BELLES OF FREEDOM THREE WOMEN ANTISLAVERY EDITORS: ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER, LYDIA MARIA CHILD, AND JANE GREY SWI’SSH'ELM Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE. UNIVERSITY DOROTHY LANGDON‘YATES 1969 , 7“ "i: =1- W est 41493511; guises ~, m 23 “E! W (2 i) w ' MW? 31—315.”: «W Mchgggg ' WI" IL Sq‘LISBCI I (‘ I-‘ ZLII'Z 3:11 __‘__ ABSTRACT BELLES OF FREEDOM THREE WOMEN ANTISLAVERY EDITORS: ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER, LYDIA MARIA CHILD, AND JANE GREY SWISSHELM By Dorothy Langdon Yates This study places in historical setting, describes, and assesses the lives and work of three pioneer American women newspaper editors: Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, 1807-34; Lydia Maria Child, 1802-80; and Jane Grey Swiss- helm, 1815-84. All were antislavery journalists. Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, the first woman in America to work for the antislavery cause, edited the "Ladies' Repository" department in Benjamin Lundy's Genius of Universal Emancipation from 1826 until her death in 1834. A Quaker, she worked first from Philadelphia and later from Michigan Territory, performing her editorial duties by mail. The Genius, 1821-35, is the first anti- slavery newspaper with a life of more than two or three years. Historians rank it as second in significance only to the Liberator. Lundy is credited with first drawing William Lloyd Garrison into antislavery work, employing him to work on the Genius. Because Garrison is well-known, Dorothy Langdon Yates this study treats him only briefly. The study gives con- siderable attention to Lundy and to the Genius. Lydia Maria Child, editor of the National Anti- Slavery Standard, 1841-43, the only distinguished years of the newspaper's history (1840-70), also wrote many antislavery books and pamphlets. Besides the newspaper, this study describes An Appeal in Favor of That Class of Americans Called Africans (1833), the first hard-hitting antislavery book in America, and the Correspondence Be- tween Lydia Maria Child and Gov. Wise and Mrs. Mason of Virginia, a hard-bound booklet that sold 300,000 copies. One of the most highly regarded novelists of her day, Lydia Maria Child sacrificed her popularity for the un- popular cause of antislavery. Jane Grey Swisshelm paid the ultimate price of an antislavery journalist when her press was destroyed by the enemies of free eXpression. This study covers her career as editor and publisher of the Pittsburg Saturday Visiter, 1847-57 (consolidated with another paper as the Family_Journal and Visiter the last few years); the §E‘ Cloud (Minnesota) Visiter, 1858; the St. Cloud Democrat, 1858-63; and the Reconstructionist (Washington, D. C.), 1865-66. It touches also on her columns for the New York Tribune as the first woman of the Washington Press Corps. The study of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler began in the Michigan Historical Collections of the University of Dorothy Langdon Yates Michigan: Chandler Papers, 155 items. Other sources in- clude an interview with Mrs. Erwin L. Broecker of Battle Creek, grand-grand-niece of Miss Chandler; Miss Chandler's collected writings; and the Genius of Universal Emancipa- Eign_in the newspaper collections of Oberlin College Library, Oberlin, Ohio, and in the Burton Historical Col— lections of the Detroit Public Library. Source materials for the study of Lydia Maria Child include reels of letters borrowed from the Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library of the History of Women in America, Radcliffe College; letters in the manuscript collection of the William L. Clements Library of the Uni- versity of Michigan; Mrs. Child's published letters; Mrs. Child's books; her biography; files of the National Anti- Slavery Standard in the newspaper collections of the Oberlin College Library and in the William L. Clements Library; and her antislavery pamphlets in the Burton His- torical Collections, the Clements, and the Oberlin College libraries. The chapter on Jane Grey Swisshelm was based on her autobiography; her published 1etters--including copies of the St. Cloud Visiter and the St. Cloud Democrat; a copy of the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter obtained from the Minnesota Historical Society; and her letters in the New York Tribune of 1850 read in the New York Public Library and the William L. Clements Library. Dorothy Langdon Yates The Michigan State University Libraries supplied the other sources for the study. This historical study shows the role of the pio- neer women of the press who opened this career for women through becoming antislavery journalists. The study de- scribes their lives and careers as they struggled for freedom for the blacks and for rights for women. The study involves yet another freedom--freedom of the press-- always tenuous when newspapers promote unpopular causes, as was the case in antislavery journalism. Accepted by the faculty of the School of Journal— ism, College of Communication Arts, Michigan State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree. 10. GWALW. Director of Thesis uh, Ink, “Inc" a I-Mrr'e my IQ tingmgon the nir. “1".” “nmun-j I'I""'I"'¥ 9.“, 5. mm d in aymoled (Ir-pair, Who n m Inn-'1 lImlu aw mmrued and m-I-I 'mulsl nuk- tnd brutal nurlllo _\(u! "I: .ufl'rtlmm huh-w! Iu-c arr III-mph d I" III“ 4‘3"“; \I H |:-;.I.Ilv luv-mu In- Ill” IIII-Iiru-Il, nnvl 'Irwlal I'- It wrolclnm‘l lot, 'l’lu \lr'llII‘HrH'Illor'21\lln'll I mugd, Ir F‘N‘l' l‘h “"2”" (I: nl-all llu prm-I In I-vuu- al for llwm. tlw II-au I-v- I'm. Iy alum. I M-l II . IIIIIIIII II.“ {n "I Ilmm now, {mm vvcty lnnb b!- nw-n ' ' 1'5. J1. L'I'mndla'. .-——_— -- - .._-‘ __.. - -. ..__. — - __ .—--_--.—_—— By \Iqu- --l' ~Iu-cinl contract. SlIylu-k demanded a pound of flesh cut nv-m'a'sl [U lec III-art. ThUN' who sell mother: separately from Ilu-iI clnldrcu. llllC‘Vlsc cluun a legal right to human flesh- aml they hm cm IL nearest to the ham. L. M. me. , BELLES OF FREEDOM THREE WOMEN ANTISLAVERY EDITORS: ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER, LYDIA MARIA CHILD, AND JANE GREY SWISSHELM BY Dorothy Langdon Yates A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS School of Journalism 1969 Copyright by DOROTHY LANGDON YATES 1969 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer would like to express appreciation to Dr. W. Cameron Meyers, Associate Professor of Journalism, Michigan State University, for guiding this study and for advising her so competently and graciously through her entire course of master's degree studies at Michigan State University. Her thanks go also to Professor Frank B. Senger, chairman of the School of Journalism, Michigan State University, for taking a chance and admitting this student nearly thirty years after the bachelor's degree. The writer's fascination with nineteenth century American history came from courses with Dr. Harry J. Brown of the Department of History, and she greatly appreciates his teaching. Many librarians have given her kind assistance. She wishes to thank particularly Mrs. Joyce Bonk, of the William L. Clements Library; Mrs. Frances Hughes of the Oberlin College Library; F. J. Avaloz of the Newspaper Division, Minnesota Historical Society; and Mrs. Patricia A. Johnson, Senior Clerk, Interlibrary Loans, Michigan State University Libraries. The writer's husband, William M. Yates, has sup- ported her in this project in every way, and he has her deepest gratitude. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . PART I. THE SCENE I. WOMEN ENTER JOURNALISM . . . . . . . . . . . II. III. IV. Attitudes toward women; women's activities-- antislavery, woman's suffrage, temperance; women and blacks together; early women journalists--Margaret Fuller, Lydia Maria Child, Anne Royall, Sarah Josepha Hale; Harriet Beecher Stowe THE ANTISLAVERY MOVEMENT . . . . . . . . . . Lundy; Garrison; philOSOphy of abolitionists; political climate; notable events bearing on antislavery; church attitudes; civil liber- ties question THE ANTISLAVERY PRESS . . . . . . . . . . . Persecution; poverty; postal problems; 9&2? erator; Genius of Universal Emancipation; Lundy and Garrison; format and content of Genius; Elizabeth Margaret Chandler PART II. THE BELLES OF FREEDOM ELIZABETH MARGARET CHANDLER . . . . . . . . First American woman in antislavery; appear- ance; childhood; modesty; Lundy connection;‘ move to Michigan Territory; antislavery in Lenawee County; literary work; antislavery iii 11 31 50 73 Chapter Page VI. emphases; "Ladies' Repository" themes and style; Garrison connection; Lundy memoir; book publication; Child connection LYDIA MARIA CHILD O O O O O O O O O O I O O 105 Maria's A eal; effect on literary career; youth and education; Garrison connection; David Lee Child; attitude toward slavery; personality; sugar beets and poverty; National Anti:Slavery_Standard; "Letters from New York"; FugiEive Slave Law; John Brown, Gov. Wise, and Mrs. Mason; contem- poraries view Maria; prescience about Negro future JANE GREY SWISSHELM O O O O O O O O O O O O 150 Style; appearance; childhood and education; marriage; Louisville experience; women's prOperty rights; early writings; Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter; political life, first woman of Washington Press Corps; attack on Webster; temperance and women's rights; financial problems; move to Minnesota; St. Cloud Visiter; fight with Lowry; press de- stroyed; St. Cloud Democrat; "Mother of Republican Party in Minnesota"; attitude toward Lincoln; lecture tours; Sioux massa- cres; Washington D.C.; hospital work; Reconstructionist; Half a Century BIBLIOGMPHY O O O O I O O I O O O O O O O O O O O 209 iv ILLUSTRATIONS Page Women's Anti-Slavery Society Medallion . . . frontispiece Portrait of Benjamin Lundy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 How Slavery Honors Our Country's Flag . . . . . . . 39 Genius of Universal Emancipation, May, 1830, Cover . 68 Genius, Front Page . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Genius, Back Page . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Portrait of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler . . . . . . 72 Elizabeth Margaret Chandler Album Page . . . . . . . 87 "Ladies' Repository," Genius . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Portrait of Lydia Maria Child . . . . . . . . . . . 104 National Anti-Slavery Standard . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Portrait of Jane Grey Swisshelm . . . . . . . . . . 149 Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 St. Cloud ViSiter o o o o o I o o o o o o o o o o o 193 St. Cloud Democrat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 INTRODUCTION On the night of March 24, 1858, three men broke into a small newspaper office standing in the tall pine forest on the banks of the Mississippi River in St. Cloud, Minnesota, seventy miles above Minneapolis. They smashed the press, dragged out the type, scattered some in the street, and cast the rest into the Mississippi. From thence, if the currents were strong enough, the pied type of the St. Cloud Visiter [sic] might have been carried downstream seven hundred miles to make scrambled messages of freedom with that of the four presses of Elijah J. Lovejoy's Alton Observer, suc- cessively destroyed at Alton, Illinois, by mobs who murdered this abolitionist editor in 1837. Fifteen hundred miles distant, at Cincinnati, the pied type of James G. Birney's Philanthropist lay silenced by the mud of the Ohio River botton where a mob dumped it in 1836. All of these mob actions were aimed at freedom of the press, as well as at silencing the abolitionists. "It was the abolitionist papers that really tested not only the constitutional guarantee of liberty of the press, but also the will of the people that such liberty should be maintained in the face of popular disapproval of the cause advocated."l At St. Cloud, the target was not only freedom of the press and freedom of slaves, but freedom of women-— the freedom of a woman to edit a newspaper as she saw fit. In editing the St. Cloud Visiter Jane Grey Swiss- helm, all one hundred pounds of her, had challenged the political dictator of northern Minnesota, Sylvanus B. Lowry, a slaveholder. Lowry thought nothing of bringing his slaves from his Tennessee plantation into free Minne- sota Territory to serve him. Moreover, since St. Cloud was a summer resort town for southerners, citizens winked as_the visitors brought their slaves into the area. Mrs. Swisshelm, a helpless woman, had tangled with both the political and financial interests of her community. It was Lowry himself, his lawyer, James C. Shep- ley, "the great legal light and democratic orator of Minnesota," and Dr. Benjamin Palmer, a boarder at the Shepley home and fiancé to Mrs. Shepley's sister, who tossed Mrs. Swisshelm's type into the Mississippi.2 lFrank Luther Mott, American Journalism:, A His- tor 1690-1960 (3rd. ed. rev.; New York: MacmiIlan Co., ' p. 0 2Jane Grey (Cannon) Swisshelm, Half a Century (3rd. ed.; Chicago: Jansen, McClurg & Co., I8807) p. 182. They left a curt note: The citizens of St. Cloud have determined to abate the nuisance of which you have made the "Visiter" a striking specimen. They have decided that it is fit only for the inmates of Brothels, and you seem to have had some experience of the tastes of such persons. You will never have the opportunity to repeat the offence in this town, without paying a more serious penalty than you do now. By order of the Committee of Vigilance3 As Mrs. Swisshelm wrote later, the morning brought a hush of fear. Men walked down to the bank of the great Missis- sippi and looked at the little wrecked office standing amid the old primeval forest, as if it were a great battle-ground, and the poor little type were the bodies of the valiant dead. They spoke only in whis- pers, and stood as if in expectation of some great event, until Judge Gregory arrived, and said, calmly: "Gentlemen, this is an outrage which must be re- sented. The freedom of the press must be established if we do not want our city to become the center of a gang of rowdies who will drive all decent people away and cut off immigration. I move that we call a public meeting at_the Stearns House this evening, to express the sentiments of the people at St. Cloud." Mrs. Swisshelm prepared to go to the meeting by making her will. She wrote out a statement about the de- struction of the press, hoping the Visiter would survive even if she did not. She called in Miles Brown, a Penn- sylvanian who had the reputation of being a dead shot and who possessed a pair of fine revolvers. ‘1 3"Border Ruffianism in Minnesota," St. Cloud Visiter, May 13, 1858, p. l. "Visiter" is Dr. SamueI JoHnson the English lexicographer's spelling. 4Swisshelm, Half a Century, pp. 184-85. He pledged himself solemnly to go with me and keep near me, and shoot mesquare through the brain, if there was no other way of preventing me falling alive into the hands of the mob. My mind was then at ease, and I slept.5 Mrs. Swisshelm entered the meeting with her sis- ter, who "carried her camphor bottle as coolly as if mobs and public meetings were things of everyfday life." A New England woman clung to her, saying: "We'll have a nice time in the river together, for I am going in with "5 you. They can't separate us. An armed guard organized by Mrs. Swisshelm's brothers-in-law, every man with his hand on his revolver, protected the women as they pushed through the mob into the house. Mrs. Swisshelm, making the first public address of her life, named General Lowry and the two others as those who had destroyed the Visiter office, whereupon: There was a perfect howl of oaths and cat-calls. Gen. Lowrie [sic] was on the ground himself, leading his forces ouEEIde. A rush was made, stones hurled against the house, pistols fired, and every woman sprang to her feet, but it was to hear and see, not shriek. Harry held the door-way into the hall; Henry that into the dining room. Brown had joined Harry, and I said in a low, concentrated voice: ‘ "Brown." He turned and pressed up to the rostrum. "Don't fail me! Don't leave me! Remember!" "I remember! Don't be afraid! I'll do it! But I'm going to do some other shooting first." "Save two bullets for me!" I plead, "and shoot. so that I can see you."6 51bid., p. 186. 6Ibid., p. 187. Arthur J. Larsen, head of the Newspaper Department, the Minnesota Historical Society, spelled the General's name "Lowry" in his book, Crusader In a day when women were regarded either as pets or slaveys and a woman was expected to be fulfilled by a snappy afternoon of petit point in the parlor, a few women began to take the Declaration of Independence seriously. Women had absorbed fifty years of Independence Day orations to the effect that "all men are created equal." Now they began agitation to extend "equal" to blacks and to women as well as to white males. Sheltered though they were, they found a voice through the press. It was as newspaper women that they worked for the freedom of the blacks, for woman suffrage, and for temperance. Thus some of the out- standing early women newspaper editors came to their pos- itions through interest in reforms, particularly, at first, in abolition. There had been women before who had set type in the back shops and women who had struggled to run the family newspaper out of necessity after their husbands had died, but many of those attracted to newspaper work as a profession came to it as "crusaders for women's rights, temperance, or antislavery." These are the ones who pio- neered the profession of newspaper work for women.7 In pursuing the unpopular cause of abolition through the press, these women had found something so important to and Feminist; Letters of Jane Grey Swisshelm 1855-1865 (Saint PauI: Minnesota Historical Society, 18347, p. 18. 7Mrs. Genevieve (Jackson) Boughner, Women in Journ- alism; A Guide to the Opportunities and a Manual of the TecHniques of Women's Work for Newspapers and Magazines (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1926), p. ix. say that the opposition regarded it essential to use mob violence, even murder, to keep the antislavery press from saying it. This threat to the freedom of the press aroused apathetic citizens to realize that in the fate of the press, the blacks, and women's rights, the fate of all freedoms in America was at stake. Early in-the nineteenth century three notable American women newspaper editors were drawn to this pro- fession by the cause of abolition. They exemplify three different religious traditions, and three different mari- tal situations, and they lived in three different sections of the country. Elizabeth Margaret Chandler (1807-1834), the first of the three to be published as an antislavery writer, grew up in Philadelphia as a Quaker, but moved to Michigan Territory in 1830. She died at the age of twenty-seven, unmarried. She was the first American woman author to make slavery her principal theme. Benjamin Lundy placed Miss Chandler as second in importance only to Elizabeth Heyrick of England, the first person male or female to publish an article urging the immediate abolition of 8 slavery. Lundy was editor of the Genius of Universal 8Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, The Poetical Works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler with a Memoir offier Life and Character by Benjamin Lundy (Thiladelphia: Lemuel Howell, 1836), P. 13. Emancipation, one of the earliest and most influential of the antislavery newspapers. Miss Chandler contributed poetry and articles to the Genius and edited a department, "The Ladies' Repository," from 1829 until her death in 1834. Lydia Maria (Francis) Child (1802-1880) was the first woman to suffer serious reverses as the result of her antislavery activity. The toast of literary New England as the result of two successful novels and her children's magazine, the first in America, she published An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans Called Africans in 1833. Friends closed their doors; sales of her books fell off; magazine subscriptions ceased so that she had to give up publication. Lydia Maria was the breadwinner while her scholarly but improvident husband, a lawyer, worked unlucrative years boiling down sugar beets on the back of their stove to try to find a substitute for slave-grown West Indies sugar. From 1841-1843 in New York City Mrs. Child ably edited the National Anti-Slavery Stand- ard, the organ of the American Anti-Slavery Society. So important was her work that two of her books, An Appeal, etc., and The Freedmen's Book, which she wrote for the instruction of the newly freed slaves, have been reissued in 1968 by the Arno Press and the New York Times as part of the forty-four volume set: The American Negro: His History and Literature.9 Lydia Maria Child lived in Massa- chusetts and New York. Brought up a Unitarian, she spent little time in church, but she was a close friend of the famous Unitarian preacher, the Rev. William Ellery Chan- ning. She had no children. Jane Grey (Cannon) Swisshelm, member of a stern Scottish Covenanter Presbyterian family, grew up near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Experiences