WOMAN'S ROLE {N THE NOVELS 0F BENITO PEREZ mass Thesis far 9319 Dagm a! M. A. MECHIGAEQ STA‘FE UNEVERSITY jesse M. Scaréane “E953 itHEg-fis LIBRARY Michigan State University ’JUNL‘O 2 2006 5 .' ‘ b 2' ~ '~ . f ' I I i WOMAN'S ROLE IN THE NOVELS OF BENITO PEREZ GALDOS BY Jesse M. Soriano A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Foreign Languages 1963 fit-i. 0' 'J' A ' CONTENTS Chapter Page Introduction .. ........... .................... iii Benito Perez Galdos ...... '. ............................... 1 Spain in the Last Half of the Nineteenth Century ............. 10 Women in Nineteenth-Century Spain ....................... 16 The Predominance of the Female Sense ..................... 22 Dominant Women and Conflict in the Male-Female Relationships ........................................... 51 Galdosian Women and Social Conditions .................... 60 Conclusion ............................................. 69 Bibliography ........................................... 73 ii INTRODUCTION The intent of this thesis is to examine the roles of the feminine charac- ters in several novels by Benito Perez Galdos and to examine how faithfully these mirror the actual roles played by women in nineteenth century Spanish society. The conclusion, based on the novels selected and on the chapter on Galdos'. life, will be an attempt to arrive at how the author felt concerning the role of woman in Spain and how valid his opinions were. Divided into six chapters and a conclusion, the first three chapters will present background material necessary to evaluate better Galdos and his work. I shall begin with a brief biography of Galdos, noting the important role played by women in Galdos'. personal life, which undoubtedly affected his attitude about women and their proper roles in society. Because Galdos is primarily a product of the last half of the nineteenth century and it is this period which is covered in his novels, chapter two deals with the history of Spain from Isabel the Second to the end of the century. This chaotic period in Spain’s history brought about political changes and much social unrest which was reflected in the literature of the times, especially among that group of writers labeled as the Generation of '98". Chapter three deals specifically with the role of women in Spain. Because there is very little material of a sociological nature concerning women in nineteenth century Spain, it was necessary in part, to rely on the information found in literature concerning women. iii The remaining three chapters deal directly with the novels. In chapter four the object is to show how a female sense pervades throughout the novels . This female sense is readily evident since a woman is generally the charac- ter about which the story revolves. Not only is a woman the center of action, but generally the women are drawn as the more dynamic, vital characters in contrast to their male counterparts. The following chapter concerns the antagonism present in all these novels between the male and female charac- ters. This antagonism is seen as a logical result of the inferior positions assigned to women. Eventually, however, it is seen that in all these novels the women have, in fact exercised a certain erotic domination and emerged victorious. The sixth chapter is a view of women and their roles as portrayed in the novels and the conditions existing in nineteenth century Spain. A total of ten novels were read, these falling into the group known as Novelas Contemporaneas. Of these, six are treated at greater length than the others: La Desheredada, Tormento, La de Bringas, La Incognita, La Loca de La Casa, and Tristana. The others mentioned briefly are, Miau, Misericordia, and Realidad . iv CHAPTER I BENITO PEREZ GALDOS Almost invariably, as one reads biographical accounts of Galdos , there appears one apparent fact: surprisingly little is known of his personal life. This man whom many considered one of Spain's greatest novelists, second only to Cervantes, was an extremely modest and reticent man. He was born at Las Palmas in the Canary Islands on May 10, 1843, the last of ten children. He demonstrated even during his early childhood. the humbleness and withdrawn attitude which was to characterize his entire life. His playmates constantly victimized him. 1 In spite of his meekness. he was an avid listener to tales of daring and heroism. He would sit for great lengths of time listening to his father or uncle recount lurid tales of the War for Independence. They had both fought in the struggle and quite valiantly. Until Galdos went to Madrid in 1862 to study law, what information there is of his life is rather sketchy. He attended the so-called M_i_g_a_§ school run by two spinster sisters, where he proved to be an average student. In 1857 he entered the Colegio de San Luis, a private secondary school, and completed his studies in 1862, receiving the degree of Bachiller de Artes . At this point he was an above average student, but still his interest in formal education was slight and "the years spent in the colegio were less significant educationally than artistically". 2 l H. Chonon Berkowitz, Perez Galdos Spanish Liberal Crusader (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1948), p. 21. 2 Ibid., p. 28. In regard to his schooling, although many of his biographers consistent- ly attribute to him attendance at an English school, the fact remains that no such institutions were found in Las Palmas. The one exception might have been the tutoring done by an English lady living in Las Palmas. What English he did learn probably came from Adriana Tate, American wife of Galdo’s' uncle Jose Maria. 3 Galdos was greatly attached to her. It is interesting that some biographers have even gone as far as to attribute his phlegmatic character to his English schooling, neglecting completely the great influence exerted on Galdos by his strong-willed and imperturbable mother.4 Discounting his domineering mother’s wishes, Galdos had not the slightest intention to take up law seriously; instead, upon his arrival in Madrid he joined in the agitated and bohemian life of those intellectuals and students who frequented the cafes and clubs. He even acquired. for obvious reasons. the nickname of the "Harlot Kid".5 Needless to say, following his old attitude toward formal education, he did not rank as one of the most conscientious students at the University.6 Shortly after his arrival in Madrid, he began writing as a dramatic and literary critic in the newspaper I._a Nacion. His ambition at this time being the drama, he spent much of his time working on a romantic drama entitled La Expulsion de los Moriscos. This work never saw the boards. He did continue his registration at the University through 1867, 3 lbd., p. 26. 4 Ail—gel Valbuena Prat, Historia de la Literatura Espafiola (Barcelona: Editorial Gastano, 1960). III. 319. S Berkowitz, p. 57. 6 Ibid., p. 47. receiving his last grades in 1863-64. This was, however, merely a means for remaining in the city which he loved. In his final years at the Universi- ty he failed repeatedly due to frequent absences. 7 Mama Dolores, noting his lack of interest in his studies, took the advice of Madrina Tate, wife of Benito's oldest brother, and decided to take Gald6s on a trip to Paris . The bustling and historic city fascinated him. He roamed the streets endlessly and extensively, intrigued by the diversity of characters . For an acute social observer such as Gald6s. this was a virtual paradise. The trip did him a great deal of good but not in the way Mama Dolores had expected. It was here in Paris that Gald6s became acquainted with Balzac'. s novels. He read every novel of Balzac from cover to cover. Then he decided he had found what he really wanted to do; he wanted to write, to be a novelist. 8 The following year, 1868, he began his Fontana $3 Org. Concluding his studies at the University, he became editor of _E__l Debate and in 1871, his second novel _E_l Audaz appeared por entregas, as was the custom. The year 1873 saw the publication of his first four Episodios Nacionales with an "episodio" following every three months until 1876 when Dofia Perfecta came out. Ga1d6s had arrived, he was recognized as a writer, and in 1883 a banquet was organized in his honor. The banquet, organized by Leopoldo Alas (Clarfn) , was attended by many prominent literary men and speeches \1 Ibid., p. 47. 8 L. B. Walton, Pérez Gald6s and the Spanish Novel 3f _th_e_ Nineteenth Century (London and Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1927 ), p. 31, were given by Canovas del Castillo and Echegaray. 9 The year 1886 initiated his entry into politics as liberal deputy from Puerto Rico and in 1887 after some conflict he was admitted into the Spanish Academy. Probably because of his intense work during these productive years, his eyesight began to fail him and he finally became totally blind in 1912. Still he continued to work until shortly before his death in January 1920. It was on a cold Sunday morning that he passed away. This man who had aroused the wrath of many and the admiration of many more in his lifetime, was now in death acclaimed by all. All of Spain went into mourning. As the hearse bearing his body moved toward its destination. the crowd of forty thousand mourners shouted, "Viva Galdbs". 10 It is generally agreed that an artist's work is greatly influenced by many factors in his early life not the least iinportant of which are his family relationships , especially his relationship with his parents. Seemingly how- ever, we can exclude Galdbst father from any consideration. C. H. Berkowitz states: "One might almost say that were it not for his biological indispensabil- ity, all references to the father could well be omitted. The mother on the other 11 Perhaps further attesting to the hand dominates the scene completely". father's lack of influence is the fact that Gald6s on his death bed; called for his mother and sisters but not his father. Further commenting on the mother's influence, Berkowitz states: "Her domineering nature, her strong will, her sense of profound seriousness of life, her imperious demand for an 9 _Ib_i_c_l., p. 34. 10 Berkowitz, p. 457. 11 12351., p. 3. ordered existence, her infinite respect for the fitness of things, and her keen perception of all basic moral values . . . cwerej traits which her son inherited in generous measure". 12 Her decision to send Benito to law school was not at all unexpected. Her favorite brother José Maria had been a successful lawyer in America. The thing that seemed to make it all important for Benito to be a lawyer, how- ever, was the fact that the Gald6s name had suffered a blemish. José Maria, the prop of Mama Dolores'. dignity and self-esteem,became the father of an illegitimate daughter named Sisita. He married the mother, Adriana Tate, an American from Charleston, South Carolina, but there was no rectifying his mistake; he had permanently vacated his spot on the pedestal.13 It was Mama Doloresf duty to place Benito on it and regain some measure of honor for the Gald6s name . Adriana Tate and family, an older daughter and son, took the Galdés by storm. She and her baby daughter came to represent a great defeat for Mama Dolores . Not only did Adriana marry Jose Maria, but her older daughter by a former marriage, Magdalena, married Benito's oldest brother Domingo, while her son Jose married Benito's oldest sister Carmen. To make matters still worse Benito not only showed a more than adolescent infatuation for Sisita but, in later years after Domingo's death, there devel- oped an indisoluble bond between him and Magdalena. She was a domineering . . 14 woman who took it upon herself to adopt Benito during his years in Madrid. 12 _gl_)_ic_l., p. l9. 13 31331., pp. 16-17, 14 _I_b_i_d., p. 53. No doubt this internal conflict in the family helped Ga1d6s formulate some of his later thinking. Mama Dolores came to represent to him an intolerance and lack of generosity while the Tates represented a compassion "which placed nobility of character above all other considerations". 15 This situation also helped color Gald6s'_ treatment of illegitimacy and illicit love in his works and surely even influenced his personal life. He never married but. he did have affairs from which resulted a daughter, and so he managed after all to emulate his uncle. It was not on his treatment of sex that Gald6s drew his greatest number of critics . Even though to Gald6s sex and religion were merely parts of the same over-all problem of intolerance, it was his anti-clerical- ism that aroused the greatest amount of criticism. What many misunder- stood was that in the face of it all Gald6s was a religious man. Even Gonzalez Blanco in his Historia_c_l_e La Novela Espafiola states: Hasta religiosamente, Ga1d6s es mas espafiol de lo que se cree comfinmente. Su actitud es la del liberalismo espafiol que reclama las prerrogativas del poder civil y se mantiene tieso ante Roma, sin perjuicio de atacar 1a suprema infalibilidad del Pontifice, y reconocer que la Iglesia Cat6lica es la maestra y doctora de nuestra Vida ..... 16 Gald6s was a man who had transcended the bounds of his Faith: Su cristianismo no esta en lo que declaramos creer sino en la conduCta, en los hechos, I . . en el modo de llevar a la practica e1 ideal 15 _I_bi_c_1., p.339. . 16 A. Gonzalez Blanco, Historia d_e 1.3 Novela Espaflola (Madrid: Sainz de Jubera Herrnanos, 1909 ), p. 428 . de Jesus sintiendo en la conciencia y en los actos las virtudes del Divino Maestro. 17 Dofia Perfecta, his most controversial book on a religious theme, was a condemnation not of doctrine but rather of the interference of the church with civil life. Not only was the city of Orbajosa dominated physically by the massive structure of the cathedral but. also mentally and spiritually by all that the building represented. Perhaps in another time Dofia Perfecta would have drawn less notice, for as Menéndez y Pelayo says, "When Dofla Perfecta appeared, Spaniards had begun to waver in their faith." 18 The didactic element prevalent in his work demonstrates Ga1d6s'. disapproval of art for art's sake and it often led to mediocre work, yet many continue to consider him as one of the world's greatest writers. Madariaga writes, "Why Europe and America should remain ignorant of one of the greatest creative artists the white race has produced is a mystery . . . " 19 Gerald Brenan echoes the same sentiments and adds an explanation: "He is a writer of the first order, comparable to Balzac, Dickens and Tolstoy, and it is only the strange neglect in which nineteenth-century Spanish literature has been held by the rest of Europe, and one must add, the narrowly aesthetic views of some Spanish critics and intellectuals that have failed to give him . ,. 