentric Circle Theory. Burgess
1 Walter Firey, Land Use in Central Boston (Cambridge,
Mass., 1947),jp.6.
2 Ernest W. Burgess, "The Growth of the City," Readings in
General Sociology, edited by Robert W. O‘Brien (PalQKlto,
California, 13477, pp. 268-270.
-14...
states that cities in the process of expanding separate
themselves into a certain spatial pattern based on econo—
mic and cultural groupings and that this pattern is typical
of all cities with only "interesting minor modifications."
This natural pattern takes the form of concentric zones as
pictured in the diagram below. The first concentric zone
is the central business
district; the zone encirc—
ling the business area is
the zone of transition or
deterioration and is charac-
terized by poverty, degrada-
tion, disease, crime and
vice. The third zone is made
up of workingmen's homes, fa-
milies who are poor but thrif-
ty, honest, and skilled.
Following the workingmen's zone is the residential circle,
and finally, around the periphery of the city, we find the
highest grade residential area where the elite congregate.
Another major descriptive theory is the Hoyt Sector
Theory. The basic postulates of this theory were given in
an article entitled, "The Structure and Growth of Residential
5
Neighborhoods in American Cities." His idea is that the
5 Homer Hoyt, The Structure and Growth of Residential Neigh-
-__._
borhoods in American Citieg, (Washington, If 0., 19597, pp.
-15..
"natural" areas of a city tend to take the shape of sec—
tors originating at the center of the city and expanding
outward toward the periphery in a fan-shaped manner. This
is especially true of the high grade residential neighbor-
~ hoods. They are prevented from moving sideways because
this area has already been occupied by an intermediate
rental sector. The area beyond them is usually available
because land promoters anticipate the trend of growth and
have restricted it to high grade use. This is not by any
means a complete statement of Hoyt's theory, but as many of
the details of his scheme will be brought up in the analysis
of Lansing, it will not be elaborated further here.
The third and final theory which we shall consider
is the Firey Cultural Theory.4 Descriptively, Firey's scheme
is not a complete theory in itself but rather a refinement
of the above two theories. Instead of refuting Hoyt's Sec-
tor Theory (if you grant a broad interpretation of a sector),
Firey's work adds cultural causes to the economic causes as
an explanation of the development of sectors. Nor does
Firey refute Hoyt's theory that high rent areas tend to move
out in their sector to the periphery of the city in every
case. Hoyt's idea was undoubtedly postulated on the prin-
ciple of filtering within the sector, and Firey merely
showed that there are certain cultural and institutional
impediments to the filtering process.
4. Firey, 139—30-38-
-16-
In attempting to study the ecological structure
of Lansing, it is necessary to separate our analysis into
two separate parts, the dynamic and the static. For the
study of the dynamics of the city‘s structure, two sources
of information will be used: (1) an 'historical' map (see
attached map no. 2) which shows the blocks which in 1940
had a plurality of structures built within a certain Span
of years, and (2) the early history of Lansing. The infor—
mation used from these two sources will be oriented toward
discovering the validity of the various descriptive theories
summarized above.
The 'historical' map gives a rough indication of
the way in which Lansing develOped. It would seem to indi-
cate that the early growth was approximately in a concentric
pattern, but with the concentric circles being somewhat
flattened or eliptical in nature due to the flow of the
Grand River, and with the top (western) part having a lar—
ger radius than the lower half of the centermost elipse.
Thus this map lends support to the Von Thunen theory of land
use develOped in Germany in the lECO's.5 That it conforms
to this theory is due largely to Lansing's tOpography, it
beinggractically a level plain, with no natural barriers to
development except the Grand and Cedar Rivers. These rivers
did modify the pattern slightly. Of course, this structure
5 Richard T. Ely and George S. Wehrwein, land Economics
(dew York, 1940), p. 68.
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swung: Data Obtain“ 4"!» “n “.3. Bureau, .Q census.
“m Seek-mat} fie. Fem sax... w...s-..g_‘3..“m:
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does not add support to the Burgess Concentric Circle
Theory, because the point of his theory was not to eXplain
historical development but rather to explain the "natural"
socio-economic areas of the city by the concentric scheme.
One could come to Burgess' concepfialism theoretically,
however, by combining another concept with the Von Thunen
analysis. This other concept is often called the "filter—
ing " process. The general idea is that it is the more
wealthy that build the new homes, and the houses which they
vacate filter down to the next income group. The houses
.given up by the middle income group are taken over by the
low income group. The houses which the low income group
vacates either ripen into business usage or become a blight—
ed or transitional area. Thus if the Von Thunen analysis
is valid, and if the filtering process holds, by combining
the two mechanisms, one emerges with the Burgess Theory.
