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ABSTRACT

A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF
MINORITY STATUS AND SCHOOL EXPERIENCE

By

Patricia K. Flood

This study focuses upon differences in self—concept of aca-
demic ability, perceived self—efficacy and school achievement be-
tween White and Indian students at the elementary school level.
An underlying assumption of the study holds that school achieve-
ment is influenced by the self-concept of the individual, and
that self-concept is based upon interaction with "significant
others". The guiding hypothesis asserts that the perception of
minority status will have negative effects on self—concept of
ability, on sense of self-efficacy and on actual school achieve—
ment. From this general hypothesis five specific hypotheses
regarding perception of academic ability, self-efficacy, teacher
and parental support and actual performance levels were tested.

The research design involved a comparison of White/Indian
students at the fifth through eighth grade level in two com-
munities in Michigan's Upper Peninsula. Data regarding the
several hypotheses were obtained through the administration of
a questionnaire to 466 students in the two communities. It was
found that Indian students do have a lower self-concept of
academic ability, a lower sense of self-efficacy and lower

achievement levels, but no apparent perception of lower teacher

support. While the data suggest that minority status (particu-
larly in the context of economic deprivation), self-perceived

efficacy, self concept of academic ability and academic perfor—
mance are related, no cause-effect relationships can he demon-

strated by the data.

A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF

MINORITY STATUS AND SCHOOL EXPERIENCE

By

Patricia K? Flood

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Sociology

1973

0+0 ACKN()WI.liI)(}MliN'I'S

I am deeply grateful to all those who provided help and
encouragement throughout my graduate study and especially during
this research period. Among those to whom I owe special thanks
are:

Dr. Frederick B. Waisanen, my thesis advisor, for many hours
of counseling and encouragement on this project and in the graduate
work that has preceded it.

My Mother, whose love and support have made my graduate
study possible.

Sue Roggelin, whose constant encouragement, assistance and
friendship have been so important.

Mr. Donald A. LaPointe, whose generous cooperation made the
data collection possible.

Dr. William A. Faunce and Dr. Wilbur B. Brookover, members

of my committee for help and guidance on interpretation.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION .

THE SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEXT .

Research Site

THE THEORETICAL CONTEXT
Methodology
Instrumentation
Data Collection

Results
SUMMARY . .
BIBLIOGRAPHY

APPENDICES

Appendix A
Tables

Appendix B
Questionnaire

iii

13
14
16
16

21

23

24

26

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1
Income Distribution, KBIC, 1971

TABLE 2

Educational Distribution by Sex and
Marital Status, KBIC, 1971

TABLE 3

Sample of Index‘Items

TABLE A.1
Self-Concept of Academic Ability

TABLE A.2
Self-Concept of Perceived Efficacy

TABLE A.3

Perceived Teacher Support by Grade

TABLE A.4

Performance by Race .

iv

15

24

24

25

25

INTRODUCTION

This research examines possible differences between White and
Indian elementary school children with regard to academic perfor-
mance and aspirations. More specifically, the focus is on the re-
lationship between self-concept and these factors. The underlying
assumptions hold that school achievement and aspiration levels are
largely dependent on the self-concept of the individual, and that
self—concept is based on interaction with "significant others".

The central assumption, in regard to process, is that self-concept
develops over a relatively long period of time with different "sig—
nificant others" being more "significant" at different points in
time. While the family is the single most important source of a
child's self-concept at an early age, teachers and peers later in-
fluence and often modify this basic self—concept. The central

focus of this study is upon the school environment (teachers, peers,
etc.) and some influences of this environment on the child's self-
concept and consequently on his academic achievement and aspiration
levels.

The intent of this study is not to demonstrate that minority
status is the dominating factor in the Indian child's self-concept.
At best this study is preliminary and exploratory in nature. The
research is designed to determine if in fact minority status is a

factor in the development of self—concept and, if so, if it has a

negative effect on academic performance and aspiration levels.

This study is a preliminary and exploratory phase of a larger
research program which will examine questions of self-concept and
minority status comparatively. In the larger study, the grade range
of students will be extended through the full range, i.e., grades
1 through 12. Additionally, comparative data will be collected
from a third school system in which Indian students are in numer—
ical majority. This first phase study involves the comparison of
White and Indian students where the Indians are in the numerical
minority, with the population restricted to students in grades 5

through 8.

THE SOCIO—CULTURAL CONTEXT

Research Site

 

The site for this first phase of the research is Baraga County
in Michigan's Upper Peninsula, specifically in the townships of
L'Anse and Baraga, the two largest townships in the county. The
county has considerably lower rates of employment, annual family in-
come, and average education levels when compared to state and national
levels. The 1970 census, however, indicates an 8.9% population in-
crease for the county with 16.7% and 12.6% increase in L'Anse and
Baraga respectively for the 1960-70 time period. This represents
a reversal in population trends and indicates increasing educational
and employment opportunities in the area.

The Keewenaw Bay Indian Community consists of approximately
800 Chippewa Indians in the L'Anse/Baraga area. The KBIC is divided
into two principal communities, Zeba in L'Anse and Assinins in
Baraga. The original basis for the division of the Indian community
was a difference in religion with Assinins being predominantly
Catholic and Zeba predominantly Methodist. Presently, however, the
combined Indian population, the KBIC, is governed by one tribal
council and is recognized as a single tribe by both the State and
the Federal Government. The council is composed of twelve elected

members, six from the L'Anse area and six from Baraga.