in Louisville, Kentucky, turned her passionately against slavery. In 1847 she used a legacy from her mother to establish the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter as an antislavery weekly also promoting temperance and woman suffrage. In 1850 she went to Washington, D.C., where she wrote for Horace Greeley's New York Tribune at five dollars a column and supplied the Visiter with earthy gossip. She printed stories about the private life of Daniel Webster which she claimed cost him the Presidency. She became the first woman to break the male barrier and be seated in the Con- gressional reporters' gallery. After twenty years of un- happy marriage, she left her husband (who later obtained a divorce) taking her only child, a daughter, to Minnesota. There a mob destroyed her newspaper, the St. Cloud Visiter. She started over again, ceased publication on threat of a libel suit, and immediately began another newspaper, the 9C. Vann Woodward, "The Hidden Sources of Negro History," Saturday Review, LII (Jan. 18, 1969), 19-20- St. Cloud Democrat, which she published until 1863. After the war Mrs. Swisshelm began a radical newspaper, the BET constructionist, while working as a government clerk in Washington, D.C. She attacked President Andrew Johnson with such editorial violence that he had her dismissed from government service, and she stopped publication to retire and write her autobiography. Three belles of freedom: Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm. This study will describe and assess their careers, plac- ing them in the context of their day. To do this, the study will concern itself with the position of women, of the blacks, and of the press in the forty years before 1863, when the freedoms of all three were at stake. The story has not ended. Freedom of the press is continuously threatened by those whose activities cannot bear public scrutiny. The battle for freedom of oppor- tunity for women and for blacks goes on. This story is but one chapter in the long history of the struggle for freedom, but it is one that needs to be told. This story shines an old light on the new movements of the 1960's and 1970's. PART I. THE SCENE CHAPTER I WOMEN ENTER JOURNALISM The [Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter] was quite an in— significant looking sheet, but no sooner did the Amer- ican eagle catch sight of it, than he swooned and fell off his perch. Democratic roosters straightened out their necks and ran screaming with terror. Whig coons scampered up trees and barked furiously. A woman had started a political paper! A woman! Could he believe his eyes? A woman! Instantly he sprang to his feet and clutched his pantaloons, shouted to the assistant editor, when he, too, read and grasped frantically at his cassimeres, called to the reporters and pressmen and typos and devils, who all rushed in, heard the news, seized their nether garments and joined the general chorus, "My breeches! oh, my breeches!" Here was a woman resolved to steal their pantaloons, their trousers, and when these were gone they might cry "Ye have taken away my gods, and what have I more?" The imminence of the peril called for prompt action, and with one accord they shouted, "On to the breach, in defense of our breeches!"1 Thus Jane Grey Swisshelm described the debut of her first neWSpaper, the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter in 1847. The fact was, men did not welcome women into the profession of journalism, or any profession. Despite the equalitarian influence of the frontier, the nineteenth century American woman was legally a minor. Her affairs, like those of children and the insane, were administered lSwisshelm, Half a Century, pp. 113-14. 11 12 by others, no matter whether she were single, married, or widowed.2 The pastoral letter of the General Association of Congregational Ministers of Massachusetts, 1837-38, summed up the attitude toward woman in that day: The power of woman is in her dependence, flowing from the consciousness of the weakness which God has given her for her protection. If the vine, whose strength and beauty is to lean upon the trellis-work and half conceal its clusters, thinks to assume the independence and the overshadowing nature of the elm, it will not only cease to bear fruit, but will fall in shame and dishonor in the dust. We cannot, there— fore, but regret the mistaken conduct of those who encourage females to bear an obtrusive and ostenta- tious part in measures of reform, and countenance any of that sex who so far forget themselves as to itin- eratg in the character of public lecturers and teach- ers. The ministers' letter was inspired by the activity of the Grimké sisters and specifically forbade the Con- gregational churches to allow the Grimkés and other "un- natural women" to speak from the pulpit. Women were to refrain from addressing "promiscuous audiences," meaning groups composed of both men and women.4 Angelina and Sarah Grimké had fled Charleston, South Carolina, and the horror of slavery on which their family wealth was based, and had become Quakers in Philadelphia. Angelina's famous 2Alice Felt Tyler, Freedom's Ferment; Phases of American Social History from Ehe Colonial Period to tHE Outbreak of the CiVil War (New York: Harper TorchbooKs, The Academy Library, Harper & Bros., 1962), p. 426. 3Samuel Sillen, Women Against Slavery (New York: Masses and Mainstream, Inc., 1955), p. 32. 4Ibid., p. 20. l3 pamphlet, Appeal to the Christian Women of the South, 1836, was publicly burned by the Charleston postmaster, as was her Appeal to the Women of the Nominally Free States, 1837. But in 1838, Angelina Grimké packed the Massachusetts legislature for three days running while she expounded abolition. Abolitionist Theodore Weld worked so hard to convince Angelina to avoid the subject of women's rights he finally married her.5 Antislavery men, liberals for their day, were hesitant to grant rights to women. Lydia Maria Child, the first woman asked to itinerate as one of the Seventy sent out by Theodore Weld of the American Anti-Slavery Society, did not go because all the abolitionists except her husband objected to sending out a woman. Probably because the Quakers had not subordinated women in church affairs, Abby Kelly had the courage to become the first woman to be graduated from the regular college division of Oberlin College and was the first to become a speaker for the antislavery cause. The fact that a few brave women did raise their voices, as well as their pens, greatly aided the anti- slavery movement from the first. When sixty Negro and 5Helene G. Baer, The Heart is Like Heaven; the Life of Lydia Maria Child—TPhiladelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964T, pp. 106-107. 6Joseph Anthony Del Porto,"A Study of American Anti-Slavery Journals" (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1953), pp. 16-17. 14 white delegates from ten states met in Philadelphia on December 4, 1833, to found the American Anti-Slavery Society they were stymied because no leading citizen would open the meeting. Delegate James Mott's wife, Lucretia, who was knitting in the gallery, rose, asked for the floor, and addressed the delegates: Right principles are stronger than names. If our principles are right, why should we be cowards? Why should we wait for those who never have the courage to maintain the inalienable rights of the slaves? Because Mrs. Mott spoke up, the American Anti-Slavery Society was organized—-by the men. It was as a result of abolitionists' attempts to keep women in their place that the Woman's Suffrage move— ment was-born, in close connection with the antislavery movement. Lucretia Mott, along with Ann Green Phillips (Mrs. Wendell), and other American women elected delegates were prevented by British clerics from being seated at the World Anti—Slavery Convention in London in 1840. William Lloyd Garrison, their only champion, protested and then joined the women in the curtained gallery to which they were confined. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, there on her honeymoon with her husband, Henry, a delegate, was so incensed at the insult that she and Mrs. Mott resolved to form a society to advocate women's rights. The two issued a call for the Woman's Rights Convention of 1848 7Sillen, Women Against Slavery, p. 20. 15 in Seneca Falls, New York. Mrs. Stanton wrote the plank advocating the female franchise that was passed by a small majority.8 It was some of these same women who entered the temperance movement after they had been brought together by the antislavery cause. Mrs. Stanton became president of the Women's Temperance Association, formed after Susan B. Anthony was denied permission to speak at an Albany temperance convention in 1852.9 Lucy Stone, who com- plained that she loathed such admired female occupations as "working little cats on worsted,"10 abetted Amelia Bloomer, the upstate New York postmistress who popular- ized the bloomer costume while editing the temperance magazine, the Lily.ll Jane Grey Swisshelm noted the intolerance of abolitionists for women in their ranks. During the cam- paign of 1844, Mrs. Swisshelm aided James G. Birney as presidential candidate of the Liberty party by writing articles for the Spirit of Liberty published at Pittsburgh. 8Ibid., pp. 67-69 9Del Porto, "American Anti-Slavery Journals," p.17. 10Mary Ellman, "The Law of Latching On," review of Up from the Pedestal by Aileen S. Kraditor, ed., in the New Republic, CLX (Jan. 18, 1969), 26. llDel Porto, "American Anti-Slavery Journals," p. 17. 16 She signed only her initials, giving two reasons: My dislike and dread of publicity, and the fear of embarrassing the Liberty Party with the sex question. Abolitionists were men of sharp angles. Organizing them was like binding crooked sticks in a bundle, and one of the questions which divided them was the right 12 of women to take any prominent part in public affairs. Indeed, the women suffered from such statements as the writer made on "Female Authorship" in Lady's Maga- zine (Philadelphia), in July, 1792: "We admire them more 13 as authors than esteem them as women." Webster's Amer- ican Magazine of March, 1788, set forth the ideal in "An Address to the Ladies": To be lovely you must be content to be women; to be mild, social, and sentimental—-to be acquainted with all that belongs to your department-~and leave the masculine virtues and the profound researches of study to the province of the other sex. An editorial in James Gordon Bennetts' New York Herald summed up the nineteenth century's attitude toward women: How did women first become subject to man, as she is all over the world? By her nature, her sex, just as the Negro is and always will be to the end of time inferior to the white race and, therefore, doomed to subjection; but she is happier than she would be in any other condition, just because it is the law of nature. 12Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 91. 13Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Maga- zines 1741-1850 (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1930), p. 66. 14Ibid. 15Sillen, Women Against Slavery, p. 63. [Of/5’” Patron: TeIrauI‘IL [4‘54 n, ,, LN? 61393750 ”.1 Email: (tafyaul‘l’fi) SWIX5 m: SLED-IRQCL OCLC EEM __I. vols _ film "3‘" _fiche Loan 3 Code: I 1 E hemorlal Library Circulation 16 OUT 1998 1D:28 Ah HEBJ Item 8? 8658 9889 9 To 901 39 26?5 4D Due 86 NOV 1998 5421889 eem Belles of Freedom ..... 17 Frederic Hudson struck a humorous note about women in journalism, writing in 1872: The modern female journalists are smart and demon- strative. They start for the amelioration of women. All else must subserve that oint. Woman is a wretched slave, with nothing to wear. A few men of the nineteenth century encouraged women to make journalism and writing a career: Channing, Emerson, Garrison, Greeley, and Phillips. "A few women created careers that not only enabled them to support them- selves and in some cases the less effective members of their families also, but at the same time afforded them deep satisfaction," wrote Merle Curti. He listed Margaret Fuller, Sarah J. Hale, Jane Swisshelm, and Lydia Maria Child as those achieving distinction, calling Mrs. Child "this penetrating crusader for the black man's freedom."l7 A commentator in 1969 noted that "those arrange- ments, however false, which suit those who hold the power to change them, are very slowly changed." It has always been necessary for women who seek their rights to have to latch onto whatever cause was current, the most persistent attachment being that to the blacks: The rights of slaves and women were inseparable ideals before the Civil War, and the South was indefatigably jealous of both properties. Oberlin was the first 18 college to admit women--and Negroes, at the same time. 16 Frederic Hudson, Journalism in the United States from 1690-1872 (New York: Harper & Bros., 1873), p. 499. 17 . Merle Eugene Curti, The Growth of American Thought (2nd ed.; New York: Harper & Bros., 1951), p. 387. 18 Ellman, "The Law of Latching On," 26, 30. 18 The Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbade discrimination on the basis of sgx_as well as rage, indicating that the causes of women's rights and the rights of blacks still march together. The time when women first forged careers in journ- alism, however, differed considerably in climate from today. In recent days, a Freudian backlash has silenced women--women who are self-assertive are held to be frigid, although self-assertive men are thought virile. In the nineteenth century at a time when "sex was less pious, when it was proper to disguise rather than exalt one's fervid receptivity, women reformers, unembarrassed, spoke out for their rights in the press or even mounted the plat- 19 form in full public view." Even such a liberal educa- tor as Paul Goodman, writing in 1960, saw no need for women to be career oriented: The problems I want to discuss in this book belong primarily, in our society, to the boys; how to be use— ful and make something of oneself. A girl does not have to. Ibr career does not have to be self-justi- fying, for she will have children, which is absolutely self-justifying, . . . it is less important, for in- stance, what job an average young woman works at till she is married. Goodman was evidently not familiar with such a nineteenth century successful woman author as Margaret Fuller, who 19Ibid., 26. 20Paul Goodman, Growing Up Absurd, in The Sense of the Sixties, ed. by Edward Quinn and Paul J. Dolan (New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1960), p. 11. l9 eventually married and had a child. Miss Fuller proposed that women should maintain a "celibacy of the spirit," which must abide even in the pregnant or lactating body. She compared the ideal woman to the "well-instructed moon which sails the universe in cool oblivion of the sun."21 Margaret Fuller, who was editor (1840-42) of the Dial, literary journal of Emerson and the transcendental— ists, wrote The Great Law Suit or Man vs Woman, republished in 1845 as Woman in the Nineteenth Century, "the first logical statement of the position of women to be written "22 by an American. Lydia Maria Child published a two- volume History of the Condition of Women in All Ages. These books focused the attention of women on their lack of opportunity and their need to have the right to devel- op as persons. Frederick Douglass, Negro editor of the Ngrth S335 at Rochester, New York, gave women credit as being in the center of the long struggle to end chattel slavery in the United States, most of them unobserved and unapplau- ded, and meeting bigotry, even from the abolitionists, who insisted that women's place was in the home. In the antislavery movement, he wrote, they discovered their skills in journalism.23 21Ellman, "The Law of Latching On," 26. 22Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, pp. 428, 430. 23Sillen, Women Against Slavery, p. 9. 20 The second quarter of the nineteenth century saw an explosion of newspapers, books, and magazines in the United States. Additional floods of pamphlets and tracts flowed out of the many reform societies. All offered 0p- portunities for women writers.24 One of the good markets was the annual gift books prepared for sale at the pre- Christmas fairs held by women's antislavery societies to raise money. An example, Autographs of Freedom, was edited by Julia Griffiths, president of the Rochester Women's Anti-Slavery Society. The book contained arti- cles, poems, and stories signed in handwriting by the authors and illustrated with the portraits of most of them. Jane Grey Swisshelm's contribution to this book was a five-page letter. Those who work to free the slaves, she wrote, do it out of sheer selfishness--it is their nature to need to respond to evil by combatting it.25 Although the first daily newspaper printed in the English language was published by a woman, Elizabeth Mallett, who began the Daily_Courant in London in March, 26 1702, early women newspaper editors have received little attention from historians of the press. Frank 24Del Porto, "American Anti-Slavery Journals," p. 15. 25Julia Griffiths, ed., Autographs of Freedom (Rochester: Wanser, Beardsley & Co.; Auburn: Alden, Beardsley & Co., 1854), pp. 230-34. 6Hudson, Journalism in the United States, p. 497. 21 Luther Mott in his nine hundred-page American Journalism, a History 1690-1960, assigned only one page to women who worked on early newspapers. Writing in the 1940's, when there were 11,000 women active in journalism, Robert W. Jones noted that widows were the first American women journalists. In 1731, James Franklin began Rhode Island's first newspaper, the NeWport Rhode Island Gazette. When he died his widow, Anne Franklin, tried unsuccessfully to continue the paper. Elizabeth Timothy, a widow, published 27 the South Carolina Gazette in 1739. Miss Cornelia Walter was the first woman editor of an important daily: the Boston Transcript, 1842-47. Margaret Fuller, who enjoyed a greater reputation than Miss Walter as a writer, wrote for the New York Tribune, 1844-46.28 Ishbel Ross, in Ladies of the Press, noted that Margaret Fuller "was the first really distinguished woman writer to contribute to an American paper."29 Her state- ment would be disputed by champions of Lydia Maria Child who edited the National Anti-Slavery Standard from 1841-43 and who contributed her famous "Letters from New York" to the Boston Courier. The prestigious North American Review 27Robert W. Jones, Journalism in the United States (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1947), p. 528. 28 Mott, American Journalism: A History, pp. 312-13. 29Ishbel Ross, Ladies of the Press (New York: Harper & Bros., 1936), p. 16. 22 commented: "We are not sure that any woman in our country 30 would outrank Mrs. Child." Rufus Griswold wrote: "She is one of the most able and brilliant authors of the 31 Seth Curtis Beach asserted: "In the second country." quarter of the nineteenth century, few names in American literature were more conspicuous than that of Lydia Maria Child, and among those few, if we except that of Miss Sedgwick, there was certainly no woman's name."32 Helene G. Baer has described Greeley's invitation to Margaret Fuller to work on his Tribune. Mrs. Greeley insisted that he engage Margaret. Why not Lydia Maria Child? For one thing, the Child name was synonymous with abolition and that would not sell any papers to his public. For another, Greeley knew the value of dramatic effect. The truth was that Maria was bread and butter while Margaret was cake. The two women journalists, Margaret, and Lydia Maria, were friends and often went to concerts or visited slums and prisons together to get material for articles. 30"Works of Mrs. Child," North American Review, 31Rufus Wilmot Griswold, The Female Poets of America (Philadelphia: Carey and Hart, 1849), p. 10. 32Seth Curtis Beach, Daughters of the Puritans (Boston: American Unitarian Association, 1905?, p. 79. 33Helene G. Baer, The Heart is Like Heaven: The Life of Lydia Maria Child (Philadelphia: University of PennsyIvania Press, 1964), p. 181. 23 Margaret was not an abolitionist, although she ardently espoused women's rights. On one occasion she said to Greeley: "Women should have full social and political equality and free access to professions and employments with men." Greeley replied that until Margaret was will- ing to walk alone a half mile at night her theory of women's rights was "nothing but a logically indefensible abstraction.“34 Ishbel Ross wrote that Greeley "did not make the mistake of asking Miss Fuller to write for women. He employed her to write soundly for his flourishing jour- nal."35 Mrs. Ross asserted that housewives did not read newspapers before 1870 and there were no women career- ists. (The Ross book made a point about the antics to which women had to resort to get jobs--stunts such as Nellie Bly's circumnavigation of the globe for Joseph Pulitzer's Wgrlg, and sob-sister pieces.) One of the more colorful women journalists, Anne Royall, the widow of a Revolutionary War general left penniless when other heirs broke her husband's will, be- gan her weekly paper, Paul Pry, in Washington, D.C., in 1831. Later named the Huntress, the publication was the forerunner of the modern Washington gossip columns. 