mgr AN ANALYSIS OF some ASPECTS 05 THE LANSING HOUSING MARKET fixed: for the Degree of M. A. Micz‘qzoA‘N STATE COLLEGE Car! Bernard Brockway ' _ 1950 mutwuztlliguguuWWM. ~ ____. __ _._"——' This is to certifg that the thesis entitled "An Analysis of Some Aspects of the Lansing Housing Market" presented by Carl B. Brockway has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for hf. A. degree in Economcs @641 Mm ) Majdi/ professor Date AuguSt 25; 1950 0-169 r“ MSU LIBRARIES RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES wiII be charged if book is returned after the date stamped beIow. AN ANALYSIS OF SCKE ASPECTS CF THE LETSIITG HOUSII‘IG ILCLRICET By Carl Bernard Brockway A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Hichigan State College of Agriculture and Apolled Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Economics 1950 THES'S A C III“: C '.'-."L EDGE T The writer wishes to express especial apprecia- tion to Dr. haleigh Barlowe of the Amricultura Economics Department of Hichigan State College for his original suggestion of the tOpic and for his helpful criticisms of the form and thought of the study. Dean Herman Gyngarden gave many helpful sugges- tions at the outset, and his doctoral dissertation, rhich was used as a model, was an invaluable guide. I wish to thank also all members of the Lansing Board of Realtors, especially Mr. Stabbins of Advance Realty and Er. Parfitt, for permission to collect and use data on real estate prices. Finally, this study would never have seen com- pletion had it not been for the patience and aid, in all phases of the writing, of my wife. 2.. 8810 TABLE OF CCNTENTS Chapter Pa'e I ILITRODUCTICBT . O 0 O 0 O O O O O O O O O I O O O 1 Purpose. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Importance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 scope O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 5 Procedure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 II AN ECCLCGICAL STUDY CF LAKSIXG, IICHIGAH. . . . ll Purpose. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Some theories of urban ecology . . . . . . . 13 Burgess Concentric theory . . . . . . . . 1M Hoyt Sector theory. . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Firey Cultural theory . . . . . . . . . . S The dynamics of Lansing's growth . . . . . . lo An "historical" map . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Written history of Lansing. . . . . . . . l The static structure in 19NO . . . . . . . . 2; Limitations an'l precautions. . . . . . . . . 27 The six natural areas. . . . . . . . . . . . 27 III XETHCD USED IN CCNSTPUC"IN #3 U] H Id H C) I I1 U) \JJ 0 IV THE SIX INDICES . . . . . . \JJ \0 High rent area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . M Iiiddle rent area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ML Low rent area. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MS Transitional rea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9a Negro area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5s _ast Lansing area. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Comparison of the Mn lice Q? 0) o o o o o o O\ .1: V CCXPAP ISO‘ "IT" “.TD ATALYSIS CF FACTORS INPLUB 'ICII"G P?5.L ESTATE PPIC ES . . . . . . General price level and housing prices . . . 71 Construction costs and housing prices. . . . 75 Supply and demand and housing prices . . . . 82 VI CCKCLU WI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 VII BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107 I l VA Il‘lll‘l l I [I]! ll ‘ll‘ll‘[ ;. \\'|l|.| uIII\ ............. .......... Chapter I INTRODUCTICN Purpose The primary aim of this paper is to analyze the Lansing housing market — to study the demand, supply and catalytic factors which influence prices of used houses in the real estate market with the purpose of predicting in broad outline the future trends of real estate prices. A secondary but important purpose is to study the interre- lationships of various housing market factors over time. This latter mentioned aim is, of course, imperative to the accomplishment of the first. For two reasons it may seem presumptuous to claim as one purpose the predicting of future trends in the market: (1) the complexity and in- tangibility of the factors that must be considered, and (2) the fact that numerous qualified experts already are making housing and real estate price forecasts. Regarding the first of these reasons, it is recog- nized that completely accurate predictions of future trends cannot be made in any field of economic activity and es- pecially not in the field of real estate. However, since Judgments as to future conditions of the market are being made and acted upon every day, it is not a case of perfect prediction or no prediction, but rather a question of pre- diction by guess, hunch, and rule of thumb or by analysis of some of the influencing factors in the past to determine some of their interrelationships and trends. A careful and systematic study of the latter information should provide a more depends le basis for decisions than the former me- thod. As regards the second factor (i.e., there alreaCy exist experts who attempt to predict future trends in the market) it is true that there are a few organizations who are concerned with this problem, but their analyses are almost entirely on a national basis while one of the unique aspects of the housing market is its local nature. The de- manders, that is, the buyers and renters, of housing are» confined to one particular locality, a city or metropolitan area. People do not usually move great distances in order to obtain lower rents or prices on real estate. Since the incentive toward mobility for most of us is the employment motive, if we find that we have a secure job in one place, we are not likely to JeOpardize our status by moving to some other city Just because rent happens to be $10 a month cheaper. It is therefore necessary for the analyst of hous— ing demand to work with local market data rather than with the statistics of a whole state or nation. One authority, in discussing housing research, states, “Statistical series on a national basis are of limited usefulness, and, in fact, can be misleading if applied unqualifiedly to local situations."1 1 Richard U. Ratcliff, Urban Land Economics, (New York, 1949), p. 459. Importance The real estate market is a very important aspect of our economy. It involves both a large amount of invest- ment funds and many people. Most people make one of the most important financial decisions of their lifetime when they buy a house. They not only commit most of their past savings, but also inneny cases a good part of their future income will be earmarked for this purpose. Should both house prices and incomes depreciate by fifty per cent during the period that the buyer is paying for his house, the pay- ment schedule to which he has committed himself may consti- tute a terrific burden — a burden that he cannot unload without loss because of the reduction in selling prices. On the other hand, could the laboring man know that market C O nditions will remain stable in relation to incomes, per- haps rising somewhat for a period of five years or so, he might find it very desirable to risk buying a home. There are many groups in addition to buyers and sellers who would benefit from RD knowledge of the local mar- ket. Government officials who are concerned with zoning, city planning, public housing, et cetera, need to know mar- O ket conditions in order to carry out their duties Ind pro- grams adequately. For example, a large public housing pro- gram might well be timed to counteract the real estate cycle rather than to intensify the peak. Among the reasons the real estate broker has for an interest in knowinv the future (3 prospects is in order that he may adjust his outlay of capital. -4- .