The KBIC is characterized by high rates of unemployment, school
attrition, inadequate housing, etc., as are many Indian communities
elsewhere in the U.S. In 1970, approximately 56% of the adult KBIC
was gainfully employed, 22% were on pensions or social security,
and 22% were unemployed. Included in the 56% who are employed are
those whose employment is seasonal and others whose income levels
are substantially below national and state levels. In 1969, 52% of
Indian Households had annual family incomes of less than $3,000, in-

dicating substantial numbers of underemployed heads of households.

TABLE 1

Income Distribution, KBIC, 1971l

 

 

Family Income Range Number Per Cent
Under $1,500 34 19%
$1,501--$3,000 60 33%
$3,001--$5,000 48 26%
$5,001--$7,000 21 12%
$7,001--$10,000 13 7%
$10,000 and over 6 3%

 

 

 

Adult education levels of the KBIC too are substantially lower

than state and national average as indicated by the following table:

 

1Taken from Indian Housing Survey of the KBIC prepared for the
Baraga County Planning Commission and the Ojibway Housing Commission
by Velican-Limon and Associates, Inc. 1971, page 8.

w mama ..ewnum

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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ofimcflm
we“ wm m wee so won me wm a sfiflsmu
mo om“;
mNH we m wem we wwm we we v sfiwamu
mo campus:

2 w z w z w z w z

Hoozom Hmuwccooh
mwooav Hence no oonHou VIH made» NHum mama» wuo mamox muo
manna .ume .mspmpm Hmpwamz paw xom kn :Owusnwuumwo Hmcowumuspm

N mqm<k

 

As is indicated by the above table, women generally complete more
years of school than do men. In part, the comparatively low education
levels can be explained by the restricted employment opportunities

in the area. For the most part employment is of a low skill, laborer
or clerical nature that does not require high levels of education.
Given the employment situation in the area, advanced education,
technical training, etc., become worthwhile only when and if the
individual leaves the community.

The KBIC, then, is in many ways similar to other Indian com-
munities in terms of income, employment, etc. There are, however,
several basic differences between the KBIC and many Western reser-
vations which have been studied by other social researchers. The
Indian lands in the KBIC are not contiguous but are interspersed
with public and private (White—owned) land. Efforts are being made,
however, to consolidate the reservation land. There is then sub-
stantial interaction between the Whites and Indians on and off the
reservation. The degree of assimilation of the KBIC is greater
than many Western Indian tribes as indicated by relatively high
rates of intermarriage, and the absence of a tribal language.

While there are some Indian crafts in the area, particularly leather-
work, the bulk of the native Chippewa arts, crafts, and traditions
are not practiced. In spite of the "Americanization" of the KBIC,
many "traditional" Indian values are still in evidence. Time
orientation, attitudes toward work and nature, etc., are still more
traditional than modern.

It should be noted that the KBIC is committed to retaining

what is left of their Indian culture (particularly values) and

to regaining as much as possible of what has been lost. The
establishment of Indian industry operating under Indian values

is a primary goal of the Indian community. A newly acquired
cultural center in Baraga has stimulated community development
programs. Vocational skills, arts, and crafts etc., are in—
creasingly becoming available at the Center. An attempt is

being made to develop a distionary of the Chippewa language and

to establish adult classes for the study of the language. Indian-
led Reform Movements have been effective in these and other areas.
For instance, the KBIC was instrumental in reaffirming the Indians'
hunting and fishing rights in Michigan. Clearly, the KBIC members
have become increasingly active in asserting their "Indianness"
and more determined to better their situation without sacrificing
any more of their heritage.

There is no federal or private Indian school in the L'Anse/
Baraga area. The school system is composed of one elementary and
one high school in both L'Anse and Baraga. The Indian children
represent approximately 10% of the student population. The overall
dropout rate for Baraga county in 1967-68 was 3.38% for grades
nine through twelve. This is a comparatively large percentage
when compared with other Michigan counties.3 The dropout rates
for Indians, however, was more than 80% in grades nine through

4

twelve. In the Baraga schools approximately 10% of the Indians

 

3Michigan Statistical Abstract, pp. 70—71. Division of Research,
Graduate School of Business Administration, MS”, 1970.

4Personal interview with Don LaPointe and Carolyne Perrault,
counselors for Indian students in L'Anse, Baraga. July, 1971.

are in Special Education classes (no statistics available for
L'Anse). The large majority of Indian students are in "General"
or "Vocational" programs rather than in a college preparation

program.

THE THEORETICAL CONTEXT

One of the more recent and most influential studies of min-
ority status and academic achievement was conducted by James
Coleman in 1966. Of the factors Coleman found to be related to
differential academic achievement, those of self-concept of ability
and perceived control over the environment are the most relevant
to this study.5 In Coleman's research, these attitudes accounted
for more variation in achievement than any other variables. In
the same study Coleman found that minority students (with few ex-
ceptions, e.g., Orientals) had significantly lower perception of
ability and control than Whites. While the number of Indians
included in the survey was very small, the findings suggest that
Indians correspond to the predominant pattern.