However, this analysis neglects the fact that in any con-
centric circle (for example, that one represented by houses
built before 1900) the houses, ‘aving been built in differ-
ent styles and qualities, tend to depreciate and become
obsolete at different time rates and hence do not filter
to a lower class at the same time. It also neglects Firey's
contention that cultural values may prevent the filtering
process from Operating in various areas. As a result of
these omissions and inadequacies, the Concentric Circle
Theory breaks down as a satisfactory eXplanation of socio—
economic groupings.
Let us now consider the written history of Lan—
sin: with a view to anal zine the Sector, Cultural, and
x.)
Q
Concentric theories. Lensing's development was peculiar
in that the impetus for its oriyin was political rather
than economic. Before the state legislature decided upon
this as the site for the Capitol of Xich :an, the area was
practically all swamp and wilderness. "The State Census
of 1845 gives the white pepulotion of Lansing Township as
88 souls, ano the entire 56 square miles was practically
an unbroLen wilderness covered with virgin timber. The
only settlement was a group of log cabins around a small
saw mill at the east end of the dam at what is new North
Lansing."6 Then the Capitol was built in 1847, the locus
of the town was shifted from North Lansing to its present
f."
center. rne business district, however, was not at first
concentrated at its present location. Because of the place-
ment of the main roads leading into the area, it was thought
that the business district would develop along what was then
and still is Main Street. J. P. Edmonds says, "They appar—
ently intended that the residential section should be in
the central part of town around the Capitol square.“7
H
usines
(.0
"This, however, was not to be. places
commenced to spring up around the Capitol square and in a
very few years Main Street was practically deserted for
-20-
(D
business purposes." The locstion selected for the Cepitol
was instrumental in causing Lansiné to be divided into
separate sections during these early years. The trenspor-
C'f
1»
ution lines end briiges were so placed thst a community
end business area developed along Main and South Cesar
Streets in order to be in the direct line of traffic coming
to the Cspitol from the other important towns and cities of
the éay. A second section grew up around the Cepitol it-
elf, and the third was the original settlement in North
(I)
Lansing. It thus so happened that for some time there were
three separate and sistinct sections of the town—~Loner Town,
Riddle Town, and Upper Town. The names given to these areas
eppsrently described fairly eccurstely the socio-cconomic
status of their resioents, although it is difficult to dis—
tinguish any greet difference in status between the Riddle
(around the Capitol) and Upper (Kain Street) Towns.
In respect to hotels, it is interesting to note
that the first one wes located in North Lansing, but was not
successful; the second hotel to be built was also stsrtefl
in 1847 "on the northwest corner of Rein Street and Eeshing-
ton Avenue where the residence of R. E. Olds now stands...
For nearly twenty years it was the best hotel in Le sing end
from its opening became political headquarters end the center
of sociel activity."9
A few other quotations give us en ineicstion of the
8 Ibi€.. p. 21.
locations of the socially elite. "Probably no man in the
early life of the city has left a more vivid memory than
’1
ans Ior his time,
u!
be (Ir. Hosmer). POSSESSEi of an; e m
he was generous to a fault and charitable to the extreme.
His residence vas on East St. Joseph Street, corner of
Grand. The grounds covered the greater part of the entire
block and were landscap d and cesutified more than any other
"10 .
in town. Hr. Buck was another important man in business
and politics. ”His reside
:3
(3
(D
.4
"7
CD
on the corner of Capitol
Avenue and Icnia Street where the Telephone Building now
A
stanxs. The much family were all very much socially in—
1
clined and exceedingly hospitable. Their house was always
ll
Open and headquarters for every social event..."
”It is, however, somewhat remarkable that on
North Washington Avenue there are still standing, in the
same neighborhood, three of the original mansions erected
at that time, each of which is intimately connected with
early business, social, and political life of our city. At
878 North Hashington Avenue, there still stands in fine con-
dition, an old-fashioned square brick house which was built
"12
about the year 1857 by Daniel L. Case.
"A block or so north at 1025 there 1
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frame building which we now know as the Colonial Apartments.
The original of this building was once one of the finest
and most impressive private residences in Lansing. The
third house was across the street from the Pec
(above), and it was occupied by Dewitt Clinton Leach, who
was one of the first editors of the old Lansin; neoublican,
. "15
A
now the btate Journal
These excerpts give us an indication of where the
hiéh grade residential areas were at the be;inning. There
would seem to have been at least two separate districts,
one south of the Capitol and present business district
along Main, Cedar, flashinfiton, and Capitol Avenues and the
other north of the Capitol along Tonia, Ottawa, and North
.1
Tastington. Both districts seem to have strung out
03
long
the main arteries of transportation leading to the Capitol
and business district. This tends to support Hoyt's obser—
vation that the "first type of high rent development was the
axial type with the hi_h grade homes in a long avenue or
‘~1
~_l
!
avenues leading directly to the business centers."