20 that place that is due him as one of the great European novelists . 17 Jose A. Balseiro, Novelistas Espafioles Modernos (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1933 ), p. 253 . 18 Walton, p. 67. 19 Salvador de Madariaga, Spain, 3rd edition (New York: Creative Age Press, 1943 ), p.78. 20 Geral Brenan, The Literature _o_f the Spanish People (New York: Meridian Books 1957), p. 386. But there were some who refused to accord him any such great distinc- tion. Valbuena Pratt considers him, "Uno de los autores mas pobres de expre- . ’ I . ’ . SlOIl externa. Su caracter, su gesto eran tambien pobres como su estilo. u 21 In La Revista de_ Occidente, Antonio Espina wrote: Galdés en la literatura fue . . . una enorme mediam’a, como dijo Clari’n de Canovas del Castillo . . . La menudencia cotidiana no lo dej6 desplazarse a la universalidad del sentimiento 0 de las ideas; cuando quiso dibujar caracteres extremos los hizo en linea recta, despegandolos del suelo y rodeandolos de falsas atm6sferas pseudofilos6ficas o hist6ricas . . . 22 Leaving aside then the artistic evaluations of his work, let us turn to the content and purpose and place of his writing in this part of the nineteenth century. With the ebb of the Romantic tide at approximately mid-century, there began the expansion of the bourgeois novel. This was the entrance of realism. The writers, as mirrors of society, began to point to the individual as seen against the background of society.23 It was above all a Spanish realism, unlike that of France and Russia which was given to an almost abject pessimism. In his introduction to Dofia Perfecta , Max Aub writes: Mientras los extranjeros se dejaban llevar por el pesimismo que en ellos fatalmente habi’a de engendrar tanta miseria, pfistulas, rofias mugres; los anexados espafioles haciendo quiza’. de tripa mas coraz6n sacaban optimismo del mas lfigubre cuadro de la peor pocilga. 21 22 23 24 Valbuena Prat, p . 319 . Balseiro, p. 151. Benito Perez Gald6s, Dofia Perfecta , Introduction by Harriet De Onis (New York: Barrons Educational Series Inc., 1960), p. 22 . Benito Perez Gald6s, Dofia Perfecta, Introduction by Max Aub (Mexico: Universidad Aut6noma de Mexico, 1958 ), p. 58. It was in this manner, then, that Gald6s mirrored nineteenth-century Spanish society. Following the dictates of his day, he presented factual details, he reproduced the crudities of life. But above all he was a moralist rebelling, as already stated, against a society ridden by dogma and preju- dices. 25 Guided by a Christian conscience, he set himself up as the awak- ener of the national conscience. However, unlike many reformers he was not embittered; he was moderate and broadminded. He was impartial. Like a socio-psychologist, he set himself the task of observing in detail the life of Madrid, especially the lower classes where poverty, sorrow and human degeneration were evident. Belonging to that group of people who think of life as a series of emotions, he turned to those who lived a life of emotions, the outcasts, the dreamers and the little children.26 L. B. Walton state s, "Ga1d6s is always at his best in dealing with feminine human nature which has been in some way warped - - usually, in his novels, either by an n 27 excess of piety or by an inordinate passion for luxury. His books are replete with strange and abnormal souls . 25 Sherman H. Eoff, Novels 913 Pérez Galdo’s (St. Louis: ' Washington University Press, 1954), p. 12. 26 Balseiro, p. 25. 27 Walton, p. 49- CHAPTER II SPAIN IN THE LAST HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY To understand Gald6s and his novels better, one must take a brief glance at Spain's history from the reign of Isabel II in 1843 to the end of that fateful century. This was the world from which Gald6s drew his inspiration, the world which forms the background for his Novelas Contemporaneas . At the age of thirteenrlsabel, who was to surpass her mother Cristina in "affairs of the heart", became queen of Spain. Salvador Madariaga says of her: "In private life she created her own standards of queenly behavior. In public life she conformed to the traditions of her parents. She betrayed her first Prime Minister . . . Perhaps as an explanation for her behavior, one can consider two factors: the example set by her passionate mother and also her forced marriage to Francisco de Asfs, Duke of Cadiz, who was reputed to be impotent. As expected, this marriage of convenience was a marriage merely in form. Isabel realized it as did her husband and they lived separately, "even when in the same palace, in different wings of it. " 2 In spite of the separa- tion, however, the queen bore several children, although "There were all sorts of guesses at the parentage". 3 l Madariaga, p. 60. 2 Robert Sencourt, The Spanish Crown, 1808-1931 (New York: Charles Scribner and Son, 1932 ), p. 214. 3 9:19., p. 230. 10 11 Afflicted with a malady which made "normal standards of morality almost impossible for her, " 4 she bestowed her favors on several men, among them a fat vulgar man named Marfori. This last choice was the straw that broke the camel's back, causing her to lose the favor of her subjects. In all cases, these men aspired to power and at times forced her to "compromise her choice of governments . " 5 The increasing liberal power and the death of her two main supporters, Narvaez and O'Donnell, caused Isabel to make a prudent move; and in 1868 along with her family she left Spain for France. Spain was left again without a monarch. Whatever Isabel's conduct during her reign, Spain had been calm. It was a militarily imposed calm,but nevertheless, it gave the new industry and science an opportunity to bring prosperity to the country. Schools and universities expanded, roads, telegraph lines and railroads increased, and finally the amount of gold in circulation, which is a good index of a nation's economy, increased. From 450, 000 pesetas at the beginning of her reign, it rose to over 100, 000, 000 pesetas in 1865.6 ' Monarchy or not, Spain politically continued on the same road. The masses and military leaders were unable to communicate. The masses were indifferent and the leaders cared little about the national will. As expected, the reins. of the state passed over to Serrano and Prim, and they took over the helm of "a raving ship of lunatics" as Sencourt so succinctly puts it. 7 4 9313., p. 227. 5 _]_2_b__i_c_1., p. 227. 6 _Il_)_i_g_:l., p. 229. 7 I_13_i_<_i_., p. 232. 12 For two years Spain lived without a monarch, but finally unable to break away from tradition, the Cortes Constituyentes decided on renewing the monar- chy and began searching throughout Europe for a candidate. Under the sponsor- ship of Prim and the radicals, Amadeo of Savoy, son of Victor Emmanuel, was chosen. Unfortunately, in spite of the fact that Amadeo was a fine and cons- cientious young man, fate and circumstance were against him. Shortly before he arrived in Spain, Prim, his sponsor, was assassinated and not too long after. the Carlist Wars began anew. In 1872 a thoroughly frustrated Amadeo abdicated and set the stage for Spain's first attempt at a Republic. This Republic became a dismal failure and in less than one year had four presi- dents. Spain was not ready yet. The Republic died in 1874. Out went the cry for a king again, and Alfonso XII, son of Isabel, answered the call, ushering in the period known as the Restoration. Here finally was a king who knew his responsibilities. Unfortunately, his ministers, Canovas and Sagasta, did not, or otherwise his might have proved to be the most fruitful of reigns. A moderate oligarchy was established, and a two party system was also established in the legislature. Again Spain demon- strated its unpreparedness . The ballot failed to function and consequently the rotation of parties did not occur naturally, which made it necessary to arrange that rotation through contrived elections . 8 The assassination of Canovas left Sagasta in control, and with his motto of "Time and I against everybody", the corruption continued. 8 Harold Livermore, _A_ History of Spain (New York: Farrar, Strause and Cudahy, 1958) p. 396. l3 Sensing the disillusionment of the people and resultant lack of responsi- bility to the crown, Alfonso and his minister thought it wise to call on the support of the military and the ,clergy, but this merely heightened the disillusionment. The masses, especially the rural masses, completely excluded from political life, began to move toward the new doctrines of Marxism and Anarchism. "They had learned to do without the church and the crown and they could do without politicians . " 9 Alfonso's reign was a brief one for consumption ended his life in 1885. He left no male heir, but his wife Maria Cristina of Hapsburg was expecting a child. The child born shortly after the king’s death was a male, destined to become Alfonso XIII, Spain's first and only twentieth-century monarch. Meanwhile the nation went on under Maria Cristina's regency and, as before, "liberals and conservatives alternated in office with seemingly little reason".10 What did occur of importance during the regency, occurred abroad. The Riff uprising was put down in 1893, but the uprisings in Cuba became worse, finally culminating in the War of 1898 with the United States. This war cost Spain Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. The remainder of the West Indies possessions were sold to Germany. Thus Spain closed out the nine- teenth century somewhat as she had opened it, by losing more and more of her empire. Socially during this period of political chaos Spain progressed little. This undoubtedly was due to various factors other than the political instability 9 Ibid., p. 398. 10 Catherine Moran, Spain _I_t_s_ Story Briefly Told (Boston: The Stratford Company, 1930), p. 227. 14 such as geography and clericalism. Compared with the rest of Europe, Spain’s increase in population was slight in spite of medical advances, such as smallpox vaccine, which had been made. The vaccines cut down infant mortality, but the warfare and the emigration brought on by the political climate offset any gain. 11 In regards to class structure, Spain, which had undergone little or no modification for several centuries, began to experience changes similar to those which had taken place earlier in England and France. The expanded commerce and industrialism created a bourgeosie with Barcelona as the center for the Industrial Burges, and Madrid as the center for the Comer- ciante Burges. The title burges was not used in Spain until about 1868 and prior to this the words amos or fabricantes had been used when referring to factory owners . 12 These bourgeoise, who in effect had the same interests as the old land- owning class, came to be an important element. They were seen as cultiva- 13 Along with this class, one might also tors of culture and progress. consider the new military class. These were men of middle-class beginnings, who by establishing themselves militarily, had also espoused the liberal cause. They soon, however, turned to the conservative and even reactionary side in order to maintain their power. 14 11 Vicens J. Vives, Historia Social _y Econ6mica_cle Espafia y Ame’rica (Barcelona: Editorial Teide, 1959 ). IV, 36. 12 I_b_i_d_., p. 151. 13 __Il_)_i_c_1., p. 160. 14 _];b_i_c_l., pP. 182-184 15 The countless titled nobility still remained. Although as a social category they were disappearing, by virtue of land holdings and traditions they maintained a dominant social position. 15 Many had little but their titles. Industrialism brought with it much the same evils and problems as it had done in England and France. The owners began to exploit the workers; hours were long and wages were low. Children and women worked many hours and in general there was job insecurity: En general, el fabricante consideraba que los obreros eran gente de distinta condici6n humana. A excepcibn de los que se distingui’an por su inteligencia y esfuerzo, y que el amo elegi’a, ser colaboradores y capataces, los demas eran o bien unos holgazanes o unos desaprensivos . La taberna y el pros- ti’bulo se sucedi’an con el taller, en la vida del operario; mujer y familia religadas en hogares nauseabundos - casi siempre, cuartos realquilados: Al final hospital 0 manicomio. 16 To all this was also added the problem of the farm and country worker, who lured to the city by the factories too often found themselves destitute and consequently turned to begging, stealing and prostitution. 15 _I_b_i_c_l., p. 132. 16 Ibld” p. 213. 17 I_b_i<_i_., p. 212- CHAPTER III WOMEN IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY SPAIN Interestingly enough, in a country where female sovereigns have played such an important role, women in general played a relatively small role in public life and were, in fact, treated as inferiors. John K. Effinger, in his massive work Wing Aggs and _i_I_1_ All Countries, states : " . . . . every- where in Spain there is a tacit recognition of the general inferiority of woman. " 1 Notwithstanding the fact that the nineteenth century is noted as the century of Feminist Movements in Europe, they had comparatively little influence in Spain. Publicly the nineteenth-century woman remained relatively unimpor- tant. 2 Legally considered a minor whether married or not, she was denied the civil rights accorded men, including that of suffrage. 3 Even if the vote had been given them, however, it would not have proved much, for as Posada in his book Femenismo writes, "The suffrage in Spain can scarcely be called such: it exists in law but in practice it is an indecorous and unworthy farce. How is it possible for men to feel the necessity of giving it to women, or for women to be anxious to become like the majority of men, merely honorary citizens?" 4 1 John R. Effinger, Women _'_1n_ All Ages 3115132 All Countries (Philadelphia, 1907), p. 393. 2 L. Higgins, Spanish Life iii Town and Country (New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1902), p. 229. Ibid., p. 229. 4 Havelock Ellis, The Soul of Spain (New York: Houghton Mifflin and Company, 1908), p. 87. 