Minority status in and of itself is not a sufficient cause
of a negative self-concept of ability. As Coleman's findings show,
Orientals do not exhibit low self-concept of ability; in fact their
self-concept, aspirations and performance tend to be higher than
those of Whites. While the term "minority" implies some kind of
difference from the "majority", there is no unifbrm basis for
evaluation of such differences.

Self-concept develops through interaction with "significant
others". Others' expectations and evaluations will largely deter-

mine one's behavior and self evaluation. The "significant others"

 

SColeman, James. Equality 9f Educational Opportunity,
Government Printing Office, 1966, pp. 319.

 

9

10

considered here are primarily teachers and parents. The under—
lying assumption is that to some degree both parents and teachers
negatively evaluate membership in the Indian community with re-
gard to academic achievement. If both teachers and parents hold
low expectations for Indian academic performance, these expecta-
tions will be perceived and internalized by the Indian student
with a "self-fulfilling prophecy" becoming operative. Conse—
quently, Indian students will develop a sense of powerlessness
and low self-concept of academic ability to the additional conse-
quence of low academic performance.

While there is little systematic research on the attitudes
of Indian parents toward education, there is no reason to doubt
that most Indian parents dg_value education, particularly as a
means to improving their economic position. Success in most
public schools however, requires a set of values and behaviors which
are not in full fit with the traditional Indian community. Em-
phasis on competition and restraints on individual autonomy conflict
with Indian values of cooperation and autonomy. Even where there
has been substantial assimilation of the Indians, many of their
traditional values remain intact. Indian parents do not get as
involved with the school as do Whites. Attendance at PTA meetings
is infrequent, largely because the Indian parents do not feel
welcome. There seems to be little communication between parents
and teachers beyond limited discussion during parent-teacher con-
ferences.

While the parents value education, they are not generally

11

supportive of the school system. Many of the behavior expectations
they have for their children in the home setting, such as co-opera—
tion and autonomy, conflict with those of the school. The school
is not generally perceived as being friendly or supportive of the
Indian Community. Many parents have themselves had very negative
experiences as students. These attitudes and values are then
communicated to the children. To the extent that they are inter-
nalized and become part of the child's self-concept there will be
conflict when he encounters the values and behavior expectations
of the teachers.

For most children one of the most significant ”others" in
the development of academic self-concept is the teacher. Rosenthal
and Jacobsen found that by raising teachers' expectations for certain
students, significant improvement in actual performance followed
(Rosenthal and Jacobsen, 1968). Rist provides findings supportive
of the "self-fulfilling prophecy" (Rist, 1970). His data show that
students were identified as "fast" or "slow" learners at the kinder-
garten level. The "slow” learners were not expected to do well and
in fact perfbrmed at increasingly lower levels throughout the three-
year period of observation.

The expectation of the teachers are not necessarily explicitly
communicated to the child, and teachers are generally unaware of any
discrimination or overt discouragement of student achievement. Com-
munication of low expectations may involve such actions as facial
expressions, seating arrangement or assignment of classroom duties
(Rist, 1970).

Certain conditions in the Indian Community in L'Anse/Baraga

12

may serve to lower teacher expectations for Indian student perfor-
mance. Firstly the educational achievement level for Indian
parents is much lower than the state and national levels and sig-
nificantly lower than for Whites in the community. Secondly, and
as noted above, there is little involvement of the Indian parents
in school affairs. The teachers may interpret these as indicators
of a lack of concern with education. There seems to be a feeling
that the teacher cannot be expected to be as effective in teaching
students receiving little support from home as with those whose
parents are supportive.

The high enrollment of Indians in Special Education classes
and the low percentage in college preparatory courses indicates
that expectations for their performance may not be very high.

High attrition rates, absenteeism and generally lower performance
levels serve to "justify” these expectations. There seems to be
little if any overt discrimination toward Indian students. On
the other hand teacher expectations of Indian students seem to

be lower than for Whites. Communication of these expectations,
even non-verbally and indirectly, could result in lower academic
achievement by Indian students.

The variables at issue, i.e., minority status, self-concept
of efficacy, self-concept of academic ability, and perceived support
of teachers and parents, undoubtedly produce interaction effects
that significantly influence the level of academic performance.
These interaction effects will be examined in the continuation and

extensions of the present research. In exploratory context, we

13

are testing the following hypotheses:

H1 Because of minority status, ethnicity will be a more
salient factor in self-concept for Indians than for

Whites.

H2 Indians will tend to perceive teachers and family as
being less supportive of educational achievement than will

Whites.

H3 Indian students will have a lower self-concept of

efficacy than Whites.

H4 Indians will have a lower self-concept of academic

ability than Whites.

HS Indians will have a lower academic achievement level

than Whites.

The variables to be operationalized are: l) minority status;
2) perceived parental and teacher support; 3) self-concept of
efficacy; 4) self-concept of academic ability and 5) perfor-

mance.

Methodology

 

Because of the large number of students involved in the study
(466), personal interviews were not possible. Consequently, we

used a self-administering questionnaire of 65 items. While some

14

of the individual items had already been validated in other research,
it was necessary to construct new items. Pretesting was done in

a Lansing Public school. While the pretest school did not have any
Indian students in the 5-8 grade there were a significant number

of Blacks and Chicanos in the sample. The SES composition of the
Lansing sample was similar to that in the L'Anse/Baraga area. A
revision of the questionnaire, based upon pre—test experience,

followed.