"The total area of the original town was about two
square miles, but as time went on and the population in-
creased, many subdivisions were made and adjacent lends
15
platted until the area increased to 7% miles in 1933."
In 1872 plats were filed which extended the city on the west
15 Ibid., 0. 157.
14 Ibid., D. 158.
15 Edmonds,pp. 38, $9.
to Logan Street, from Michigan Avenue south to Vain, east
to approximately Pennsylvania Avenue and including the areas
both south to Iain and north to Grand River Avenue. Between
1872 and 1930 the movement of the elite seemed to be pre—
dominantly westward cn Main Street (Barnes mansion erected
1878). Two pioneers of Upper Town built large estates in
Y
the one hundred block of Jest Rain in 1390 and in the area
two, three, and four blocks north and west of Iichigan Ave—
nue. Interestingly enough, the develOpment of East and nest
iain Street on the high bank of the river agrees with one
of Hoyt's placements of the high rent district in a city
located on a level plain. However, the high rent area has
not spearheaded out from this point of origin as Hoyt's
theory claims. The area extending from one hundred to three
hundred Vest Main and north to Kalamazoo has not filtered
down to the lower rent groups and to commercial use. In-
stead, it has resisted deterioration strongly, perhaps for
reasons of sentiment and symbolism and because,traditionally,
leading citizens have lived here, all reasons similar to
those Firey found for the tenacity of Beacon Hill. Consis—
tently, from earliest days to the present, theumstern half
of the city has been considered the more desirable, whereas,
except for isolated cases, the eastern and northern sections
have always been lower rent districts.
In 1901 the relocation of R. a. bid; automobile
factory in Lansing inaugurated the period of rapid industrial
-24-
growth. In housing development, this accelerated the fil—
tering down of the area directly surrounding the plant and
extending west and north al scent streets.
In general, our 'historical' study of Lansing tends to sub—
stantiate Hoyt's theories of residential develogment, but
with some additions from Firey. However, it is difficult
to find any substantiation for the Burgess Concentric Theory.
In order to study the present ecological struc-
ture of Lansing, we have used the 1940 Housing Census,
Block Statistics of Lansing16 to construct a map showing
qu1,.\2.
the average rental values for each block.A Three div sions
were made: £0 - $50 per month average rent ereéé; :31 —
$50 Egreené; $51 - Eblueé. As Hoyt suggests, patterns early
established have continued in the same direction to the pre—
sent. The west side has remained the more desirable area
with the highest rental areas closely following his ideas.
Hoyt also postulates that the tOp residential districts usu-
ally grow "toward the section of the city which has free Open
country b yond the edges and away from the dead end sections
. , . , 17
wnicn are limited by natural barriers to eXpansion."
16 United States Bureau of the Census, Housing, Supplement
to the First Series, Housing Bulletin for Eichisan, lanaing,
Block Statistics (Washington, D. C., 1942), pp. 6-16.
17 Homer Hoyt, "The Pattern of Movement of Residential
Rental Neighborhoods", Readinxs in General Sociology, edited
by Robert W. O'Brien (Paloalto, California, 1947), p. 517.
hoore's River Drive and that section in the center west
extendin; to the city limits conform quite exactly to this
v
pattern. The only other high rent areagfil) the small Jest
Main - South Capitol T which is now beginning to succumb to
commercialization and (2) isolated blocks north and west of
the Capitol which have maintained their prestige due to
sentiment and the force of certain personalities such as
Richard Scott.
The northern part of the city also has continued
in its early pattern as the lower rent area, and with deter—
ioration it has become an almost entirely low rent district.
In the eastern half of Lansing whereinxery few better homes
were built before 1900, settlement was not extensive due to
swampy, low terrain and periodic flooding of the rivers.
After 1900 the large influx of auto workers were forced to
build in the east and southeast, due to limited space on
the west side. South Lansing, with the exception of South
Washington Avenue below Main Street, which is a commercial
and transitional area,'and South Cedar and Larch Streets
near the Cedar River which have long been old, blighted sec-
tions, has developed for the middle rent group. This is
partly because the southwestern section is adjacent to the
Moore's River area anl hence was naturally attractive to the
middle group and partly because real estate promoters made
the Devonshire, Sunnyside and other subdivisions desirable.
-95-
do discussion of the ecolo;ical structure of Lan-
sing is complete without mention of the important role
1 -1
la'ed oy LESt Lensins as the bedroom for large numbers of
'0
A
)
ansin '5 upper and middle upper groups. Thi
‘4
U)
er lains why
[—4
'(
Lansing preper has a smaller really high grade residential
area than one would expect of a city of its size and income.