34Ibid., p. 183. 35Ross, Ladies of the Press, p. 16. 24 Page one carried advertisements; the other three pages featured such subjects as assaults on the United States Bank, and on government officials who were blocking her claim to a pension. She advocated liberal immigration laws, abolition of flogging in the United States Navy, improved working conditions for labor, free speech, free press, and rights for women. Once she was convicted as a common scold and sentenced to be ducked according to the penalty prescribed by an old law, but sentence was suspended. Her most famous interview--with John Quincy Adams--made her a national figure. She discovered that he favored bathing in the Potomac River, and she sat on Adams' clothes on the river bank until he agreed to an- swer her questions.36 Frances Wright edited two or three reform papers. She began the Free Enquirer in 1827. None of her pro- jects (one was the communal colony of Nashoba where she tried to teach emancipated slaves) lasted long.37 The most famous woman journalist of the nine- teenth century, of course, was Sarah Josepha Hale, editor of Godey's Lady's Book from 1837-1898. She was one of that genre of women journalists catering to the traditional 36Mott, American Journalism: A History, p. 313. Jones, Journalism in the United States, p. 530. 37Bertha-Monica Stearns, "Reform Periodicals and Female Reformers 1830—1860," American Historical Review, XXXVII (July, 1932), 678-79. 25 feminine interests: home, family, fashion, and senti- mental fiction. Others included Captain Samuel G. Reid's daughters, who established Peterson's Magazine (Mrs. Ann S. Stephens, editor, 1842-98), the Gem, and Passion Flower, all magazines for women. About them, Frederic Hudson wrote that the steel engravings they employed as illustrations furnished the impulse to the beautiful en- gravings on United States currency.38 Others who wrote entirely for women included Mrs. Sara Willis Parton, a well-known contributor to the Neg. 39 York Ledger as "Fanny Fern." Katherine Ware was the first woman to edit a women's weekly, the Boston Specta- tor and Ladies' Album, changed in 1827 to the Bower of Taste .40 Marion Harland became the first well-known. writer on household subjects, cookbooks, and etiquette, although she herself preferred her novels. "Jennie June" Croly, a crusader for sex equality in labor, a writer and lecturer, had the distinction of being one of the earli- est fashion editors and the first woman to syndicate articles on the woman's world.41 38Hudson, Journalism in the United States, p. 497. 39Mott, American Journalism: A History, p. 313. 40Isabelle Webb Entriken, Sarah Josepha Hale and Godey's Lady's Book (Philadelphia: University of Penn- sylvania Press, 1946), p. 17. 41 Boughner, Women in Journalism, pp. viii-ix. 26 Sarah Josepha Hale first published her poems an- stories in metropolitan newspapers in 1823. ~By 1828, when she was left a penniless widow with five children to support, the oldest child aged seven, her late hus- band's friends in the Masonic order set her up as editor of a new magazine. Her Ladies' Magazine was a fifty- page monthly; subscription, $3.00 a year. At this time Lydia Maria Child was editing her children's magazine, Juvenile Miscellany, for Putnam and Hunt, publishers of the Ladies' Magazine, and may well have been called on 42 to help. The contrast between Mrs. Hale and Mrs. Child appeared in their goals and methods. Mrs. Hale was a traditionalist who bored from within her women's sphere, while Mrs. Child worked within the man's world. Lydia Maria broadcasted her views on antislavery widely in 1833 with her Appeal ianavor of that Class of Ameri— cans Called Africans. Never identified with the abol- itionists, Sarah Josepha was not, however, unsympathetic. In November, 1829, the question of slavery was first discussed in her Ladies' Magazine in a partial reprint of an article from the Genius of Universal Emancipation. Mrs. Hale denied any intention of advocating women's interference in "so momentous and appalling a subject," 42Entriken, Sarah Josepha Hale, p. 20. 27 but she did wish to use her influence "with a womanly . . . 43 delicacy in an unobtruSive manner." So long as she had her own magazine, Mrs. Hale did not hesitate to mention slavery. But after her magazine was consolida- ted with Godey's, in January, 1837, she did not again touch upon this subject. Sarah Josepha Hale worked from within the Vic- torian establishment to effect reforms, such as the right of married women to own property. She continued to win high regard and acceptance even though working at a ca- reer--journalism——which was only beginning to be entered by women in her day. She built up Godey's to a circula- tion of 150,000, the largest of any magazine up to the day she relinquished her editorship in 1898. In con- trast to the acceptance that Mrs. Hale experienced, Lydia Maria Child, Lucretia Mott, Susan Anthony, Lucy Stone, and Margaret Fuller scandalized their contempor- aries and were rejected--but their ideas marched on.44 Editorial pay for women in journalism in the nineteenth century remains a mystery. The highest pay drawn by any editor in the country in 1851, according to 431bid., p. 28. 44Ruth E. Finley, The Lady of Godey's; Sarah Josepha Hale (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1931), pp. 21-230 28 _Mott, was $3,000. Below that, editors lived on amounts from $500 to $2,500 a year. Edgar Allen Poe received $800 a year for editing Graham's. Between 1841 and 1842 this magazine paid $4.00 to $12.00 per page and $10.00 45 to $50.00 per poem accepted. Peterson's paid $2.00 46 per page and $5.00 per poem. Lydia Maria Child signed a contract to edit the National Anti-Slavery Standard in 1841 for $1,000 a year, but she never received the entire sum. She did, however, live on her earnings as a jour- nalist and writer of books, her husband contributing very little in a material way to the household.47 The most famous woman writer for the abolition- ist cause in the nineteenth century, Harriet Beecher Stowe, was a novelist rather than a journalist. How- ever, Uncle Tom's Cabianirst appeared serially in Gam- aliel Bailey's antislavery newspaper, the National Era, published in Washington, D.C. Appearing in book form in 1852, Uncle Tom's Cabin was read by millions of Northerners and Europeans. (It was a penal offense to buy or sell it in the South.) One commentator observed that Mrs. Stowe's book "had more effect in shaping public 45A. H. Quinn, Edgar Allen Poe (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1941), pp. 239—40. 46Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Maga- zines 1741-1850 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939), p. 506.' 47Beer, The Life of Lydia Maria Child, pp. 121-22. 29 opinion than had all the abolition tracts and societies together."48 It is safe to say, however, that without the antislavery journalism of the day, and women's part as they developed their skills to open a new profession for their sex, the climate of opinion may not have sup- ported the movement all the way to emancipation. Fully aware of the difficulties of broaching a male preserve, and conscious of the unpopularity of antislavery and women's rights, the new nineteenth century women jour- nalists worked courageously to implement American Dem- ocratic faith. 48Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, p. 513. CHAPTER II THE ANTISLAVERY MOVEMENT I heard the wail of the captive; I felt his pang of distress; and the iron entered my soul. 1 --Benjamin Lundy The nineteenth century campaign for abolition be— gan not on the eastern seaboard, but in the Middle West, even the upper South. Benjamin Lundy, a Quaker, called by William Lloyd Garrison the first American to devote his life to the cause of freeing the slave, was working as an apprentice saddler at Wheeling, West Virginia, at the age of nineteen. There he watched coffles of slaves being driven on their way from the breeding grounds of Virginia to be sold down the river to the cotton planta- tions. Constantly haunted by the question of what he could do to relieve the sad condition of the slaves, Lundy finally called in some friends and unburdened himself. At his home in St. Clairsville, Ohio. across the river lBenjamin Lundy, The Life, Travels and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy (Philadelphia: William D. Parrish, 1847), p. 15. 31 32 from Wheeling, they formed the Union Humane Society with six members in 1815. In only a short time the society grew from six to five hundred, including many influential persons in that part of the country. Lundy sent an ap— peal to philanthropists throughout the nation to form antislavery societies with uniform names and constitutions, and national conventions. He began to write articles for a small reform paper, the PhilanthrOpisE,edited at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, by Charles Osborn, a Quaker. At this time Lundy, in little more than four years as a saddler at St. Clairsville, had accumulated more than $3,000 in property. He was married and the father of two daughters: I was at peace with my neighbours [he wrote], and knew not that I had an enemy. I had bought a lot and built myself a comfortable house; all my wants and those of my lovely family were fully supplied; my business was increasing, and prosperity seemed to smile before me. When Osborn invited Lundy to join him in publish- ing the Philanthrgpist,Lundy decided the newspaper was his best vehicle for antislavery work. He took several of his apprentices with him on rafts which they made, and floated his goods down the Ohio River, from where they were towed up the Mississippi to St. Louis. There he dis- posed of his goods at a ruinous loss in the business 21bid., p. 16. 33 depression of the fall of 1819. Once in St. Louis, in the midst of the agitation of the Missouri question,3 he remained for two years writing articles on the evils of slavery for Missouri and Illinois newspapers. Then Lundy walked the seven hundred miles home to St. Clairsville in the dead of winter, only to find that Osborn had sold the paper that the two were to publish together. Lundy de- cided to publish his own paper. In July, 1821, with no capital and only six sub- scribers, Lundy published the first issue of the Genius of Universal Emancipation at Mount Pleasant, Ohio. I began to publish the paper without a dollar of funds, trusting for success to the sacredness of the cause; nor was I disappointed [Lundy wrote]. In four months from the commencement, my subscription list had grown quite large. Lundy published the Genius, which attained a na- tional circulation, until 1835. (He died in 1839, worn out at fifty-one.) At first he walked the twenty miles to Steubenville, Ohio, each month to get the paper printed, returning with the edition on his back. Later he published in Greeneville, Tennessee; Baltimore, Washington; Phila- delphia; and other places. Wherever he went he formed antislavery societies and sold subscriptions. He made 3The question was: would Missouri be admitted into the Union as a free or as a slave state. 4Lundy, Life, Travels and Opinions, p. 20. 34 trips to Hayti (as he always spelled it), Texas, Mexico, and Canada, mostly walking, to try to find safe havens for Negroes. Lundy employed the first woman to enter antislav- ery journalism, Elizabeth Margaret Chandler. In 1826 she became a regular contributor, and later, an editor, for the Genius. Besides recruiting the first woman to the cause, Lundy enlisted the most famous abolitionist of them all, William Lloyd Garrison. On trips east to gain support for antislavery, Lundy met Garrison, at that time editing a temperance journal, the National Philanthropist, in Boston. Lundy talked Garrison into becoming resident editor of the Genius, then being published in Baltimore, while Lundy traveled to promote the cause. Before meet- ing Lundy, Garrison had read the Genius, had heard of the many antislavery societies Lundy had organized on his vast travels, and imagined a man of herculean strength. He was surprised to see a short, slight man, hard of hearing, and a poor public speaker, although persuasive: His heart is of gigantic size. Every inch of him is alive with power. . . . Within a few months he has traveled about 2,400 miles of which upwards of 1,600 were performed on foot, during which time he has held nearly fifty public meetings. Rivers and mountains vanish in his path; midnight finds him wending his solitary way over an unfrequented road; the sun is 35 anticipated in his rising. Never was moral sublimity of character better illustrated. Garrison, like Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, advo- cated immediate and complete emancipation, while Lundy was a "gradualist." Lundy tolerated this difference, and Garrison put out his first issue of the Genius on Septem- ber l, 1829. But while Lundy was aWay, his new editor in one issue so roundly denounced a Massachusetts shipmaster for taking a cargo of slaves to New Orleans housed like cattle, with 25 per cent mortality, that the shipmaster sued for $5,000 libel damages. Garrison was arrested and jailed. The issue of the Genius for May, 1830, announced the dissolution of the partnership. Garrison went to Bos- ton and on January 1, 1831, published his first issue of the famous Liberator.6 Lundy was an_"antislavery" man while Garrison was 5Wendell Phillips Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison 1805-1879: The Story of His Life Told by His Children, Vol. I (4 vols.; New York: The Century Co., 1885-89), p. 87. See also Liberator, Sept. 30, 1839. William Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery: A History of the Great Struggle in Both Hemispheres; With a View of the SIavery greetion in the United States (New York: William Harned, 1852), p. 355. Rev. Austin Willey, The History of the Anti- Slavery Cause in State and Nation (Portland, Maine: Brown, Tfiurston, and Hoyt, Fogg and Dofiham, 1886), p. 28. Henry Howe, Historical Collections of Ohio in Two Volumes; An Encyclgpedia of the State; Centenniai Edition (Norwalk, Ohio; Published by the State of Ohio, The Laning Printing Co., 1896), p. 311. 6Russel B. Nye, William Lloyd Garrison and the Humanitarian Reformers (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1955): PP. 19-27. 36 an "abolitionist." The antislavery group, the right wing of the movement, tried to arouse the conscience of the slaveholders. "If we express our opinions firmly and frankly," David Lee Child, Lydia Maria's husband, wrote in simple religious faith, "they will give up their slaves. . . . The thing may be done with the stroke of a pen."7 Abolitionists demanded immediate, uncompensated emancipation. Southerners regarded everyone opposed to slavery as an abolitionist. This study will use the words interchangeably.8 The two major streams of thought behind the anti- slavery movement were philosophical and religious. Slav- ery was a crime because it violated Negro rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It was a sin be- cause it debased Negroes as human beings.9 The late eighteenth century philosophy that 7Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom; Civil Liberties and the Slavery Controversy, 1830-1860 (East Lansing: MiCHigan State University Press, 1963 , p. ix. 8Albert Bushnell Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 1831-1841, Vol. XVI of The American Nation: A History, ed. by A. B. Hart (28 vois.; New York: Harper & Bros., 1904-18), p. xv. See also Samuel Eliot Morison, TQe Oxford History of the American Pe0p1e (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 520. 9John L. Thomas, ed., Slavery Attacked; the Aboli- tionist Crusade, Spectrum Book, Eyewitness Accounts of American History Series (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren- tice Hall, Inc., 1965), p. l. 37 undergirded the American form of government held that man was naturally, thus divinely, endowed with certain rights regardless of the government under which he lived. Al- though the theory had little real justification in his- torical fact, its adoption as basic to American society and politics gave it validity.10 Antislavery newspapers made much of the contrast between the ringing assertion of the Declaration of In- dependence, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," and the institution of slavery. July 4 editions of newspapers and magazines al- ways emphasized this point. A favorite illustration of antislavery papers showed a coffle of slaves marching to the slave market to the tune of the overseer's whip, and carrying the American flag.ll Since he believed that the United States Constitution was a pro-slavery document, William Lloyd Garrison featured a boxed statement in each issue of the Liberator: "The Constitution--a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." On lecture plat- forms Garrison often brought his speeches to a thrilling climax by burning a copy of the Constitution. When the mob dragged Garrison through the streets of Boston he was lodged in jail for his safety, and inscribed on the walls of his cell: 10Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. ix. llAnti-Slavery Record (New York), Feb., 1835. 38 Wm. Lloyd Garrison was put in this cell on Wednesday afternoon, Oct. 21, 1835, to save him from the vio- lence of a "respectable and influential" mob, who sought to destroy him for preaching the abominable and dangerous doctrine that "all_men are created equal," and that all oppression is odious in the sight of God. It may be that the mighty wave of antislavery sentiment that swept from the "burned-over" district of western New York state across the Appalachians exceeded even the importance of Garrison and his group in the East. Through evangelistic meetings in the area opened up by the Erie Canal in 1825 and westward, Charles Grandison Finney set such a blaze of fervor for "disinterested benevolence" that he ignited many reform movements. His most effective convert, Theodore Dwight Weld, became a leader of the "Holy Band who pitted themselves against the political might, the economic power, and the social folkways of a whole nation, in order to stand up for what their hearts told them were eternal, universal, 'higher' spiritual laws."13 These men identified themselves with the Christian martyrs, believing that in fighting slavery they were doing God's work.14 12Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, p. 502. l3Gilbert Hobbs Barnes, The Antislavery Impulse, 1830-1844, intro. by William G. Mc Loughlin, Harbinger Book (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1964), p. xix. l4Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 200. See also Curti, The Growth of American Thought, p. 381. Vernon L. Parring- ton, The Romantic Revolution in America, 1800-1860, Vol. II of Main Currents in American Thought, Harvest Book (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1927), p. 343. 39 ‘— vcsoen iz: ESE... ...? 3.1.... ......1 ...... ....“ ......z .17....7... ... : . 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L j 1:739 ‘37:... .. . .Iv— .. .... .....m.....¢_ .... 1...... .N...._....m ., 152.;6‘.‘ .c...... 12.2.5. . .... ... ....Z. . ... ”...... . . .. it. . .4. ...: ......Lo ‘91.... ... ... 1 1.5.2.7.... . ...,_.......: 1...... .. ...... .... .7... a 2...... 1 2...“. .1: ...... .. 2...: ... . .....I..I1— .... ........_:.. L... :— : .....E... fries: 5...: .U3.n BO: .n. ../ 0...]. ..C. ... 23...... ~. .r 2.... > <..m-~.u.z< my: 40 Early histories have pictured abolitionists as humorless, neurotic, self-righteous men and sex-starved women, stereotype fanatics. The newer psychologists do not hold that all behavior is an expression of the need to vent neuroses. The willingness to bear tension in the form of ostracism, personal danger, and material sacrifice may even indicate a high degree of health.15 No doubt the current civil rights struggle has inspired the new sympathetic attitude toward the abolitionists.l6 To those of his day who belittled the abolition- ists, the Rev. Samuel J. May, uncle to the Little Women, wrote to his friend, the Rev. William Ellery Channing: You must not expect those who have left to take up this great cause [of abolition] that they will plead it in all that seemliness of phrase which the schol- ars . . . might use. But the scholars and the clergy and the statesmen had done nothing. We abolitionists are what we are--babes, sucklings, obscure men, silly women, publicans, sinners, and we shall manage the matter we have taken in hand just as might be expec- ted of such persons as we are. It is unbecoming in abler men who stood by, and would do nothing, to comi7 plain of us because we manage this matter no better. 15Martin B. Duberman, "The Abolitionists and Psy- chology," The Journal of Negro History, XLVII (July, 1962) in The Abolitionists, Reformers or Fanatics, ed. by Rich- ard 0. Curry (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1965), 55-56. 