Instrumentation

 

Three indicators of perception of minority status were included
in the questionnaire. The first was the "Who Am I" scale reduced
in length to ten statements. Reference to ethnicity (White or
Indian) or to membership in the KBIC were considered to be indi-
cators of the salience of minority/majority status. Another item
asked whether or not the individual perceived himself as being
different in some important way from most other people and, if so,
what was the basis of the difference. Both a perception of differ—
ence and a reference to ethnicity or minority status were necessary
to indicate the salience of minority status to self-concept.

Identification of Indian students was made by a closed form
questionnaire item, in which subjects were asked to check their
"race", with response possibilities of "Oriental", "Black", "Indian",
and "White”. This self-designation procedure is, of course, far
from perfect. There is a high probability that some students,
given the reasonable options that racial identification affords,

did not classify themselves as Indians, even though KBIC membership

 

‘ ‘l-‘i ._.
2v.»:r

 

-.l n'
i

f‘-' M

J" i
an"!

15

criteria might have enabled it. The consequence of this is to

reduce the number of Indians in the Indian-White comparisons by

s igni fi cant number.

The other variables were measured by multiple—item indices.

(Data on item analysis in index construction is included in

Appendix A). The following are representative items of the

several indices:

TABLE 3

Sample of Index Items

 

 

Variable Illustrative Questions
Index of Of the teachers you know in this school
how many don't care if the students get
Teacher Support bad grades?
(5 items)
1 Almost None 2 3 4 5 Almost All
Index of How good of a student do your parents

Parental Support

expect you to be in school?

 

 

 

(4 items) 1 One of the best 2 3 4 5 Not as
as good as most of the students.

Index of People like me will not have much of a
Self-concept of chance to do what we want to do in life.
Efficacy

. l Strongly agree 2 3 4 Strongly
(4 items) disagree.
Index of What marks do you think you really can

Self-concept of
Academic Ability

(5 items)

 

get if you try?

1 Mostly A's B's C's D's E's

 

 

16

Two items were used to determine the SES level of the student.
The first of these was the education level of the father. The se—
cond asked for the father's occupation. Many of the students knew
neither their father's education level or occupation. Many other
responses seemed implausible, i.e., education level recorded as less
than eight years with occupation listed as teacher. For these reasons
no reliable measures of SES were available and SES could not be used
in the analysis of the findings. Performance levels were obtained
through a single item asking for marks actually received by the

students.

Data Collection

 

The questionnaire was administered over a two day period in
October, 1972. In the Baraga schools, the questionnaire was admin-
istered to individual classes with the teacher present in most cases.
In L'Anse the students were assembled into two large groups, fifth
through sixth grade in one group and seventh through eighth grade in
the other. Teachers were not present during the administration in
L'Anse with the exception of the director of student testing who was

present at the administration to the seventh through eighth grades.

Results

The first hypothesis to be tested was salience of minority
status in the development of self-concept of Indian children.
Three items bearing on this issue were included in the questionnaire.
The first was a closed-form identification of race, with four alter—
native responses. Many of the Indian students are of mixed heri-

tage. The minimum amount of "Indian blood" required for membership

17

in the KBIC is 25 per cent. The presence of one-fourth "Indian
blood" does not necessarily mean the individual will identify or
consider himself to be Indian. In the present case, of the 77
Indian students enrolled in the two school systems at the 5-8
grade level, 53 identified themselves as being Indian. Because
no names were put on the questionnaires and no prior identifi-
cation of the Indian students was made, the number of absentees
cannot be determined. In any case, for the 53 who did identify
themselves as Indians, one indicator of minority status was
obtained.

A second measure of the salience of minority status for
self—concept was the mention of ethnicity or perceived minority
status on the "Who Am 1" section of the questionnaire. Of the
51 Indians who completed this section, 16% made an ethnic ref-
erence. This compares with 4% of the responding Whites who made
such a reference. It should be noted that of the thirteen Whites
who made an ethnic reference, several were negative statements
such as "I'm not like those Indians".

The third measure of the salience of minority status was
obtained from two items regarding self-perceived difference from
others. The first question asked if the individual felt that he
was different in some important way from others, and what that
difference was. Twenty-seven per cent of the Indian respondents
indicated that they believed themselves to be different, as
against fifteen per cent for the Whites. Eighty-two per cent of

those Indians who indicated that they were different and responded

18

to the second part cited their race as the determinant of the dif-
ference as compared to 94% of the White respondents who cited race
as the difference. The second item asked whether or not they felt
that others considered them to be different and what the nature of
that difference was. Twenty-five per cent of the Indian respon-
dents and sixteen per cent of the White respondents felt that
others believed them to be different. Seventy three per cent of
the Indians who responded to the second part of the item cited
ethnicity as the determining factor as against ninety three per
cent of the Whites. The responses to these two items indicates
that race is an important factor in the self-identification process
for both Whites and Indians.