An ecological analysis of Lansing through three
(1)
cf
tn
5es has now been completed:
(1) A static analysis of Lansing at the beginning of its
develOpment.
(2) A dynamic analysis showing some of the patterns of
development and factors which caused these particular pat-
terns.
(Z) A 1940 rental map study to obtain a picture of the
present structure of Lansing.
This analysis is incomplete both in its historical
aspects and in the number of indices that have been used
in determining socio-economic status. Nevertheless, it is
the object of this chapter to determine some of the nature
areas of the city, oni hopefully the rationale has been de-
veloped sufficiently that thissmep can be taken with some
justification. Before actually outlining the natural areas,
it miiht be well to mention some of the precautions that
should be recognized. These ,recautions were taken from an
article by Calvin F. Schmid:18
U)
18 Calvin F. Schmid, "Concept of Natural Areas, Census Tract ,
and MetrOpolitan Districts," Readin sip General Sociology,
01
edited by Robert N. O‘Brien (Palofilto, Ce ifornia, 19477,pn €61.
N
l. The concept of natural areas should
not be applied too rigidly. For example, it
would be extremely difficult, if not impos—
sible, to delineate natural areas for the
entire city that would serve as a common
denominator for all social data. In actual
practice it day even be necessary sometimes
to make some unit more or less arbitrarily
serve as a basis for compiling data and mak—
ing analyses.
2. The criteria that are chosen to dif-
ferentiate natural areas may not be univer—
sally applicable. As a general rule it is most
satisfactory to select a combination of factors
to delineate natural areas... The criteria
that are chosen will be largely determined by
the problem at hand and by the point of view
of the investiga or.
5. Natural areas ar not sharply demar—
cated from one another. The boundaries are
usually indefinite, being zones rather than
lines. It is entirely permissible to draw
ooundaries, but their arbitrary nature should
be recognized.
a. Natural areas are not static and
fixed but are dynamic and ever changing. The
various interrelated factors which differen-
tiate one natural area from another are sub-
Ject to alteration in the course of time.
Recognizing that the data are somewhat inadequate
and the boundaries arbitrary, Lansing, for the purpose of
this study, an be divided into five natural areas for which
separate indices of real estate prices should be constructed.
f
These areas are: (l) the West Side or high re b area, (2)
the Middle Rent Area, which includes most of South Lansing
and Lansing east of Pennsylvania Avenue, (5) the Negro Area,
(4) North Lansing, the predominately low rent area, (5) the
m
a.
*3
ansitional Area, and (6) East Lansing.
M3? m:- Na? Showing 1"". Division. of Lans§n3.“\ichi an
{6‘0 {his Ola-turd “ans, {0? each a? Ninth. Sg"fat‘}
\
{sun Vite Inn“. 5.“ 5.“ ComtrudeA. a
J
-29-
The assumption is that within these areas influences are
such that the course of real estate prices might be much
different between areas, and thst an index for just the
whole of Lansing would cover up some of these internsl de—
viations which might be significsnt for analytical purposes.
See Map No. 5 for an outline and exolanstion of thes areas.
‘
CHAPTER III
5-:
EB LETEOD USED TC CCYSTPUCT IYDICZS
The same method was used in constructing all of the
indices. As mentioned in the introduction, the methodology
is not or rig ina l but was adOpted without change from a doc-
toral dissertation by Herman” "I nga rden, entitled, $3 Index
o_;"_ cal Real Estate Prices (Ann Arbor, 1927). The West Side
(high rent area) Index will be used to expldn and exemplify
the method.
The first step is to gather the data. Ideally,
the data should have been entirely sales prices, but since
such data were insufficient, it was necessary to supplement
with listing price information.1 The data were obtained from
The Lansing Board of Realtors, which is a federation of thir-
ty-tvo realty firms, and from the Advance Ree.lty Company.
The data were so filed as to make it possible to
translate the listings directly to a working table, that is,
each address had a complete history of all listings filed
together on separate cards. If one looked, for exampka, at
"A" Street in the files and found M12 "A" t., one would find
three cards filed, one for 19MB, one for 19u7, and one for
1949. A fragmentary sample of the working table used is given
in Tab lb I.
1 See Introduction (omapter I) pages 7 and 8, for a discus-
sion as to the accuracy and comparability of the data and the
adequaCJ and representiveness of the sample.
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The addresses are put in the stub and the dates in the heed-
ings. The prices at which a property has been listed are
then entered in the proper row and column. The illustration
. 1 .. .
snows listinrs for Years 19dl to l9fO, but in actuality, the
l
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many times. For exanple, 152? "B"
Street was listed in 193$, l9“6, 19*7, and 19*9.