16 O.) 17 Women achieved some progress in education. The universities opened their doors to women in the last quarter of the century, but according to the great Spanish female novelist, Emilia Pardo Bazan, this was not enough . Speaking at a conference in Paris in 1899, she stated: "The customs Cm Spaifl are completely unfavorable to woman, the universities and classes of the faculties are open to her but those who avail themselves of them are blamed and ridiculed: families dare not brave public opinion, and women are left with no resources but marriage and in the lower classes domestic service, prostitution or mediocrity." 5 Even if they had availed themselves of educational opportunities, there was little use for it. Employment opportunities were for the most part severely limited in spite of the expanding industries. Legally women were barred from the professions and it was not until late in the century that they were allowed to teach in the elementary schools. 6 It is this lack of economic opportunity which often led to prostitution or marriages of conven- ience. 7 Concepci6n Arenal states: Los padres suelen tener una impaciencia que algunos podr1amos llamar febril, por colocar a sus hijas; muchas se casan, mas que por amor, por temor de verse en el abandono y en la pobreza. 8 5 T. A. Joyce and N. W. Thomas , Women o_f All Nations (London: Casell and Company Ltd., 1909), II, 719- -.720 6 Concepcion Arenal, La Muje____r_ _c_l__el Porvenir, La __Mujer_ de S__t_1 Casa (Madrid: Libreria de Victoriano Suarez, 1895), p. 51. Ibi___c_l_. ., p. 52. 3 99.1.4... p 92 \l 18 This reprehensible situation had been brought about by many factors . Historically women had always been treated as inferiors and even the Greeks with their love of virtue and beauty assigned an inferior position to their women. 9 In Spain, the Gothic social system recognized the independence of women,and both husband and wife held property in common. Still the women played only a small part in public affairs and were looked upon as inferiors. 10 Under the Moors and contrary to common belief, the lot of women was not very bad. They enjoyed social equality and even educational opportunity. Later the Moors took up some of the outward forms of Chivalry 11 Unfortunately, according to and the position of women improved more. Lecky, Chivalry gave impetus to the Don Juan tradition and the seduction of women became a popular sport. ‘12 It is this condition which probably elicited the following statement appearing in the book Women .9: All Nations : "In his treatment of women the Spaniard mixes the tyranny of the Turk with the exaggerated reverence of the knight errant, a combination unfavorable to the evolution of the perfect woman nobly planned. He is thoroughly per- " 13 suaded that the sole aim of woman is and should be to please man. . . Possibly the most important factor in bringing about the conditions in 9 W. E. H. Lecky, History_o_f European Morals (New York: George Braziller, 1955), II, 292. 10 Effinger, p. 223. 11 311131., p. 250. 12 Lecky, p. 346. 13 Joyce and Thomas, p. 720. 19 nineteenth-century Spain was Christianity, and specifically Catholicism. Unable to forget Eve's betrayal, Christianity emphasized purity and chastity, resulting in a wave of ascetism which denouncing marriage, in turn brought 15 about a consequent degradation of women. Pfo Baroja states: Es e1 Catolicismo que ha ido produciendo su inferioridad, todas las sectas semfticas han mirado siempre a la mujer como animal lasoivo y peligroso. 16 Another Spanish writer expresses this opinion: "Through their reli- gious instruction and their studies of classic literature, Spanish boys are forced to visualize the female body as a ”sack of uncleanliness'. and to imagine its putrefaction in slow loathsome stages. " 17 Unfortunately this instruction often causes a reaction which is completely opposed to the one hoped for. It produces an early and intense awareness of sex, breeding either sexual extroverts such as Don Juan or introverts such as the beatas. 1‘8 Under these conditions, then, it is safe to assume that women in nineteenth-century Spain bore some resentment or at least were beginning to do so. Joyce and Thomas in their book write: "Unconscious of undue subjection in one sex and undue dominance in the other has hitherto prevented friction between them—both are persuaded that all is as it should be, but do "19 there are already signs that the day of awakening is at han For Pfo l4 Lecky, p. 339. 15 Ibid., p. 321. 16 Pro—Baroja, El Mundo 3s A_n_§1I (Mexico: Espase-Calpe, 1943) , p. 134. 17 Arturo Barea, Lorca: T_l_1_e _l_’_g_e_t_ a_n_d _l:_l_i§ People (New York: Grove Press, 1958 ), p. 57. 18 __Il_)_id_., p. 58 19 Joyce and Thomas, p. 719. 20 Baroja, the awakening had already come. He states that a woman lives on the defensive, and being unable to use her intelligence attempts to dominate men through her baser instincts. 20 He adds: Los espafioles consideran a las mujeres como a un enemigo no beligerante, al que se puede robar y entregar a1 pillaje. Las espafiolas miran a los hombres como a un enemigo beligerante con quien se puede pactar. 21 Seemingly, the women in spite of their position did not do badly and Havelock Ellis concludes that Spanish women on the average are superior to the men and in fact dominate them. After stating that Spanish women require much wooing, he continues: "This proud reticence, the absence of an easy response to masculine advances is the probable source of the erotic superior- ity of women, the sexual subjection of men, which has often been noted as characteristic of Spain and is indeed symbolized in the profound Spanish adoration for the Virgin Mary. " 22 There was more, however, than merely sexual attraction. In order to endure her lot, the Spanish woman developed other attributes. Joyce and Thomas comment: "There is magnificent material in the Spanish woman. She is a creature of great natural intelligence, capable of the utmost strength and fortitude in adversity, and has often given proof of a high physical courage and strong individuality." 23 These qualities of physical prowess and independence are often charac- teristics exhibited by the heroines of nineteenth-century literature. In Pardo 20 Pic Baroja, Dama Errante (Madrid: R. Rojas, 1908), p. 14. 21 Pfo Baroja, g1 Mundo_e_s _A_ns_1’ (Mexico, 1943), p. 135. 22 Ellis, p. 84. 23 Joyce and Thomas, p. 722. 21 Bazan's La Tribuna, the heroine, Amparo, was a woman who would not hurt a fly, yet she could demand the one hundred thousand heads of those who preyed on the people. 24 Juan Valera's Juanita La Larga walked with a martial air, ran like a deer and with one bound could plant herself on the back of any horse. 25 La Cordobesa, another of Valera's heroines, we learn, could defend her honor vigorously yet quietly, while the heroine in Blasco Ibafiezf _F_‘_l_o_r d_e Mayo was capable of knocking down any young man even though he be as strong as the mast of his ship. 26 This physical prowess was probably more in evidence,how- ever, among the lower class women. where the women were more apt to be engaged in hard physical labor. It must be kept in mind that this brief look at women in nineteenth-century Spain applies only generally and that conditions varied from social class to social class . Posada seemed to think that lower-class women, since they shared identical work with the men, had less inferior positions, while in the upper classes with their greater contact with the remainder of Europe, women also were accorded a more equal footing with the men. It was the middle-class women who appeared to the least advantage, lacking the money and privileges of the upper class and the freedom of the lower class.27 24 Ellis, p. 91. 25 Juan Valera, Obras Escogidasge Juan Valera - Juanita Ea Larga (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 1929 ) , p. 38. 26 Blasco mafiez, Flor d_e Mayo (Valencia: Prometeo, 1919), p. 55. 27 Ellis, p. 103. CHAPTER IV. THE PREDOMINANCE OF THE FEMALE SENSE IN GALDOS' NOVELS All the novels selected for analysis have one thing in common: the action revolves around a woman or women. Furthermore a strong female sense pre- dominates and by this I mean that the women appear as the more vital, dynam- ic characters. Their male counterparts, in contrast, often appear as insipid bystanders or as smug nonentities . Many of Gald6s'. women appear mentally or emotionally unbalanced. 1 But it is this ’warped feminine nature’. which makes them vital. It is this condition which drives them and pushes them in their respective quests.‘ They become the center of action, affecting and overshadowing the male characters. Isidora Rufete of L3 Desheredada is perhaps the most unbalanced of the series of women we are about to study. She is a woman with a degree of intensity verging on abnormality. "She not only had the gift of a vivid imag- ination but she also had the facility of intensifying her impressions and at times of exaggerating them enormously so that those things which her senses pronounced to be large were immediately apparent to her mind as colossal, anything small became infinitesimal; anything ugly revolting; anything pretty, divine and beautiful beyond conception. " 2 To what did Isidora owe this condition? Part of it, perhaps, could be attributed to heredity, for her father had died in an insane asylum, a victim of ambition, a petty government employee dominated by an overpowering l Walton, p. 44. 2 Ibid., p. 137. 22 23 drive to become a person of importance. This desire had driven him to forge some documents which ostensibly made Isidora the illegitimate daughter of a now dead noble woman. For many years then, Isidora had been nurtured on the illusion that she would some day come into riches: Cuantas veces en las noches del invierno, 61 la embelesaba diciéndole que serfa marquesa, que tendrl’a palacio, coches, lacayos, lujo sin fin y riquezas semejantes a1asde1_.._a_.§_m_ilyl_l_nal_1_o_c_h_e_§l She had been taught not to work, but to wait for it all to be handed to her. The novel, beginning with Isidora's arrival at the home of relations in Madrid, deals entirely with her attempts to assert her place in nobility. Obsessed by this illusion, she is driven to excesses in attempts to finance the cost of legal aid needed to substantiate her claim. It is not merely this that she needs to finance, but also her attempts to uphold her supposed posi- tion and appearance as - befits a daughter of a marquesa. Finally when the forgery is discovered, she is crushed and in her disillusionment turns to the streets to become a common prostitute. This illusion, then, was her authentic life, for it was what made her a vital, dynamic being. In her mind and in her behavior it kept her apart from the gil_r_§1_s she detested. In one dramatic scene Gald6s presents her as she breaks down under the shattering weight of disillusionment. Not wanting to accept the tragedy, tearing at her ragged clothing, she screams: Soy noble, desheredada, soy noble. No me quitaréis mi nobleza, porque . . . 4 es m1 esenc1a, y yo no puedo ser sm ella, . . . . 3 Benito Pérez Galdo’s, La Desheredada (Madrid: Libreria de Perlado Pa’.ez y Comparfiia, 1909), Segunda Parte, p. 230. 4 Ibid., Segunda Parte, p. 232. 24 In an attempt to further her claim Isidora meets with the old Marquesa de Aransis, her alleged grandmother. The marquesa asks her not to insist further, because the claim is unfounded. But how could Isidora not insist, since this illusion was her life: Pedir a Isidora que no insistiera, era como pedir al sol que no alumbrase. Era toda convicci6n, y la fe de su alto origen resplandecfa en ella como la fe del cristiano, dando luz a su inteligencia, firmeza a su voluntad y s6lida base a su conciencia. El que apagase aquella antorcha de su alma habrfa extinguido en ella todo lo que tenfa de divino, y lo divino en ella era el orgullo. The blame for her condition however, can not be laid solely at the feet of her ambitious father. It was also society that prompted her, for it was a society which stressed materialism; where people all tried to be or tried to appear to be what they were not, even though it meant doing without food. 6 It was a society which fostered a Melchoir Relimpio, "fresh from the womb of the Alma Mater and devoid of knowledge as he was full of pretensions 1. 7 It was a society that looked up to Joaquin Pez, "e1 marqle’s viudo. " Thi's marques was noted for two things, his good looks and his moral weakness. He readily admitted the tragedy of his life : Mis faltas son debilidades, y, ademas, un efecto preciso de la mala, de la perversa educaci6n que he recibido . aPor qué educaron en el lujo a1 hijo de un pobre empleado con treinta mil reales? aPor qué desde nifio me ensefiaban a competir con los hijos de 5 Ibid., Primera Parte, p. 256 . 6 Ibid,, Primera Parte, p. 90. 7 Ibid., Primera Parte, p. 145. 25 los grandes de Espana. aPor qué no me dieron una carrera, por que no me aplicaron a cualquier trabajo, en vez de meterme en una oficina que es la escuela de la vagancia? Estas son las consecuencias. Me criaronen la vanidad, 3g 1a vamdad me conduce a este fln desastroso. If Isidora is vain and proud she still never becomes unkind or selfish. She exhibits a compassion and nobility of character which does not waver until the very last, when her battle is lost. She loves her illegimate child in spite of his deformity; she never speaks harshly to the old man Don Jose Relimpio in spite of the fact that he follows her around as a puppy after its master, continously getting underfoot. When Juan Bou proposes to her she tries to make her refusal tender so as not to hurt him. Even the caged animals at the zoo evoke her sympathy. Notwithstanding the parade of lovers which kept her and supported her, Isidora, in her mind, committed no wrong. The question of morality never occurred to her. Her convictions justified any means to her end. She was not religiously inclined and rarely did she call on God to help her. She needed no help. The rules of society would support her. Why even call on God? If she were doing wrong, she reasoned, then surely God would send down his punishment.9 ' Even her impiety could be attributed to society. People went to Mass, but only as a matter of course. They went to look and to be seen. Her own uncle advised her not to be too pious lest she be suspected of trying to cover up some wrongdoing. He told her, "Considera que ya no hay santos ni cosa 8 99131., Segunda Parte, p. 178 , 9 91151., Primera Parte, p. 134. 