- Still other groups interested in the real estate market are investors and subdividers. Perhaps he most important reason for knowing something of future conditions is in order to control and modify fluctuations before they occur, that is, to practice preventive rather than corrective measures. Great booms and their accompanying busts are very detrimental to our way of life, not only in the economic sphere, but also in the political and social spheres. In order to function smoothly any society needs a certain amount of stability. In regard to the part that market information can play in stabilizing the real estate cycle, one authority has the followinp comment: "One of the most effective methods for contributing to the stability of the housing market is to improve the flow of information among the traders in the market. Prospective consumers must know more about the offerings in the market, about recent transactions, about construction costs, and about trends on both the demand and supply side. Prospec- tive sellers and producers must be informed on all the same points, with particular em- phasis on the facts with respect to demand. A freer flow of market information will not cure all the market imperfections, but with- in limits, it will help to direct production to the points where supply is most urgently needed, to check production before too great a surplus is created, to rationalize the re- lationship between market price and cost of production, and to reduce the spread of mar- ket prices for housing of similar facilities. Certainty is the greatest of market stabilizers. Certainty depends on predictability and, in most areas of economic activity, prediction must depend mainly upon an analysis of recent trends and present market facts."4 t 3 F—‘I OJ P“ £2: ’"U .p. 01 (IT Scope In 5~eot raphical area this stu;y will encom '0 U) U) hansing and East Lansing. The city of East Lansins was includ 3 because it appears to be an inte rel part of the Lansing a , a housing market. It is especially attractive as a place of residence to the hiph inccse groups of Lansing proper, and vice versa, ny st ufme ts and workers of East Lansing reside in Lansing. The time period covered by the real estate price [.24 indices and other indices with which they will be comp is fifteen years, from 1935 to 1950. This period was cho— sen for two reasons: (1) because it seemed necessrry to go back some years before the war in order to observe price movements in a normal period before the influence of the war, and (2) because most of the indices with ahich the price indices were compared use the 1935—1939 period as a base. lQZB or thereabouts in order tqat a whole business cycle 0 O C |._J f .. H3 4 (D 0‘ (1‘ (I) :5 p D F" C r (L p; . U (D O 03 C U) 0 W F" :3 r‘.) (I (D Fr.) C. 0 (g, 0 H: OJ I (‘1' (‘3 As the title of the paper indicates, this is an analysis of some of the factors of the Lansing housing mar- ket. It would be almost impossible to include all of the factors which might be deemed relevant in the housing market analysis. However, it is felt that the major elements have been included - statistics on real estate prices, popula- tion, construction costs buildin; activity, incomes, and the general price level es measured by the Bureau of Labor Statistics' consumer price index. Procedure The first esse ntie 1 step was to divide lexsjn5 into cer rtei n homo eneous areas, in order thst their trends could be compared and examined for si.nificent QlI-Ei€uC The hypothesis was that there are certain forces HSiCh oper rate to n he certsin areas essen iti ally different fron1 others. Some of these forces sre socio- economic differences, racial and ethnic characteristics, geographical locetion end culturel end institutional influences. The delineation of these ereas is made in Chspter I, entitled "An Ecolo- The second step was the finding of method to CL) construct the reel estrte price indices. Real estate is a peculier commoc1ity and is not sus sceptiole to the orthodox type of index construction. The method used was developed C13 by Hersh n Wyn] r cen in doctoral dissertation. A complete (‘1) I discussion of the method vsiJL be found in Chspter Ill. In $4., essence it involves fir nding houses n.*hich hs ve been lis more then once over the period considered end which heve not been essentially changed by major improvement in order thet there can be e comp rison of e rele .tively homOLenecus product. In actuality, the complete nunlber of listings for :3 Herman syn5. erden, An I dex of Loc 1 Feel Estate Prices, n unpublished doctorsl dis rte icn, Tfnn rbor, l§£73, up. 65-77. :L’ ()1 O3! each house is made into a separate index, and all these separate indices are combined to form the final index. After having defined the areas end found a method, it was next necessary to collect the dots on prices. These U in. heal Estate Board \.—I were obtained from the files of the Len. 1 and from the Advance Realty Company. There are several questions with which any collec- tor of data for index numbers must be concerned. Is the data accurate? Is it comparable? Is the sample represen- 3 tative, end is it a ( .equate? The prime requisite for com- (D L") (.11 DELI U} psrability is a homov uct. Perfect homosenEity ‘1, pro in the real estate market is impossible, but the method used seems to insure the closest possible comparability. It assumes, however, that those houses which have been es— sentially altered by improvements be eliminated from con— siderstion in the index. Unfortunately, the form in which the data are available meke this determination practically impossible. The data collected from the Advance Realty Company were so filed that information on building permits and comparison of photographs make it possible to eliminate some of the houses from consideration. The info nation from «nsing Boerd of Realtors did not permit any elimination l”! (‘1) the on this basis. Certain ones were eliminated when they seemed to deviate too extremely from the average prices in any given year. In other words, it was necessary to use the criteria of "reasonableness". For this reason, the indices may well have an upward bias. Po 4.1 1P va since the CctE we *3 e taken directly from the files .0 Cl real estate firms, they are accurate in the they were (I: obtained from a primary source. How ver, an element of ’Jo na r to have sufficient (3 (D curacy does enter in because in ord ,J kl C‘I" Q) P F“ t was often necessary to use list n; J prices rather than 1",} 0 so 5 al selling prices. Sellin” '._2 prices were used in every case where it was possible. In no case was a listing price used in one year and a selling price in another on the same house, since the two obviously would not be comparable. The use of listing prices gives the index an upward bias. Some writers have maintained that the listing price would probably ell nr \3 price by a constant amount through all *Jo be above the U) time periods and that therefore comparison would still be valid. Observation of the relationships between list price -1 an selling price does not substantiate this conclusion. At the beginning of an upswing in business selling prices are even with list price. As the upswing of the cycle con- tinues list prices begin to gain on selling prices nd final- 03 1y when selling prices begin to level off and go down, list prices are reluctant to drop, and the gap b tween list price I (D and selling price is greatest t this point. As to the representativeness and adequacy of the sample, the data were assembled by goinv .3 through the material in straight alphabetical order from A to Z. For the Ne“ and East Lansing areas every listing was examined, while in the others the sampling was stOpped short of Z when it was felt that an adequate sample had been obtained. In no case -9- did the sampling stop before the letter N had been reached. In the middle income area for which the largest sample was taken, 230 different houses with two or more listings for each address were used, vhile in the Negro area vhich had the smallest sample, 200 different houses were used. All the important date upon Which the indices are based are shown in the first part of Chapter IV. After the area indices have been completed, they will be compared and analyzed in the latter part of the chapter. The func- tion of the comparison is to describe the differences vhich exist and to determine vhether these differences were logi- cal. In Chapter V, a composite index of the six areas is computed and then considered in conjunction with such relevant housing market factors as construction costs, the general price level, sugply, and potential