The second hypothesis to be tested was that Indians would
perceive teachers and parents as being less supportive of educational
achievement than would Whites. This hypothesis was not supported
by any of the relevant measures. There was no significant difference
in perception of teacher support by race. This finding is unexpected
and inconsistent with previous research. The speculative directions
for these findings are several. As one possibility, perhaps a
"demand" factor was operative in the testing situation. It could
be that my presence as a university researcher as well as the pre-
sence of the teachers during the questionnaire administration may
have inhibited objective responses to the several items. Prior to
the administration of the questionnaires, many of the classes were
told by school personnel that they were going to be given a "Test".

While instructions stressed that there were no right or wrong

19

answers, the impression that they could score well or badly may
have persisted. A second possible explanation is that the Indian
students made 'adaptive' responses. If there is a conflict
between home and school or teachers and students, one coping
mechanism is that of acquiesence or adaptation to the situation.
The likelihood of this sort of adaptive responding would be
increased to the extent that Indian children may have felt that
their responses were identifiable.

The findings do indicate a tendency for Indian children to
perceive their parents as being less supportive of educational
achievement than do Whites. Again, this did not reach significance
at customary levels. The hypothesis of lower perceived parental
support was based primarily upon assumption of conflicting values
between home and school. There is no indication that Indian
parents do not value educational attainment; indeed, aspirations
for their children are as high as those of Whites. The items on
which Indian parents were rated as being less supportive were
generally those which reflected school values, i.e., ”Do your
parents expect you to do better in school than your friends?"

The third hypothesis tested was that Indians would have a
lower self-concept of efficacy than Whites. This hypothesis was
supported by each individual item and the index of the measure
of self-efficacy. These items and the index differentiated
Indians and Whites more than any other index, being significant
at the .005 level. The feurth hypothesis, i.e., Indians will

have a lower self—concept of ability, was similarly supported.

20

The relevant index was significant at the .05 level.

The final hypothesis asserted that Indians would have a lower
actual perfbrmance level than Whites. The association of perfor—
mance and race was significant at the .005 level, in the direction
hypothesized.

Each of the items and indices was broken down by grade and
race with the fifth, sixth, and seventh, eighth being grouped
together. Each of the significant indices produced significant
differences when compared by grade. Fifth and sixth grade Indians
were significantly lower than seventh and eighth grade Indians
with regard to self-concept of efficacy. The same findings were
obtained in a comparison of the White fifth and sixth with White
seventh and eighth. Indian/Indian and White/White comparisons
were not significant on the self-concept of ability measure.

While fifth and sixth grade Indians did not differ significantly
from fifth and sixth grade Whites the seventh and eighth grade

comparisons were significantly different.

SUMMARY

Of the five hypotheses tested, four were supported by the
data. The one exception is in the case of the hypothesized
differences in perceived teacher support. The differences in
self-concept of efficacy and in actual performance were partic—
ularly great, with significance levels being considerably below

.005. This is in fit with Coleman's findings that, more than
‘I

b

any other variable, the sense of self-efficacy is related to
performance. While the difference in self-concept of ability
was not as great, its relationship to performance is strong. The
absence of any significant difference in perceived parental and
teacher support was unexpected and somewhat problematical.
Some possible explanations for this have already been offered.
The first phase study has several important limitations.
Socio-economic status has been shown to be strongly related to
student performance (Coleman, Pettigrew). No adequate measures
of SES were included in the questionnaire. Secondly, the admin-
istrative circumstances may have affected responses in crucial
ways. The presence of White teachers-~as well as the absence of
Indian adults--in the classroom at the time of the questionnaire
administration may have produced "low risk" responses on questions

on perceived teacher support.

21

22

Thirdly, the comparisons between Indian and White students
is weakened by the impossibility of establishing a full census of
Indian students, given our assurance of anonymity and the con-
sequential absence of names from the questionnaires. Those
Indian students who chose not to identify themselves racially,
may share a set of characteristics that could seriously alter
the findings.

The long—range plan of this research is to compare
students in a wider grade-range in L'Anse/Baraga with students
in the same grade range at Harbor Springs. The Harbor Springs
schools would provide an opportunity to compare performance
levels of Indians in a numerical minority. This would involve
a comparison of grades one through eight in L'Anse/Baraga with
the same grades in Harbor Springs. Further it would allow a
comparison of Indians who moved from a majority position (grades
one through eight, Harbor Springs) to a minority position (grades
nine through twelve, Harbor Springs). The comprehensive grade
range would serve to allow identification of that point in time
when the Indian defines himself as being Indian and an examination
of the consequences of this identification for self-concept and

performance.

BI BL IOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brookover, Wilbur B. and Edsel Erickson

1969 Schools, Society and Learning. Allyn and Bcon, Boston.

 

 

Coleman, Fames S. et. al.

1966 Equality of Educational Opportunity. U.S. Department
of Health, Education and Welfare. Office of Education.
United States Government Printing Office.

 

Coopersmith, Stanley

1967 The Antecedents QELSelf-Esteem. W.H. Freeman and
Company, San Francisco.

 

 

Erickson, Edsel T., Clifford Bryan, Lewis Walker

1972 Social Change, Conflict and Education. Charles E.
Merrill Publishing Company, Columbus, Ohio.

 

Mosteller, Frederick and Daniel P. Maynehan

 

1972 93_Equality 9£_Educational Opportunity. Vintage Books,
New York.

Rist, Ray C.

1970 "Student Class and Teacher Expectations," Harvard
Educational Review, Vol. 40, No. 3, August 3. pp. 411-451.