After this type of working table had been corpleted
for the whole of particular area, the listing prices were
converted into percentages in order to show what per cent
he price was of the base year, the base year in each case
being the year in which the property was first listed. For
example, (see Table I) M12 "A" Street was listed in lQU? at
$14,0oo, and in iel7 and lets at $25,000. In order to com-
pute their relationships on a percentage basis, 19“? was
taken as the base (ICC) and the price for 19”? and for l9U0
are divided by the price in l9h2, eivins in each case a fi-
gure of 179. This shove the percentade of change occurring
during this interval in the value of a piece of property.
.3
D
:18 relatives -re found in Table I in parenthesis.
C
The next step is to sort and put in separa e tarles
those relatives (percertages) with the same base year. In
Table I, 1522, 1613, and 118 "B" Street would all go into
q” ' ’-> 728 lghh‘ Tahle II shows the
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relatives of those listings whose base year fell in 19.5.
The same procedure was followed in each of the years from
1935 to 1939 inclusive.
I
\
each of these tables was then converted into a
separate index Which means fifteen separate in - exes, one for
each c:3e year. Table II shows that there were fifteen list-
“, . vf‘ """" r.~v
ings in 1930 vhose base year has l9;3. An average of those
fifteen relatives should be a rather reliable estinate of
(D
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the relative change in the price of resid n a real estate
from 1935 to 1935. Lih evise, an average of the ei:ht list-
ings in 1937 should shot;the relative change in price from
1935 to 1937. The arithmetic mean was the type of average
used.2 The computation of the mean for each column in Table
II produces a separate index which shows the relationship
between the va us of real estate in any particular subseouent
y ear with the year 193 5. Corresponding indices were construc-
ted for each of the years between 1935 and l9h0.
Two other operations were performed in Table II.
The row entitled "number" shows the number of relatives on
which the average was based and will be used as weights in
the final index. The other operation is to compute link-
relatives of these averages. Link—relatives show relation-
0
ships between any year and the year preceding. They reveal
Year to year changes and are computed by dividing the mean
2 This is the only deviation from the method used by. 'r .
uvn'aroen he used the median.
J
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ARJA IIE’DI CQS
III
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Index.
-
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6
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No
I19
I"
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-55-
Comparisons
1. All of the indices held rather steady in the years 1955
to 1957, with the High, Middle, and Low Re t Areas rising
slightly, East Lansing remaining constant, and the Negro
and Transitional Areas falling slightly.
2. Each of the indices fell between the years 1937 to l9aO;
all reached their lowest point in 1940. It was the Negro
ansing least.
t"!
Area which fell most and East
5. Beginning in 1941, the indices began to rise slowly and
gained momentum as time passed, with the greatest percentage
increase occurring in 1946 immediately after the war. The
area which experienced the greatest degree of rise up to
1946 was the Low Rent section of the North Side, and the
area experiencing the least was the Negro Area. Some of
the districts showed quite rapid appreciation during the
war itself. This is especially true of the Low Rent Area
which increased 38 per cent between 1945 and 1944. Slowest
to respond with rapidly ris;ng prices was the East Lansing
Area where not until 1944 did a noticeable increase occur.
Once the movement began, however, the climb was very steep
indeed; in 1947 it had nearly surpassed the Low Rent Area.
The ceclining price levels of 1949 affected East Lansing
very slightly whereas the Low Rent Area showed a sharper
decline resulting in East Lansing's superseding the Low Rent
Area in greatest percentage increase in prices since 1955.
4. The general trend of rising real estate prices was
— 605—
broken in 1949 with every section experiencing a decline
in prices except the Middle Rent Area which had experienced
its decline a year earlier. The areas experiencing the
greatest percentage decline were the Low Rent with thrteen
per cent and the Transitional with fifteen per cent. The
East Lansing Area experienced a decline of only two per cent.
5. with one exception the price indices have reestablished
their upward paths in the first quarter of 1960, with East
Lansin‘
I)
the highest, prices being 167 per cent above its
1965—1989 average, and with the Low Rent Area of North
Lansing being a close second with a 166 per cent increase.
The Kiddle and High Rent Areas fell in the middle range of
the six indices, both having about a 124 per cent increase.
The Negro and Transitional Areas stand in the lowest posi-
tion in respect to price increases. In 1960, the Negro
Area real estate prices averaged just about double their
1955-1959 base, while the Transitional was about 84 per
cent above prewar prices.