demand, the purpose being to analyze the relationships between these variables over time. There are at least three reasons why such an analysis would.be valuable: (l) to test imperi- cally already existing theory in this field of economic activity, (2) to attempt to discover new relationships and generalizations which might be added to the economists' store-house of knowledge in this field, and (3) to set up certain quantitive relationships whiCh might be valuable in predicting future movements of real estate prices. -10- In the concluding chapter of this study, some attempt is made to predict in broad outline the probable future course of real estate prices. The vehicle used for this task is an analysis of probable future movements of the related factors. Different sets of assumptions are made in T858?d to future oevelopments on the inter— national scene and separate analyses and conclusions reached under each set of assumptions. Chapter II AN ECOLOGICAL STUDY OF LANSING, KICHIGAN The hypothesis upon which this chapter is based is that real estate prices may vary considerably between certain areas of the city, and that to make separate in- dices for these "natural" areas would be important in the analysis. In selecting “natural" areas, one is faced with a multitude of criteria which could be used to determine them. Those to be chosen, of course, depend upon the pur- pose for which one wishes to delineate the areas. Since this problem deals with real estate prices, a socio-econo- mic index is of primary interest, although cultural fac- tors are important also and may not be reflected in the rental map index which has been used in this chapter. It would be interesting to attempt to set us a "natural" area index through the use of a social register or occupational register, but the time factor prohibits this. In addition to the rental map (see map no. 1) an historical map of Lansing,which may be of some use in studying the dynamics of Lansing's ecological structure,has been constructed. Before attempting an analysis of the Lansing situation, it is imperative that one get a notion of some of the conceptual frameworks through which urban ecology can be viewed. A summary of some of the more widely recog- nized theories follows. Before going directly into the theories, it may be helpful to set up a taxonomy into Ma? II" MOP Show'mg “59- Average. Movmflj Rent 5.: each Hock 'm in C33 cf Lansing. Michigan.” as a? “VI-O. H I 115;?“ _ I ' E . lllll ' si- D[ n“ . 1., l.- '{,1/" l 0 V. I I z-Julyn D I I ‘V\~\\‘ \‘ ‘.:v \ ' ‘ . . .\‘\ ‘. ‘ . \ ‘.\ \IA‘ ~ .... "l\\\\“\‘\ > ‘ ‘|\-\ \ .§\ |‘ ‘l ‘\\\‘\‘;§\ \ . ' ‘z ‘ ‘h‘ ‘\‘\.‘\_ ‘|‘\ ‘. \\ NEE? G’- . - , 'l r/‘I.""/‘ " ’-'/h'..' 1' I, O'/"' '1 I Sou'ctg Data. obtained Siam (LSB-eeawof' Census. Bgus'mg. Mic Lu. Fig. ¢ Setthoufing Bu‘kfin- €07 Lansing.m‘ck\gam,-B‘ock Stfit'sh'cfil H40- -13- which these theories may be fitted. Walter Firey has made a very meaningful classification.1 He separates the the- ories into two main categories, those which are descriptive and usually depict their generalizations in an idealized form on a map, and those which are rationalistic and attempt to explain the underlying mechanism which will determine the growth and structure of the city. Except for Firey's attempt to consider cultural factors and to integrate them with the economic variables into a rationalistic system,which might be termed "the principle of the prOportionality of ends," all of the rationalistic systems are pitched in terms of economic determinism. Any community has various ends which it desires; these ends may be economic, cultural, et esters, and they vary in intensity. Firey, it seems, would attempt to mea- sure the utility of these various ends (not in terms of money, though probably necessarily in some quantitative terms) and to balance the marginal utilities of the vari- ous ends. At any rate, these rationalistic theories need not concern us here, because we are interested for our pur- poses in the idealized descriptive theories. The first of these descriptive theories in point . 2 a of time was the Burgess Concentric Circle Theory. Burgess 1 Walter Firey, Land Use in Central Boston (Cambridge, Mass., 1947),jp.6. 2 Ernest W. Burgess, "The Growth of the City," Readings in General Sociology, edited by Robert W. O‘Brien (PalQKlto, California, 13477, pp. 268-270. -14... states that cities in the process of expanding separate themselves into a certain spatial pattern based on econo— mic and cultural groupings and that this pattern is typical of all cities with only "interesting minor modifications." This natural pattern takes the form of concentric zones as pictured in the diagram below. The first concentric zone is the central business district; the zone encirc— ling the business area is the zone of transition or deterioration and is charac- terized by poverty, degrada- tion, disease, crime and vice. The third zone is made up of workingmen's homes, fa- milies who are poor but thrif- ty, honest, and skilled. Following the workingmen's zone is the residential circle, and finally, around the periphery of the city, we find the highest grade residential area where the elite congregate. Another major descriptive theory is the Hoyt Sector Theory. The basic postulates of this theory were given in an article entitled, "The Structure and Growth of Residential 5 Neighborhoods in American Cities." His idea is that the 5 Homer Hoyt, The Structure and Growth of Residential Neigh- -__._ borhoods in American Citieg, (Washington, If 0., 19597, pp. -15.. "natural" areas of a city tend to take the shape of sec— tors originating at the center of the city and expanding outward toward the periphery in a fan-shaped manner. This is especially true of the high grade residential neighbor- ~ hoods. They are prevented from moving sideways because this area has already been occupied by an intermediate rental sector. The area beyond them is usually available because land promoters anticipate the trend of growth and have restricted it to high grade use. This is not by any means a complete statement of Hoyt's theory, but as many of the details of his scheme will be brought up in the analysis of Lansing, it will not be elaborated further here. The third and final theory which we shall consider is the Firey Cultural Theory.4 Descriptively, Firey's scheme is not a complete theory in itself but rather a refinement of the above two theories. Instead of refuting Hoyt's Sec- tor Theory (if you grant a broad interpretation of a sector), Firey's work adds cultural causes to the economic causes as an explanation of the development of sectors. Nor does Firey refute Hoyt's theory that high rent areas tend to move out in their sector to the periphery of the city in every case. Hoyt's idea was undoubtedly postulated on the prin- ciple of filtering within the sector, and Firey merely showed that there are certain cultural and institutional impediments to the filtering process. 4. Firey, 139—30-38- -16- In attempting to study the ecological structure of Lansing, it is necessary to separate our analysis into two separate parts, the dynamic and the static. For the study of the dynamics of the city‘s structure, two sources of information will be used: (1) an 'historical' map (see attached map no. 2) which shows the blocks which in 1940 had a plurality of structures built within a certain Span of years, and (2) the early history of Lansing. The infor— mation used from these two sources will be oriented toward discovering the validity of the various descriptive theories summarized above. The 'historical' map gives a rough indication of the way in which Lansing develOped. It would seem to indi- cate that the early growth was approximately in a concentric pattern, but with the concentric circles being somewhat flattened or eliptical in nature due to the flow of the Grand River, and with the top (western) part having a lar— ger radius than the lower half of the centermost elipse. Thus this map lends support to the Von Thunen theory of land use develOped in Germany in the lECO's.5 That it conforms to this theory is due largely to Lansing's tOpography, it beinggractically a level plain, with no natural barriers to development except the Grand and Cedar Rivers. These rivers did modify the pattern slightly. Of course, this structure 5 Richard T. Ely and George S. Wehrwein, land Economics (dew York, 1940), p. 68. Mavn.