26 ' 10 , que valga. "— Why then should she be an exception? Her convictions were her only religion and it was this very thing which gave her the vitality that not one of the male characters can match. Don José Relimpio obviously is a puppet who lives only as long as Isidora wishes him to live. How could he be otherwise after Gald6s' description of him? E1 bigotito de cabello de angel, de un dorado claro y humedo; los ojos como dos uvas, blandos y amorosos: la cara arrebolada, fresca y risuefia, con dos p6mulos tefiidos de color rosa, marchita; e1 mirar complaciente, la actitud complaciente, y todo él labrado en la pasta misma de la complacencia (barro humano, del cual no hace ya mucho uso e1 Creador) formaban aquel conj unto de inutilidad y dulzura, aquel ramillete de confiterl’a, que llevaba entre los hombres e1 letrero de Jose Relimpio‘y Sastre natural de Muchamiel, Provincia de Alicante . . . Era el hombre mejor del mundo. Era un hombre que no .servia para nada. 11 When he went to the market with his wife, "Don José llevaba el cesto y Dofia Laura e1 dinero. " 12 When finally Isidora leaves him, telling him that Isidora no longer lives, he walks around aimlessly like a machine, then falls dead. What more can be said of the already-mentioned Joaquin Pez. He was a man with no convictions and no aim in life other than frivolous pleasures. He eas the one man who could have saved Isidora, for she loved him alone. He saw in her merely an easy conquest. Like a general he set about to plan his strategy just as he undoubtedly had done many times before. Then 10 9319., Primera Parte, p. 279. 11 91151., Primera Parte, p. 141 . 12 Ibid., Primera Parte, p. 222 . ——_ 27 findinghimself destitute, he allowed himself to be supported by Isidora. She in turn demonstrating her love for Joaquin sold her jewels and clothing and as this did not provide sufficient money, she even offered to sell herself to Augusto Miqufs . Augusto Miqul’s is the only male who comes close to approaching the vitality of Isidora. A young liberal-minded doctor, he is cast in the pattern of Pepe Rey in Doha Perfecta. Science was his God and Todas las teorl’as novfsimas 1e cautivaban, mayormente cuando eran enemigas de la tradici6n. E1 transformismo en ciencias naturales y el federalismo en poll’tica 1e ganaron por entero. 13 Unfortunately he was not an enemy of that Spanish tradition which viewed all Spanish women as possible conquests: Y la verdad es que me gustabas muchl’simo'. . . Y si he de serte franco crel’a hacer contigo ' la gran conquista. Yo querfa acreditarme entre mis compafieros, y decia para mi : 'Esta no se me escapa'. Now that Isidora offers herself, however, he is tempted but unable to accept. Shortly he is to be wed to a very wealthy young lady. An ambitious and determined young man, he still never achieves a sense of great vitality, due perhaps to his excessively gay and carefree attitudes. Continuing with this gallery of thwarted women, in Tormento we come to Amparo Emperador, another orphan left in the care of relations, much as Isidora had been. With Amparo, however, we have a young woman who 13 9351., Primera Parte, p. 71. 14 Ibid., Segunda Parte, p. 136. 28 unlike Isidora is really not neurotic. She merely is a confused young girl enmeshed in a web of circumstances. As a study in the fatal effects of vacillation, Tormento is admirable. 15 Amparo and her sister Refugio had been left orphans by the death of their father. He had left them a sum of money which soon was exhausted. At this point Pedro Polo, a priest, aided them greatly, but unfortunately in the process he had also seduced Amparo. The seduction cannot entirely be attributed to any weakness in Amparo, though she herself admitted it was a weakness . She was a kind person dominated by a sense of obligation and compassion. As stated in the following paragraph she is truly repentant of her grievous sin, but she is also terrified by Pedro Polo: En el coraz6n tenia 1a desventurada joven tantas dosis de arrepentimiento como en la conciencia y no podfa explicarse bien e1 error de sus sentidos ni e1 desvarl’o que la arrastr6 a una falta con persona que a1 poco tiempo 1e fue tan aborrecible. Mas no osaba expresarlo asf por miedo a las consecuencias de su franqueza, siendo de notar que si la caridad tuvo alguna parte en su visita, grande la tuvo también aquel mismo miedo, e1 recelo de que su desvio exacerbara a1 hombre y le impulsase por caminos de publicidad y escandalo. Sobre todas las consideraciones ponia ella e1 interés de encubrir su terrible secreto. Living now under the care of the Bringas family, she and her sister worked as general housekeepers. The small pittance they received they earned 15 Walton, p. 158. . 16 Benito Perez Galdo’s Tormento (Madrid: Librerla de Perlado Paez y Companfa, 1906), p. 125. 29 indeed, for they had to endure the cruelty and insults of Rosalia Bringas, a pretentious and vulgar snob. The entire Bringas family presided over by Don Francisco de Bringas was poor but pretentious. Refugio asks her sister: Quftales aquel barniz; quitales las relaciones, aqué les queda? Hambre, cursilerl’a. 7 Humility and resignation prevent Amparo from ever complaining. Even when Amparo becomes engaged to the Bringas rich cousin Agustin, she never takes advantage ofher position. If anyone achieves a sense of nobility, it is Amparo, in spite of her shortcomings. Her independent sister Refugio, on the other hand, is not as submissive: A tite gusta ser criada, a mfno. En m1" no machaca la sefiora dofia Rosalia con sus humores de marquesa. So she ostensibly becomes an artist's model and always seems to have money. To justify her behavior. she makes an interesting commentary on society: zPor qué es mala una mujer? Por 1a pobreza. aQué ha de hacer una mujer sola, huérfana, sin socorro ninguno, sin parientes y criada con cierta delicadeza 7 For Amparo a solution has appeared, a way out of the insecurity and poverty. Agustin finds in her everything that he has looked for in a woman - beauty, diligence and humility. She is a jewel, and so he proposes to her. Amparo does not know what to say; instead of being overjoyed, she is torn between hope and fear. She could not deceive such a wonderful man. To 17 £129" p. 77. 18 9319., p. 77 . 19 93311., p. 96 . 30 aggravate the situation further, Pedro Polo, learning of her forthcoming marriage to Agustin, once again asks her to meet him at his apartment: Ah'. pfcara Tormento aconque te casas7. . . Mi hermana me lo escribi6 a El Castafiar. Enterarme, perder todo lo que habfa ganado de salud y en juicio, fue una misma cosa. Si te digo que el cielo se me cay6 encirna, te digo poco. Todo lo olvidé, y sin encomendarme a Dios ni a1 diablo, me vine a Madrid donde estoy dispuesto a hacer todas las barbaridades posibles. This time she goes there thinking it will be the last time, it will be "peace or death". In the apartment she finds Polo's old housekeeper gravely ill, and in a dramatic scene we have the two lovers violently arguing while in the adjoining room the old woman is groaning in agony. At last Amparo has become decisive. Polo asks her for just one more night and she refuses, saying: Prefiero morirme aqul’ mismo. Yo soy cristiana, yo sé lo que es el arrepentimiento; morirme de pena, deshonrada, antes que caer en el lodazal a donde quieres arrastrarme. She goes to Agustfn's house determined to confess her secret and end her life. She writes a note to Agustin telling all, then drinks a potion which she believes is poison. Fortunately, the servant who is ordered to get the potion realizes it is a dangerous poison and replaces it with some harmless liquid which merely makes Amparo ill. Discovering Amparo's secret, Agustin finds himself unable to marry her, but also unable to leave her. 20 939., p. 216 . 21 Ibid., p. 235 ° 31 Finally, he says: Y si e1 decoro social me prohibe que la vea, yo digo a la sociedad que toda ella y sus arrumacos me important cuatro pitos, y me plantaré en medio de la calle si es preciso gritando; viva la inmoralidad, viva la anarqui’a. 22 Amparo, then agrees to live with him without the formality of marriage. If in this ending we see a further demonstration of moral weakness on Amparo's part, it in no way deters from her sincerity and vitality. Society left her no recourse, she must accept or become a common prostitute to maintain herself. She was an essential in Augustfn's life and he in hers. But how could she reconcile this with her claims of being a good Christian? First of all she was a Christian in action, her devotion was lukewarm and her attendance at Mass was routine; without a doubt her living with Agustin would be contrary to the tenets of her faith, but one can not help feeling that the sincerity of Agustin and Amparo vindicates them both. Pedro Polo and Agustin, both entirely different and dynamic personali- ties in their owniright, still appear as secondary images in comparison to Amparo. She, in her own seemingly defenseless way, dominates them both. Polo, the dissolute cleric, has been brought to ruin because of his own weakness, his passions. He was a savage at heart, the institutions of society suffocated him. He wanted to leave, to forget that he was a priest and to find wild countries where innocence and equality reigned; he wanted a country without a history or patriarchal societies similar to those painted in the Bible. He was an egotist, a selfish man unhappy with his lot and in 22 Ibid., p. 297. 32 his unhappiness, he wanted company; he wanted his "Tormento", Amparo.23 Deaf to her pleas, he tells her that he is a slave to his Tormento and that she gives him substance. The same is true of Agustin, however. He, in spite of his wealth and independent nature demonstrates that Amparo gives him life. After a life of irregularity and disorder in the jungles of Mexico, he now wants more than anything else a family, a marriage, and a home which will be a paragon of morality. He is a firm believer in the Catholic faith. Until he meets Amparo. he has led a boring and sterile life, but how much Amparo means to him is evident, for he forgets his obsession with order and morality. He does not do so entirely, however, and although this may seem hypocritical,- he is willing to take her as a mistress if not as a wife. Rosalia Bringas and Don Francisco Bringas are more thoroughly covered in Gald6s'. next novel, 9:} _c_l_e_ Brmg’ as , wherein we find that the Bringas family has moved up the social ladder and is now living in the royal palace. This unfortunately has tended to aggravate the pretentiousness Rosalia already exhibited in Tormento, but much to her chagrin, her husband has remained the same miserly. avaricious and unambitious old man. In this novel we see Rosalia as almost demented, so strong is her obsession with new clothes. As the story unfolds, we see that the buying of clothes is merely Rosalfas struggle for emancipation from Don Francisco’s strict budgeting: 23 Ibid., p. 123. 33 La esposa fiel seguirfa a su lado haciendo su papel con aquella destreza que le habl’an dado tantos afios de hipocresfa. Pero para sf anhelaba ardientemente algo mas que vida y salud; deseaba un poco, un poquito siquiera de lo que nunca habfa tenido, libertad y salir aunque S610 fuera por modo figurado, de aquella estrechez vergonzante. With the temporary blindness of Don Francisco and his subsequent inability to handle money matters, Rosalia finds an opportunity to give vent to her pent up spendthrift urges. In doing so, however, she places herself in such a financial predicament that she finds it necessary to sell her honor to Don Manuel Pez, a good friend of the family, who has promised her financial aid. In Pez she saw a well-dressed and wealthy man. He was a higher government employee who in his very appearance represented the sover- eignty of the government: Ese Pez s1" que es un hombre. Al lado suyo sf que podrl’a lucir c‘ualquiera mujer de entendimiento, de buena presencia, de aristocratico porte. Pero como todo anda trocado, 1e toc6 esa mula rezona de Carolina. . . ' todo a1 revésl aQué mujer de mérito no se empequefiece y anula al lado de este poquita cosa de Bringas, que no ve mas que menudencias, y es incapaz de hacer una brillante carrera y de calzarse una posici6n ilustre? . . . . Women are the driving force behind men, she thinks, but how can you do anything with a miser like Bringas? If only she had that Pez. 24 Benito Perez Galdo’s, _I_._a £13 Briggas, (Madrid: Perlado Paez y Compafiia, 1906), p. 166. 25 9191., p. 90. 34 Pez, a man of few principles, saw in Rosall’a a possible conquest. He told her of his unhappy home life, that he needed affection. As he had hoped, this evokes sympathy, and she in turn tells him of the deprivations she suffers due to Don Francisco's miserliness. He, seeing his opportunity, tells her he loves her and offers financial aid. And it was this offer of aid that really made him more attractive. "She would have surrendered herself to the protector rather than the lover. " 26 Rosalfa's lack of character is evident in her rationalizing. She thinks necessity is the cause of disgrace. Saints were saints because they did not need things; they were common. When the time comes for Pez to meet his obligations, however, he conveniently excuses himself saying that he has suffered some financial setbacks. Rosalia, pale and disillusioned, thinks: Pecar llamote necesidad y digo la mayor verdad del mundo. . . Pues no necesitando, aqué mujer habra tan tonta que no desprecie a toda esta canalla de hombres? As we leave la Sefiora de Bringas, she has begun to revolt against her husband. The era of her passiveness and slavery is behind. 28 The reader is hard put to see Rosalia as a vital female, but certainly in comparison to the males she dominates the scene. First of all she is the center of action, and secondly, there are only two male characters of major importance . 26 Ibid., p. 204. 27 Ibid., p. 251. 28 Ibid., p. 246. 35 Don Francisco de Bringas, her husband, as described previously in Tormento, was a religious and hard-working man. He loved his family, had no vices and less ambition. But he was a miser; Refugio Emperador clasified him as a "pisa-hormigas". What more than what his wife already said, can be added? He was a good man, a kind man, a nonentity. Next to him, Rosall’a appeared as a living driving force of the family. Don Manuel Pez, although appearing in a more dashing light, still can not be classified as a vibrant dynamic character: Hombre curtido por dentro y por fuera, incapaz de entusiasmo por nada, revelaba Pez en su cara un reposo semejante, almque parezca extrafio, a1 de los santos que gozan 1a bienaventuranza. Era la cara del que se ha propuesto no alterarse por nada ni tomar las cosas muy en serio. . . . 