 

Rosenthal, Robert and Lenore Jacobsen

1968 Pygmalion ip_the Classroom. Hall, Rinehart and Winston,
Inc. New York.

 

Special Subcommittee on Indian Education (Prepared for)

1969 The Education gf_American Indians: A_Survey gf'3h3_
Literature. Prepared for the Special Subcommittee on
Indian Education of the Committee on Labor and Public
Welfare, United States Senate. February.

 

 

 

23

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

TABLES

24

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE A.1: Self-Concept of Academic Ability*
Higher Lower Significance Levels
1) Indians 5-8 10 43 X2 = 4.84
Whites — 140 273 < .05
2) Indians 5-6 12 20 x2 = 1.04
Indians - 5 16 .S.
3) Indians 5-6 9 23 X2 = .62
Whites 5-6 60 106 .S.
4) Indians 7-8 2 19 x2 = 4.67
Whites 7-8 80 166 p < .05
5) Whites 5-6 60 107 x2 = .52
Whites 7-8 80 166 .8.
TABLE A.2: Self-Concept of Perceived Efficacy
Higher Lower Significance Levels
1) Indians - 14 39 X2 =24.9
Whites - 253 160 p < .005
2) Indians 5—6 10 22 x2 = 6.43
Indians 7-8 14 7 p < .025
3) Whites 5-6 84 83 x2 =13.30
Whites 7-8 169 78 p < .005
4) Indians - 10 22 x2 =13.38
Whites - 109 57 p < .005
5) Indians 7—8 8 13 x2 = 8.02
Whites 7-8 169 78 p < .005

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*The discrepences in frequencies in the several comparisons in Tables
A.1, A.2 and A.3 result from the need to utilize different "breaking
points" in the dichotomization of attitudinal measures.

25

TABLE A.3

Perceived Teacher Support by Grade

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Higher Lower Significance Levels

1) Indians 5-8 30 23 x2 = 13

Whites 5-8 224 190 N.S
2) Indians 5-6 16 16 X? = .62

Indians 7-8 13 8 N.S.
3) Whites 5-6 91 75 X2 = 04

Whites 7-8 133 114 N.S
4) Indians 5-6 16 16 x2 = 25

Whites 5-6 91 75 N.S.
5) Indians 7—8 13 8 x2 = 39

White 7-8 133 114 N.S

TABLE A.4
Performance by Race
High Low Significance Levels

Whites 5—8 261 151 x2 = 19.10
Indians 5-8 17 35 o < .005

 

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX B

QUESTIONNAIRE

26

Student Survey

CS—SEP PILOT

Michigan State University

This is not a test. There are no "right" or "wrong" answers, and
you will not be graded on the questions. All your answers are
"correct" and very important. Please read and answer each question

carefully. If you need help at any time, please raise your hand.

27

1. Ask yourself the question, "Who Am 1?" Answer this question
as if you were answering it only to yourself. Write your answers
in the spaces below, making as many different answers as you think
may be necessary.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

10.

 

 

28

How old are you?

Years old

 

Are you a boy or a girl?

()Boy
( ) Girl

What is your present grade level?

5th
6th
7th
8th

mar-Km

lbw many years of school did your father complete?

Less than five years
Six or seven years
Eight or nine years

Ten to twelve years

Three or four years of college
He graduated from college

I don't know

)
)
)
)
) One or two years of college
)
)
)

How many members, including yourself, are there in your family?

Number of members in family.

 

How old is your youngest brother?

Years old

 

( ) I have no younger brother

How old is your youngest sister?

Years old

 

( ) I have no younger sister

29

9. Below are spaces in which you can say something about your
older brothers and sisters. Begin with your oldest brother and
indicate his age, if he is still in school, and if he is working

at a regular job. If you have no brothers or sisters, check the
spaces below.

( ) I have no older brothers

( ) I have no older sisters

Your oldest brother

lbw old is he? Years old

 

Is he still in school?

( ) Yes---In what grade?

 

( ) No
Is he working at a regular job?
( ) No

( ) Yes--What kind of work does he do?

 

 

Your oldest sister

How old is she? Years old

 

Is she still in school?

( ) Yes---In what grade?

 

()No

Is she working at a regular job?
( ) No

( ) Yes---What kind of work does she do?

 

 

10.

ll.

12.

13.

30

What is your father's occupation? That is, what does your father
do for a living? Please describe his work as fully as possible.
If your father is not living or if you don't know his field of
work, check the correct box:

Father's occupation, job, or field of work is:

 

 

( ) My father is not living

( ) I do not know my father's occupation.

How many years have you been at this school?

( ) Less than 1 year ( ) 5 years

( ) 2 years ( ) 6 years

( ) 3 years ( ) 7 years or more
( ) 4 years

Race: (check one:)
( ) Oriental

( ) Black
( ) Indian
( ) White

Below is a list of occupations or jobs. If you could be any-
thing you wanted to be, how interested would you be in each

of the occupations listed? Check 'yes' if you're interested
and 'no' if you would not be interested.