‘- Ma? Shoufing “‘05: Anus 4‘ Lani"! ,Mifibi an. whack kid It NIM‘ 4 Heme: Within. Ceiacn. % Specs-fin! Tim 3&5, as a} flag}, . o—u- ~ -- 1 Mil H mumafié 35“: J . l idea Er“; r?“ if”? . 5 . s 5.5 2-- C[—_;"l b c1633 fig: k.“ 2:1 {3' "I 5—. 35:) {f u 0L 1: .' no a I! “:39 I . Bar». H00 ...-. 5: ””.5! IlflOO-\\\Q w. 7:?!5 E 4;?‘1 ' Hu-Hlfi x urn 5:3- 3' “‘30- '1“ / 2:35. i A r' M.? no. 7. swung: Data Obtain“ 4"!» “n “.3. Bureau, .Q census. “m Seek-mat} fie. Fem sax... w...s-..g_‘3..“m: i»- MACE..." Linimg Buck Shut-.5“, n43. does not add support to the Burgess Concentric Circle Theory, because the point of his theory was not to eXplain historical development but rather to explain the "natural" socio-economic areas of the city by the concentric scheme. One could come to Burgess' concepfialism theoretically, however, by combining another concept with the Von Thunen analysis. This other concept is often called the "filter— ing " process. The general idea is that it is the more wealthy that build the new homes, and the houses which they vacate filter down to the next income group. The houses .given up by the middle income group are taken over by the low income group. The houses which the low income group vacates either ripen into business usage or become a blight— ed or transitional area. Thus if the Von Thunen analysis is valid, and if the filtering process holds, by combining the two mechanisms, one emerges with the Burgess Theory. However, this analysis neglects the fact that in any con- centric circle (for example, that one represented by houses built before 1900) the houses, ‘aving been built in differ- ent styles and qualities, tend to depreciate and become obsolete at different time rates and hence do not filter to a lower class at the same time. It also neglects Firey's contention that cultural values may prevent the filtering process from Operating in various areas. As a result of these omissions and inadequacies, the Concentric Circle Theory breaks down as a satisfactory eXplanation of socio— economic groupings. Let us now consider the written history of Lan— sin: with a view to anal zine the Sector, Cultural, and x.) Q Concentric theories. Lensing's development was peculiar in that the impetus for its oriyin was political rather than economic. Before the state legislature decided upon this as the site for the Capitol of Xich :an, the area was practically all swamp and wilderness. "The State Census of 1845 gives the white pepulotion of Lansing Township as 88 souls, ano the entire 56 square miles was practically an unbroLen wilderness covered with virgin timber. The only settlement was a group of log cabins around a small saw mill at the east end of the dam at what is new North Lansing."6 Then the Capitol was built in 1847, the locus of the town was shifted from North Lansing to its present f." center. rne business district, however, was not at first concentrated at its present location. Because of the place- ment of the main roads leading into the area, it was thought that the business district would develop along what was then and still is Main Street. J. P. Edmonds says, "They appar— ently intended that the residential section should be in the central part of town around the Capitol square.“7 H usines (.0 "This, however, was not to be. places commenced to spring up around the Capitol square and in a very few years Main Street was practically deserted for -20- (D business purposes." The locstion selected for the Cepitol was instrumental in causing Lansiné to be divided into separate sections during these early years. The trenspor- C'f 1» ution lines end briiges were so placed thst a community end business area developed along Main and South Cesar Streets in order to be in the direct line of traffic coming to the Cspitol from the other important towns and cities of the éay. A second section grew up around the Cepitol it- elf, and the third was the original settlement in North (I) Lansing. It thus so happened that for some time there were three separate and sistinct sections of the town—~Loner Town, Riddle Town, and Upper Town. The names given to these areas eppsrently described fairly eccurstely the socio-cconomic status of their resioents, although it is difficult to dis— tinguish any greet difference in status between the Riddle (around the Capitol) and Upper (Kain Street) Towns. In respect to hotels, it is interesting to note that the first one wes located in North Lansing, but was not successful; the second hotel to be built was also stsrtefl in 1847 "on the northwest corner of Rein Street and Eeshing- ton Avenue where the residence of R. E. Olds now stands... For nearly twenty years it was the best hotel in Le sing end from its opening became political headquarters end the center of sociel activity."9 A few other quotations give us en ineicstion of the 8 Ibi€.. p. 21. locations of the socially elite. "Probably no man in the early life of the city has left a more vivid memory than ’1 ans Ior his time, u! be (Ir. Hosmer). POSSESSEi of an; e m he was generous to a fault and charitable to the extreme. His residence vas on East St. Joseph Street, corner of Grand. The grounds covered the greater part of the entire block and were landscap d and cesutified more than any other "10 . in town. Hr. Buck was another important man in business and politics. ”His reside :3 (3 (D .4 "7 CD on the corner of Capitol Avenue and Icnia Street where the Telephone Building now A stanxs. The much family were all very much socially in— 1 clined and exceedingly hospitable. Their house was always ll Open and headquarters for every social event..." ”It is, however, somewhat remarkable that on North Washington Avenue there are still standing, in the same neighborhood, three of the original mansions erected at that time, each of which is intimately connected with early business, social, and political life of our city. At 878 North Hashington Avenue, there still stands in fine con- dition, an old-fashioned square brick house which was built "12 about the year 1857 by Daniel L. Case. "A block or so north at 1025 there 1 C0 U) (‘1' r7 :3 {)1 F10 S U( ‘33 (3' g...» L O '0' O t? H F.’ '._J #4 14 0’ P Q: N *0 O cn Q! H {\3 3-4 C)J H C): 'x) H (F! O: frame building which we now know as the Colonial Apartments. The original of this building was once one of the finest and most impressive private residences in Lansing. The third house was across the street from the Pec (above), and it was occupied by Dewitt Clinton Leach, who was one of the first editors of the old Lansin; neoublican, . "15 A now the btate Journal These excerpts give us an indication of where the hiéh grade residential areas were at the be;inning. There would seem to have been at least two separate districts, one south of the Capitol and present business district along Main, Cedar, flashinfiton, and Capitol Avenues and the other north of the Capitol along Tonia, Ottawa, and North .1 Tastington. Both districts seem to have strung out 03 long the main arteries of transportation leading to the Capitol and business district. This tends to support Hoyt's obser— vation that the "first type of high rent development was the axial type with the hi_h grade homes in a long avenue or ‘~1 ~_l ! avenues leading directly to the business centers." "The total area of the original town was about two square miles, but as time went on and the population in- creased, many subdivisions were made and adjacent lends 15 platted until the area increased to 7% miles in 1933." In 1872 plats were filed which extended the city on the west 15 Ibid., 0. 157. 14 Ibid., D. 158. 