29 His eyes said: Soy la expresi6n de esa Espafia dormida, beatl’fica que se goza en ser juguete de los sucesos y en nada se mete con tal que la dejen comer tranquila; que no anda, que nada espera. O O O 30 There could be no men more insipid than these two. In Tristanawe encounter again the theme of the destitute orphan which Gald6s used frequently. Tristana Reluz is a young, beautiful and naive girl under the despotic care of Don Lope Garrido. Her father and mother had died leaving her with Don Lope, who was her father’s great friend. Don Lope was the most important factor in the formulation of Tristana's character, and for this reason he must be seen in the light of the following 29 I_l_3_i_d., p. 65. 30 Ibid., p. 66. 36 statement concerning his philosophy: Presumfa este sujeto de practicar en toda Su pureza dogmatica la caballerosidad, o caballerfa, que bien podemos llamar sedantaria en contraposici6n a la idea de andante o correntona; mas interpretaba las leyes de aquella religi6n con criterio excesivamente libre, y de todo ello resultaba una moral compleja, que no por ser suya dejaba de ser comfin fruto abundante del tiempo en que vivimos. . . 31 He still believed in dueling and the code of honor, had no use for the state or contemporary system of justice and believed men should still wear a sword. Furthermore: Respecto a la Iglesia, teniale por una broma pesada que los pasados siglos vienen dando a los presentes, y que éstos aguantan por timidez y cortedad de genio. Y no se crea que era irreligioso; a1 contrario, su fe superaba a la de muchos que hociquean ante los altares y andan siempre entre curas. 32 Still he was a kind man, and to his friends he would give any of his belong- ings, but he did have his faults: Fuera del caso de cortejar a la dama o esposa o manceba de un amigo ’intimo, en amor todo lo I I . ’ tema por 11c1to. 33 He believed that in relationships between man and woman there was only the law of sovereign love. Two short months after taking in Tristana, he added her to his long list of conquests. Tristana, due to her innocence and poor education was completely 31 Benito Pe’rez Galdo’s, Tristana (Madrid: Irnprenta de Guirnalda, 1892), p. 12. 32 939:, p. 15. 33 19151., p. 26. 37 unaware of the unorthodoxy of their relationship. Don Lope taught her his philosophy and weird idealism. In time she began to feel a desire to be an individual; she wanted to become someone. In talks with the maid she would say: No todo lo que este hombre perverso nos ensefia es disparato. . . . aNo te parece a tl’ que lo que dice es todo 1a pura raz6n? Yo. . . . ’te lo confieso aunque me rifias, creo como 61, que eso de encadenarse a otra persona por toda la vida, es invenci6n del diablo. . . aNo lo crees tl’l? Te reiras cuando te diga que no quisiera cgiarme nunca, que me gustarl’a vivir siempre libre. In this state of mind, then, she is highly receptive to any opportunity which may present an escape from Don Lope. That opportunity presents itself when on one of her strolls with her maid, she bumps into a young painter, Horacio, and it is love at first sight. After several meetings in the park, Horacio invites her to the privacy of his apartment and here Tristana demonstrates her astuteness. She refuses, guessing what would inevitably happen and fearing that perhaps after such an occurrence his love would diminish, as would hers. Don Lope aware of what is occurring, asks her about her lover and warns her that no one has ever made a fool of him. Here we have an obvious example of the double standard of morality which existed in that society. Shrewd man that he is, Don Lope knows that by trying forcibly to prevent Tristana from seeing her lover, he will alienate her feelings more, and so he continues : 34 Ibid., p. 34. 38 Bien podrl’a suceder que tu idilio me resultara indiferente. . . mirandolo yo como un medio facil de que aprendieras por demostraci6n experimental lo que va de hombre a hombre. 35 She takes him at his word and begins to see Horacio in his apartment. Horacio, a young man with conventional ideas about marriage, soon begins to have misgivings. He is frightened and dismayed by Tristana's excessive ambitions and aspirations. Her constant cry for independence leaves him in a confused and upset state. Marriage was not for her, she did not want to be constantly bickering over who was head of the household: Aspiro a no depender de nadie ni del hombre que adoro. Quiero ser algo en el mundo, cultivar un arte, vivir de mi misma. 36 At this point, Horacio had to leave for an extended period and they began to correspond. In the course of their correspondence, Tristana begins to idealize Horacio, she begins to see him as a reflection of her own ambitions and idealism: Mi voz interior se entretiene describiéndome las perfecciones de tu ser - no me niegues que eres como te sueflo. Déjame a mi que te fabrique. . . . 37 He, in turn, has begun to see that perhaps Tristana is mentally ill. The stay in the country Changes him. He now yearns for a quiet and peaceful life. He wants to raise chickens and vegetables. His ambitions to be a great artist are dead. Don Lope, who almost accepted the eventual loss of Tristana, is soon 35 Ibid., p. 101. 36 Ibid., p. 141. 37 Ibid., p. 179- 39 given the opportunity to regain his lost ground, for Tristana suffers an attack of blood poisoning which subsequently necessitates the amputation of a leg. This not only puts an end to her ambitions to be an actress, but also puts her in bed for some time, giving Don Lope an opportunity to minister to her. He behaves nobly, his love is paternal, he stays up with her, comforts her and tells her that she still has a great future. He buys her an organ, he gets her a language teacher, and. in short, exhibits all the love of a father for his daughter. Behind this, however, is the conviction that now she is his, and he is correct. When Horacio returns, Don Lope even invites him to see Tristana, shrewdly surmising that Tristana will no longer see Horacio in the same light and that Horacio in turn will be repulsed by a one-legged woman. His guess proves to be correct, for Tristana is disillusioned upon seeing Horacio again. This was not the man she had created, this was a common vulgar one. It is evident now that Tristana will never love a flesh and blood man, for all along she has been looking for an ideal, an illusion; and what better entity than God fits such qualification. Horacio marries someone else, Tristana becomes very religious and in time she and Don Lope marry. He has been conquered, but she is merely resigned to her fate: No sentfa e1 acto, lo aceptaba como un hecho impuesto por el mundo exterior, como el empadronamiento, como la contribuci6n, como las reglas de policia. 38 38 Ibid., p. 251. 40 But regardless of her surrender, Tristana has really not lost her vitality. The cry for social independence has been stifled, it is true, but she has achieved a spiritual independence which continues to give her life and purpose. Don Lope undoubtedly is a dynamic being, an unforgetable Don Juan dominated by erotic instincts which he tries to justify by a system of chivalry; and we are hard pressed to make him any less dynamic than Tristana, but still the fact remains that he is dominated by Tristana. She is the prime motivation in his life and he readily admits his great love for her. She is necessary to him and finally she is the one who makes him break with his philosophy, a philosophy which he has eSpoused all his life. Horacio, needless to say, is merely a man who came at the right time. He is the bridge that carried Tristana from the realm of emotional and physical gratification to that of spiritual independence. He is an incident in her life and one gets the feeling that any man could have served the purpose. With Victoria de Moncada in 9a L_o_c_a £13 _l_a;_C_:a_sg, we have what seems to be a reversal of the process. Victoria, daughter of a wealthy businessman, Juan de Moncada, has been assaulted by a religious enthusiasm which borders on insanity. She therefore has entered a convent where she is a novice. Her sister Gabriela, on the other hand, is a practical, reflective person who is engaged to Jaime, son 1f La Marquesa de Malavella, a woman who has lost all her money and possesses nothing but her title. Don Juan Moncada also finds himself in dire straits. He has suffered serious setbacks in business and it appears that he is doomed to failure. 41 Interestingly enough, however, it is not the loss of money that he fears but rather the loss of honor, "la deshonra comercial", as he calls it. 39 There is one hope in the person of Jose Maria Cruz, a man recently returned from America after having acquired a fortune. Cruz has offered to buy out Don Juan, although this would spell the end of Sr. Moncada as a businessman. There is one alternative — to marry Gabriela off to Cruz, which would keep the business in the family. The idea of marrying a man who repulses her and whom she considers a barbarian is beyond reason for Gabriela, who declares: "Que! aQue nos arruinamos, que dejaremos de ser ricos? No me importa. 40 What a sacrifice! Even the martyrs thrown to the beasts were less to be pitied. Victoria, on the other hand, does not appear nearly so selfish and egotistical. She longs for self- sacrifice. E1 mayor gusto ml’o es que me manden algo en que tenga que vencer dificultades grandes o aguantar algfin peligro que me imponga miedo, m5. s bien terror, . . . Quiero padecer y humillarme. 41 - This ambition and desire had always been strong in her. It was so extreme that at times her own family thought her crazy. Finding her father depressed, she says that she will help him through prayers. Gabriela, still feeling some guilt for having refused to help, tells her: 39 Benito Perez Galdo’s , _I_._a l_._o_c_:_a £19 £9 Gaga (Madrid: Librerl'a de los Sucesores de Hernando, 1915), p. 91. 40 91151., p. 67. 41 Ibid., p. 88 . 42 Ayt es un gran comodfn eso del espfritu y hacer todas las cosas con el pensamiento, en vez de hacerlas con las manos,. . . . Victoria answers that she will make any sacrifice, for the sacrifice of one’s happiness in a good cause is a homage to God. After a great deal of soul searching, Victoria decides to be the victim. However she wishes to make it profitable, so an agreement is drawn up with Cruz in reference to her father's business and also to Cruz' spiritual life. He must agree at least to comply with the fundamental precepts of the Roman Catholic faith. He agrees, admitting that he, however, has no faith. The arrangement causes everyone to breathe a sigh of relief. Every- one expects that Victoria will dominate Cruz, causing him to loosen his purse strings. Eulalia, Victoria’s aunt and a rabid leader of charitable causes, needs money for an orphanage. La Marquesa has a home on Moncada’s property, which she now expects will be given to her outright. The nuns of the nearby convent also expect to reap some profit. Unfortunately Cruz is not to be swayed. He is a rugged individualist who has earned everything through work. To charity he gives nothing saying: No quiero proteger 1a mendicidad que es lo mismo que fomentar la vagancia y los vicios. El que no puede o no sabe ganarlo que se muera y deje e1 puesto a quien sepa trabajar. La compasi6nl Donde quiera que arrojen ustedes esa semilla, vera’n nacer la ingratitud. 43 This inability on Victoria's part to change Cruz causes her to fall into disfavor 42 Ibid., p. 102. 43 Ibid., p. 49. 43 with everyone and now they begin talking about her. With the passage of time. Victoria begins to love Cruz. He no long er repulses her and in fact she has even become his moneyhandler and bookeeper. Gabriela laughs at her and tells her she is his slave. Victoria again has an attack of resolution and gives some money to Gabriela to give to La Marquesa. Enraged upon discovering what Victoria had done, Cruz accuses her of marrying him for pecuniary interests only, and she agrees, saying that it was her idea to win his confidence in order to spread his riches, giving of what he has in excess to those who have not enough. Further, Cruz accuses her of infidelity and she leaves him. It is now that Cruz realizes how much he loves his wife. Victoria's father is unhappy over the situation, for he has begun to admire Cruz and realizes that Cruz was a good husband. Victoria herself is unhappy. Although admitting that at first the separation seemed a good idea, it is not that way now for she misses Cruz. Besides, she is expecting a child. Her father, hopeful of bringing about a reconciliation, tells Cruz about Victoria’s condition. Cruz, whose ambition has been to found a dynasty, is beside himself. He wants Victoria now more than ever. Victoria agrees, but only under certain conditions which are outlined in a business-like transaction. Cruz is vanquished, even when he pleads: Considera que yo como jefe de la familia, yo e1 padre debo velar por la propiedad, por los intereses. 44 44 Ibid., p. 297. 44 Victoria answers that that is old-fashioned and that it is the mothers who govern the world. Cruz, beaten and ashamed, in an almost pitiful manner asks Victoria not to reveal to anyone that he has capitulated. Sefior Moncada has guessed it however and he tells Cruz, 'Eres hombre vencido y domado, Victoria hace de ti lo que quiere." 45 With this ending it is difficult to picture Cruz as a vital character. Until the ending, however, he had been a determined man of rigid principles. His ambition and drive had raised him from a servant in the Moncada household to the owner of it. In the jungles of America he had conquered savages and beasts. A forceful and outspoken man, he commanded respect. There was one thing laclcing in his life, all his riches notwithstanding - an heir. I This, coupled with Victoria's inflinching faith in her mission, brings about his sub- mission. This impressive array of dominant women is continued in Gald6s'. next two novels, _L_a Incdgnita and its sequel Realidad. In Lg. Incdgm'ta, written in an epistolary style, we have Manolo Infante writing a series of letters to a friend Equis, concerning his attempts to seduce his married cousin Augusta, and also his attempts to determine whether she is faithful to her husband. From the onset we have an indication of the course that Manolo's emo- tions will take. Although in his first letter he had written that he did not find his cousin beautiful, there soon appears a change in his evaluation. Perhaps bearing out Havelock Ellis' contention about the sexual subjection of 45 Ibid., p. 299. 