16Martin B. Duberman, The Antislavery Vanguard; New Essays on the Abolitionists (Princeton, N. J.: Prince- ton University Press, 1965), p. ix. l7Henry Steele Commager, "The University as Employ- ment Agency," New Republic, CLVIII, Feb. 24, 1968) 26. 41 The unique contributions of the three women anti- slavery editor "belles of freedom," Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm, can be understood only with reference to the political climate and events of their day. A brief outline is in order. First, it should be noted that a woman has been credited as being the first public advocate of immediate and unconditional abolition: Elizabeth Heyrick, in Eng- land, in her pamphlet published anonymously in 1825: "Immediate, not Gradual Abolition, or an Inquiry into the Shortest, Safest, and Most Effectual Means of Getting Rid of West Indian Slavery." The Society for the Mitiga— tion and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the Brit- ish Dominions was formed in England in 1823. Emancipation for slaves in the British West Indies came, peaceably, on August 1, 1834.18 Ralph Sandiford wrote the first antislavery tract ever issued in North America, in 1729. Benjamin Lay wrote the next one, published by Benjamin Franklin in 1737. Franklin became president in 1775 of the first society established in America expressly to promote eman- cipation: the Pennsylvania Abolition Society.19 Opposition to slavery in American was widespread in the early days. All members of the Continental l8 l9 Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 355. Lundy, Life, Travels and Opinions, p. 10. 42 Congress of 1774 signed a statement that they would not engage in slave trade themselves nor lease their vessels for it. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont abol- ished slavery; Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey passed laws for gradual abolition; Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Tennessee passed laws encouraging voluntary emancipation by slave owners. In 1787 the Northwest Territory (later Ohio, Indiana, Illi- nOiS,Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota east of the Missis- sippi) was organized specifically excluding slavery. But in a compromise, the Constitutional Convention permitted African slave trade to continue until 1808 in exchange for favorable navigation laws benefiting northern shipowners. Also, slave states won extra representation in the Congress by the three-fifths rule, five blacks-- who did not vote, of course--counted as three freemen. (Thus Garrison regarded the Constitution as a pro-slavery document.) Directly after the new government was formed, the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society petitioned the Congress to abolish slavery. The petition was pigeonholed in a committee which reported that the Congress had no power to abolish slavery in any state. At this point the antislav- ery movement lost its impetus.20 20Ibid., p. 12. 43 In 1793 Eli Whitney invented a machine for separa- ting cotton seeds from the fibers called, by the Negroes, a "gin"-—short for "engine." Using a cotton gin, one Negro slave in a day could do the work formerly performed by fifty. A cotton-picking slave was shortly worth five times as much as he was worth in 1792. The first seven years the cotton gin was used, American cotton exports in- creased thirty times. Planters raced to take up all the land in the South suitable for growing cotton, and spread to Texas, a movement that caused the Mexican War.21 It may have been no coincidence that the year of the cotton gin, 1793, was also notable for the passage by the Congress of a Fugitive Slave Law, which gave owners the right to recapture their property in a free state after appearance before the local magistrate. Southerners often kidnapped free Negroes. Negro sympathizers soon began the Underground Railroad, whereby they spirited to freedom about 1,000 slaves a year (out of a total of 4,000,000).22 Families friendly to the blacks hid them in their homes by day and transported them at night--sometimes covered with hay or produce in wagons--to the next stop on the way to the North, or Canada. 21 III, 1770. 22Michael Kraus, The United States to 1865, Vol. VII of The University of MiChigan History of the Modern World, ed. by Allan Nevins and Howard M. Ehrmann (15 vols.; Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959), p. 447. "Cotton Gin," World Book Engyclopedia, 1956, 26 Sarah Josepha Hale first published her poems and stories in metropolitan newspapers in 1823. ‘By 1828, when she was left a penniless widow with five children to support, the oldest child aged seven, her late hus- band's friends in the Masonic order set her up as editor of a new magazine. Her Ladies' Magazine was a fifty- page monthly; subscription, $3.00 a year. At this time Lydia Maria Child was editing her children's magazine, Juvenile Miscellany, for Putnam and Hunt, publishers of the Ladies' Magazine, and may well have been called on 42 to help. The contrast between Mrs. Hale and Mrs. Child appeared in their goals and methods. Mrs. Hale was a traditionalist who bored from within her women's sphere, while Mrs. Child worked within the man's world. Lydia Maria broadcasted her views on antislavery widely in 1833 with her Appeal in Favor of that Class of Ameri- cans Called Africans. Never identified with the abol- itionists, Sarah Josepha was not, however, unsympathetic. In November, 1829, the question of slavery was first discussed in her Ladies' Magazine in a partial reprint of an article from the Genius of Universal Emancipation. Mrs. Hale denied any intention of advocating women's interference in "so momentous and appalling a subject," 42Entriken, Sarah Josepha Hale, p. 20. 27 but she did wish to use her influence "with a womanly . . . 43 delicacy in an unobtruSive manner." So long as she had her own magazine, Mrs. Hale did not hesitate to mention slavery. But after her magazine was consolida- ted with Godey's, in January, 1837, she did not again touch upon this subject. Sarah Josepha Hale worked from within the Vic- torian establishment to effect reforms, such as the right of married women to own property. She continued to win high regard and acceptance even though working at a ca- reer--journalism--which was only beginning to be entered by women in her day. She built up Godey's to a circula- tion of 150,000, the largest of any magazine up to the day she relinquished her editorship in 1898. In con- trast to the acceptance that Mrs. Hale experienced, Lydia Maria Child, Lucretia Mott, Susan Anthony, Lucy Stone, and Margaret Fuller scandalized their contempor- aries and were rejected--but their ideas marched on.44 Editorial pay for women in journalism in the nineteenth century remains a mystery. The highest pay drawn by any editor in the country in 1851, according to 43Ibid., p. 28. 44Ruth E. Finley, The Lady of Godey's; Sarah Josepha Hale (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1931), pp. 21-23. 28 Mott, was $3,000. Below that, editors lived on amounts from $500 to $2,500 a year. Edgar Allen Poe received $800 a year for editing Graham's. Between 1841 and 1842 this magazine paid $4.00 to $12.00 per page and $10.00 45 to $50.00 per poem accepted. Peterson's paid $2.00 46 per page and $5.00 per poem. Lydia Maria Child signed a contract to edit the National Anti-Slavery Standard in 1841 for $1,000 a year, but she never received the entire sum. She did, however, live on her earnings as a jour— nalist and writer of books, her husband contributing very little in a material way to the household.47 The most famous woman writer for the abolition- ist cause in the nineteenth century, Harriet Beecher Stowe, was a novelist rather than a journalist. How~ ever, Uncle Tom's Cabin first appeared serially in Gam- aliel Bailey's antislavery newspaper, the National Era, published in Washington, D.C. Appearing in book form in 1852, Uncle Tom's Cabin was read by millions of Northerners and Europeans. (It was a penal offense to buy or sell it in the South.) One commentator observed that Mrs. Stowe's book "had more effect in shaping public 45A. H. Quinn, Edgar Allen Poe (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1941), pp. 239-40. 46Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Maga- zines 1741-1850 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939), p. 506.' 47 Baer, The Life of Lydia Maria Child, pp. 121-22. 29 opinion than had all the abolition tracts and societies together."48 It is safe to say, however, that without the antislavery journalism of the day, and women's part as they developed their skills to Open a new profession for their sex, the climate of opinion may not have sup- ported the movement all the way to emancipation. Fully aware of the difficulties of broaching a male preserve, and conscious of the unpopularity of antislavery and women's rights, the new nineteenth century women jour- nalists worked courageously to implement American Dem- ocratic faith. 48Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, p. 513. 30 Ih..\_l.-\\xlx [ANDY CHAPTER II THE ANTISLAVERY MOVEMENT I heard the wail of the captive; I felt his pang of distress; and the iron entered my soul. 1 --Benjamin Lundy The nineteenth century campaign for abolition be- gan not on the eastern seaboard, but in the Middle West, even the upper South. Benjamin Lundy, a Quaker, called by William Lloyd Garrison the first American to devote his life to the cause of freeing the slave, was working as an apprentice saddler at Wheeling, West Virginia, at the age of nineteen. There he watched coffles of slaves being driven on their way from the breeding grounds of Virginia to be sold down the river to the cotton planta- tions. Constantly haunted by the question of what he could do to relieve the sad condition of the slaves, Lundy finally called in some friends and unburdened himself. At his home in St. Clairsville, Ohio. across the river 1Benjamin Lundy, The Life, Travels and Opinions of Benjamin Lundy (Philadelphia: William D. Parrish, 1847), p. 15. 31 32 from Wheeling, they formed the Union Humane Society with six members in 1815. In only a short time the society grew from six to five hundred, including many influential persons in that part of the country. Lundy sent an ap- peal to philanthropists throughout the nation to form antislavery societies with uniform names and constitutions, and national conventions. He began to write articles for a small reform paper, the Philanthropist,edited at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, by Charles Osborn, a Quaker. At this time Lundy, in little more than four years as a saddler at St. Clairsville, had accumulated more than $3,000 in property. He was married and the father of two daughters: I was at peace with my neighbours [he wrote], and knew not that I had an enemy. I had bought a lot and built myself a comfortable house; all my wants and those of my lovely family were fully supplied; my business was increasing, and prosperity seemed to smile before me. When Osborn invited Lundy to join him in publish- ing the Philanthropist,Lundy decided the newspaper was his best vehicle for antislavery work. He took several of his apprentices with him on rafts which they made, and floated his goods down the Ohio River, from where they were towed up the Mississippi to St. Louis. There he dis- posed of his goods at a ruinous loss in the business 2Ibid., p. 16. 33 depression of the fall of 1819. Once in St. Louis, in the midst of the agitation of the Missouri question,3 he remained for two years writing articles on the evils of slavery for Missouri and Illinois newspapers. Then Lundy walked the seven hundred miles home to St. Clairsville in the dead of winter, only to find that Osborn had sold the paper that the two were to publish together. Lundy de- cided to publish his own paper. In July, 1821, with no capital and only six sub- scribers, Lundy published the first issue of the Genius of Universal Emancipation at Mount Pleasant, Ohio. I began to publish the paper without a dollar of funds, trusting for success to the sacredness of the cause; nor was I disappointed [Lundy wrote]. In four months from the commencement, my subscription list had grown quite large. Lundy published the Genius, which attained a na- tional circulation, until 1835. (He died in 1839, worn out at fifty-one.) At first he walked the twenty miles to Steubenville, Ohio, each month to get the paper printed, returning with the edition on his back. Later he published in Greeneville, Tennessee; Baltimore, Washington; Phila- delphia; and other places. Wherever he went he formed antislavery societies and sold subscriptions. He made 3The question was: would Missouri be admitted into the Union as a free or as a slave state. 4Lundy, Life, Travels and Opinions, p. 20. 34 trips to Hayti (as he always spelled it), Texas, Mexico, and Canada, mostly walking, to try to find safe havens for Negroes. Lundy employed the first woman to enter antislav- ery journalism, Elizabeth Margaret Chandler. In 1826 she became a regular contributor, and later, an editor, for the Genius. Besides recruiting the first woman to the cause, Lundy enlisted the most famous abolitionist of them all, William Lloyd Garrison. On trips east to gain support for antislavery, Lundy met Garrison, at that time editing a temperance journal, the National Philanthropist, in Boston. Lundy talked Garrison into becoming resident editor of the Genius, then being published in Baltimore, while Lundy traveled to promote the cause. Before meet- ing Lundy, Garrison had read the Genius, had heard of the many antislavery societies Lundy had organized on his vast travels, and imagined a man of herculean strength. He was surprised to see a short, slight man, hard of hearing, and a poor public speaker, although persuasive: His heart is of gigantic size. Every inch of him is alive with power. . . . Within a few months he has traveled about 2,400 miles of which upwards of 1,600 were performed on foot, during which time he has held nearly fifty public meetings. Rivers and mountains vanish in his path; midnight finds him wending his solitary way over an unfrequented road; the sun is 35 anticipated in his rising. Never was moral sublimity of character better illustrated.5 Garrison, like Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, advo- cated immediate and complete emancipation, while Lundy was a "gradualist." Lundy tolerated this difference, and Garrison put out his first issue of the Genius on Septem- ber l, 1829. But while Lundy was aWay, his new editor in one issue so roundly denounced a Massachusetts shipmaster for taking a cargo of slaves to New Orleans housed like cattle, with 25 per cent mortality, that the shipmaster sued for $5,000 libel damages. Garrison was arrested and jailed. The issue of the Genius for May, 1830, announced the dissolution of the partnership. Garrison went to Bos— ton and on January 1, 1831, published his first issue of the famous Liberator.6 Lundy was an "antislavery" man while Garrison was 5Wendell Phillips Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison 1805-1879: The Story of His Life Told by His Children, Vol. I474 vols.; New York: The Century Co., 1885-89)7_p. 87. See also Liberator, Sept. 30, 1839. William Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery: A History of the Great Struggle in Both Hemispheres; With a View of the SIavery Question in the United States (New York: William Harned, 1852), p. 355. Rev. Austin Willey, The History of the Anti- Slavery Cause in State and Nation (Portland, Maine: Brown, Thurston, and Hoyt, Fogg and Dofiham, 1886), p. 28. Henry Howe, Historical Collections of Ohio in Two Volumes; An Encyclopedia of the State; CentenniaI EditiOn (Norwalk, Ohio; Published by the State of Ohio, The Laning Printing Co., 1896): P. 311. 6Russel B. Nye, William Lloyd Garrison and the Humanitarian Reformers (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 36 an "abolitionist." The antislavery group, the right wing of the movement, tried to arouse the conscience of the slaveholders. "If we express our opinions firmly and frankly," David Lee Child, Lydia Maria's husband, wrote in simple religious faith, "they will give up their slaves. . . . The thing may be done with the stroke of a "7 pen 0 Abolitionists demanded immediate, uncompensated emancipation. Southerners regarded everyone opposed to slavery as an abolitionist. This study will use the words interchangeably.8 The two major streams of thought behind the anti- slavery movement were philosophical and religious. Slav— ery was a crime because it violated Negro rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It was a sin be- cause it debased Negroes as human beings.9 The late eighteenth century philosophy that 7Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom; Civil Liberties and the Slavery Controversy, 1830-1860 (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1963), p. ix. 8Albert Bushnell Hart, Slavery and Abolition, 1831-1841, Vol. XVI of The AmeriCan Nation: A History, ed. by A. B. Hart (28 VEIs.; New York: Harper & Bros., 1904-18), p. xv. See also Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the American People (New York: _Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 520. 9John L. Thomas, ed., Slavery Attacked; the Aboli- tionist Crusade, Spectrum Book, Eyewitness Accounts of AmeriCan History Series (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Pren- tice Hall, Inc., 1965): P. l. 37 undergirded the American form of government held that man was naturally, thus divinely, endowed with certain rights regardless of the government under which he lived. Al— though the theory had little real justification in his- torical fact, its adoption as basic to American society and politics gave it validity.lo Antislavery newspapers made much of the contrast between the ringing assertion of the Declaration of In- dependence, "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal," and the institution of slavery. July 4 editions of newspapers and magazines al- ways emphasized this point. A favorite illustration of antislavery papers showed a coffle of slaves marching to the slave market to the tune of the overseer's whip, and 11 Since he believed that the carrying the American flag. United States Constitution was a pro-slavery document, William Lloyd Garrison featured a boxed statement in each issue of the Liberator: "The Constitution--a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." On lecture plat- forms Garrison often brought his speeches to a thrilling climax by burning a copy of the Constitution. When the mob dragged Garrison through the streets of Boston he was lodged in jail for his safety, and inscribed on the walls of his cell: loNye, Fettered Freedom, p. ix. llAnti-Slavery Record (New York), Feb., 1835. 38 Wm. Lloyd Garrison was put in this cell on Wednesday afternoon, Oct. 21, 1835, to save him from the vio- lence of a "respectable and influential" mob, who sought to destroy him for preaching the abominable and dangerous doctrine that_"all men are created equal," and that all oppression is odious in the sight of God. It may be that the mighty wave of antislavery sentiment that swept from the "burned-over" district of western New York state across the Appalachians exceeded even the importance of Garrison and his group in the East. Through evangelistic meetings in the area opened up by the Erie Canal in 1825 and westward, Charles Grandison Finney set such a blaze of fervor for "disinterested benevolence" that he ignited many reform movements. His most effective convert, Theodore Dwight Weld, became a leader of the "Holy Band who pitted themselves against the political might, the economic power, and the social folkways of a whole nation, in order to stand up for what their hearts told them were eternal, universal, 'higher' 13 spiritual laws." These men identified themselves with the Christian martyrs, believing that in fighting slavery they were doing God's work.14 12Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, p. 502. l3Gilbert Hobbs Barnes, The Antislavery Impulse, 1830-1844, intro. by William G. Mc Loughlin, Harbinger Book (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1964), p. xix. 14Nye, Fettered Freedom, p. 200. See also Curti, The Growth of American Thought, p. 381. Vernon L. Parring- ton, The Romantic Revolutioniin America, 1800-1860, Vol. II of Main Currents in American Thought, Harvest Book (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.,—i927), p. 343. 39 \_ 6650...... .37.: SEC... .23 3...... “...... .... ....I.......... .....u....,.... .... .. .. T 3.50.16.23.22 c... ....HI..:c ......2. .......t.... 75...... ...... ”.... pm..— m— P<-31.C....> J.:..t ./. ...—...}...L: .........v..:/. .12.. .51.... . . 2...».— NI—pfi. IF. ”7......— C A~ .p—I #7. #:‘H ...../— ...a ——...1. 5:32:15. .. ...3 ...: ......) -...E... .79... t... .73 _ ...c ......U. .5559 . .55.: ,7. 70:63 ..2. 1c... ...... .....E ...... 3.... ....< .527. ....c 0.45....“ .o......_. 9521.32,. .. 99. ... .....5 ...:ET.... .... 