15 Edmonds,pp. 38, $9. to Logan Street, from Michigan Avenue south to Vain, east to approximately Pennsylvania Avenue and including the areas both south to Iain and north to Grand River Avenue. Between 1872 and 1930 the movement of the elite seemed to be pre— dominantly westward cn Main Street (Barnes mansion erected 1878). Two pioneers of Upper Town built large estates in Y the one hundred block of Jest Rain in 1390 and in the area two, three, and four blocks north and west of Iichigan Ave— nue. Interestingly enough, the develOpment of East and nest iain Street on the high bank of the river agrees with one of Hoyt's placements of the high rent district in a city located on a level plain. However, the high rent area has not spearheaded out from this point of origin as Hoyt's theory claims. The area extending from one hundred to three hundred Vest Main and north to Kalamazoo has not filtered down to the lower rent groups and to commercial use. In- stead, it has resisted deterioration strongly, perhaps for reasons of sentiment and symbolism and because,traditionally, leading citizens have lived here, all reasons similar to those Firey found for the tenacity of Beacon Hill. Consis— tently, from earliest days to the present, theumstern half of the city has been considered the more desirable, whereas, except for isolated cases, the eastern and northern sections have always been lower rent districts. In 1901 the relocation of R. a. bid; automobile factory in Lansing inaugurated the period of rapid industrial -24- growth. In housing development, this accelerated the fil— tering down of the area directly surrounding the plant and extending west and north al scent streets. In general, our 'historical' study of Lansing tends to sub— stantiate Hoyt's theories of residential develogment, but with some additions from Firey. However, it is difficult to find any substantiation for the Burgess Concentric Theory. In order to study the present ecological struc- ture of Lansing, we have used the 1940 Housing Census, Block Statistics of Lansing16 to construct a map showing qu1,.\2. the average rental values for each block.A Three div sions were made: £0 - $50 per month average rent ereéé; :31 — $50 Egreené; $51 - Eblueé. As Hoyt suggests, patterns early established have continued in the same direction to the pre— sent. The west side has remained the more desirable area with the highest rental areas closely following his ideas. Hoyt also postulates that the tOp residential districts usu- ally grow "toward the section of the city which has free Open country b yond the edges and away from the dead end sections . , . , 17 wnicn are limited by natural barriers to eXpansion." 16 United States Bureau of the Census, Housing, Supplement to the First Series, Housing Bulletin for Eichisan, lanaing, Block Statistics (Washington, D. C., 1942), pp. 6-16. 17 Homer Hoyt, "The Pattern of Movement of Residential Rental Neighborhoods", Readinxs in General Sociology, edited by Robert W. O'Brien (Paloalto, California, 1947), p. 517. hoore's River Drive and that section in the center west extendin; to the city limits conform quite exactly to this v pattern. The only other high rent areagfil) the small Jest Main - South Capitol T which is now beginning to succumb to commercialization and (2) isolated blocks north and west of the Capitol which have maintained their prestige due to sentiment and the force of certain personalities such as Richard Scott. The northern part of the city also has continued in its early pattern as the lower rent area, and with deter— ioration it has become an almost entirely low rent district. In the eastern half of Lansing whereinxery few better homes were built before 1900, settlement was not extensive due to swampy, low terrain and periodic flooding of the rivers. After 1900 the large influx of auto workers were forced to build in the east and southeast, due to limited space on the west side. South Lansing, with the exception of South Washington Avenue below Main Street, which is a commercial and transitional area,'and South Cedar and Larch Streets near the Cedar River which have long been old, blighted sec- tions, has developed for the middle rent group. This is partly because the southwestern section is adjacent to the Moore's River area anl hence was naturally attractive to the middle group and partly because real estate promoters made the Devonshire, Sunnyside and other subdivisions desirable. -95- do discussion of the ecolo;ical structure of Lan- sing is complete without mention of the important role 1 -1 la'ed oy LESt Lensins as the bedroom for large numbers of '0 A ) ansin '5 upper and middle upper groups. Thi ‘4 U) er lains why [—4 '( Lansing preper has a smaller really high grade residential area than one would expect of a city of its size and income. An ecological analysis of Lansing through three (1) cf tn 5es has now been completed: (1) A static analysis of Lansing at the beginning of its develOpment. (2) A dynamic analysis showing some of the patterns of development and factors which caused these particular pat- terns. (Z) A 1940 rental map study to obtain a picture of the present structure of Lansing. This analysis is incomplete both in its historical aspects and in the number of indices that have been used in determining socio-economic status. Nevertheless, it is the object of this chapter to determine some of the nature areas of the city, oni hopefully the rationale has been de- veloped sufficiently that thissmep can be taken with some justification. Before actually outlining the natural areas, it miiht be well to mention some of the precautions that should be recognized. These ,recautions were taken from an article by Calvin F. Schmid:18 U) 18 Calvin F. Schmid, "Concept of Natural Areas, Census Tract , and MetrOpolitan Districts," Readin sip General Sociology, 01 edited by Robert N. O‘Brien (Palofilto, Ce ifornia, 19477,pn €61. N l. The concept of natural areas should not be applied too rigidly. For example, it would be extremely difficult, if not impos— sible, to delineate natural areas for the entire city that would serve as a common denominator for all social data. In actual practice it day even be necessary sometimes to make some unit more or less arbitrarily serve as a basis for compiling data and mak— ing analyses. 2. The criteria that are chosen to dif- ferentiate natural areas may not be univer— sally applicable. As a general rule it is most satisfactory to select a combination of factors to delineate natural areas... The criteria that are chosen will be largely determined by the problem at hand and by the point of view of the investiga or. 5. Natural areas ar not sharply demar— cated from one another. The boundaries are usually indefinite, being zones rather than lines. It is entirely permissible to draw ooundaries, but their arbitrary nature should be recognized. a. Natural areas are not static and fixed but are dynamic and ever changing. The various interrelated factors which differen- tiate one natural area from another are sub- Ject to alteration in the course of time. Recognizing that the data are somewhat inadequate and the boundaries arbitrary, Lansing, for the purpose of this study, an be divided into five natural areas for which separate indices of real estate prices should be constructed. f These areas are: (l) the West Side or high re b area, (2) the Middle Rent Area, which includes most of South Lansing and Lansing east of Pennsylvania Avenue, (5) the Negro Area, (4) North Lansing, the predominately low rent area, (5) the m a. *3 ansitional Area, and (6) East Lansing. M3? m:- Na? Showing 1"". Division. of Lans§n3.“\ichi an {6‘0 {his Ola-turd “ans, {0? each a? Ninth. Sg"fat‘} \ {sun Vite Inn“. 5.“ 5.“ ComtrudeA. a J -29- The assumption is that within these areas influences are such that the course of real estate prices might be much different between areas, and thst an index for just the whole of Lansing would cover up some of these internsl de— viations which might be significsnt for analytical purposes. See Map No. 5 for an outline and exolanstion of thes areas. ‘ CHAPTER III 5-: EB LETEOD USED TC CCYSTPUCT IYDICZS The same method was used in constructing all of the indices. As mentioned in the introduction, the methodology is not or rig ina l but was adOpted without change from a doc- toral dissertation by Herman” "I nga rden, entitled, $3 Index o_;"_ cal Real Estate Prices (Ann Arbor, 1927). The West Side (high rent area) Index will be used to expldn and exemplify the method. The first step is to gather the data. Ideally, the data should have been entirely sales prices, but since such data were insufficient, it was necessary to supplement with listing price information.1 The data were obtained from The Lansing Board of Realtors, which is a federation of thir- ty-tvo realty firms, and from the Advance Ree.lty Company. The data were so filed as to make it possible to translate the listings directly to a working table, that is, each address had a complete history of all listings filed together on separate cards. If one looked, for exampka, at "A" Street in the files and found M12 "A" t., one would find three cards filed, one for 19MB, one for 19u7, and one for 1949. A fragmentary sample of the working table used is given in Tab lb I. 1 See Introduction (omapter I) pages 7 and 8, for a discus- sion as to the accuracy and comparability of the data and the adequaCJ and representiveness of the sample. emewm H.