45 of Spanish men, we have Manolo writing, "I imagine her with little clothing and become ecstatic. " Unfortunately he finds her pure in conduct and excellent in reputation. These qualities present no barrier to a man so dominated by sexual desire. In an attempt to rationalize his designs, he writes: De aquf nace mi mayor pena, pues precisamente las cualidades que le atribuyo ponen una barrera moral entre ella y yo. Para imaginar que esta aspiraci6n mfa, incierta y timida pueda satisfacerse alguna vez, tengo que destruir mi propia obra y exonerar a la sefiora de mis pensamientos, quitandole aquellas mismas perfecciones que le supuse. 46 The destruction of these qualities begins by his suspecting her of infidelity, a suspicion which is fanned further by the discussion at the club meetings. Like any beautiful and popular woman, Augusta is a topic of conversation and speculation. Some say she is unfaithful, some say she is not. The concensus, however, is that one should not be disturbed by happenings which are common in society. Unwittingly, even Augusta's father spurs him on with his ultra liberal philosophy: Mira Manolo, no seas tonto. Haz el amor a las mujeres de todos tus amigos y conquistalas si puedes. No pierdas ripio por cortedad ni por escrfipulos, ni por miramientos sociales de escaso valor ante las grandes leyes de la Naturaleza. Las pr6jimas que mas respeto te infundan, son quizas las que mas deseen que avances; no te quedes, pues, a la mitad del camino. $6 I . atrevido, guardando las formas y venceras 46 Benito Perez Galdo’s, L3 Inco’ggita (Madrid: Perlado Paez y Compani’a, 1906), p. 43. 46 siempre. Toma el mundo como es y las pasiones I . . y deseos como fenomenos que constituyen la v1da. 47 Manolo plans his attack like a general mapping out his strategy. He informs Equis: Que pesado estas con tu exigencia de que te cuente algo de mi campafia, y de c6mo he puesto las paralelas para rendir plaza tan bien artillada y las reglas acreditadas por el éxito; obsequioso con discreci6n, puntual en los encuentros, tierno en el mirar, intencionado en el decir, triste hasta 1a ictericia cuando el caso lo requiere y bastante habil para hacerme pasar en ciertas ocasiones por el ser mas desventurado que existe debajo del sol. 48 Again entirely in keeping with Ellis' earlier- mentioned conclusion about the t. . , ,,49 proud retlcence, the absence of an easy response to masculine advances, as being the source of the Spanish woman's erotic superiority, we learn from Manolo's letters that his advances have been met with alternating coyness, indifference and encouragement. His carefully laid plans notwithstanding, he is repulsed. This merely whets his desires more and embittered he writes: Y como no siento ninguna vocaci6n de volverme yo también angel, mi maldad aspira a sentar plaza en las filas satanicas y acosar nuevamente a la querubina con mis pretensiones, hasta cansarla, rendirla, vencerla y hacerla mi dama. Nada halaga tan vivamente los instintos humanos como traerse un angel del cielo a la tierra, lo que equivale a robar 1a esencia celestial. 47 93151., p. 65. 48 9351., p. 113 . 49 Ellis, p. 84 . 47 2Comprendes lo que te digo? For lo mismo que mi adorada prima se me ha puesto en un pedestal de virtud, quiero arrancarla de 61, perderla y perderme, bajandonos ambos muy abrazaditos a las cavidades de ese infierno donde los amantes de verdad, dl’gase lo que se quiera, han de pasarlo muy bien, quemandose por dentro y por fuera. 50 Again it is all to no avail and Manolo becomes determined to discover if she has a lover. Events take a dramatic turn as Federico Viera, a close friend of Augusta's husband and the man whom Manolo suspected of being her lover, is found mysteriously killed. Manolo's efforts to determine if he was in fact Augusta's lover are intensified. He makes love to a prostitute, La Perri, a friend of Federico's, in hopes of getting information from her, but even under the threat of physical violence she refuses to confirm Manolo's suspicions. Augusta's father in turn tells Manolo to leave matters be: Contentate con la verdad relativa y aparente, una verdad fundada en el honor . . . . E1 honor y las formas sociales nos imponen esa verdad y a ella nos atenemos. 51 Furthermore it is concluded that crimes of passion and honor are beyond the limits of societies statutes, for a crime of love has been sufficient punishment. Under Manolo's incessant demands, Augusta finally admits that she has been unfaithful, but that she is now trying to mend her ways. The novel ends on this note only to be continued in its sequel, Realidad, 50 9351., p. 125. 51 Ibid., p. 225. 48 where we find that Federico was in fact Augusta's lover and that in a moment of remorse he committed suicide, another victim to the tribulations of illicit love. In these two works Gald6s has presented us with another instance of female predominance. He has added one more character to his gallery of spiritually emancipated women. Augusta is a religiously weak woman, and an iconoclast. Manolo says: Se 1e parece en que tira siempre a sacrificar la verdad al ingenio y a despreciar los dictados del sentido comfin, prefiriendo la originalidad a la certeza y poniendo e1 chiste por cima de toda idea de justicia. 52 There is abasis for her behavior. As a major factor one might consider her father with his extremely liberal ideas regarding the relationship of the sexes . He states: Y que costumbres necias; y que idiotismo en las relaciones de los sexos; y qué monotonia desesperante en la vida, toda. . . Yo quiero que toda esa balumba de artificios y de esclavitudes, formada por el puritanismo inglés y la gazmofierl’a protestante desaparezca en el abismo de esa historia fastidiosa que nadie ha de leer. 53 If this were not enough, let us consider the society in which she lived. Manolo writes Equis : 52 12319., p. 79. 53 Ibid., p. 29. 49 En una sociedad tan chismosa, tan polemista, y donde cada quisque se cree humillado, si no sustenta, asf en la charla pfiblica como en la privada, un criterio distinto del de los demas, son muy raras las reputaciones y I . . estas tlenden Slempre a flaquear y derrumbarse como puentes de contrata, construfdos sin buen cimiento. . . Falta indisciplina intelectual y moral. 54 It would be difficult for any woman in this environment to aspire to maintain a sense of honor or virtue. In her likeable and condescending husband, Augusta almost found the final nod of approval for her behavior. It is in complete contradiction to the generally accepted picture of the Spanish husband, that we find Orozco telling the ghost of his wife's lover that his wife's adulterous behavior bothers him not as much as the fact that she kept it from him. Attempting to summarize his peculiar code of morality, he concludes that jealousy is ridiculous and that the whims and passions of women are mere trifles and man should show his contempt by ignoring them. These conditions in no way minimize Augusta's infidelity, but she still demonstrates a strength not evident in the male characters; that is, unless Federico's suicide or Orozco's indifference can be interpreted as such. Her repentance and refusal to succumb to Manolo's advances further attest to her strength. In the final analysis she can not be seen as anything other than predominant. One man has ended his life because of her, another hopefully 54 _I_b_i_c_l., p. 84. 50 tells her that he will be her slave, and the betrayed husband looks the other way in almost fatuous tolerance. The aspiring lover, Manolo, merits further attention not only because he is a protagonist, but more important because in him Galcb’s has given us a prototype who is representative of the male in that society. It is through Manolo that we see the society's code as concerns the male-female relation- ship. Unable to cope with his erotic motivations Manolo states: Somos muy pillos los descendientes del seflor de Adan. Llevamos e1 mal en nuestra naturaleza, y la cultura nos ha dado una filosoffa pérfida y farisaica para cohonestarlo. La sociedad, con diarios y persuasivos ejemplos, nos incita a cursar esta filosofl’a, y no lo creas, ahi tienes a mi padrino, e1 castizo Cisneros, que me repite a cada instante su famosa prescripci6n, resultado de un profundo sabor sociol6gico: - Manolo, no seas burro. Haz el amor sin reparo alguno a las mujeres de todos tus amigos. 55 Yet recognizing the perfidy of society, he weakly concludes that as he is not the innovator of the custom of making love to other men's wives, he also shall not be the reformer nor the protestant. 55 Ibid., p. 98. CHAPTER V . DOMINANT WOMEN AND CONFLICT IN MALE-FEMALE RELATIONSHIPS Presented as the oppressed parties, the women in Gald6s' novels still manage to dominate the men around them. Although eventually they all succumb to their personal shortcomings as well as to the mandates of the society, they exercise an influence over the male characters which can not be seen as anything other than the erotic domination mentioned by Havelock Ellis. 1 Examples of these erotically dominated men abound in the Galdosian novel. In the novels examined the most unforgetable example is the wayward priest, Pedro Polo, of Tormento. His fall was credited to his weak character and passions: No se debi6 esta catastrofe a lo que tontamente llama e1 vulgo mala suerte, sino a las asperezas del caracter del cal’do, a su soberbia, a sus desbocadas pasiones, absolutamente incompatibles con su estado. These passions became centered around his desire for and conquest of Amparo Emperador, whom he appropriately called his torment, his gallows, his inquisitition. Completely aware of his condition and its consequence he 1 Ellis, p. 84 2 Benito Perez Gald6s, Tormento (Madrid, 1906 ), p. 110 51 52 he still refused when Amparo begged him to forget her, telling her: Si eso pudiera ser tan fécilmente como lo dices. . . Ha dicho que no soy un perverso. Qué equivocada estas! Alla en las soledades del monte, estuve tentado de ahorcarme como Judas, porque yo también he vendido a Cristo! 3 In another scene, Pedro trembling with rage tells her, "Ah! perral si no te quisiera como te quiero. . . " The other man dominated by Amparo is Agustin, who recently having arrived from the wilds of America, now longs for a peaceful and orderly life. This he had hoped to accomplish by marrying Amparo. However, faithful to that Spanish code of love which places such a high value on feminine chastity, this was now impossible since she had already belonged to another man. The heart, however, does not reCOgnize social conventions and Agustfn's love had not diminished, for he says: La tengo clavada en mi coraz6n y no puedo arrancarmela. Maldita espina, c6mo acaricias hundida, y arrancada cuanto duelesl Te has lucido hombre insociable, topo que S610 ves en las tinieblas de la barbarie, y en la claridad de la civilizaci6n te encandillas y no sabes por d6nde andas . La manzana que cogf pareci6me buena. Abrese y la veo dafiada. 5 He concludes, however: Mi mujer no. . . . Pero pasare’l el tiempo, el tiempo indulgente, y sera mujer de otro. Otro mordera en lo sano, pues mucho hay sano todavia, mucho que convida, mucho, que digan de mi lo que quieran. Ibid., p. 224. Ibid., p. 237, Ibid., p.297 . 19151., p. 304. amino: 53 Disregarding the mandates of society, he takes her as his mistress. Pedro Polo had tried to live a life forced upon him and had failed. Agus- tin had tried to live his life in accord with the rules of a society which was alien to him and he failed. Although Amparo can not be blamed as the only motive for their failure, it was the desire for her that had above all else motivated these men. In the persons of Joaquin Pez of _I:._a_ Desheredada and Don Lope de Sosa of Tristana, we have two men whose domination is not entirely centered about one woman. They are dominated by women in general. Both fit remarkably well the picture of the classic Spanish Don Juan. As already mentioned Don Lope believed. all was fair in love, in fact this was his life. His conquests had been many and varied. Tristana tells Horacio: Sus conquistas son tantas que no se pueden contar. Si t6 supieras. . . .1 Aristocracia, clase media, pueblo. . . . en todas partes dej6 memoria triste, como D. Juan Tenorio. En palacios y cabaiias se c016 y no respet6 nada e1 muy trasto, ni la virtud, ni 1a paz domestica, ni 1a santl’sima religi6n. Hasta con monjas y beatas ha tenido amores e1 maldito, y sus éxitos parecen obra del demonio. 7 This is in fact almost the same way that Gald6s presents Joaquin Pez: Era tan guapo, tem’a tanto partido, que mas que el tipo del seductor leyendario, tal como nos 10 han transmitido los dramas, era en varias ocasiones un incorregible seducido. Las mujeres absorbian su atencién, todo su tiempo y todo su dinero, muy abundante a1 recibir 1a herencia de su esposa, pero muy 7 Benito Perez Ga1d6s, Tristana (Madrid, 1892), p. 87. 54 mermado ocho afios después. Cuando 1e conocemos, Joaqul’n estaba en el apogeo de sus triunfos, y en todos los terrenos sociales se presentaba con su carcaj y flechas; es decir que no despreciaba ninguna pieza de caza, ya estuviese en palacios, ya en cabafias o andurriales. 3 In Isidora Rufete, he saw an opportunity for another conquest. Finding her pretty the first time he saw her, he found her "delicious" the third, and there he singled her out as his. 9 Joaquin was not the only one interested in her. As we have already noted in a previous chapter, Augusto Miqli’s had also seen her as a possible conquest at first. Don José de Relimpio's attachment for her was not entirely paternal. Alejandro Sa’lnchez Botfn, who kept Isidora, was described as a jealous satyr. These are specific examples, but we may generalize from them when we read Don Jose’s advice to Isidora about being in the streets at night: En Madrid hay mucho atrevido. A los pfcaros espafioles nos gustan tanto las hembras bonitas. 0 Even Mufioz y Nones, who is the epitomy of honesty and honor, we are told, is susceptible to the charms of a pretty girl. L3 lnccigllita gives us another instance of a man who's passions are such that they almost verge on perversion. This, of course, is Manolo Infante, already mentioned at length in a previous chapter. He was a man willing to assign his soul to eternal damnation merely for the pleasure of seducing his 8 Benito Pérez Gald6s, l_._a_ Desheredada (Madrid, 1909 ) , Primera Parte, p. 208. 9 9151., Primera Parte, p. 210. 