 

A. Doctor ( ) Yes ( ) No
B. Farmer ( ) Yes ( ) No
C. Store Clerk ( ) Yes ( ) No
D. Nurse ( ) Yes ( ) No
E. Foreman in Factory ( ) Yes ( ) No
F. Businessman ( ) Yes ( ) No
G. Lawyer ( ) Yes ( ) No
H. School Teacher ( ) Yes ( ) No
I. Bookkeeper ( ) Yes ( ) No
J. Miner ( ) Yes ( ) No
K. Commercial Fisherman ( ) Yes ( ) No
L. Woods worker ( ) Yes ( ) No
M. Housewife ( ) Yes ( ) No

14.

31

Some people go on to college and become doctors, nurses,
lawyers and school teachers. If you were really interested,
do you think it would be possible for you to become a doctor,
nurse, lawyer, or school teacher?

( ) Yes
( ) No---Why not?

 

 

Below is a list of things some of which people do very well and others
that they do less well. For each of these activities please indicate
how well you think you do them.

18.

19.

15. Discussing things in class
( ) I do very well
( ) I'm above average
( ) I'm average
( )

I do less well than others

16. How well do you write reports?
( ) I do very well
( ) I'm above average
( ) I'm average A
( )

I do less well than others

17. Taking examinations or tests
( ) I do very well
( ) I'm above average
( ) I'm average
( ) I do less well than others
Think of the students in your class. Do you think you can do

school work better, the same or less well than the students
in your class?

( ) Better

( ) The same

( ) Poorer
Think of your friends. Do you think you can do school work better,
the same, or poorer than your friends?

( ) Better ( ) The same ( ) Poorer

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

32

What marks do you think you really can get if you try?

( ) Mostly A's
( ) Mostly B's
( ) Mostly C's
( ) Mostly D's
( ) Mostly E's

Do you think you could finish high school?

( ) Yes, with no difficulty at all

( ) Yes, as long as I work hard

( ) Yes, but I will probably have a lot of difficulty

( ) No, it will be too difficult

When you get to high school, do you think you will be one of

the best students, about the same as most students, or below
most of the students?

( ) One of the best
( ) About the same as most
( ) Below most of the students

People like me will not have much of a chance to do what we
want to do in life.

( ) I strongly agree
( ) I agree

( ) I disagree

( ) I

strongly disagree

You have to be lucky to get good grades in this school.

( ) I strongly agree
( ) I agree

( ) I disagree

( ) I

strongly disagree
In this school, students like me don't have any luck.

strongly agree
agree

disagree

VVVV
HHHH

mar-NA

strongly disagree

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

33

People like me will never do well in school even though we
try hard.

I strongly agree

I agree

I disagree

AAA/H
UUUU

I strongly disagree

How important do you think your teachers feel it is for you
to finish high school?

( ) Very important

Somewhat important

Not very important

f-‘fifi
va

Not important at all

0 you think your teachers are concerned with helping you
0th in and outside of class?

Somewhat concerned
I don't know

0
b
( ) Yes, very concerned
(
(
( Not very concerned
I

UUVV

No, not concerned at all

Would you say your teachers like you as a person? That is,
do you think they enjoy talking to you and working with you?

( ) Definitely yes

( ) Probably yes
( ) I don't know
( ) Probably not
( ) Definitely not

Do you think your teacher grades you fairly? That is, do you

feel you are graded on your ability and work and not on whether
the teacher likes you or not?

( ) Yes, I am graded fairly
( ) I don't know
( ) No, I am not graded fairly

How good of a student do your parents expect you to be in school?
( ) One of the best
( ) Better than most of the students

( ) Same as most of the students

33.

34.

35.

(
(

)
)

34

Not as good as most of the students

They don't really care

How far do you think your parents believe you will go in
school?

flmmmm

VUUUV

Finish grade school

Go to high school for a while
Finish high school

Go to college for a while

Finish college

How important do you think your parents feel it is for you
to finish high school?

mar-firs.

VUUU

Very important
Somewhat important
Not very important
Not important at all

How important do you think your parents feel it is for you
to finish college?

fiflf‘sfi

UUUU

Very important
Somewhat important
Not very important
Not important at all

HOW important do you think it is for you to finish high
school?

mar-Km

HUM/U

Very important
Somewhat important
Not very important
Not important at all

How important do you think it is for you to finish college?

mar-\rs

UVUN—l

Very important
Somewhat important
Not very important

Not important at all

37.

38.

39.

40.

35

When you go to high school, what kind of courses would you
most like to take?

 

( ) College Preparation (subjects necessary to go to
college)

( ) Business (subjects necessary for office work, like
typing, bookkeeping)

( ) Vocational (subjects to prepare you for jobs like those
of a mechanic, carpenter, or dressmaker)

( ) Other (A general program of subjects)

Are the courses you would most like to take those that you
will really take?

( ) Yes

( ) No---Why not?

 

 

H0w far would you like to go in school?

Some high school
Complete high school

Some college

first-am
VVUV

Complete college

Sometimes it is difficult for many reasons to do what we'd
like to do. HOw far in school do you think you will really
be able to go?

( ) Some high school

( ) Complete high school

( ) Some college

( ) Complete college

Of the teachers that you know in this school, how many
don't care if the students get bad grades?

Almost all the teachers

Most of the teachers

Half of the teachers

Some of the teachers

fifinfim
UVVUU

Almost none of the teachers

41.

42.

43.