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The newer psychologists do not hold that all behavior is an expression of the need to vent neuroses. The willingness to bear tension in the form of ostracism, personal danger, and material sacrifice may even indicate a high degree of health.15 No doubt the current civil rights struggle has inspired the new sympathetic attitude toward the abolitionists.l6 To those of his day who belittled the abolition- ists, the Rev. Samuel J. May, uncle to the Little Women, wrote to his friend, the Rev. William Ellery Channing: You must not expect those who have left to take up this great cause [of abolition] that they will plead it in all that seemliness of phrase which the schol- ars . . . might use. But the scholars and the clergy and the statesmen had done nothing. We abolitionists are what we are--babes, sucklings, obscure men, silly women, publicans, sinners, and we shall manage the matter we have taken in hand just as might be expec- ted of such persons as we are. It is unbecoming in abler men who stood by, and would do nothing, to comi-7 plain of us because we manage this matter no better. 15Martin B. Duberman, "The Abolitionists and Psy- chology," The Journal of Negro History, XLVII (July, 1962) in The AbolitioniSts, Reformers or Fanatics, ed. by Rich- ard 0. Curry (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1965), 55-56. 6Martin B. Duberman, The Antislavery Vanguard; New Essays on the Abolitionists (Princeton, N. J.: Prince— ton University Press, 1965), p. ix. l7Henry Steele Commager, "The University as Employ- ment Agency," New Republic, CLVIII, Feb. 24, 1968) 26. 41 The unique contributions of the three women anti- slavery editor "belles of freedom," Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm, can be understood only with reference to the political climate and events of their day. A brief outline is in order. First, it should be noted that a woman has been credited as being the first public advocate of immediate and unconditional abolition: Elizabeth Heyrick, in Eng- land, in her pamphlet published anonymously in 1825: "Immediate, not Gradual Abolition, or an Inquiry into the Shortest, Safest, and Most Effectual Means of Getting Rid of West Indian Slavery." The Society for the Mitiga- tion and Gradual Abolition of Slavery Throughout the Brit- ish Dominions was formed in England in 1823. Emancipation for slaves in the British West Indies came, peaceably, on August 1, 1834.18 Ralph Sandiford wrote the first antislavery tract ever issued in North America, in 1729. Benjamin Lay wrote the next one, published by Benjamin Franklin in 1737. Franklin became president in 1775 of the first society established in America expressly to promote eman- cipation: the Pennsylvania Abolition Society.19 Opposition to slavery in American was widespread in the early days. All members of the Continental 18 19 Goodell,-Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 355. Lundy, Life, Travels and Opinions, p. 10. 42 Congress of 1774 signed a statement that they would not engage in slave trade themselves nor lease their vessels for it. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont abol- ished slavery; Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey passed laws for gradual abolition; Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Tennessee passed laws encouraging voluntary emancipation by slave owners. In 1787 the Northwest Territory (later Ohio, Indiana, Illi- nois,Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota east of the Missis- sippi) was organized specifically excluding slavery. But in a compromise, the Constitutional Convention permitted African slave trade to continue until 1808 in exchange for favorable navigation laws benefiting northern shipowners. Also, slave states won extra representation in the Congress by the three-fifths rule, five blacks-- who did not vote, of course--counted as three freemen. (Thus Garrison regarded the Constitution as a pro-slavery document.) Directly after the new government was formed, the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society petitioned the Congress to abolish slavery. The petition was pigeonholed in a committee which reported that the Congress had no power to abolish slavery in any state. At this point the antislav- ery movement lost its impetus.20 ZOIbid., p. 12. 43 In 1793 Eli Whitney invented a machine for separa- ting cotton seeds from the fibers called, by the Negroes, a "gin"--short for "engine." Using a cotton gin, one Negro slave in a day could do the work formerly performed by fifty. A cotton-picking slave was shortly worth five times as much as he was worth in 1792. The first seven years the cotton gin was used, American cotton exports in- creased thirty times. Planters raced to take up all the land in the South suitable for growing cotton, and spread to Texas, a movement that caused the Mexican War.21 It may have been no coincidence that the year of the cotton gin, 1793, was also notable for the passage by the Congress of a Fugitive Slave Law, which gave owners the right to recapture their property in a free state after appearance before the local magistrate. Southerners often kidnapped free Negroes. Negro sympathizers soon began the Underground Railroad, whereby they spirited to freedom about 1,000 slaves a year (out of a total of 4,000,000).22 Families friendly to the blacks hid them in their homes by day and transported them at night--sometimes covered with hay or produce in wagons--to the next stop on the way to the North, or Canada. 21 III, 1770. 22Michael Kraus, The United States to 1865, Vol. VII of The University of Michigan History of the Modern World, ed. by Allan Nevins and Howard M. Ehrmann (15 vols.; Ann Arbor: University of Michigaanress, 1959), p. 447. "Cotton Gin," World Book Engyclopedia, 1956, 44 Abolitionists such as Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm had to face the fact that the great slave-holding states controlled the national government from 1815 to 1860. Of the five north- ern presidents—~John Quincy Adams, Martin Van Buren, Mil- lard Fillmore, Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan, not one stood against the pro-slavery men while in office. Southerners, with their abilities, their long terms of office, their habit of standing together, and their success in holding a part of the northern men with them, almost always had their way in the Congress.23 When the Congress "settled" the slavery question with the Missouri Compromise of 1820, antislavery agita- tion was given a new impetus. (The compromise admitted Missouri as a slave state balanced by Maine, formerly part of Massachusetts, as a free state, and prohibited slavery north of the Missouri southern boundary, latitude 36° 30'.) One of the first targets of the antislavery move- ment was the American Colonization Society, organized in 1817 to ship Negroes off to Liberia. Southerners favored the society because they feared the influence of free Negroes on their slaves. Antislavery men called attention to the problems: shipping the blacks off implied 23Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 169. 4S inferiority; many blacks did not wish to leave their native America; they were often exploited when they arrived in Liberia; and colonization was impractical. In the first thirteen years of its life the colonization society sent out about 100 blacks a year. But during that time Negro population in America increased by 500,000.24 Theodore Dwight Weld and Arthur and Lewis Tappan organized the American Anti-Slavery Society in Philadel- phia in 1833. The society's weekly journal, the Emancipa- Egr, had the largest circulation of any antislavery news— paper. On its staff were Elizur Wright and the poet, John Greenleaf Whittier. In 1840 William Lloyd Garrison, who had founded the Liberator in 1831, became president of this society and remained its controversial head for some time. Hundreds of agents lectured for the society, distributing tracts in New England, New York, and the Ohio Valley. By 1839 the antislavery societies claimed 1,350 auxiliaries with 250,000 members.25 A favorite activity after 1835 was to send peti- tions to the Congress to abolish slavery and slave trade in the District of Columbia. In 1836 the House passed the "gag" resolution that any petition related to slavery must be "laid on the table." In 1837-38 tens of thousands 24Thomas, Slavery Attacked, p. l. Morison, OXford History of the American People, p. 519. 46 of petitions were sent, and the matter of freedom of peti- tion became part of the concept of freedom of speech and the press. John Quincy Adams, then a member of the House from Massachusetts, no abolitionist, waged a skillful and unending battle for six years, finally getting the gag rule repealed in 1844. In 1837 the antislavery editor, Elijah Lovejoy, was murdered by a mob in Alton, Illinois. Theodore Weld, on a trip to the Gulf of Mexico to study slavery in~1831-32, had recruited James G. Birney, owner of a large slave plantation in Kentucky. Birney later began to publish the Philanthropist in Cincinnati. A mob hurled the press into the Ohio River in 1836. Bir— ney became the first candidate of the Liberty party for President, polling 3,000 votes in 1840,?éfia 65,000 in 1844. In 1846 Elias Howe patented the first practical sewing machine sold to users, an invention that freed women to spend more time in antislavery agitation. The Mexican War, 1846-48, won new converts to anti- slavery, men who feared a slaveowners' conspiracy to na- tionalize slavery. The Compromise of 1850, admitting California to the Union as a free state and prohibiting slave trade in the national capital, but establishing a more binding Fugitive Slave Law, set the scene for a ten-year struggle. 47 Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, pub- lished in 1852, added fuel to the fire. In 1854 Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois put together a compromise, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, in order to clear the way for a railroad to the Pacific. All of the region divided into the two states lay north of the old Missouri Compromise line of 36° 30', where slavery had been prohibited. But it was expected that the popular sovereignty provision would result in Nebraska's being a free state and Kansas a slave state. Opposing factions fought it out in "Bleeding Kansas." That same year, 1854, the Whigs, Free Soilers (including the remnant of the Liberty party), and anti- Nebraska Act Democrats met at Jackson, Michigan, and or- ganized a new party later called Republican. In the late 1850's a healthy young Negro sold for $1,500 or more in the deep South. The Dred Scott decision of the Supreme Court, 1857, held that the court had no jurisdiction over Scott because he was a slave and therefore not a citizen of either a state or the United States. Although Scott's master had taken him into a free state, this did not make him free. The court, dominated by Southerners, held, in a statement beyond the matter before it, that the Missouri Compromise had been unconstitutional all along: that sla- very could not be excluded from any territory. 48 During all this time the antislavery men and women kept up a continuous agitation, but were not backed up by their churches. Before 1800 the Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists had all protested slavery officially. But in 1815 the Presbyterians in their General Assembly had adopted a temporizing policy. In 1836 the Methodist Epis- copal Church General Conference in Cincinnati disclaimed any right to interfere with the slave-master relationship, stating that it had no wish to meddle in the civil and political relation of master and slave. In 1838 the Pres- byterians divided into the New School and Old School on doctrinal questions, but the Old School including many southern churches, did not condemn slavery. In 1844 the Methodists divided on the question whether bishops could own slaves. Even the Quakers split on slavery. In 1843, some 2,000 "radicals" formed the Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends.26 Antislavery men met with mixed success. Massa- chusetts was never fully pacified until the fifties. Whittier was mobbed in Newburyport, Concord, and Plymouth in the early thirties. New York City experienced the worst disorders. Its profitable trade with the slave states and its influential group of resident Southerners combined 26Hart, Slavery and Abolition, pp. 213-14. See also Del Porto, "American Antislavery Journals," p. 43. 49 to make the city an anti-abolitionist stronghold. New Jersey and Connecticut were never effectively canvassed for antislavery because the opposition was so great. Even in Philadelphia, in 1838, a mob burned the hall newly built by public subscription just an antislavery forces were planning a meeting there to memorialize the martyred publisher, Elijah Lovejoy.27 In time, the moral and legal right of a minority to speak and be heard, and to publish without fear became as important to the controversy as the abolition of slavery. Many came to support the abolitionists more to uphold civil rights than to condemn slavery. (Lincoln held the Republican party was formed to protect white men, not black.)28 The question has always been: How far will the civil liberties of the individual be curtailed in the interests of the majority? How will the American people react, under stress, to their own belief in their own liberties?29 These questions developed in a special way around the antislavery press, the setting for the activities of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm. 27Nye, Fettered Freedom, pp. 203, 207. 29 28 Ibid., p. 317. Ibid., p. x. CHAPTER III THE ANTISLAVERY PRESS Item: In 1827 Austin Woolfolk, a notorious slave- trader, assaulted and nearly killed Benjamin Lundy for criticizing him in the Genius of Universal Emancipation. A Baltimore judge fined Woolfolk $1.00.1 Item: In 1831 the Georgia Senate offered a $5,000 reward for the apprehension and conviction of William Lloyd Garrison for inciting the Nat Turner Rebellion in which forty blacks brutally murdered sixty-one whites, mostly women and children, in Virginia. (Garrison's Lib- erator had not a single subscriber south of the Potomac.)2 Item: In 1835 a mob of respectable Boston citi- zens dragged Garrison through the streets with a rope around his neck until followers got him lodged in jail for his own safety. Out of at least seven Boston news- papers, all but two, the Advocate and the Reformer, ap— proved the mob action.3 1Genius of Universal Emancipation, Jan. 20, 1827. 2 Liberator, Dec. 24, 1831. 3Ibid., NOV. 7, 1835. 50 51 Item: In 1835 a mob sacked the office of the Utica (New York) Standard and Democrat, an antislavery news- paper. Item: In 1836 the press of James G. Birney's Philanthropist was dumped in the Ohio River by a Cincinnati mob. The Cincinnati Republican had pointed out that the interests of the city's merchants, capitalists, and trades- men could not tolerate criticism of the slaveholders, who were the source of much business. The newspaper had called on citizens to st0p the abolitionists peaceably if possible, or forcibly if necessary.4 Birney was away when the mob came, and his assistant, Marius Robinson, escaped. Item: In 1837 citizens of Mount Meigs, Montgom— ery County, Alabama, offered a $50,000 reward for the cap- ture of Le Roy Sunderland, editor of Zion's Watchman, an antislavery newspaper, and Arthur Tappan, a founder of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Garrison printed the offer over a copy of an advertisement from a Maryland newspaper promising a $250 reward for a runaway slave.5 Item: In 1837 Birney's assistant, Marius Robin— son, was dragged from the home of friends in Berlin, Mahoning County, Ohio, where he was on an antislavery lecture tour, by a mob that tarred and feathered the 4Cincinnati Republican and Commercial Register, Jan. 22 and 30, 1836. SLiberator, Jan. 14, 1837. 52 printer. (Undiscouraged, Robinson later became editor of the Anti-Slavery Bugle, Salem, Ohio.)6 Item: In 1837 the Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy, pub— lisher of the antislavery Altgn_(lllinois) Observer, was murdered by a mob the fourth time the angry citizens destroyed his press. Item: In 1838 a Philadelphia mob sacked and burned the poet John Greenleaf Whittier's Pennsylvania Freeman, an antislavery newspaper. Item: In 1858 Minnesota enemies of freedom de- stroyed the press of Jane Grey Swisshelm's St. Cloud Visiter. Item: In 1859 a mob wrecked William Bailey's Free South at NeWport, Kentucky.7 Thus antislavery journalism was hardly a woman's game. But Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, Lydia Maria Child, and Jane Grey Swisshelm pursued it as fearlessly as did their male counterparts. In addition to assaults, burnings, dumpings, tar and feathers, and the ridicule of the established press, 6Louis Filler, The Crusade Against Slavery, 1830- 1860, The New American Nation Series, ed. by Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris (New York: Harper & Bros., 1960): P. 157. 7 Mott, American Journalism: A History, p. 307. 53 antislavery newspapers and their publishers faced other discouragements. First, there was no money to be made in antislavery journalism, only money to be lost.8 Judging from a partial list of early antislavery newspapers, there may have been hundreds of these little journals begun, 9 some lasting only a few months: l8l4--Manumission Jour- nal (quarterly), Greeneville, Tennessee; 1817--Philanthro- pi t, Mount Pleasant, Ohio; l8l9--Emancipator, Jonesborough, Tennessee; l821--Genius of Universal Emancipation, Mount Pleasant, Ohio; l822--Abolition Intelligencer, Kentucky; 1822——Edwardsville Spectator, Illinois; l826--African Ob- server, Philadelphia; 1826——National Philanthrgpist, Bos- ton. In addition to the antislavery papers published by whites, Negroes, between 1827 and 1837 published the following:10 New York City--Freeman's Journal, Rights of All, Colored American, Elevator, and Ram's Horn; Troy, New York--National Watchman; Rochester, New York--North Star (Frederick Douglass); Toronto, Canada--Weekly Advocate. The quick demise of many antislavery newspapers was passionately regretted by fellow editors. When the African Observer in Philadelphia went under after only one year of publication, Benjamin Lundy wrote: 8Parrington, The Romantic Revolution, p. 343. 9Jones, Journalism in the United States, pp. 312-13. 10 Payne, Historyyof Journalism, pp. 228-29. 54 But the "ship" is not to be "given up" while a single plank remains to float upon! The Genius Shall If Pos- sible Live as Long at Least as the present editor does. He has cradled it, and he is now resolved to sustain it, while he has a mind capable of divising the means, and a hand able to work for its support. Even if every other person withdraws his assistance, the work shall still be published, as often as the means at command will permit. . . . Never did mortal man engage in a better cause, and never had the great almoner of Hea- ven's bounty a more glorious reward in store, than is laid up for those who faithfully persevere in their labors until called hence to receive it. Because some antislavery editors, such as Lundy, were able to persevere they had an effect even beyond their cause in the way Americans came to look upon the newspaper. Newspaper business came to be regarded not just as a commercial enterprise, but an undertaking dedi- cated to leadership of worthy public causes.12 The mails were a sore problem for antislavery editors. Lundy complained that many of his papers were wet and battered, or lost, perhaps dropped off the stage coaches into rivers as the coaches jolted over the rocky fords. Lundy wrote: In common with many others, I receive frequent ac- counts of irregularity in the transmission of this work by mail. One of my subscribers concludes a let- ter as follows: "I wish to know whether the papers have been reg- ularly and seasonably put into your post office. If they have, and thus more than half lost on the passage, I must withdraw my name from your list of subscribers, for really, sir, I do not like to be reformed out of so much good reading." llGenius, April 26, 1828. 12Jones, Journalism in the United States, p. 314. 55 I will cheerfully make the man a life-subscriber to the Genius of Universal Emancipation (provided I publish it long enough) who will give me information that shall lead to a conviction of the "reformer," or "reformers" who thus lay their un-reformed hands upon the paper, and stop its free circulation. It has been placed in the post office here, as regularly as printed, . . . . If the rogues can be detected, theyl3 shall have such a "reforming" as they never yet had. Elihu Embree tried in 1819 to increase the circu- lation of his Emancipator, published at Jonesborough, Ten- nessee, by sending a free copy to the governor of each state. The governors of Georgia, Alabama, and North Caro- lina returned copies sealed so Embree had to pay letter- rate postage. The one from North Carolina cost him $1.00, the price of a year's subscription.14 During Andrew Jackson's administration, Southern postmasters, encouraged by Postmaster General Amos Kendall, did not deliver antislavery newspapers. John C. Calhoun, who in 1832 had resigned the Vice-Presidency and became a Senator from South Carolina, sponsored a bill forbidding postmasters to forward antislavery periodicals in any state where their circulation was forbidden by state law. The Senate defeated this bill by only a narrow margin.15 (In most of the South, teaching a slave to read was for- bidden by law.) Abolition newspapers were burned in the l3Genius, May, 1830. 