-- p ewemmmma ow emm nommmmm.e>mem mmonqae emowmmaHmm_:eoa am am Ham emma mHem Aqum the emmwv Haem arm mamas. eHmeHee emHoam emm mzemmme ceemw amm_peemoemeHm_mmemm pee mmwpeHAMm ooueaeme meow same memmma ewes Harm Hmew Page Harm perm Hmpu Hmem ewes Hmmo AHOOV Awum newmv new a ma. H:.ooo mm.ooo mm.ooo sow » ma. _ Apoov Apomv AHNQV Ho.ooo Hm.moo Hu.ooo Awoov Ammv wam m.ma. :o.ooo w~.moo Hmmm m ma. Apoov AHNNV AHNHV “Hmov mwmo Hm.moo Hm.ooo Hr.ooo Hmww m ma. Aooov AHWVV Apmov umoo Hp.umo Hm.ooo Mach w ma. Hoov Ammv Hm.moo Hw.mmo Hmwp m ma. AHoov “pony “whoa mhmo memo Hm.ooo Hem a ma. Awoov Awmov «moo mooo wmo ma. Awoov Ayamv mooo mooo mpm ma. 308 :03 wwmo M“moo The addresses are put in the stub and the dates in the heed- ings. The prices at which a property has been listed are then entered in the proper row and column. The illustration . 1 .. . snows listinrs for Years 19dl to l9fO, but in actuality, the l (.1 rn cf udy was carried been to 1935. The method precludes the 53' U) (D O H: d" L37 0 U) (D ’d [.b ’D O ’D U) 0 H: "3 (D o H (D '“Q cf ’33 c+ (D 3.. tab 0 3‘ 5‘ 'u <: (D 0" (D m 3 H F“ .- n d" rp I): only once. Houses must have been listed at least twice and .3 9.) k: :3‘ CD < (D U, (T) (7) B }_J H‘ 0') Cf (D :34 1 many times. For exanple, 152? "B" Street was listed in 193$, l9“6, 19*7, and 19*9. After this type of working table had been corpleted for the whole of particular area, the listing prices were converted into percentages in order to show what per cent he price was of the base year, the base year in each case being the year in which the property was first listed. For example, (see Table I) M12 "A" Street was listed in lQU? at $14,0oo, and in iel7 and lets at $25,000. In order to com- pute their relationships on a percentage basis, 19“? was taken as the base (ICC) and the price for 19”? and for l9U0 are divided by the price in l9h2, eivins in each case a fi- gure of 179. This shove the percentade of change occurring during this interval in the value of a piece of property. .3 D :18 relatives -re found in Table I in parenthesis. C The next step is to sort and put in separa e tarles those relatives (percertages) with the same base year. In Table I, 1522, 1613, and 118 "B" Street would all go into q” ' ’-> 728 lghh‘ Tahle II shows the (‘1‘ I'S" m d C!” 01 U‘ [—1 (D '1... O 0 L0 0 Q) U) (D ”D («1 '1 (‘3 - 100 EASE'YEAR amdpm HH. '0» figs”; «flu-J 4413 1‘... ..P 0.3.43 For-tr. r «Emma D] (P emip F. H \ '3 ‘.)J \‘1 (J‘\ Home Home Hone \.\\. Hweo Here mee was: Harm [—1 ;-J 0 0’9. 0 \ O C) (a CO C H ’1 “w \ “JFOKOl-NIIO\FJC_ poo poo Hos Hem H 0 Cd Ce O\\O\O'\l N (3 —\1 (fl 43314 i FHJ ’VKJI J H Ce. 0 \9 Jun 0 00.0. HHHH In 0 re F0 is. 5: J] .0 C) ‘4 In urq= Hmwum H00 .5....C1. «dc-10 .l’\ IIIL..r ' eHum- mmwe- poo aH \ C) [‘4 C31 (,1 (h 'CGL 2 C71 \ \.)J \CC) {-3 \.)J How '—J F.) C)‘\ > nu.1144 P..y« t'rlb . ‘\C) O \.31 am H JH O\ ~\l }.J Us. -\J F\) ;\ .:_. 'V -"\J ._) K E) {\J {\J (3‘\ —7?L-— relatives of those listings whose base year fell in 19.5. The same procedure was followed in each of the years from 1935 to 1939 inclusive. I \ each of these tables was then converted into a separate index Which means fifteen separate in - exes, one for each c:3e year. Table II shows that there were fifteen list- “, . vf‘ """" r.~v ings in 1930 vhose base year has l9;3. An average of those fifteen relatives should be a rather reliable estinate of (D Cl" *Jo i..J the relative change in the price of resid n a real estate from 1935 to 1935. Lih evise, an average of the ei:ht list- ings in 1937 should shot;the relative change in price from 1935 to 1937. The arithmetic mean was the type of average used.2 The computation of the mean for each column in Table II produces a separate index which shows the relationship between the va us of real estate in any particular subseouent y ear with the year 193 5. Corresponding indices were construc- ted for each of the years between 1935 and l9h0. Two other operations were performed in Table II. The row entitled "number" shows the number of relatives on which the average was based and will be used as weights in the final index. The other operation is to compute link- relatives of these averages. Link—relatives show relation- 0 ships between any year and the year preceding. They reveal Year to year changes and are computed by dividing the mean 2 This is the only deviation from the method used by. 'r . uvn'aroen he used the median. J HHHHHHHHHHHHHHH \D \O \O \O \O \D \O \O \O \O \O \ D \O \D \ O 4: 4: «F: 4: 1: Jr 4: 4‘: g: g \N \A \rJ \r} \371 \O (19 'xl U\ U] \N l0 H \0 U1 \1 ‘A K»! 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I 4' ! .n A n .- . . v tI g:‘¥v§fi"‘l|.‘ ‘i‘i ".‘u[ I Index. - 4 6 - fl 0.0., IIIIUOO No I19 I" So '1‘ ‘I‘_.. -55- Comparisons 1. All of the indices held rather steady in the years 1955 to 1957, with the High, Middle, and Low Re t Areas rising slightly, East Lansing remaining constant, and the Negro and Transitional Areas falling slightly. 2. Each of the indices fell between the years 1937 to l9aO; all reached their lowest point in 1940. It was the Negro ansing least. t"! Area which fell most and East 5. Beginning in 1941, the indices began to rise slowly and gained momentum as time passed, with the greatest percentage increase occurring in 1946 immediately after the war. The area which experienced the greatest degree of rise up to 1946 was the Low Rent section of the North Side, and the area experiencing the least was the Negro Area. Some of the districts showed quite rapid appreciation during the war itself. This is especially true of the Low Rent Area which increased 38 per cent between 1945 and 1944. Slowest to respond with rapidly ris;ng prices was the East Lansing Area where not until 1944 did a noticeable increase occur. Once the movement began, however, the climb was very steep indeed; in 1947 it had nearly surpassed the Low Rent Area. The ceclining price levels of 1949 affected East Lansing very slightly whereas the Low Rent Area showed a sharper decline resulting in East Lansing's superseding the Low Rent Area in greatest percentage increase in prices since 1955. 4. The general trend of rising real estate prices was — 605— broken in 1949 with every section experiencing a decline in prices except the Middle Rent Area which had experienced its decline a year earlier. The areas experiencing the greatest percentage decline were the Low Rent with thrteen per cent and the Transitional with fifteen per cent. The East Lansing Area experienced a decline of only two per cent. 5. with one exception the price indices have reestablished their upward paths in the first quarter of 1960, with East Lansin‘ I) the highest, prices being 167 per cent above its 1965—1989 average, and with the Low Rent Area of North Lansing being a close second with a 166 per cent increase. The Kiddle and High Rent Areas fell in the middle range of the six indices, both having about a 124 per cent increase. The Negro and Transitional Areas stand in the lowest posi- tion in respect to price increases. In 1960, the Negro Area real estate prices averaged just about double their 1955-1959 base, while the Transitional was about 84 per cent above prewar prices. 