36

Sometimes what other people think of us is very important to
us and sometimes it isn't very important. Below is a list
of people whose opinion of you may or may not be very impor-
tant to you. Please mark the box that indicates how impor-
tant their opinions of you are to you.

A. My parents opinion of me is:

( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important
( ) Not very important

B. My teachers' opinion of me is:

( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important
( ) Not very important

C. The opinions that classmates from my own neighborhood
have of me is:

( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important
( ) Not very important

0. The opinions that classmates from other neighborhoods
have of me is:

( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important
( ) Not very important

E. The opinions that community leaders have of me is:

( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important
( ) Not very important

Do you think the subjects you are now studying are interesting
and worthwhile?

Very interesting and worthwhile

Somewhat interesting and worthwhile

Not very interesting and worthwhile

UVVU

(
(
(
( Not interesting or worthwhile at all
Do you like school?

( ) I like it very much

( ) I like it somewhat

( ) I don't like it very much

( ) I don't like it at all

44.

45.

46.

37

What kind of marks do you usually get on your school work?

( ) Mostly A's
( ) Mostly B's
( ) Mostly C's
( ) Mostly D's
( ) Mostly E's

Much more goes on in school than just classwork. School
also offers a chance to be active in sports, school clubs,
and to make new friends. Below is a list of things that
may or may not be important to you. Please indicate how
important each activity is to you by marking the appropriate
box.
A. Getting good grades

( ) Very important

) Somewhat important

I
( ) Not very important

B. Being active in school clubs
( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important

( ) Not very important

C. Being active in sports
( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important

( ) Not very important

D. Meeting with my friends
( ) Very important
( ) Somewhat important

( ) Not very important

Consider your school. Would you say that your school is a
friendly or not a friendly place?

( ) Very friendly

( Somewhat friendly

( ) Not very friendly

( ) Very unfriendly

( ) Neither friendly nor unfriendly

47.

48.

49.

50.

S].

38

Would you say that you yourself can do anything to make
your school a better, more friendly place?

( ) Yes, there is much I can do
Yes, there is something I can do

I don't know

mar-x
UUU

No, there is very little or nothing I can do
Consider your own community. Would you say your community
is a friendly or unfriendly place in which to live?

) Very friendly

Somewhat friendly

Neither friendly nor unfriendly

Somewhat unfriendly

UVUV

Very unfriendly

Would you say that you, yourself can do anything to make
your community a better place in which to live?

( ) Yes, there is much I can do

( ) Yes, there is something I can do

( ) I don't know

( ) No, there is very little or nothing I can do
Consider the world in general, that is, the world outside

your own community or neighborhood. Would you say that
the world in general is a friendly or unfriendly place?

( ) Very friendly

( ) Somewhat friendly

( ) Neither friendly nor unfriendly
( ) Somewhat unfriendly

( ) Very unfriendly

Would you say that you, yourself, can do anything to make
the world a better place in which to live?

( ) Yes, there is much I can do

( ) Yes, ther is something I can do

( ) I don't know

( ) No there is very little or nothing I can do

J1
IN)

53.

54.

55.

S6.

S7.

39

Compared with classmates from neighborhoods or communities
other than your own, how popular would you say you are?

Mere popular than most

About average

AAA

Somewhat less popular than most

Compared with other students from your own neighborhood or
community, how popular or well-liked would you say you are?

( ) Very popular
( ) Somewhat, or about average in popularity
(

) Somewhat less popular

How many close friends would you say you have? By close
friends we mean those you really like to be with, confide
in, spend time outside of school with and so on.

Number of close friends

 

Do other students from your own community or neighborhood
come to you for advice?

) Yes, often

) Yes, sometimes
) Not very often
)

Never
How easy is it for you to make friends in school?

( ) Very easy
( ) Somewhat easy
( )

I don't make friends very easily

How well would you say you get along with classmates from
your own neighborhood or community?

I get along with most of them very well

I don't get along very well

f-‘flfif‘

)
) I get along with some of them
)
l

I don't get along with them at all

58.

59.

60.

61.

62.

40

How well would you say you get along with classmates from
other neighborhoods or communities?

I get along very well with most of them

I get along with some of them

I don't get along with them very well

mar-sin
vvvv

I don't get along with them at all

Do you find it easier to make friends with people who live
in your own neighborhood or community than with people who
live in other communities?

( ) Yes, I make friends more easily with people in my
own neighborhood.

( ) No, I make friends more easily with people from
other neighborhoods.

( ) There is no difference.

Do you ever think of yourself as being different, in some
important way from most other people in this country?

()NO
()

Yes---In what way?

 

 

 

Do you ever feel that other people in this country think of
you as being different in some important way?

) No
)

Yes---In what way?

(
(

 

 

‘

Where do you live? Please give an exact location of your
home. Do not write a street address or Post Office box number.
Indicate the name of the town in which you live. For example,
Aura, Keweenaw Bay, Baraga, Herman, Zeba, Pelkie, L'Anse, etc.

I live in:

 

41

63. Are you a member of the Keweenaw Bay Indian Community?

( ) Yes
()No

64. Was this a difficult questionnaire?
( ) Yes
( ) No

65. Can you suggest any way in which we could make this questionnaire
easier or more fun to take?

 

 

Thank you very much.

HICHIGQN STRTE UNIV. LIBRRRIES

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