10 9119., Primera Parte, p. 268- 55 cousin. But he is not alone in his interests of women, for in the tertulias mentioned, the conversation generally centers about women and the conquests made. Malibran, suspected of being Augusta's secret lover, is especially given to amorous escapades and, when he began to list his famous triumphs, he was unbearable. Manolo is not unique in his willingness to go to hell in return for sexual pleasures. Daniel the religious zealot in _l_._a Loca d3 I_._a Casa, voices the same willingness. ‘ He admits to his mother: Claramente veo ya que mi religioso entusiasmo era un artificio del espl’ritu para engafiarse a sf propio. . . transformaci6n magica de mi idolatrfa por esa mujer; idolatrl’a que no disminuye, mas bien aumenta, a1 dejar de creerla celestial. 11 He continues : La salida de Victoria de la casa conyugal me trae un nuevo sacudimiento, un nuevo trastorno . Increibles fases de la pasi6n en nuestra alma, segfin se nos va presentando la persona que la inspiral zElla religiosa? yo también. aElla casada? yo demente. . . y por fin . . . a1 verla huir de su tirano pense que me amaba; crel’ que me serfa facil arrastrarla a la infelidad. . . . aPiadoso yo? Vana, ridicula ilusi6n1 con ella, con Victoria. . . me gustarl’a el infierno. 12 In other novels read but not discussed at length, Ga1d6s has continued this parade of erotically dominated men. Luis Cadalso, husband of Don Ram6n Villamil's deceased daughter, in the novel Miau, is reputed to be a scoundrel whose love affairs brought about his wife's insanity and death. 13 12 Ibid., p. 233. 13 Benito Pe’rez Gald6s , Miau (Madrid: Librerl’a de Perlado Paez y Compafil’a, 1907), p. 97. 56 He is constantly thinking of beautiful women and has in fact seduced many. Doiia Francisca in Misericordia, we learn, dominated her husband complete- ly, and her son in turn is dominated by his wife who proudly exclaims: Desde el primer dfa 1e administré e1 bautismo de los cinco mandamientos, porque chillo en cuanto lo veo cerdear un poco: Porque 1e hago andar derecho como huso y me tiene mas miedo que los ladrones a la Guardia Civil. Se hace una . . I querer del marldo enjaretandose los calzones como me 103 enjareto yo. The women though dominant still resent their position and we have Tristana crying: Protestol me da la gana de protestar contra los hombres que se han cogido todo el mundo por suyo, y no nos han dejado a nosotros mas que las veredas estrechitas por donde ellos no saben andar. 15 This protest is manifested not only in the cry for liberty but also in the antagonism which pervades the male-female relationship. The battle of the sexes is in fact a central theme in these novels. Repeatedly there are examples of the conscious planning and stalking which takes place by male and female as the one tries to seduce and the other attempts to appease and ultimately conquer. This is exactly what Tormento has in mind as she goes to visit Pedro Polo. She tells herself: I o I Tu, 31 no te aturdes, venceras a1 monstruo, porque eres e1 l’lnico ser que en la tierra tiene 14 15 Benito Perez Gald6s, Misericordia (Madrid: Librerl’a de los Sucesores de Hernando, 1920 ), p. 283. Benito Perez Ga1d6s, Tristana (Madrid, 1892 ), p. 141. 57 poder para ello. Mas es necesario que estudies tu papel; es indispensable que midas bien tus fuerzas y sepas utilizarlas en el momento propicio. Esa fiera que nadie puede encadenar sucumbira bajo tu h5bil mano: lo ataras con hebra de seda, y lo rendiras hasta el punto de que se someta en todo por todo a tu voluntad. 16 Later during the meeting, she thinks : Si yo supiera lo que otras muchas saben; si yo acertara a engafiarle, prometiendo sin dar y embauca’lndole hasta rendirlel. . . 17 We gather that her sister, Refugio, is more adept at this game, at least judging from her comments about Amparo’s engagement to Agustin: Buen pajaro te ha cafdo en la red. Asegfirale, chica, todo el tiempo que puedas, que de éstos no caen todos los dfas. Pero Dios, te hizo tan sosa, que le dejaras escapar. . . Si fuera mfa esa presa, primero me desollaban viva que soltarla yo de las garras. 18 This same way of looking at men as animals or beasts which need to be is referred to as a monster and a dragon. Hopefully expecting Victoria to get some of Cruz’ money, the Marquesa exclaims : Vamos, no es el primer caso de un monstruo vencido y domado por artes femeninas . 19 Isidora Rufete of 9a Desheredada puts it more forcefully when she declares: A los hombres, desplumarlos y sacarles las entrafias; quererles, nunca. Sois muy antipaticos; os desprecio a todos. 20 A l6 Benito Pérez Galdo’s, Tormento (Madrid, 1906), p. 217. 17 9351., p. 227, 18 _1_:_pi_d., p. 197. 19 Benito Perez Gald6s, La Loca de La Casa (Madrid, 1915), p. 172. 20 Benito Perez Galdés, La Iii—she—rEEa-da (Madrid, 1909 ), Segtmda Parte, p. 263'.— 58 Later she concludes : En fin los hombres sois todos unos. Hay que vengarse perdiéndoos a todos y arrastrandoos a la ignominia. Nosotros nos vengamos con nosotras mismas. 21 Rosalia Bringas had voiced the same opinion after Don Pez explained that he was unable to lend her the money he had promised: . . . . i, que mujer habra tan tonta que no desprecie a toda esta canalla de hombres ? 22 But she did not give up easily, and we read that she will continue casting her net in search of men of more substance: Hacfa prop6$ito de no volver a pescar alimafias de tan poca substancia, y se figuraba estar tendiendo sus redes en mares anchos y batidos, por cuyas aguas cruzaran gallardos tiburones, pomposos ballenatos y peces de verdadero fuste. As for her husband, little by little she planned to declare her emancipation from him. For their part, men also look upon women as something to be captured and despoiled. As already mentioned, at times their attempts to seduce a woman are treated almost like military campaigns. Thus we read of Joaqufn's plans to seduce Isidora Rufete: El atrevido capitan de partidas, desde que hab16 con su padre, ide6, pues la emboscada mas habil que concertaron guerrilleros en el mundo. No pondrl’a sitio. Enviarfa un parlamentario a1 enemigo para 21 Ibid., p. 264, 22 Benito P’erez Galdo’s, L32? Bringas (Madrid, 1906 ), p. 251. 23 Benito Perez Galdos, l:_a_D_e Bringas (Madrid, 1906 ), p. 285 . 59 hacerle salir de la plaza. Si e1 enemigo cafa en el lazo, si pasaba e1 rio de la . prudencia y se ponfa bajo los fuegos del desfiladero de la Audacia. 24 Juan Bou, on the other hand, after having been turned down by Isidora, makes this scathing commentary: La mujer es una traba social, una forma del obscurantismo, y si el hombre no tuviera que nacer de ella, deberfa ser suprimida. 25 Not all the men felt this strongly, obviously, but neither do they at any time exhibit any great degree of respect for the women. The women also rarely exhibit great respect for the men. As mentioned, there exists an uneasy relationship between the men and women in these novels and the central theme is in fact the battle of the sexes. 24 Benito Perez Galdo’s, 9a Desheredada (Madrid, 1909 ), Primera Parte, p. 210. 25 9351., Segunda Parte, p. 129. CHAPTER VI GALD(BIAN WOMEN AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS In examining the predominance of the female sense in Gald6s' novels in Chapter four, there emerged a picture of society as the underlying cause for the predicaments of this female protagonists. Keeping in mind some of the major points brought out in Chapter three about the woman in nineteenth century Spain, we will in this chapter speculate upon the faithfulness with which Gald6s depicted the actual conditions exisiting in nineteenth-century Spain, in the novels examined. The women in all the novels examined had little formal education. Isidora Rufete knew only how to read and write. 0f the daughters of Don Manuel Pez we read: Su instrucci6n se circunscribfa a un poco de Catecismo, una tintura de Historia, y I que Historial, algunos brochazos de Frances y un poco de Aritmética. In Tristana the protagonist laments: . I I I Pero m1 pobre mama no penso mas que en darme la educaci6n insubstancial de las nifias. 2 Augusta Orozco of 9a Inc6gn_ita we find to be "mujer hermosa pero sin ins- trucci6n". 3 This was also true of Amparo and her sister in Tormento. l Benito Perez Gald6s, I_.._a_ Desheredada (Madrid, 1909 ), Primera Parte, p. 201. 2 Benito Perez Gald6s, Tristana (Madrid, 1892), p. 104. 3 Benito Perez Galdo’s, 11a Incogilita (Madrid, 1906 ), p. 22 . 60 61 not much better off, for we hear them exclaim: 81’, triste cosa es nuestra insignificancia, nuestra incapacidad para todo lo que no sea 1a menudencias del trabajo doméstico. This commentary on education continues in other works by Gald6s. In two novels not examined in the previous chapter, we see the same theme repeated. Dofia Paca of Misericordia had plans to marry off her daughter well, although we read the following about the girl's education: Escribl’a muy mal e ignoraba los rudimentos del saber que poseen casi todas las nifias de la clase media. 5 In regard to the education of the three main female characters in Miau, we find that they also knew only a little bit of French and less about piano. Speaking through Agustin in Tormento , we hear Gald6s' personal commentary: Las nifias estas, cuanto mas pobres, 11‘st soberbias. Su educaci6n es nula: son charlatanas, gastadoras, y no piensan mas que en divertirse y en ponerse perifollos. . . Las pollas no saben hablar mas que de noviazgos, de pollos, de trapos, del tenor H, del baile X de album y de la filtima moda de sombreros . . . Una sefiorita que ha estado seis afios en el mejor colegio de aquf, me dijo hace dfas que Mejico esta a1 lado de Filipinas . No saben hacer unas sopas, ni pegar un triste bot6n, ni sumar dos cantidades; aunque hay excepciones. . . . Thus poorly educated and furthermore legally barred from entering the profes- 4 Benito Perez Gald6s, 9a— Loca de La Ca__s__a (Madrid, 1915), p. 104. 5 Benito Perez Gald6s, Misericordia (Madrid, 1920 ), p. 60. 6 Benito Perez Gald6s, Tormento (Madrid, 1906), p. 162. 62 sions, the occupational opportunities for women were sorely limited. True to these conditions not one of the women protagonists in the novels examined had any occupation other than housekeeper, housewife or prostitute. This plaintive cry for opportunity is uttered by Saturnia, the maid in Tristana: Si tuviéramos oficios y carreras las mujeres como los tienen esos bergantes de hombres, anda con Dios. . . . Si nos hicieran médicas, abogadas, siquiera boticarias o escribanas, ya que no ministras y senadoras, vamos, podrfamos. . . . Pero cosiendo, cosiendo. . . . calcula las puntadas que hay que dar para mantener una casa. . . . Tristana herself echoes the same sentiments later in the novel saying, La maldita enagua estorba para eso. . . . es que vivimos sin movimiento, atadas con mil ligaduras . . . . 8 It is freedom they ask for, but an honorable freedom. This is the repeated cry of many of Gald6s women. Yet it is not to be had and Tristana concludes: Ya sé, ya s6 que es diffcil eso de ser libre. . . y honrada. A sense of futility makes her leave her statement incomplete. Already there is the note of resignation which will leave Tristana unhappy all her life. Thus effectively barred from achieving any honorable economic independ- ence, marriage became a woman's sole means of acquiring security. Marriages of convenience were the rule rather than the exception and Gald6s frequently makes mention of them and their almost inevitable resultant unhappiness . 7 Benito Perez Gald6s, Tristana (Madrid, 1892), pp. 35-36. 8 Ibid., p. 38 . 9 Ibid., p. 39, 63 Victoria Moncada, contemplating her sister's proposed marriage to José Marl’a Cruz says: Un matrimonio de pura conveniencia como un contrato de arrendamiento ha de ser cosa muy triste. 10 Nevertheless, Victoria agrees to sacrifice herself and marry Cruz purely as a means to keep her father from losing his business. These arrange- ments brought grief not only to the wedded pair but often also to the famil- ies. The unhappy father in 11419311, recalling his daughter's arranged marriage which brought her nothing but unhappiness and eventual insanity, remarked : Que estl’lpido afin de casar a las hijas sin saber con quién. 11 Yet at this moment we read the following of his other daughter's forth- coming marriage: . Se casarl’a con 61 por colocarse, por tener posici6n y nombre y salir de aquella estrecheza insoportable de su hogar. 12 This completely pecuniary aspect of marriage is demonstrated in the other novels. La sefiora Pez in 9a Desheredada, we are told, Ya no aspiraba simplemente a que sus hijas casasen con hombres ricos y decentes. No; sus yernos habl’an de ser millonarios, y ademas, duques,o cuando menos marqueses ; 10 Benito Perez Galdos, La I_.___oca d_e La Ca_____s_a (Madrid, 1915), p. 132 . ll Benito Perez Gald6s, Miau (Madrid, 1907), p. 97. 12 Ib___'1_d., p. 74. 13 Benito Perez Galdos, La Desheredada (Madrid, 1909 ), Segunda Parte, p. 201.— 64 In Tormento, Rosalfa Bringas ponders the possibility of marrying her daughter to Agustin. Unfortunately, the child is much too young. This leads Rosalia to wishftu think that, if her husband were to die, in a year she herself would marry Agustfn. Offering ameans of security, marriage still did not offer happiness and many women undoubtedly entered into marriage without a trace of feeling other than the resignation felt by Tris- tana as she married Don Lope: Casi no se c116 cuenta de que la casaron, de que unas breves formulas hiciéronla legftima esposa de Garrido, encasfllandola en un hueco honroso de la sociedad. 14 As expected, these conditions led to something less than a happy state of matrimony and we have Isidora Rufete's uncle writing to her: La vida conyugal es cosa que segfin oigo decir anda ahora muy por los suelos. Es posible que tu esposo llevado de la corriente y de los perversos usos del d1’a se hastie un poco de tf y busque entretenimiento . Reflecting this state of affairs, Galdos presents in these novels few mar- riages which are happy or in which one of the spouses has not committed some infidelity. In La Desheredada alone, we have Juan Bou who has been ruined by his wife, B01111, who is an adulterer living with Isidora, Joaqufn Pez who during his married life chased and vanquished many women, and Modesto 14 Benito Perez Galdo’s, Tristana (Madrid, 1892), p. 251. 15 Benito Perez Galdos, 1:3 Desheredada (Madrid, 1909), Primera Parte, p. 279, 65 Rico who constantly beat his wife. The list of unhappy marriages continues in Tormento and .13 de_ Bringas, where we find Rosali’a Bringas' comment about her miserly husband: Maldito cominero, cuando te probaré yo que no me mereces. No comprendes que una mujer como yo cuesta mas que una ama de llaves. Pues yo te hare comprender. 