6. The one exception to rising prices in 1950 was the Transitional Area; it continued the decline, which began in 1949. This could under ordinary conditions, be inter- preted as a danger sign. Theoretically, it might be red— soned that the first indication of a falling market would be experienced in the least desirable residential area.1 1 It should also be the last area to experience an increase in price. This is born out by the data. Real estate prices first began to rise in 1941. The increases in price were as follows: hast Lansing area-5 per cent, Negro Area-2 per cent, Low Rent area-7 per cent, Middle Rent area—6 per cent, High Rent area—1 per cent, and Transitional area-1 per cent. when supply is very scarce, every type of housing unit will be taken even at inflated prices, but as supply begins to catch up with demand, as new homes are built and the filtering process begins to Operate, the least desirable homes will be discarded first and become difficult to sell or rent; this would be ralected in the price of prOperties in this area. The Transitional Area Index might well be the one to watch as an indicator of coming events in the real estate market, assuming, of course, that there are no sudden interrupting influences, such as war, on the fac— tors which affect real estate prices. In other words, it seems quite plausible that had it not been for the present international situation, real estate prices would probably be leveling off in the Lansing area. 7. During the war years, 1941-1945, real estate prices rose an average of about 60 per cent for the whole of Lan— O. 0" sin; and about 70 per cent in the post—war years, 1946-19 The rapid rise of real estate prices in the Low Rent Area during the war was probably attributable to the influx of war workers. Often unable to rent, these war workers were forced to buy. Their income level and their uncertainty of employment tenure meant that they were in the marhet for low—priced housing. This may explain vh* percentage—wise, this type of housing increased the most in price. The East Lansing Area deviates from the other 01 .reas in several interesting respects as has been brought out previously; (1) it remained more constant than any of the others through the period less-1945, (2) it started its upward trend somewhat later, (5) its increase, once begun, was most rapid of all, (4) while the indices of the Other areas were falling in 1949, it remained almost constant. H‘at could account for these peculiar movements? 1 ‘he East Lansing Area would be afiected approximately the v4 same as the other areas in respect to construction costs and the general price level, and it is doubtful that rela- tive changes in building activity would be significantly different between Lansing and East Lansing. When one re— alizes, however, that the economic base of a community is very important in determining the pOpulaticn and income .13 Ol an area, and therefore, the demand for housing, a pos- sible exolanation of the differences arises. The major gan State Col- emeloyment source of East Lansing is Hichi legs, and it is very likely that the growth of this insti- tution is very important in causing the peculiar movement of prices in Last Lansing. Another factor important in recent years is trat East Lansing has gained great social prestige for the high income groups of Lansing. Over the span of years considered, the Negro Area has appreciated in value less than any of the other areas. There are a number of possible eXplenations for this: (1) 'dhen the Negro area was delineated, areas were included which in the years covered by the index had not yet passed into Negro use. Uhen some of these sections did begin to be infiltrated by a Kegro clientele, there was undoubtedly a temporary depreciation in value, which was out of accord with the marhet as a whole and which was reflected in the Negro Area index; (2) In many cities the Nevro area is rigidly defined and its eXpansion almost entirely prevented. If this is true, and if the Negro pOpulation is increasing, bidding in the market for the limited supply is bound to drive the prices up to abnormal heiéhts. In Lansing, the negro pOpulation has been successful in entering new sec— tions of the city and thus have avoided this process; (3) Many houses in the Negro residential area are very old and perhaps were not kept in as good repair by their owners and white renters as is true in other areas. Thus they have depreciated at more than a normal rate. Chapter V CCMPARISCNS IITH AND ANALYSIS OF FACTORS IRFLUE;CIN3 REAL ESTATE PRICES THE dENERAL PRICE LEVEL AND HOUSING PRICES Price changes can occur as a result of at least three different influences: (l) chanaes in the relation- ship between supply and demand functions, (2) changes in production cost, and (5) changes in the value of the mone- tary unit. This taxonomy is a rather arbitrary one be- cause in reality all of these factors are interrelated and could be classified under the first heading. A vari- ation in the cost of production is really one aspect of the supply function, and it may occur also as a result of changes in the price level. Certainly if the supply and demand relationsnips were to remain constant, one would expect real estate H.) prices to follow closely the path 0 the general price level. Any deviation from this path would have to be ex— plained by other factors, or, to put it another way, if one is to study the influence of other factors upon real estate prices, the effect of the chansing price level must beremoved. Rather than attempt to compare the general price level with all six indices of real estate prices, an ave- rage of the six indices is used. This averaging process is shown in Table I. The resulting index numbers were -71.. am on H...I HHqUMR Emawmum OH; . mHt PpiP H76 04m d_..PJOZ I70 4h Hoo I90 V0 I10 m :02— 2 .l‘(38 0- (DD 30 30 w Richard Ratcliff says:5 The manufacture of building materials is characterized by a concentration of produc- tive capacity in a relatively few establish- ments. For example, in about two-thirds of the many lines of building products, more than 00 per cent of the total output is ac- counted for by the four leading manufacturers. The same characteristic applies to items that are produced locally. This semimonOpolistic situation has been offered as an explanation of the relative rigidity of building material pri— ces... The temporary business recession late in 1957 affected real estate prices through 1958 and 1959 but did not stem the rise of construction costs. In 1940 and 1941, pOpulation decline coup ed with increased n w construction caused a still further decrease in real estate prices while again construction costs continued to climb. In November, 1941, the government limited all building to that which was essential to the war effort. This eliminated almost all residential building and created a relationship between supply and demand in Lansing which was conducive to an upward movement of the real estate price index. This movement began in 1943 and reached its peak in the first post-we year, 1946. The immediate reaction of the construction cost index to the building curf.w was a ecline of about seven per cent in 1942. It regained its C“ equilibrium, however, and beg.n to move upward but not as m quickly as the real estate price index. Finally, in 1940, the demand for housing was so great and the supply of new construction so limited that the 5 Richard U. Ratcliff, Urban Land Economics, New York, 1949, p. 187-188. -81— resulting pressure on real estate prices brought the index above the Boeckh Construction Cost Index. Eut this supre— macy was short—lived because when price restrictions were removed in November, 1946, construction costs skyrocneted and overtook the deflated Lansing real estate price index, whicn itself had begun to fade slightly. SUESLI AID LEIAN' sND HOUSING PRICES After changes in real estate prices due to the depreciation of the dollar have been eliminated, the move- ments anion the index exhibits should be eXplainable 1ar5e— ly in terms of the adjustment between supply and demand. To get an adequate measure of these factors is very diffi- cult; it is imdossible to separate the rental from the home buying demand and somewhat inadvisable, even if possible, because changes in rental demand affect real estate prices indirectly; it is impossible also to get a satisfactory measure of effective demand. Figures on incomes are very meager, especially those measuring Changes in incomes for the residents of Lansing over a period of time. Data re- garding supply is also difficult to obtain and interpret. One shodd consider vacancies and new construction, but the only measure of new construction is the number of building permits issued, and the question arises as to whether one should count enly those buil in; permits issued for new dwelling units or include building permits issued for repair and additions. The measure of supply used in this chapter is simply the number of new residential dwelling units begun in Lansing in each year frem 1935 to 1933. A discussion of the factors which influence and determine the potential de— .