6. The one exception to rising prices in 1950 was the
Transitional Area; it continued the decline, which began
in 1949. This could under ordinary conditions, be inter-
preted as a danger sign. Theoretically, it might be red—
soned that the first indication of a falling market would
be experienced in the least desirable residential area.1
1 It should also be the last area to experience an increase
in price. This is born out by the data. Real estate prices
first began to rise in 1941. The increases in price were as
follows: hast Lansing area-5 per cent, Negro Area-2 per cent,
Low Rent area-7 per cent, Middle Rent area—6 per cent, High
Rent area—1 per cent, and Transitional area-1 per cent.
when supply is very scarce, every type of housing unit
will be taken even at inflated prices, but as supply begins
to catch up with demand, as new homes are built and the
filtering process begins to Operate, the least desirable
homes will be discarded first and become difficult to sell
or rent; this would be ralected in the price of prOperties
in this area. The Transitional Area Index might well be
the one to watch as an indicator of coming events in the
real estate market, assuming, of course, that there are
no sudden interrupting influences, such as war, on the fac—
tors which affect real estate prices. In other words, it
seems quite plausible that had it not been for the present
international situation, real estate prices would probably
be leveling off in the Lansing area.
7. During the war years, 1941-1945, real estate prices
rose an average of about 60 per cent for the whole of Lan—
O.
0"
sin; and about 70 per cent in the post—war years, 1946-19
The rapid rise of real estate prices in the Low
Rent Area during the war was probably attributable to the
influx of war workers. Often unable to rent, these war
workers were forced to buy. Their income level and their
uncertainty of employment tenure meant that they were in
the marhet for low—priced housing. This may explain vh*
percentage—wise, this type of housing increased the most
in price.
The East Lansing Area deviates from the other
01
.reas in several interesting respects as has been brought
out previously; (1) it remained more constant than any of
the others through the period less-1945, (2) it started
its upward trend somewhat later, (5) its increase, once
begun, was most rapid of all, (4) while the indices of
the Other areas were falling in 1949, it remained almost
constant.
H‘at could account for these peculiar movements?
1
‘he East Lansing Area would be afiected approximately the
v4
same as the other areas in respect to construction costs
and the general price level, and it is doubtful that rela-
tive changes in building activity would be significantly
different between Lansing and East Lansing. When one re—
alizes, however, that the economic base of a community is
very important in determining the pOpulaticn and income
.13
Ol an area, and therefore, the demand for housing, a pos-
sible exolanation of the differences arises. The major
gan State Col-
emeloyment source of East Lansing is Hichi
legs, and it is very likely that the growth of this insti-
tution is very important in causing the peculiar movement
of prices in Last Lansing. Another factor important in
recent years is trat East Lansing has gained great social
prestige for the high income groups of Lansing.
Over the span of years considered, the Negro Area
has appreciated in value less than any of the other areas.
There are a number of possible eXplenations for this: (1)
'dhen the Negro area was delineated, areas were included
which in the years covered by the index had not yet passed
into Negro use. Uhen some of these sections did begin to
be infiltrated by a Kegro clientele, there was undoubtedly
a temporary depreciation in value, which was out of accord
with the marhet as a whole and which was reflected in the
Negro Area index; (2) In many cities the Nevro area is
rigidly defined and its eXpansion almost entirely prevented.
If this is true, and if the Negro pOpulation is increasing,
bidding in the market for the limited supply is bound to
drive the prices up to abnormal heiéhts. In Lansing, the
negro pOpulation has been successful in entering new sec—
tions of the city and thus have avoided this process; (3)
Many houses in the Negro residential area are very old and
perhaps were not kept in as good repair by their owners
and white renters as is true in other areas. Thus they
have depreciated at more than a normal rate.
Chapter V
CCMPARISCNS IITH AND ANALYSIS OF FACTORS IRFLUE;CIN3
REAL ESTATE PRICES
THE dENERAL PRICE LEVEL AND HOUSING PRICES
Price changes can occur as a result of at least
three different influences: (l) chanaes in the relation-
ship between supply and demand functions, (2) changes in
production cost, and (5) changes in the value of the mone-
tary unit. This taxonomy is a rather arbitrary one be-
cause in reality all of these factors are interrelated
and could be classified under the first heading. A vari-
ation in the cost of production is really one aspect of
the supply function, and it may occur also as a result
of changes in the price level.
Certainly if the supply and demand relationsnips
were to remain constant, one would expect real estate
H.)
prices to follow closely the path 0 the general price
level. Any deviation from this path would have to be ex—
plained by other factors, or, to put it another way, if
one is to study the influence of other factors upon real
estate prices, the effect of the chansing price level must
beremoved.
Rather than attempt to compare the general price
level with all six indices of real estate prices, an ave-
rage of the six indices is used. This averaging process
is shown in Table I. The resulting index numbers were
-71..