14James Melvin Lee, History of American Journalism, rev. ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1923), p. 153. 15 Mott, American Journalism: A History, p. 307. 56 public square at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1835. In the winter of 1835-36 every free-state legislature consi- dered bills making it illegal to print anything that could be construed as inciting slaves to rebellion. None passed. But freedom of the press here met its greatest challenge. Of all the crises in American press freedom, the most bitter was that between the antislavery press and the up- holders of slavery over the printing and circulation of so-called "incendiary literature."l6 Plagiarism was an annoyance; no copyright protec- tion was available. Lundy castigated a fellow editor for copying a piece by Elizabeth Margaret Chandler without giving her credit: Did the editor of the Buck's [sic] County Intelligen- ggr_read the 16th number of the tenth volume of the Genius of Universal Emancipation and is he not ashamed of his correspondent, "W,W for writing and of himself for publishing in his paper of March 22 the outrageous plagiarism entitled the "Cherokee's Appeal"? The lit- erary thief deserved the more signal punishment, as he passed off the beautiful production . . . of a female poet for the coinage of his own shallow brain! He should be chained at the foot of Parnassus for twenty years, and for the remainder of his life be soused in Lethe's oblivious pool.17 Although plagiarism was intolerable, copying from one another was the way antislavery editors filled their columns. In fact, the reputation of one of them--Garrison-- l6Lucy M. Salmon, "Five Crises in American Press Freedom,” in The Press and Society, George L. Bird and Frederic E. Merwin, eds. (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1951), pp. 68-690 l7Genius, May, 1830. 57 depended almost entirely on the abundance of quotable in- vective printed in his Liberator that was widely copied and editorialized against by the established press. Few persons knew of Garrison through reading the Liberator. In 1831, the first year of his publication, he secured only fifty white subscribers. By 1833, Garrison had less than 400 whites. He had many more Negro subscribers than that as a result of his appeal to the First Annual Con- vention of the PeOple of Color in 1833. Garrison once wrote that the Liberator did not belong to the whites be- cause they did not sustain it; it belonged to the free blacks in the North. The free blacks were politically and economically impotent, however, to effect change. "The truth [was] that the Liberator was made famous not by its Northern supporters, but by its Southern enemies."18 In any case, to be reviled by powerful enemies indicated real influence. Garrison published the Liberator until 1865. Commented the Nation: "[The Liberator] is perhaps the most remarkable instance on record of a single-hearted devotion to a cause."19 Historian Albert Bushnell Hart ranks the Liberator first of the antislavery newspapers in importance, and the Genius of Universal Emancipation, second.20 18Barnes, Antislavery Impulse, p. 50. 19Nation, Jan. 4, 1866, p. 7. 20Hart, Slavery and Abolition, p. 207. 58 Lundy took the name of his newspaper from a phrase used by Irish orator John Philpot Curran in 1794 when he defended Archibald Hamilton Rowan against a charge of sedition. In this way Lundy placed himself in the Anglo- American tradition of resistance to injustice, tyranny, 21 and despotism. Lundy, with the Genius of Universal Emancipation, was the link between the pioneer abolitionist editors Os- born, Bates, and Embree, and the most famous of the later ones, Garrison. Charles Osborn, a Quaker, began the 21John Philpot Curran, Speeches of Right Hon. John Philppt Curran with a Brief Sketch of the History of Ire- Iand and a Biographical Account of Mr. CurraniiNew York: I Riley, 18111] Vol. I, pp. 49, 52, 84. In a political move, Archibald Hamilton Rowan was charged with distribut- ing a seditious paper in Dublin in 1792 to stir up disaf- fection and disloyalty to the person and government of the King. Curran, in his defense, stated that Rowan was only trying to urge needed reforms, a right of any citizen. Curran used the phrase "genius of universal emancipation" as follows: "I speak in the spirit 0 the British law, which makes liberty commensurate w th, and inseparable from, the British soil--which proclaims, even to the stran— ger and the sojourner, the moment he sets his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is Holy, and consecrated by the genius of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION. No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no matter what complexion incompatible with freedom, an Indian or an African sun may have burnt upon him, no matter in what dis- astrous battle his liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what solemnities he may have been de- voted upon the altar of slavery; the first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and the god sink together in the dust; his soul walks abroad in her own majesty; his body swells beyond the mea- sure of his chains, that burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by the irrestible genius of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION." 59 weekly Philanthropist in Mount Pleasant, Ohio, in 1817, stressing Opposition to war, slavery, and intemperance. In 1818, while Lundy was on his way to St. Louis to sell his goods in preparation to joining Osborn on the Philan- thropist, Osborn became discouraged and sold the newspaper to Elisha Bates, moving to Indiana to become a traveling minister. Bates published it from October 8, 1818, to April 20, 1822. He gave it up because he could not win enough support. The paper was too mild for the zealots; slaveholders remained unaffected. Elihu Embree, a wealthy Jonesborough, Tennessee, ironmonger, in 1812 at the age of thirty had joined the Society of Friends and had made provision for the emanci- pation of his slaves. Later he had become clerk of the Tennessee Manumission Society, a group formed to urge masters to free their slaves voluntarily. Embree had seen the society's petitions to the legislature to ameliorate the condition of the slaves ignored. A "red-blooded cru- sader," Embree began in 1819 to publish the Manumission Intelligencer, a weekly called by William Birney the first in the United States whose avowed object was the abolition of slavery. Embree changed over to a monthly, the Emanci- pator, which he published from April 30, 1820, until October 31, when he died.22 22Del Porto, "American Antislavery Journals," pp. 43—45. See also William Birney, James G. Birney and His Times (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1890), p. 77. [Elihu 60 Lundy could have joined Osborn's successor, Bates but the latter, as Lundy wrote, "did not come up to my standard of antislavery.23 He heard of Embree's death and decided to found a newspaper to carry on Embree's work. Thus he began to publish the Genius of Universal Emanci- pation in Mount Pleasant, Ohio, a thriving industrial town in the eastern section, a Quaker center with a high degree of culture.24 After Lundy had published eight monthly issues, walking the twenty miles to Steubenville to get them printed, he accepted the offer of the Manu- mission Society of Tennessee to use the press bought for Embree, and he moved the Genius to Greeneville, Tennessee. He traveled half the four hundred miles on foot, his fam- ily following later. There he learned the printer's trade, so he could do his own work. Besides-the Genius, he published a weekly paper, the Greeneville Economist and Statesman, and an agricultural monthly. In Tennessee Lundy had so much trouble with the mails--he lost between two hundred and three hundred sub— scribers who were not receiving the paper regularly--that after two years he decided to move to Baltimore. The city Embree] The Emancipator, Published by Elihu Embree, Jones- borough, Tennessee, 1820; with a Sketch of Embree by Robert H. White INashville: Murphy, 1932 , pp. viii-x. 23 Lundy, Life, Travels and Opinions, p. 19. 24Annetta C. Walsh, "Three Anti-Slavery Newspapers Published in Ohio Prior to 1823," Ohio Archaelogical and Historicalpguarterly, XXXI (April, 1922), 172. 61 had the added advantage of being nearer centers of inform- ation. He made the trip from Tennessee on foot, pack on back, in 1824. At Deep Creek, North Carolina, he made his first public address on slavery in a grove near the Friends' Meeting House and inspired formation of an anti- slavery society. On the way to Baltimore he formed fif- teen to twenty antislavery societies, mostly among Quakers, but one was in a militia company. Lundy expressed himself as a gradualist, and thus these southerners were not alarmed. In Baltimore, Lundy enlarged the Genius, begin- ning in 1825, making it a weekly. He employed a North Carolina convert, William Swain, as assistant. Swain put out the paper while Lundy was on trips for the antislavery cause. Lundy went to Hayti for several months in 1825 to set up a colony for free blacks. (After that he always published one page of the Genius in French to accommodate his subscribers in Hayti.) When he returned he found that his wife had died and his five children were scattered.25 Lundy continued to travel, lecture, and collect subscriptions. He carried with him in his trunk his di- rection book, his column rules, and his type heading so that he could put out the paper wherever he happened to 26 be. In 1828, after the brutal assault by Austin Woolfolk, 25Garrison, Garrison by His Children, pp. 88-89. 26 Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 386. 62 which nearly killed Lundy, he went to Philadelphia to attend the first meeting held to encourage the use of free-labor products. He went on to New York, where he met Arthur Tappan, and then to Boston, where he met Garri- son and recruited him for the antislavery cause. Just before Garrison joined Lundy in Baltimore, Garrison decided to advocate immediate and unconditional emancipation. Taken aback, Lundy said: "Thee may put thy initials to thy articles, and I will put my initials to mine, and each will bear his own burden."27 The Lundy- Garrison partnership lasted only from September 2, 1829, until March 5, 1830. While Lundy was on a journey, Garri- son was jailed for libel and ordered to pay costs of $100. The editor of the Baltimore Minerva asserted that Garrison could have easily raised the money; that he went to jail to arouse sympathy. Lundy responded: "Possibly the money might have been raised for him, if any one had offered to 28 dp_it," Lundy persuaded Arthur Tappan, the New York silk merchant prominent in antislavery circles, to pay the fine after Garrison had been incarcerated for forty- nine days. The partnership was dissolved. Lundy blamed Garrison for exposing the Genius to what started as a $5,000 libel suit; Garrison thought Lundy too gentle to 7Garrison, Garrison by_His Children, p. 140. 28 Genius, June, 1830. 63 be effective.29 But Lundy bore no grudge. In the January, 1831, issue of the Genius, he announced: Just as this paper was going to Press I received the first number of The Liberator published at Boston by William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp. . . . It is neatly executed and, as might be expected, a warm "enthusiastic" advocate of the total, immediate, abo- lition of slavery. Let every one subscribe for it that can spare two dollars a year. Subscriptions will be received at the offices of the Genius of Uni- versal Emancipation in Washington and Baltimore. In the Genius for April, 1830, Lundy had written that he still hoped for an assistant. He had been at it for nine years and had seen a gradual increase in inter- est. But between the apathy of the interested and the outright opposition of others, he could not accomplish his dream of going weekly again. He reported: I have sacrificed several thousand dollars of my own hard earnings; have traveled upwards of five thousand miles on foot, and more than twenty thousand in other ways; have visited nineteen states of the Union, held more than two hundred public meetings with view of making known our object. . . . [taken] two voyages to the West Indies by which means the liberation of a considerable number of slaves has been effected, and I hope way paved for many more. Six months later, in October, 1830, the Genius announced another move, this time to Washington, D.C., to be at the seat of the national government. (Another reason for moving was the threat of more libel suits.) Lundy pledged to work for the gradual abolition of slavery in the Dis— trict of Columbia. In 1833 Lundy moved the Genius to 29Nye, William Lloyd Garrison, pp. 26-27. 64 Philadelphia. Lundy published the last eleven issues of the Genius in Lowell, Illinois, where his two eldest daugh- ters, both married, had settled. His last issue was Novem- ber, 1835. He died in 1839.30 Lundy's editorial in the July, 1822, issue at the beginning of his second year of publication showed his style and determination: Nothing is wanting to enable us.to rid ourselves of this political Bohan Upas, but the disposition and the will to do it; and nothing more is requisite to create this disposition, than to arouse the slumber- ing faculties of a humane people, and by painting the monster of corruption in its true colours, and exhib- iting it in its naked deformity, to induce them to reflect upon the consequences of suffering it to exist amongst them. The path we have chosen is a thorny one, but clothed with the impenetrable mantle of truth, and guided by honesty and justice, nothing that shall be arrayed against us will be able to impede our march. The format of the Genius varied. Early issues were sixteen pages, four and one-half by seven and one-half inches folded in octavo form, two columns on a page, the articles headed with one-line titles. A vignette of an American eagle surmounted the title of the paper. The motto below quoted the Declaration of Independence: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with 30Letter, Jane Howell to Thomas Chandler, May 29, 1838, University of Michigan, Michigan Historical Collec- tions, Chandler Papers. 65 certain inalienable Rights; that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness." The running head was "Fiat justitia ruat caelum,": ("Let there be justice, though the heavens fall"). The head of the first column was an engraving of Curran's idealization of the spirit of liberty, from which the paper derived its name. Although no circulation figures for the Genius are available, the long lists of agents authorized to receive subscriptions and moneys for the editor published in each issue showed a wide circulation. Subscriptions were $1.00 a year, and agents could get six subscriptions for $5.00. Even as early as the July, 1822, issue, agents were listed with the following addresses, some locations with as many as nine agents: Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, District of Columbia, Virginia, Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas Territory, Tennessee, North Caro- lina, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and West Florida. The issue of May, 1832, listed sixty agents with the re- minder that remittances should be sent in "current money of the United States" and addressed "free of expense" to Benjamin Lundy, Washington, D.C. The Genius was shabbily printed, but its influence was wide and its historical value can hardly be overesti— mated. According to William Birney, the Genius "is a re- pository of all the plans for the abolition of slavery, of all laws, opinions, arguments, essays, speeches, views, 1|. 1 1.") 66 statistics, constitutions of societies, colonization ef- forts, and political movements [of the period]."31 A typical issue of the Genius, that of May, 1832, carried a wide variety of material. Lundy took four pages to describe his trip to Canada looking for a place he could publicize as suitable for Negro emigration. There were stories about the kidnapping of Negroes and articles aimed against the American Colonization Society. A special feature (often found) was a "Black List" column detailing unusual cases of cruelty to slaves. Lundy dis- cussed the Texas question, noting that Mexico had prohibited slavery. A story reported the recent founding of the African Education Society by the colored people of Pitts- burgh. On the back page a grocer offered a premium for free-labor rice. Correspondents wrote in from Canada, England, Hayti, and Monrovia, Africa. Four pages of the issue carried the "Ladies' Repository" section. The Ladies' Repository was the department edited by Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, who wrote most of it her- self and who also contributed other material. She began to write for the Genius in 1826. Lundy recorded: "She thought nothing about slavery the, but wrote on other subjects, until her feelings were awakened by reading the 32 paper." As Garrison noted later: "Her industry was 31Walsh, "Three Anti-Slavery Newspapers," p. 203. 32Lundy, Life, Travels and Opinions, p. 25. 67 unceasing and her brother editors greatly valued her aid."33 Thus entered the scene the first of the anti- slavery journalist "belles of freedom,"--"the first woman in America to devote her time and talents to the cause of the slave."34 3Garrison, Garrison by His Children, p. 145. 34Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, The Poetical Works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, with a Memoir of Her Life and Character by Benjamin Lundy (Philadelphia: Lemuel Howell, 1836), pp. 12-13. 1 .—< Q‘ --~ 5'75: ' Hw- ‘ 4 (Q 7 ”.5 ‘ H ‘o- 1' ‘A '! I ' - DNlVLRSAL if. EA}? i ;‘- ' . - A -;:,.r .' '- . . Cu. ’3". 0 3f" ‘4'! ; . 'r \ a w... " ‘ , 1119??) I" ;\ .; .. ~-.Jr.;T my affirm: 5. V 4 ’ a. \ -¢—- -—.---—-—~-—--—-o.~—W 0-”...- S i I I O / --.—'- --—- - " L". ." ’~' .‘uL’Hb' va' ‘ 1?: n-I" z c 1’-I"--'r-,‘t" 3. m: n [ ’(7 f .411.”- 1’0"- "‘-‘.c," ; I, IGI!.' 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'The Devoted' was worthy of Mrs. Hemens."l John Greenleaf Whittier's "pretty writer" and the "poetical correspondent" were one and the same: Elizabeth Margaret Chandler. Elizabeth did most of her writing anonymously or under various pseudonyms. The department she edited in the Genius from 1829 until her death in 1834 was signed, simply, "Principally Conducted by a Lady." It was not that she lacked moral courage or doubted the propriety of a woman's writing and editing for a news- paper that led her to withhold her name. Rather, Elizabeth disciplined herself to avoid the pitfall of pride, lLetter, Thomas Chandler to William Lloyd Garrison, Nov. 4, 1834, University of Michigan, Michigan Historical Collections, Chandler Papers. (All letters cited in this chapter are in the Chandler Papers of the Michigan Histor- ical Collections.) 73 74 the vanity that might come from public acclaim.2 Under the plain Quaker bonnet and beneath the voluminous folds of gray or dun colored gown (dull in hue but perhaps made of the finest China silk, brought back by a relative who chartered clipper ships),3 surged a passion equal to that of the most celebrated courtesan. Her portrait shows an attractive young woman with a full oval face, large dark eyes under heavy arching brows, dark hair piled high on her head, a bow mouth, and an ex- pression of happy alertness. She was a small woman (weight about a hundred pounds). Friends found her ami- able, with a tender feeling for her associates and a sen- sitive eye for the beauties of nature.4 Her passion coursed through a single channe1--the cause of abolition of slavery. Benjamin Lundy wrote: She was the first American female author that ever made this subject the principal theme of her active 2Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, The Poetical Works of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, with a Memoir of Her Life and Character by Benjamin Lundy (Philadelphia: Lemuel HowelI, 1836), p. 16. 3Mrs. Erwin Broecker, private interview in the more than lOO-year-old family homestead, 327 Capital Ave. N.E., Battle Creek, Mich., Jan. 12, 1969. .MissChandler was the great-great-aunt of Mrs. Broecker, who has the keeping of the family mementos, including Miss Chandler's portrait, two notebooks in her hand, some family gowns of the period, and personal effects. 4Sarah G. Bowerman, "Elizabeth Margaret Chandler," Dictionary of American Biography,ed. by Allen Johnson (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1928), III, 613. 