16 She is not the only misunderstood one, for we read that Don Pez is also unhappily married, as is La Marquesa de Tellerfa whose husband constant- ly nags her about her spending. The plots of _L_a_ Inc6griita and Realidad revolve around the theme of infidelity as does the plot in El Abuelo and in Galdo’s' masterpiece [acinta y Portunata, two novels which were not included in the preceding chapters. In Miau, a novel briefly mentioned in the preceding chapters, Don Ram6n, unable to tolerate his wife, commits suicide. Before this, however, he thinks : Ahora me ocurre que cuando fui a pedir a1 sefior Escobios la mano de su hija, el apreciable medico del Cuarto Montado debi6 arrearme un bofet6n que me volviera la cara del revés. . . . Ay, cuanto se le hubiera agradecido mas adelante! 17 Unhappy married or unhappy single, and furthermore restricted in their outside activities, women often turned to the church and religion. In the novels examined, the female protagonists for the most part are luke- warm in their religion and if they go to church at all it is a matter of routine, 16 Benito Pe’rez Galdos, 1.3 $12. Bringas (Madrid, 1906), p. 189. 17 Benito Perez Galdo’s, Miau (Madrid, 1907), p. 414. 66 or as an excuse to get out and socialize. Gald6s, describing Madrid on a nice Sunday morning, comments : Mucha gente va a misa, y a cada paso halla e1 transefinte bandadas de lindas pollas de cintura bien cefiida y velito en la frente, que salen de la iglesia devocionario en mano, joviales y coquetelas . 18 Isidora Rufete, we are told, went to church only to break the boredom: Distrafase con estas superficiales devociones y afin 11eg6 a figurarse que se hab1’a perfeccionado interiormente. Recordaba las preces aprendidas en su nifiez y se deleitaba con las formas de religi6n por pura noveleri’a. Pero esta santidad de capricho no sofocaba ni mucho menos su orgullo dentro la iglesia. Mas que el serm6n ampuloso, mas que el brillo del altar, mas que la poesfa del templo y las imagines expresivas, la cautivaba el sefiorfo I que iba por las tardes a la casa de Dios . 19 Pollos elegantes y atrevidos se agolpaban en las naves laterales para mirar a las nifias y ser de ellas mirados. . . aPero qué 1e importaba a Isidora el serm6n aunque saliera de labios eloquentes? Lo que a ella 1e interesaba no eran las manotadas y enfurecimiento de aquel santo var6n que no cabfa en el pfilpito, sino el aspecto y brillo del pfiblico, de aquel pfiblico que si hubiera revisteros de iglesia, serfa distinguido, elegante, y numeroso como el de los teatros. 20 Amparo and Tristana turn to the church also, but in a more sincere fashion. Unable to cope with their problems they seek the solace of religion. 18 19 20 Benito Pérez Galdo’s, LEDesheredada (Madrid, 1909 ) , Primera Parte, p. 133. Benito Perez Gald6s, 1:3 Desheredada (Madrid, 1909 ) , Segunda Parte, p. 41. Benito Perez Galdo’s, La Desheredada (Madrid, 1909 ) , Segunda Parte, p. 42..— 67 Tristana especially seeks religion and God for they are ideals . Having been rejected by a man she loved and finding her other desires thwarted by society, she turns to the only avenue which will help her escape this world, at least temporarily -- religion and a perfect God. In Tristana also can be seen an embryonic beata, one of those zealots which Gald6s portrays so well. Perverted religiosity was one of Gald6s' favorite themes and the beatas whom he portrays so well are a prime example of frustrated womanhood. There are no classic examples of a beata in the novels examined here, but some do appear, such as Dofia Marcelina, a spinster, in Tormento, who even has the odor of a sacristy. She believed heaven was attained only through prayer, but in spite of this she was not entirely happy with the Almighty)or perhaps it was frustration which caused her to denounce Amparo enviously saying, "Maldita, all evil persons have good luck. " 21 Earlier in the novel, Gald6s had sketched this amusing picture of some beatas in church, awaiting to enter the confessional: Las beatas que esperaban de rodillas a conveniente distancia, y eran de esas que van todos los dfas a consultar escrfipulos y a marear a los confesores, se impacientaban de la tardanza, renegando de la pesadez de aquella sefiora que debfa ser un pozo de culpas. 22 Spinsters generally seem to make the best beatas and, in _I_._a Loca $2 La Casa, Victoria Moncada prior to her marriage to Cruz could have been 21 Benito Perez Gald6s, Tormento (Madrid, 1906), p. 240, 22 939., p. 186. ' 68 classified as a beat_a. Her spinster aunt Eulalia certainly was one. Church activities thus played an important role in the lives of women. Having very limited civil right, they could not engage in too many public functions, especially in politics. Not once is there mention made of any woman other than the queen taking any active role in political affairs or any other public affairs . Though in their tertulias the women did discuss the national state of affairs, this was generally the extent of their involvement. Indirectly, perhaps women did make themselves felt, especially women of high positions, and we hear this mention ed in Mi__2ui, when one of the petty government officials comments: Las influencias que vuelven el mundo patas arriba y hacen escarnio de la justicia no son poli’ticas, son las faldas. 23 23 Benito Pérez Galdo’s, Miau (Madrid, 1907 ), p. 253. CONCLUSION Reviewing the last three chapters, the following summary can be made. The novels exhibiting an exceptional sensitiveness to feminine reactions on the part of the author are written from a woman's viewpoint. In the novels the women are the main and more forceful characters. This is the case in spite of the fact that they are presented as the oppressed, as the prey, being umnerciftu hounded by the men. These conditions are seen by Galdo’s . to be fostered by the society and its traditions, including religion. Such exploitation logically brought about a certain amount of resentment on the part of the women, but unable to better their position they resorted to using their feminine wiles and in time became a dominant force, although operating in the background. This struggle between the male and female characters is a major theme present in all the novels . Finally, in exami- ning Gald6s' presentation and the actual conditions exisiting in society we found Gald6s to be a faithful portrayer of his times . Fermfn Estrella Gutierrez writes: Pérez Galdo’s observ6 y anot6 cuidadosamente I la realidad que lo circundaba, atrafdo mas por los seres que vefa, con quienes trataba, que por el paisaje y la costumbre. . . y llevo a toda esa humanidad con la cual convivfa y en la que se habfa mezclado, a sus novelas. En sus novelas las cosas pasan como en la vida. Los personajes son también personajes verdaderos, tomados de la realidad. Los dialogos parecen copiados del natural. 1 1 Fermi’n Estrella Gutierrez, Historia d_e _la_Literatura Espafiola con Antologfa, (BuenOS Aires: Kapeluz, 1957), p. 626 . 69 70 Being a chronicler of the times was not Gald6s’ sole aim. A singularly sensitive man, he above all wished to portray what he believed were the defects of his society. Unalterably opposed to any type of intolerance, he believed in the equal rights of all human beings, and these rights were being denied the women of Spain. 2 A concern for the social freedom of women is often a tenet of liberal- ism and this concern is clearly evident in Gald6s: work. The women's constant demand for freedom, though not always explicit in these novels examined, is nevertheless present. Tristana voices it, as do Rosalia Bringas, Isidora Rufete and the Emperador sisters in Tormento. Augusta in _I_._a Inc6gg’ta demonstrated it clearly in her iconoclastic attitudes as well freedom. Her initial religious zealousness was an attempt to express her- self and to give vent to her desires to do something individually, to be an individual. It is this frustration which leads her to sacrifice herself to the monster Cruz. Concerning Gald6s: treatment of women, L. B. Walton states: "It is clear from his novels that he regards the social problem and the feminist question as inseparable. Until the legitimate claims of women are recog- nized and satisfied, the social system must in his views lack a genuine basis of stability. " 3 There can be little doubt of this. Any time that such an 2 Walton, p. 109, 3 31331., p. 120, 71 important and large segment of the population as women are denied their justifiable rights, there is destined to be unhappiness and instability and trouble. In no one of these novels has Gald6s indicated that his women protagonists ultimately achieved happiness . Isidora becomes an embittered prostitute; Amparo, seeing no other recourse, becomes Agustfn's mistress; as we take leave of Rosalia Bringas she is still making plans to emancipate herself from her miserly husband; Tristana resignedly marries Don Lope, a man forty years her senior, and Augusta Orozco, her lover dead, has decided to be a good wife. Victoria, we might assume, achieves happiness . However, this is highly doubtful since her marriage originally was purely strategem and it is highly probable that her husband will always feel some resentment about it, in spite of the fact that he loves her. Furthermore, for Cruz, the most important part of the marriage is the fact that it will bring him an heir. It is solely in the realm of conjecture, but it seems reasonable to assume that,had these women been afforded greater educational and economic opportunity, the outcome of the stories would have been different, not always happier, perhaps, because allowances must be made for human weakness, which would still exist in spite of any environment, good or bad. This is what Galdés is trying to point out. Give women a greater opportunity to express themselves and their relationships with men will improve. There will be a greater understanding between man and woman. Gald6s, however, is aware of the stubboriness of tradition and realizes that the role of the woman cannot be changed over a short period of time. His 72 emphasis on the poor education of his feminine characters perhaps indicates that this is a basic factor and it is here that the change should begin. A completely emancipated womanhood was not Gald6sf aim, though he believed in the equality of human beings . Gald6s was too much a Spaniard, too much a man and too much an idealist. A man completely opposed to radicalism or extremes, he undoubtedly wished for a synthesis. His fictional women fell into two categories, the beautiful, witty, intelligent and independent, and the meek, domesticated and ignorant. Unfortunately at no time were these qualities intermingled in any of his heroines. This would have been an ideal woman for Gald6s, a woman which he seemingly never found in life and therefore never put into his fiction. This, perhaps, also explains why Galdés never married. Obviously, then, Galcb’s was unhappy with the existing situation. This was evident in his novels and in his personal life. BIBLIOGRAPHY List of Works Cited Arenal, Concepci6n, _I_.._aM Mujer del Porvenir, La Mujer _(_i_e Su C__a_sa, Libreria de Victoriano Suarez, Madrid, 1895. Balseiro, Jose A., Novelistas Espafioles , The Macmillan Company, New York, 1933. Barea, Arturo, Lorca; The Poet ELIE People , Grove Press, New York, 1958. Baroja y Nessi, Pfo, 1:3 Dama Errante, R. Rojas, Madrid, 1908. , _E_l Mundo Es Ansf, Espasa-Calpe Argentina, Buenos Aires-Mexico , 1943. Berkowitz, H. Chonon, Perez Gald6s, Spanish Liberal Crusader, University of Wisconsin Press , Madison, 1948. Blanco , A. Gonzalez, Historia 5131531 Novela Espafiola, Sainz de Jubera Hermanos, Madrid, 1909 . Brenan, Gerald, The Literature o_f the Spanish People, Meridian Books , New York, 1957. Effinger, John R. , Woman In All Ages and In All Countries-Womengf _t_h_e Romance Countries , 10 Vols., The R‘ittenhouse Press , Philadelphia, 1907. Ellis, Havelock, The _S__o_ul 9f Spain, Houghton Mifflin and Company, New York, 1908. Eoff, Shaman H., Novels _(_)_f Perez Gald6s , Washington University Press , St. Louis, 1954. Galdo’s , Benito Pe’rez, I__._a_ _dg Bringas , Perlado Paez y Compafiia, Madrid, 1906. , 11a Desheredada, Librer'ia de Perlado Paez y Compafifa, Madrid, 1909. 73 74 , Dofia Perfecta , Introduction by Max Aub , Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico , 1958. , Dofia Perfecta, Translation and Introduction by Harriet de Om’s , Barrons Educational Series Inc., New York, 1960. , 1:3 Inc6gnita, Perlado P’aez y Compafli’a, Madrid, 1906. La Loca de La C______asa,Librer1a de Los Sucesores de Hernando, Madrid, 1915. , Miau, Librerl’a de Perlado Paez y Compafii’a, Madrid, 1907. , Misericordia, Librerfa de Los Sucesores de Hernando, Madrid, 1920. , Tormento , Libreri’a de Perlado Pa’ez y Compafifa , Madrid, 1906. , Tristana, Imprenta de Guirnalda, Madrid, 1892. Gutierrez, Fermin Estrella, Historia d_e _1___a Literatura Espafiola con Antologla, Kapeluz, Buenos Aires , 1957. Higgins, L., Spanish Life i_n Town and Country, G. P. Putnam and Sons , New York, 1902. Ib’afiez, Blasco, Flor fie Mayo, Prometeo, Valencia, 1919. Joyce, T. A. and Thomas, N. W., Women _of All Nations, 2 Vols., Cassell and Company Limited, London, 1909. Lecky, W. E. H., History of European Morals , 2 Vols., George Braziller, New York, 1955. Livermore, Harold, _A_ Historygf Spain, Farrar, Strauss and Cudahy, New York, 1958. Madariaga, Salvador de, Spain, Creative Age Press Inc. , New York, 1943. Moran, Catherine , Spain, It_s Story Briefly Told, The Stratford Company, Boston, 1930. Prat Valbuena, Angel, Historia de I_..__a Literatura Espafiola , Editorial Gastano, 3 Vols. ., Barcelona, 1960. 75 Sencourt, Robert, The Spanish Crown, 1808-1931, Charles Scribner and Son, New York, 1932. Valera, Juan, Obras Escogidas _d_e Juan Valera -Juanita I_._a_ Larga, Biblioteca Nueva, Madrid, 1929. Vives, Vicens J., Historia Social _y Econ6mica d_e_ Espafiaj America , 5 Vols., Editorial Teide, Barcelona, 1959. Walton, L. B., Perez Gald6s , and The Spanish Novel if the Nineteenth Century, J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., London and Toronto, 1927. List of Works Consulted Alas, Leopoldo, Gald6s, Renacimiento, Madrid, 1912. Casalduero, J., Vida] Obra_d_e Gald6s , Editorial Losada, Buenos Aires, 1943. Gaos , Vicente , Temas y Problemas (191:3 Literatura Espafiola, Ediciones Guadarrama, Madrid, 1959. Navarro, M. Romera, Historia _de _L_a Literatura Espafiola, D. C. Heath y Compafiia, New York, 1928. Torres Bodet, Jaime, Tres Inventores 92.113 Realidad, Impresa Universitaria, Mexico, 1955. 1139.3. L... ”iii "iii ’71" iii 1'“