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30
30
w
Richard Ratcliff says:5
The manufacture of building materials is
characterized by a concentration of produc-
tive capacity in a relatively few establish-
ments. For example, in about two-thirds of
the many lines of building products, more
than 00 per cent of the total output is ac-
counted for by the four leading manufacturers.
The same characteristic applies to items that
are produced locally. This semimonOpolistic
situation has been offered as an explanation of
the relative rigidity of building material pri—
ces...
The temporary business recession late in 1957 affected real
estate prices through 1958 and 1959 but did not stem the
rise of construction costs. In 1940 and 1941, pOpulation
decline coup ed with increased n w construction caused a
still further decrease in real estate prices while again
construction costs continued to climb.
In November, 1941, the government limited all
building to that which was essential to the war effort.
This eliminated almost all residential building and created
a relationship between supply and demand in Lansing which
was conducive to an upward movement of the real estate price
index. This movement began in 1943 and reached its peak in
the first post-we year, 1946. The immediate reaction of
the construction cost index to the building curf.w was a
ecline of about seven per cent in 1942. It regained its
C“
equilibrium, however, and beg.n to move upward but not as
m
quickly as the real estate price index.
Finally, in 1940, the demand for housing was so
great and the supply of new construction so limited that the
5 Richard U. Ratcliff, Urban Land Economics, New York, 1949,
p. 187-188.
-81—
resulting pressure on real estate prices brought the index
above the Boeckh Construction Cost Index. Eut this supre—
macy was short—lived because when price restrictions were
removed in November, 1946, construction costs skyrocneted
and overtook the deflated Lansing real estate price index,
whicn itself had begun to fade slightly.
SUESLI AID LEIAN' sND HOUSING PRICES
After changes in real estate prices due to the
depreciation of the dollar have been eliminated, the move-
ments anion the index exhibits should be eXplainable 1ar5e—
ly in terms of the adjustment between supply and demand.
To get an adequate measure of these factors is very diffi-
cult; it is imdossible to separate the rental from the home
buying demand and somewhat inadvisable, even if possible,
because changes in rental demand affect real estate prices
indirectly; it is impossible also to get a satisfactory
measure of effective demand. Figures on incomes are very
meager, especially those measuring Changes in incomes for
the residents of Lansing over a period of time. Data re-
garding supply is also difficult to obtain and interpret.
One shodd consider vacancies and new construction, but the
only measure of new construction is the number of building
permits issued, and the question arises as to whether one
should count enly those buil in; permits issued for new
dwelling units or include building permits issued for repair
and additions. The measure of supply used in this chapter
is simply the number of new residential dwelling units begun
in Lansing in each year frem 1935 to 1933. A discussion of
the factors which influence and determine the potential de—
.-
mand for housing for a particuia: area follows.
—85—
The first Obvious and crude measure of potential
demand is the total pOpuiation of an area. Changes in to-
tal population vary directly with changes in demand although
in a rough fashion. A more refined measure is the number of
families, ior although there is a positive relationship
between an increase or decrease in thegnpulation and an
increase or decrease in the number of families, the changes
are not necessarily directly preportionate. For example,
migrants into the city may be single and not normally occupy
a family dwelling unit.
vaiously not all families in a locality represent
‘1
potential demand for new or vacant used housing. Many fami—
lies already own their own home or rent a house. Thus an
increase in the net demand must come from new families in
the area. The source of new families may come from either
of two sources, immigration or marriage.
Immigration has been a primary factor responsible
for the rise of most cities. There is no information to
show the proportion of single migrants as compared with
those who come in family groups. The prOportion undoubtedly
C0
varies among cities ccording to the type of employment
available. It was assumed in this study that about one—fourth
of the net immigration or emmigration from a city during nor-
mal times would be single. During the war, however, it was
assumed that one—half were single. harried immigrants have
a direct effect on housing dema d, whereas single individuals
need only rooms immediately and represent a potential de-
nander of housing only in the unrorseesble future.
:ew families created by mETTiE¢ES are an important
source of increase in the demand for housing. Ihile some
newlyweds do not occupy separate dwellings immediately but
1
H3
( ’1
p.
F.)
HI
{D
U)
rather double up with relatives, most newly-formed
q
require separate quarters. Trerefore, anyone attemptiné to
measure housing demand should gather statistics on marri-
ages in the locality, both the number of marriages in the
A
recent past and cat. concerning trends and the correlation
01
of these trends with other factors. for examnle, the mar—
riage rate seems to be sensitive to chsnaes in economic
conditions, decreasing during the trough and increasing at
the peaks of the business cycle. See Chart 3 for the trends
in marriages and divorces for lensing, Michigan, from 1955
to date.