75 exertions; . . . no one of her sex, in America, has hitherto contributed as much to the enlightenment of the public mind, relative to this momentous question, as she has done. In short, she ranked as second to none, among the female philanthropists of modern times, who have devoted their attention to it, if we except the justly celebrated Elizabeth Heyrick of England:-- and had her valuable life been prolonged, there can be no doubt that her well—merited fame would soon, at least, gave rivalled that of [this] distinguished . . . author. Elizabeth Margaret Chandler was born December 24, 1807, at Centre, Delaware, near Wilmington, the youngest of the three children of Dr. Thomas Chandler, a descend- ant of English Quaker settlers along the Delaware River, and his wife, Margaret Evans, of Burlington, New Jersey. The family lived in easy circumstances while Dr. Chandler farmed. When his wife died he moved to Philadelphia, re- suming his medical practice. He left his sons, Thomas and William, and daughter, Elizabeth, in care of their mater- nal grandmother in Burlington, New Jersey. Elizabeth was sent to a Friends' school in Philadelphia until she was thirteen. When she was nine years old her father died. Besides the moral influences of the Friends' school and her pious grandmother, Elizabeth had the admonitions of her three aunts, Ruth, Jane, and Amelia Evans to guard her against the temptations of the "giddy, thoughtless 5Chandler, Poetical Works, pp. 12-13. 76 votaries of fashion and vitiating amusement, in the gay metropolis of Pennsylvania."6 By the time she was nine Elizabeth had begun to write verses noticed by those about her. After she left school she continued to read widely. By the age of six- teen she was publishing in the press. Elizabeth particu- larly enjoyed American history and Indian lore, and ex- ploring the countryside. She turned out many graceful verses celebrating the beauties of nature, typical of the romantic period in literature that was characteristic of the day. When she was eighteen, Elizabeth happened to read a sermon on slavery by a minister of the Society of Friends. It inspired her to write her first piece on slavery, a poem, "The Slave Ship," depicting the agonies of the captured chief and his decision, at last, for suicide: "But ye shall--yes, again ye shall fondly embrace me We will meet, my young bride, in the land of the blest; Death, death once again in my country shall place me One bound shall forever from fetters release me!" He burst them, and sank in the ocean's dark breast.7 The poem, to her great indignation, won only third prize in a contest sponsored by the Casket--"I still consider it 6Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 6. 7Ibid., p. 136. 77 equal to those that were exalted above it," she wrote her 8 friend, Hannah Townsend. 9 But it caught the attention of Benjamin Lundy. An introduction and an invitation to write for the Genius followed. She began to write on a variety of tOpics, particularly on the outrages inflicted on the Indians by the white man. Gradually she centered all her efforts on ameliorating the plight of the slave. Elizabeth Margaret Chandler began to write regu— larly for the Genius in 1826. In 1829 Benjamin Lundy asked her to take charge of a female department, the "Ladies' Repository." She wrote most of the material in this one-and-a-half to four-page section, besides editing other c0py, and also wrote most of the correspondence, signing it with various pseudonyms. There is no record of any financial arrangement between Benjamin Lundy and his female contributor-editor. Lundy sacrificed thousands of dollars of his own money in publishing the Genius. From time to time he had an assis- tant, who must have been paid. But it is questionable that he had any money to pay Elizabeth. However, the fact that he depended on her as one would a paid assistant, not just a sometime volunteer, leads to the conclusion that there might have been some remuneration. A letter from her brother suggests this, also. After her grandmother 81bid., p. 12. 78 died, in 1827, Elizabeth lived with her aunt, Ruth Evans, and her brother, Thomas, in Philadelphia. By 1830 Thomas was restless to leave off store-keeping and push west to Michigan. He wrote to his brother William that their plans might be delayed because “Elizabeth is engaged in a little work which will probably bring her something hand- some."9 The "something handsome" might have been in con- nection with Elizabeth's work for the Genius, or it could have been some poems or essays for other publications. All the while that Elizabeth was turning out her antislavery pieces for the Genius she was also writing for the literary journals of the day. On a visit to the-fam- ily near Wilmington she wrote that she enjoyed a ramble along the Brandywine and was working on "Noah," a para- phrase of the Bible story: If I have time I will try to get something ready for the Pearl,--I find it difficult to chain my ideas to one point suffic1ently for serious writing. . . . If Tom calls I should like brother to ask him how Carey and Lea liked the entit es sent to the Souvenir--and what will be published. Elizabeth's Aunt Jane Howell in Philadelphia com- mented on the result of the Brandywine ramble: In looking over the newspaper yesterday in a review of the Atlantic Souvenir for 1831, I saw the following enconium on the production of my dear niece's pen which I have copied verbatim. "Miss E. M. Chandler has 9Letter, Thomas Chandler to William Chandler, Feb. 12, 1830. 10 Letter, Elizabeth Chandler to Ruth Evans, May 19, 1829. 79 frequently distinguished herself in this Annual by chased [sic] and vigorous poetry. Her poem entitled "BrandyWine" will add to her enviable fame."11 It was basic to Elizabeth's character to strive not to court favorable attention for her work. She wrote to her friend, Hannah Townsend: I do not profess to be totally careless of literary distinction, though I am more so than I have hereto- fore been, and that certainly forms, if I know myself, no part of my motives in advocating the cause of Eman- cipation. On the contrary, my interest in that cause is the master feeling which I believe has done more than any thing else in chasing away the other.12 She flagellated herself almost as a mystic might in an attempt to remain modest, until she may not have been really conscious of the high quality of her work or her example: I am continually humbled in detecting mixed motives in almost all I do. Such struggling of pride in my endeavors after humility--such irresolution in my firmest purposes--so much imperfection in my best actions--such fresh fruits of selfishness where I hoped the prant itself was eradicated--such infirmity of will--such proneness to earth in my highest aspir- ations after heaven! . . . When I think of my oft- repeated resolutions frittered away into nothing-~of the moments and hours wasted upon trifles, or in sloth or profitless musings--of the risings of irri- tation or impatience in a temper which I hoped was better disciplined-- . . . there is reproach and mor- tification in the retrospect.13 In 1830 Thomas and Elizabeth, their aunt, Ruth llLetter, Jane Howell to Ruth Evans, Oct. 10, 1830. 12Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 38. 13Ibid., p. 37. 80 Evans, and their little bond servant, Emily, did make the trip to Michigan Territory. They settled on a farm in Lenawee County they called "Hazelbank" on the margin of the Raisin River between Adrian and Tecumseh. Elizabeth continued to do her work for the Genius by mail. A long letter from Benjamin Lundy to Elizabeth in the spring of 1831 might almost cause the fevered imagin- ation to consider whether there could have been a hint of romance between the two. If so, there is no record of any sort of declaration. (In a letter two years later Lundy was far less personal--more business-like.) The letter of May 4, 1831, was playful, almost tender in places. Lundy described a wedding party he attended, not arriving until the ceremony and the dinner were over. He evidently made up fast for the food he had missed until: [My friends] sincerely commiserated my very hard lot in being deprived of the dinner: I did not regret it much for there were so many handsome young ladies in the company I soon forgot it. Notwithstanding the impressive quality of some of the young as well as the aged, we had, I assure thee quite a lively time of it. Lundy was forty-three when he wrote this, but evi- dently still young at heart. Elizabeth was then twenty- four. He had been a widower for six years. He tried to entice her back out of the wilderness: Ah! what enticement--what prospect of gratification, fame (?) or usefulness could be held out to thy view, to diSpel the charm and draw thee from a deep seclusion that almost hides thee from the face of the world? My valued friend if thee knew but half the good thee is 81 doing in the holy cause to which thee has so nobly devoted thy attention for years, I am sure thee would see the propriety of placing thyself in a situation where thee might have every advantage that the most extensive and early information of passing events would give thee. Lundy wrote that he admired Elizabeth's description of the Chandler farm in Michigan Territory: There was [so] much melody in [your] statement that I was quite gratified with it, for I am fond of music especially on winter evenings. In short, I am glad thee philosophises so wisely. Surely thee could re- concile thyself to most situations in life! Music among the trees in a dreary northern winter! . . . [But] did thee not occasionally grow weary of listen- ing to the tones of Nature's magnificent Aeolian? . . . But when people are determined to be pleased with any- thing, it is useless to undertake to thwart them in their purpose. Lundy continued, suggesting topics for articles and poems, and promising to send her material, and to see that she received the Liberator regularly. Then he advised her of his situation: It rejoices me to find thee so ardent in the great cause, and it will be pleasing to thee to learn, that my prospects are now better than ever they have been since I commenced the publication of the Genius. I shall be able I trust to make a good establishment in Washington as soon as I complete the great tour that I have in view. Almost, Lundy seemed to place himself in a position in which he might court Elizabeth. He was about to make a long trip to New York and Canada, and he asked where Eliz- abeth lived from Detroit because he intended to visit her: Thee will, no doubt smile at the idea of an itinerant editor, and probably laugh outright to think of an itinerant periodical. But never mind, I have often 82 conned the Negro Maxim "Continuance, half work, Massa." I will "continue" many schemes, before I abandon a purpose that I have once resolved on. Perhaps this writer read too much between the lines. But it was a disappointment not to find an account of Lundy's visit to Hazelbank in 1831, assuming he did get there. (Lundy did have Elizabeth's portrait. After his death the Chandlers recovered it by offering Lundy's heirs the original cost,$10.00.) The Chandlers traveled to Michigan Territory by boat to Detroit. Elizabeth described Detroit as dirty. But, she remarked, the whitewashed log cabin that was the Governor's mansion had grounds giving it quite the appear- ance of a gentleman's residence. Soon after the travelers left Detroit, the stage suddenly stopped and everyone de- scended to cross on foot the series of worn, loose, uneven logs that made the bridge over the River Rouge. Michigan roads were rough but not dangerous. The party reached Tecumseh, a long day's journey from Detroit, battered, but with their bones still in the proper sockets. On the next First-day the Chandlers attended Meeting: The road wound through quiet and beautiful openings, dotted occasionally with 10g dwellings, and small spots of improved land; but for the most part, still remaining in their own native loveliness. . . . One of the greatest charms of these "openings" is their 83 perfect tranquillity. . . . religious quietneii. . . . I have never elsewhere felt such a stillness. The area where the Chandlers settled was remote and primitive but not isolated. It was largely a Quaker community, some coming from Mount Pleasant, Ohio, where Lundy had begun the Genius. Ann Comstock, wife of Darius Comstock, neighbor to the Chandlers and one of the lead- ing citizens, was a relative of Lundy's. In 1830 in near- by Adrian, the first temperance society in Michigan was founded. Philanthropic causes and intellectual interests occupied the settlers. In 1832 they formed the Adrian Library Company (novels excluded). The Chandlers bought a $3.00 share so they could borrow books. Newspapers from Philadelphia, New York, and Boston circulated. A young Quaker woman came up from Mount Pleasant, Ohio, to give lectures on chemistry, astronomy, and natural phil- osophy.15 In 1832 Elizabeth Margaret Chandler led in the formation of the Logan Female Anti-Slavery Society, the first antislavery association in Michigan Territory. Elizabeth wrote to her friend, Hannah Townsend, a member of the Female Anti-Slavery Society of Philadelphia, to which Elizabeth had belonged, that the new society had l4Chandler, Poetical Works, pp. 30-31. (The land- scape has changed so much with the increase in population, commercial, industrial, and highway development, that today the family cannot identify the exact location of "Hazel- bank.") v --- 15Letter, Elizabeth Chandeler to William Chandler, Feb. 3, 1833. 84 but few members but was growing. Lundy had lent her some free-produce articles from England which she passed around to evoke interest. This small beginning by Elizabeth Chandler built support for the Michigan Anti-Slavery Society. Initiative for the state society came from the Presbyterians, heirs of the inspiration of Weld and Finney. But more than a hundred Lenawee County citizens, mostly Quakers, more than twice the number from any other county, signed the call to the organizational meeting at the Presbyterian Church in Ann Arbor in 1836. Darius Com- stock chaired the meeting, and Thomas Chandler served on the three-man committee to draw up the constitution.16 Elizabeth Chandler had much to do with giving her community its distinctive moral tone. "Indeed, her human- itarian zeal could hardly have been exceeded by any other settler in Michigan Territory at that early date, and her fame as a reformer certainly was not."17 She met opposi- tion, however, even in the little antislavery society. The Quakers had emancipated all their slaves years before, and the ruling members did not approve of antislavery agi- tation. As one of the female antislavery society members wrote: 16Merton L. Dillon, "Elizabeth Chandler and the Spread of Antislavery Sentiment to Michigan," Michigan History, XXXIX (1955), 481-94. 17Ibid., p. 484. 85 Elizabeth Margaret Chandler was of the Hicksite division of Friends, and as Presbyterian and other religious denominations came into our antislavery society, meetings were frequently opened with prayer, and that was thought to be "letting down the princi- ples of ancient Friends." And the subject of slavery was considered too exciting for Friends to engage in, by many Friends of that day.13 As evidence of how strongly some of the Friends felt about the antislavery agitation, Elizabeth's neigh- bor, Laura Haviland, with her parents--her father a minis- ter of the Friends for thirty years and her mother an elder-—broke with this church and joined the Wesleyan Methodists. The Wesleyans had previously separated from the Methodist Episcopal Church to take a stand against slavery. Laura Haviland's brother, Harvey Smith, who had attended Oberlin Institute (later Oberlin College), sold his farm and erected buildings to accommodate fifty stu- dents. In 1837 the family opened Raisin Institute, the only school in Michigan that would admit Negroes. All the principals for the firSt twelve years came from Ober- lin College, which had opened its doors to Negroes in 1835. Laura spent the rest of her life hiding runaway slaves and helping them escape. Thus the work of antislavery agita- tion initiated by Elizabeth Margaret Chandler both influ- enced and was influenced by others in her community. L 18Laura S. Haviland, A Woman's Life-Work; Labors, and Experiences (Chicago: C. V. Waite & Co., 1887), pp. 32-330 86 Elizabeth Chandler‘s poems were written in the same sentimental vein as those of European writers of 19 the early nineteenth century. Her work was inspired by a burning moral purpose, but viewed as literature her best poetry was not the antislavery pieces, but those ex- pressing her love of beauty and showing tenderness, cri- tics have written. Those poems most acclaimed were: "The Brandywine," "Schuylkill," "The Sunset Hour," and "Summer Morning."20 "The Brandywine" celebrated the beauties of this stream as it-flowed near the author's birthplace: My foot has climb'd the rocky summit's height, And in mute rapture, from its lofty brow, Mine eye is gazing round me with delight, On all of beautiful, above, below: The fleecy smoke—wreath upward curling slow, The silvery waves half hid with bowering green, That far beneath in gentle murmurs flow, Or onward dash in foam and sparkling sheen,-- , While rocks and forest-boughs hide half the distant scene.21 Elizabeth wrote about the Revolutionary War battle of the Brandywine, "the death-bed of the brave." The poem con- cluded With the writer's picking up a pebble and a wild rose, for remembering. k 19Lorenzo Dow Turner, Anti—Slavery Sentiment in American Literature Prior to 1865 (washington, D.C.: The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc., 1927) , pp. 1-20 20Rufus W. Griswold, "The Female Poets of America," Philadelphia American Sentinel, Nov. 28, 1834. 21 Chandler, Poetical Works, pp. 47-50. ‘87 « we ‘/)ral¢«/ an [It urn-d: (tutti/ml; M: role: .4 -//~¢r hnu’TAv; an.“ “a cab- Inr y' f»: mun-1 m I!» ‘1” fun; '6!» Mr um . ,_, ..I ,‘n .h .,./r. «I fit ’8‘. a nil/(J . g If“! r~ re} I'd/(.' Elizabeth Margaret Chandler Album Page 88 "Schuylkill" was written in someone's album in a "remember-me" vein. It describes another river, then calls the reader to: Look on the page Of Schuylkill's pictured beauty! that is such-- And thou may'st gaze, till it shall waken thoughts Treasured in memory--for thou has watch'd The flashing of its waters, and has stood, Perchance, beside them, when the moonlight made The scene a paradise, and friends were nigh Smiling with their glad eyes upon thy joy;22 In both "The Sunset Hour" and the "Summer Morning" Elizabeth wrote in praise of natural beauties and then, in the final stanzas, contrasted this beauty with man's inhumanity to the slaves. Thus these two poems should be placed with her antislavery work. "The Sunset Hour," for example, ends: Hath God's rich mercy form'd the earth so beautifully bright, For man to wrap his brother's soul in gloominess and night? That all its charms must be unseen, its loveliness unfelt, By eyes and hearts all dimm'd and broke by cruelty and guilt. No! never hath he meant that those, within whose forms are shrined The rich and deep capacities of an undying mind, Should 'neath a brother's foot be crush'd, be loaded with his chains, And drain, to feed his riot waste, the life-blood from their veins.23 22Ibid., pp. 147-48. An album of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler's writings and selections chosen for her by friends remains in the keeping of Mrs. Broecker in Battle Creek. Several exquisite vignettes in water colors, probably by Elizabeth, decorate the pages. A copy of one is bound with this study. 23Ibid., p. 78. 89 In the less frenetic day when Elizabeth Margaret Chandler wrote, poetry was at least as popular a vehicle for protest writing as was prose. Elizabeth, and also Lydia Maria Child, worked the antislavery theme into many forms: hard sell essays, sentimental stories, allegories, letters, dialogues and poems. Elizabeth seemed conscious of the problem the person with only one theme was to her friends. In the poem, "To Those I Love," she wrote: Oh, turn ye not displeased away, though I should some- times seem Too much to press upon your ear, an oft-repeated theme; The story of the negro's wrongs is heavy at my heart, And can I choose but wish from you a sympathizing part?24 Elizabeth Margaret Chandler did not come to her knowledge of slavery first hand, as did the Grimké sisters, who were originally slave owners. It was her powers of empathy that made it possible for her to show poignantly the sad lot of the slave. Her verses appealed to the emotions; they were especially directed to women: Think of our country's glory, All dimm'd with Afric's tears-— Her broad flag stain'd and gory With the hoarded guilt of years! Think of the frantic mother, Lamenting for her child, Til falling lashes smother Her cries of anguish wild! Think of the prayers ascending, Yet shriek'd alas! in vain, When heart from heart is rending Ne'er to be join'd again 24Ibid., p. 66. 90 Shall we behold, unheeding, Life's holiest feelings crush'd?