- mand for housing for a particuia: area follows. —85— The first Obvious and crude measure of potential demand is the total pOpuiation of an area. Changes in to- tal population vary directly with changes in demand although in a rough fashion. A more refined measure is the number of families, ior although there is a positive relationship between an increase or decrease in thegnpulation and an increase or decrease in the number of families, the changes are not necessarily directly preportionate. For example, migrants into the city may be single and not normally occupy a family dwelling unit. vaiously not all families in a locality represent ‘1 potential demand for new or vacant used housing. Many fami— lies already own their own home or rent a house. Thus an increase in the net demand must come from new families in the area. The source of new families may come from either of two sources, immigration or marriage. Immigration has been a primary factor responsible for the rise of most cities. There is no information to show the proportion of single migrants as compared with those who come in family groups. The prOportion undoubtedly C0 varies among cities ccording to the type of employment available. It was assumed in this study that about one—fourth of the net immigration or emmigration from a city during nor- mal times would be single. During the war, however, it was assumed that one—half were single. harried immigrants have a direct effect on housing dema d, whereas single individuals need only rooms immediately and represent a potential de- nander of housing only in the unrorseesble future. :ew families created by mETTiE¢ES are an important source of increase in the demand for housing. Ihile some newlyweds do not occupy separate dwellings immediately but 1 H3 ( ’1 p. F.) HI {D U) rather double up with relatives, most newly-formed q require separate quarters. Trerefore, anyone attemptiné to measure housing demand should gather statistics on marri- ages in the locality, both the number of marriages in the A recent past and cat. concerning trends and the correlation 01 of these trends with other factors. for examnle, the mar— riage rate seems to be sensitive to chsnaes in economic conditions, decreasing during the trough and increasing at the peaks of the business cycle. See Chart 3 for the trends in marriages and divorces for lensing, Michigan, from 1955 to date. "Population growth by natural incr ase does not mean an immediate increase in housins need. The effect of births on housing requirements is not felt for some twenty to twenty-five years after the events, when the newcomers have attained marriageeble 8‘8 and begin to establish new C) family groups. This fact points to the imoortance of the 0) .ge distribution of thegnpulation as a forecaster of future housing needs, for the number of persons who are to attain ) marriageable age during a given period will constitut‘ an w important part of the new demand for housing."4 See the . 5 8 - n I 4: £33. .3350: :00 5.3.. a of. 23:31? :01: Oh. IUI<300 O— ‘I£(I 20.5.0" IIOCO 8. ‘2 ICE 3 115 Tans}. a5-_49 5o——54 55--59 60—-5u 65~-69 7o--7u 75--Above Under 1 yr. Over 21 SOURCE: E DISTFIEUTICN -R LANSING, 19:0 U. S. Bureau of Census, 0\ .. ‘ C >'. ' H‘ ‘-~'fl" Pi“: g...Lbf;IU.in\T 25,370 Vol. 2, Table 32. A. enclosed Table 5 for the age distribution for Lansing in 1940. This chart shows a relatively large number of in- dividuals between the ages of 15 to 29 who would be likely to marry and form new families within the 10-year period of 1940—50. The difference between births and deaths for each year give the pOpulation change due to natural causes. If the difference between this result and the total estimated pOpulation change for the year is computed, it is possible to estimate the net migration. The importance of new marriages as a factor in increasing demand for housing has already been mentioned. Those influences which are dissolving families, name y di— vorce, death, :nd separation must also be considered and subtracted from the marriage factor in order to derive the net chan . The trend in the divorce rate has been continu— ously upward. The divorce rate, like the marriage rate, is responsive to fluctuations in the business cycle; it declines during periods of economic stress, but the cnanyes in the divorce rate are smaller in amplitude and shorter in dura- tion than in the case of marriages. Since death is more than four times as important as divorce in dissolving families, it is important that this factor be carefully considered.5 Ehe death of one of a married couple may give rise to a reduction in the quantity 5 Ibid., p. 91. of demand for housing. In many cases, the survivor moves in with relations or tahes us an existence in rented rooms. It was assumed in this study that one-fourth “he number of deaths of any year should be subtracted from the net demand factor for that year. In conclusion, a complete analysis of housing ae- mand would concern itself with all factors WfilCh give rise it vould discount for those n1 :3 m to new families in a city, ( factors wnich result in the dissolution of families. The major factors which create new families in a city are ne immigration and marriages. Pa (0 t immigration can be estimated by takin" the change in the estimated oooulaticn of a city for one year and subtracting from it the increase in pOpula- tion due to natural increase. The resulting figure éives one an estimate of immigration for the year; allowance must be made for sin¢le immigrants, and to get the figure in terms of families, it should be divided by the average family size. An analysis of past increase in demand due to mar- riages can be made. Statistics on number of marriages are given for most cities and if not available, can be estimated from county figures. the breakup of families due to divorce and death must be taken into account and allowance made for them. Future predictions of the marriage variable can be based on studies of cast trends in marriayes and divorces L "ifi and the underlying causes aIIecting them. An index of changes in housing demand based upon the above elements is employed the adjustments are arbitrary and H. in this study. Kany o inaccurate, but it does give a quantitative cicture of the procedure for Lansing which can be compared with fluctua- tions in supply and prices of real estate. Tables IV and V show the factors which were considered, the adjustments made, and the final net addition to potential housing de— mand in each year. Table VI brings together the measure of supply (number of new dwelling units started in each year) and demand (number of new families in ea h year) and the de— flated real estate price index. Column 5 snows the ratio of demand to supply, that is, the number of potential deman- ders per unit or supoly. This was calculated in order to facilitate comparison with movements in the real estate price index. Examination indicates the critical ratio to be about four. This means that, with minor exceptions, when the number of new families is more than four to each new dwelling unit, an increase in fundamental real estate prices results, and when less than four, a decrease in pri- ces results. This is shown graphically in Chart 4. Here the scale was made equal to the ratio a so that if the ny- pothesis is correct, the real estate index will generally Show an incr ase whenever the graph sh ws demand to be above sunoly and a decrease whenever the supply index ex- ceeds the demand index in the same year. Observation of the chart indicates that this is usually the case; supply exceeded demand throuvh the years 1957-1942, and Iundamental real estate prices were constantly on the decrease. Likewise, \ amdwm H<. 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