"Population growth by natural incr ase does not
mean an immediate increase in housins need. The effect of
births on housing requirements is not felt for some twenty
to twenty-five years after the events, when the newcomers
have attained marriageeble 8‘8 and begin to establish new
C)
family groups. This fact points to the imoortance of the
0)
.ge distribution of thegnpulation as a forecaster of future
housing needs, for the number of persons who are to attain
)
marriageable age during a given period will constitut‘ an
w
important part of the new demand for housing."4 See the
.
5
8
-
n
I 4:
£33. .3350:
:00 5.3.. a of. 23:31?
:01: Oh. IUI<300 O—
‘I£(I 20.5.0" IIOCO 8. ‘2 ICE
3
115
Tans}.
a5-_49
5o——54
55--59
60—-5u
65~-69
7o--7u
75--Above
Under 1 yr.
Over 21
SOURCE:
E DISTFIEUTICN
-R LANSING,
19:0
U. S. Bureau of Census,
0\
..
‘
C >'.
' H‘
‘-~'fl" Pi“:
g...Lbf;IU.in\T
25,370
Vol. 2, Table 32.
A.
enclosed Table 5 for the age distribution for Lansing in
1940. This chart shows a relatively large number of in-
dividuals between the ages of 15 to 29 who would be likely
to marry and form new families within the 10-year period
of 1940—50.
The difference between births and deaths for each
year give the pOpulation change due to natural causes. If
the difference between this result and the total estimated
pOpulation change for the year is computed, it is possible
to estimate the net migration.
The importance of new marriages as a factor in
increasing demand for housing has already been mentioned.
Those influences which are dissolving families, name y di—
vorce, death, :nd separation must also be considered and
subtracted from the marriage factor in order to derive the
net chan . The trend in the divorce rate has been continu—
ously upward. The divorce rate, like the marriage rate, is
responsive to fluctuations in the business cycle; it declines
during periods of economic stress, but the cnanyes in the
divorce rate are smaller in amplitude and shorter in dura-
tion than in the case of marriages.
Since death is more than four times as important
as divorce in dissolving families, it is important that this
factor be carefully considered.5 Ehe death of one of a
married couple may give rise to a reduction in the quantity
5 Ibid., p. 91.
of demand for housing. In many cases, the survivor moves
in with relations or tahes us an existence in rented rooms.
It was assumed in this study that one-fourth “he number of
deaths of any year should be subtracted from the net demand
factor for that year.
In conclusion, a complete analysis of housing ae-
mand would concern itself with all factors WfilCh give rise
it vould discount for those
n1
:3
m
to new families in a city,
(
factors wnich result in the dissolution of families. The
major factors which create new families in a city are ne
immigration and marriages. Pa
(0
t immigration can be estimated
by takin" the change in the estimated oooulaticn of a city
for one year and subtracting from it the increase in pOpula-
tion due to natural increase. The resulting figure éives
one an estimate of immigration for the year; allowance must
be made for sin¢le immigrants, and to get the figure in terms
of families, it should be divided by the average family size.
An analysis of past increase in demand due to mar-
riages can be made. Statistics on number of marriages are
given for most cities and if not available, can be estimated
from county figures. the breakup of families due to divorce
and death must be taken into account and allowance made for
them. Future predictions of the marriage variable can be
based on studies of cast trends in marriayes and divorces
L
"ifi
and the underlying causes aIIecting them. An index of changes
in housing demand based upon the above elements is employed
the adjustments are arbitrary and
H.
in this study. Kany o
inaccurate, but it does give a quantitative cicture of the
procedure for Lansing which can be compared with fluctua-
tions in supply and prices of real estate. Tables IV and
V show the factors which were considered, the adjustments
made, and the final net addition to potential housing de—
mand in each year.
Table VI brings together the measure of supply
(number of new dwelling units started in each year) and
demand (number of new families in ea h year) and the de—
flated real estate price index. Column 5 snows the ratio
of demand to supply, that is, the number of potential deman-
ders per unit or supoly. This was calculated in order to
facilitate comparison with movements in the real estate
price index. Examination indicates the critical ratio to
be about four. This means that, with minor exceptions,
when the number of new families is more than four to each
new dwelling unit, an increase in fundamental real estate
prices results, and when less than four, a decrease in pri-
ces results. This is shown graphically in Chart 4. Here
the scale was made equal to the ratio a so that if the ny-
pothesis is correct, the real estate index will generally
Show an incr ase whenever the graph sh ws demand to be
above sunoly and a decrease whenever the supply index ex-
ceeds the demand index in the same year. Observation of
the chart indicates that this is usually the case; supply
exceeded demand throuvh the years 1957-1942, and Iundamental
real estate prices were constantly on the decrease. Likewise,
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