-- When woman's heart is bleeding, Shall woman's voice be hush'd? Oh, no! by every blessing That Heaven to thee may lend-- Remember their oppression, 25 Forget not, sister, friend. While Lydia Maria Child, in 1833, published for both sexes in An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Ameri- cans Called Africans, Elizabeth Margaret Chandler in 1829 published her position on slavery as "An Appeal to the Ladies of the United States." She did not presume to speak to the men, but directed herself to the women. Eliz- abeth published her appeal in the Genius, beginning: It has been frequently asserted, that, to the heart of woman, the voice of humanity has never yet appealed in vain-~that her ear is never deaf to the cry of suffering, nor her active sympathies ever un- heeded when called upon, in behalf of the oppressed. If this be true, then surely we have no reason to fear, that we will listen with cold, careless inatten- tion to our appeal for those who are among the 03%- casts of creation--our African slave population. Elizabeth made several points in her appeal: (1) Many good persons have been educated to believe that slav- ery is a necessary evil. Sounds of gaiety from the slave compound prove that slavery is not a bad life. Remember, Elizabeth wrote, that women on their knees begging for mercy are horsewhipped, and that the slave child is torn away from his mother to be sold--thus slavery is intolerable. 251bid., p. 64. 261bid., p. 17. 91 (2) Women, although convinced that slavery is evil, feel powerless to destroy it. She replied: Are ye not sisters, and daughters, and wives, and mothers? and have ye no influence over those who are bound to you by the closest ties of relationship? Is it not your task to give the first bent to the minds of those, who at some future day are to be their country's counsellors, and her saviours? She went on to write that even though slavery was consid- ered a political matter not seemly for women to interfere with: "Would it not be better that women should lose some- what of their dependent and retiring character, than that they should become selfish and hard-hearted?"28 (3) All who use the products of slave labor are guilty of support- ing the evil. In her columns in the Genius she promoted the free-produce societies that bought up cotton untouched by slave labor, had it manufactured, and sold it at a prem- ium price to the antislavery public. Elizabeth pressed women to deny themselves sugar, which was produced by slave labor under especially brutal conditions: No, no, pretty sugar-plums! stay where you are! Though my grandmother sent you to me from so far; You look very nice, you would taste very sweet, And I love you right well, yet not one will I eat. For the poor slaves have labour'd, far down in the south, To make you so sweet and so nice for my mouth; But I want no slaves toiling for me in the sun, Driven on with the whip, till the long day is done.29 (4) The slave is a child of God with an eternal soul and therefore cannot be transmuted into property. (5) Slavery 27 28 Ibid., p. 19. Ibid., p. 23. 29Ibid., p. 108. 92 is prohibited by the Scriptures and by the Declaration of Independence. (6) Negro inferiority is not inherent but due to their position as slaves. These are the points, repeated in various ways, that Elizabeth stressed in the Genius. To emphasize women's place in antislavery, Elizabeth wrote an allegory, "The Tears of Woman." The Angel of Justice stood ready to smite those who made bondmen of their brothers, but the Angel of Philanthropy begged to be given a chance. He pleaded with men to abolish slavery. But prejudice and selfishness were too strong. Then he called on woman. Too weak for the task, she wept in pity. And her tears rusted the chains that had bound the slaves. One of Elizabeth's most widely copied poems empha- sized this theme of the sisterhood women shared: Daughters of the Pilgrim sires, Dwellers by their mouldering graves, Watchers of their altar fires, Look upon your country's slaves. Are not woman's pulses warm Beating in this anguished breast? Is it not a sister's form, On whom these fetters rest? Oh, then, save her from a doom, Worse than all that ye may bear; Let her pass not to the tomb 3O 'Midst her bondage and despair. 3OIbid., pp. 114-16. 93 Elizabeth Margaret Chandler's work was copied by many of the periodicals of the day.31 Some of her poems were set to music and sung as hymns in the great anti- slavery conventions. In one case an aged widow who read Elizabeth's columns in the Genius was so touched that she emancipated her slaves.32 The logotype "Ladies' Repository" was set single- column in a half circle of display type. Later, an old- English style was used, probably Foundry Cloister Black. Under the logotype was the heading: "Philanthropy and Lit- erature," later: "Philanthropic and Literary." Then came the line: "Principally Conducted By A Lady." Letters, stories, poems, and articles were included. A few ex- amples will show the flavor. In the May, 1830, issue, a correspondent, signed "M," no doubt Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, struck back at those who called abolitionists "fanatics." Hunted fanat— ics, she wrote, fled the Netherlands to England, bringing knowledge of the manufacture of woolens, hitherto unknown, and a new prosperity. Hunted fanatics were the first to settle New England. In April, 1830, she wrote that the Free Cotton Society of Philadelphia had raised $2,000 to buy forty 31For example, her "Letters to Isabel" on using free-labor produce were published in the Liberator, Jan. 21, 28, Feb. 4, ll, 18, 1832. 32Chandler, Poetical Works, p. 25. l; ['3 OF UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION. Frat Justina tune. The sooner it Emancipation. flan-holders, under I rrr rn~UttttOtranlJl0 ol) 3 muparron of the pres-r but equally COIertit'Cti l t.rlrrirr_y nl ernan' rpal- l , lrvrt‘t‘ tlt-tt'r‘mlne’ol ltri l_\. in! lli': [Hitl‘tht' (ll‘ -: l:.t"t‘ u .rh~ upuni _r Hanging.“ by pro-1 I_Ji.". :‘vt‘u sup]. n \t ‘10:!” RitatI—TWhrn—n_—-— . ,1 ---—4M. l'uiitlt rt t'.l Sh ill H mm.- lug/tr am! PHI, to the blind, and the tug. th t't'r. 'I'ln- l’rrr..pt 1m! ”'11) thu , inn) nut-rival Hr Jjur, And (In \l-ltltli‘Illl [Wilt/['1‘lll‘rrtt'\\ilil' its rh.- .Snow. Spat. .t lrrtit‘ pr tiny. ~p.rr- a hall'pt-rrri) . U r.’ ~prr‘c urn. halt ptrtrr}, to .’l poor Negro. .— . ._ , , - I 4 I -... : Hut trl‘ rnrrr-‘k, hull and law, “hr“ the JL'UI-l". and '1‘. l vrr (’l twir ~lnt’es as \W't m‘ trfr/u'r‘n hit their , Cr". L. and in} tll-;)Q‘F?.- ‘iwly tu turttrilmtt‘ M .rtt \vrfi not in: «writ: ware obtained. a new alrmrlv signi- twirlu-Is til the tilt)- ." it n hoped that it ;~' \rz'l be iut‘reascd w rarled. v'mrr. . 4- - .', It'rnly. . .:.:_v. ’Il'lnly. \Culiil'. ll. ' 1‘"th Pounty. Muffin", wrutrrrty. Ii ml l‘nrancipatiofl. Minion, though not to tire advocates of l by the editor, I into the Genius. an to ‘rrtr. cunt. EURO. lmtt now mar-ing, .: trw-r-t r'xplurrrrg, r".r..rrrr d at 4 Alth‘. .rlw salt wave. illitl p' tilt)" in"; high). l-lly d' spairitrz, ' .rt, \Hlll inure eye balls jinn k the Mm ofday, hut tor trcr an u). 1'! thus lrrsiltf, r."r'n'nr (‘lltuprilffi 4' H." lrzht, 1' 4d ufthe night. a mist hound then, dr t. p, had been dru'fl‘d Inarrh‘tl from the “'3": y gran-l I ground though I tread Inn, and wand'ring for ‘4 ‘1‘ '31 W , 6‘3 “ia‘. us” 4 7“! ~:} (‘7 LI 5 ,r — c I I I ‘2’ t. Philanthropy and Literature. I): ' .-: 1 (>- ll l’ltINt II’AI.I.Y ('ONIII'L'Tl-Il) BY A LADY. l ‘ There are momenh when our mind alnzmt re- l'ustw tu )ield its lie-lrrl to the reality oi the. eva- ll'ttl trl' Arm-vicar) Sliver)“. I l j Trwtrts. l l l ' Its iniquity seems 3th“ dating. it~ shame to broad, to admit til (‘1'! di- lrrlrty. It set rn‘ tr rr errorrrruut-ly irnpiutm to be tolerated, ("NH-pt mining the I'Utlt'bl. savages; and ,txlu-n we reflect win It', and among \t'lr-m it is ipcrruittr-d to t-xi~t, and what spot of earth is pol- ill”! d by it- vrlcntau, rt i~ not wonderful that we [should again and again, like. the illustrimh ('lark- son, ask ourwlvcs the qirt-~tion—“ Can this be true?" Alas! like him, we receive the same bitter afl'rrmative echoed back from the recesses Aye, it is true, that in free, polished , Christian Arrrerit‘a, two of our lrosorrt—-—“ It is true!” millions of human beings are languishing out a life of abject slavery! true that human sinews are pronounced by her ‘laws to be merchantable commodities—that a portion of her citizens de- rive their wealth from the sale of their country- men—that regular markets for human flesh are established in variouir places—that the'strongest laws of humanity, and the holiest ties of blood and affection, are as lightly broken, “ as flax is sunder’d at the touch ot tlame"-—truc that Amer- ican women are beaten with the horscwlrip. ranked as cattle, and driven with their brethren in herds about the the country to be sold! Yet the people of {thou United States make a profes- sion of Christianity—profess to regulate their op tions by the pure standard of the precepts of the blessed Gospel! They assume the character of a brave, polished and enlightened nation—brave! a nation which eufl'ers her sons to tyrannize over women and children!—polished and enlighten- ed !--when thousands of her children are bound down by her law-in a state of the most debating It matters not that this state of things is confined to only a portion of the corn- ignorance! “cranium . .....L“ sanity—or rather. it cuts a still deeper shade o! sham om those who could, and will not, 05 -—M~O~$r-- 94 GENIUS 0F UNIVERSAL EMANCII’A'I'MN. Fiitt JtrstTti-aj‘liiFCEtr-rlurn. r’—_——‘""""“'” ,. [are lltls stigma hunt the name ot' their tar: l [rum :1 regular correspondcnre lit't\\('t_‘t rountrv. lint, shuuid our country women sigh l rious societies in the twm-mrntrirs; and over the dark [ii-'lrttc we have drawn them of a [and they love, lt-t lllt'lll nut deem that they are innocent rt perpetuating that darkness. New collectively and imiit‘iduulha, thr-y are in their full portion answerable [or the guilt of its con- tinuance. Had they interposed their prayers in helm“ of the dulcncelt‘ss StllIcri'rs, had they been conscientiously earnest in impressing the ....--_—._ ...- _— minds of all tlru~e over whom nature or atIt-ction lt.ttl given them any influence, with a conviction of the true nature of slavery, had they steadily refined to partake in its iniquity, our country rmuld ere now have been redeemed from its pol- lution. But it is not yet too late to arouse them- Iclvcs—-tlrvy have hitherto been blindly swayed from the path of right principle,but they have it still in tln-ir pvmwr to withdraw their hand from committing evil ltll' the future, though they can- rnrt remedy the past. They have yet the power to prove, that though they might for a time tlrmrghtlessly pvr~i~t in error, they cannot, and will not, when they have reflected on its enor- mity. Continue. to support a system Willtll de- rives its nu~rri~hment from the life blood of hu- nran hearts. The constmrplion of slave produce is the very root oftlre systr m of slavery; while that is firmly seated irt the earth and continually nourished by fertilizing: (luvs, it will be dillicult to destroy the l vitality of the branches. It is this which has- drank up i-ttt'll rivers of tears, and torrents of human l)lUt)tl—-.Iliti when that is destroyed, the whole bulk of this pestilential evil must inevi- tably perish. to have the plt-rmrre of laying a part t least. horn time to time, below. our If?! “'e have been favoured with a co proceedings of the Coloured It‘crna'e l dtrc’e Society, of Philadelphia, why-h ‘ for insertion in our next paper. LITER .\ l 1 Y. a--.— ...... ._._~ -- -_ PHILADELPHIA Fates: COTTON Socrsrr. To the politencs's'tnli the Secretary of this As- sociation, we are indebted hrr several Reports, for the months of January, March, and April, of the present _vcar,prescuting accountsof their proceeilings. As these Reports possess consi- derable interest, we have thought best to defer their insertion until next month, when a new vo- lume of this work will commence, and a large number of new subscribers will have the bene- fit of the information contained in them. The last meeting of the Society, which was held on the 15th inst. we learn was well at- tended, and an inrreasing desire was manifested, by the nit-miners, to aid in promoting the good came. ' A very encouraging letter was lately received by the Secretary, from the Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society at Birmingham, England, and read at this meeting. Much good will. no doubt, result For the Genius of I'nrvr .- t'. l REMINI‘I lT\'t Away and mray to .‘It'lrll"‘) '. ' I] In t:i_\'t'd "inst so." The creased napkin fltflilisl the wall neter altered Its triangles. the little mirror [may or iather .m/ just above. resting upon the tun nails which pasSt-d through the napkin hops: and looking down upon the. oft scoured ' floor like Compassion upon misery. It had -a nice square cf flowered paper fastened against the h»;- wali to st'r\'(‘ as aback ‘qroutid to show off the beautits if the stained pine frame. and the yellow house i. hi 7i surmounted it. Beneath stood the ... czuz. -- t-iI! stately inOkill‘J'CHnt‘t’l’n. with 1““ i“ be ml each t-Iud on top. and Iwkin‘: some“ but like a “ vinegar-fund. starchy old maid. with two stifl'e. curls on each check? him. Maiony Wt'ttid have no newapalwrs about. for they always made “‘a litter." Frank Malony. her husband, [CIT-‘31 _ ii IIIPiiéss ammo. BY WILLIAM GLAND BOURKE. [Gnu-ard! WiII ye stop and ponder. While the minutes pass ye by! Will V0 mid vour dreamtngs wander ’ Whib- the hours just breathe and die? He whose ardor brightly inlrllt'lil With a pinpnw Itllt' and strong. .Iu the end a Inuit-l earncth - KPH-5v 'iIIlII Ihf- highest SOIIL'. Him-ard! in a bold reliance . . 0n the strength ye have wubin: i Bid your foes :t stern defiance And their TIUIIIZIL'" ye aha“ Win. IILife is not a time t- r dreanying— Standing still or asking when— Mere resolves or wordy seeming— t Duty calls for earnest men! Po ye cringe at shadows fleeting Like a sun concealing cloud? Dive them all a silent greeting. 8‘“ be “ever by them bowed. I this kind; and to let Prank sit of evening I in the house and read.was outofthet'lues- tion. for he chewed tobacco. 'I‘mc he might have sat on the well scoured bench pitLtbe little yard. at the door, but the Inst raysd’ the sun feII there. and to have i famed vines or trees for shade. “why the ""08 \vdiId always keep a failin’ :tiid linkin‘ a mess." Besides this little en- lclosure had been sothoroughlv swept that ,not a blade of emss dare grow. and the Ismooth. hard earth displayed the stain of Doubtinq ever makes us weaker— I'Obufm IUICC’. almost as well as the white Fears make coward hearts for aye-e; floor. ' But the true and earnest seeker , Knows nu yielding bit! to die. I I l Onward! though the steep ascending: c Makes the labor long and hard: ist-em: far will be the blending Jotv with-akr-tdl’a "ard. - ° who idly stand and tremble. I Th‘i‘I’iinking dangers fill the way. ‘ Hid the tyrant foes assemble In their terror-born array. \ Old Mr. Smith says there is a great ; runny good qualities about badpcnpie.and Just as many bad qualities about good peo- ple. and that after all there is not so much difference as we are apt to imagine. The twist-at peeple will be very ftoiish some- ‘times. and foolish people will sometimes :be wise. so. although Mrs. Malony had ; some false notions she was right in think- I'ing a tobacco chewer out of place every {where. When the Good Being made the .7 world, He made no place for them. or an .'idIer; and they appearing to understand ;' this. have created bar rooms for their own . i accommodation. - i Mrs. Malony never meant to be an un- ,‘kind wifeormcther. no famili- had their clothes better mended and,“‘aahcd. their He who vields is base and craverr Nothing Worth in strife and tr- But the firm shall reach their ha"!- I’roudly bearing offthe spoil. .So our dutv e'er should find r- I So our trials should be mett- IWhile the true and lofty bits"s Like. a lock unmoving so" ‘ (fid’ge. then. with bold 099"”— Prcss ye onward whilv,e may —‘ Keepin Trust and H pron"? Ange guardians by t! “13'- ‘ Written for tha'Piusbur Mk! Vi it"- mum L. ASE betterorder; duty. came no home at all, for after Frank had washed and changed his Working dress in :the shed at the back of the house. and A true tale. by FED: DEM“. ‘ crurflR '- Dear Reader. argon a house-keeper? dare say not thoih. for VOW few house- ‘epcrs are real!!! N0: no. I did not k if you kept buse. but if you were a in his clean house, he usually spent his evening in Jimmy DonI's bar-ram. or on . . the bench at the door. where he ct.uId read. '-"’"‘°’3"P"- T?” '3 " greatdifl'erence. gossip and chew, undisturbed bv the shrill “'1‘ )'°"- KN‘P'g“ house '3 arranging! rebukes which an overclean hniisc-keeper my thing at"! u 3" “t” ""3' ”Yam“? i would be likely to athninistcr to eight I’f""""" ”5 comfort {'"d happiness of, healthy children, who. in trdcr to keep 7 ‘f'mii‘is and the gift (if. so keeping! from “makin’ a mess" about the house (I '3 Firm? grocer Berg: ho‘Ise'Ispt-nt most (if their time strolling the‘ vil- ‘per ‘3. different "fliI'r' 0 c a pen, Ia're. fields and woods, the older ones car- S‘lwm'ht'tltofthe article one mtist adopt t rviin" the babv to kec it out of the wa _ tiered svstem of astronomy from the! ~ -‘ -_ p . 3' ctonififnnd finely believe that houses 31‘ groan many p eppie chtdcsfithe Mlaionys the centre of the solar and everyotheri iave cuscs "’0 c can or too he to "o 'n' . . . . ;and_ if I were in one of their places should '3qu fixed paint around which a" to the barn, and just peep iii the uns things revolve; nay. not 001 :movc , ,- _ ’unag things. but things celestial and i hoes}: throughda 3‘ Indoil‘.hn°“ aid then i0 Estial. things “in the Heaven above and {see I 1' staye nice. ose w .0 5th3 m h Earth beneath." {cur-s and h:;ve no barns. might hvc :n the .0 a housixk'ccpcr,mflsinir “g“ thisiifo.‘ .-. :11 shed, or even under the bake-oven. ter in that which is to come." is at all .I A"! ”In“ WWI" b‘ better than “ ”"43" icompared to a well scrubbed kitchen _ tyiiich ‘kfieps one iii a constant fret lest nicely scoured tin-pans. What to; I my spat something or sozi something. is a stain of pollution on the immortal ; One of M" M”""‘.‘"3 “O“bl"3~ lht‘ bt‘Sl of husband m. child. to the setting’agpcf’Pi" have troubles. was her nearest dy shoe sole on carpet orfloor? Tobeinc‘ghhm'i whose yard (“‘7de from I!” they would be "q. willing to.pre- . own by a slight fence, presented a great the former. if they could‘consistently',“mum,” her I-ttie hard. Square. Well the higher duty—the main object of swept piot. Mrs. Wesiim's yard was filled of keeping a clean house. It is a “'"h 8"?!“ W1 0"? {wt-st tree. which : thing to be a house-keeper, but I ”'0'"! near the fence, dismflxd the 2001] an idea that some Yankee will invent I housewife not a Iittie. The MW" "(This some day with steam, weights, or a'"°'~‘t '3‘": all of i" kind. were dying an "ring for motive power. It need not «. dePmL' (”m “My Sprint; until fall. in .u}, more curious than a steam press, ; the littei- thus made provided no little most of the duties, except the mold. ploytnent for her broom and tongue. But It must of course beso arranged .3 ithcrc appeared no remedy for the evil. ah on a certain day without regardm I The bar tug suds which had been carefully ter—-but‘ there would be one dtfficuI-i poured 1’01“"! root and stem, the rather iii- No matter what motive power would ”has?“ it. by assisting the growth and ed.'until perpetual motion is discov- mugmg 3' more plentiful supply of new it might Donn-times get out of order, "'9‘1‘9- which forced the old ones. to drcp ck. and'stop! That would never do. 5 "if and hm". room. Many were the he‘d!!- ? house 'eepcr goes all the same sick ; bummss “'h'ch they ccst. many the hours II. it makes no ditIi-rencc. Oh no! ; they darkened “’i‘h angry clouds, thr-sc “I 88‘ no kam house-keepers, fori hm" thhered l"“"""'— 0f such material 1 Eldon mun rest and get mended. ? '3 Md" “"9 1”” 0"”f'"°WI I Yet heed- .000 - “.0.“ .. get out of sorts." : less of the sorrow which they brought. the ‘htaoramsinspnng would have tobs ‘ )'(‘"0\\’ leaves dropped down continually. y upafldmightbe forgotten. House- from M"? laid down ’1” garlands uniil c never (5,2,, _ - g Autumn came wraped in er rainbow innuglmy w... home-keeper. and,‘ mantle. Like those who die in infancy" -e lkht jttdgi‘ h‘faith by her works. ' and .“Wlh. and childhood. they came down :y biieved that the chief end «‘40!th earth to Iiuda grave, aiid pteach of " “(No build houses and take careiu’mSIIW)’ h199811;;3. «if life, and hopes of .0 du".thcin: the chief and now end :}'°|"h- 0f virtue, truth and honor blasted yum!!!) keep them clean. goody, by witheringthe fibres which bring Ief'fl '1 clean. a 'dfiperatclv ctan f'h“ 'rQ'WPPl)’: and all uninitidfttII of their tae. w very chair. bath tabii-s. ad ' lack of Welcome they fluttered in to preach we? . had learned their own~et- their stIent sermo" a? decay "a,“ h”. vcrv places on floor and never got out .:j lwarms-tone, . ‘ I ' Nowmced to" me thatnhouse-‘v LII“. These or ”its! [iattcrn house-keel)- sper’s c a 0 not get to know more M's. Mrs. Malomr’s children .....n. v . . "t at other ', and keep their places ['10 help to hex-f ' e” n ' #150“ 'n do not move only ‘ ightl . and it hmebOd es them. No matter his_vb \ / They did not do things . Was much easier for the ustlmg woman to do all herself, than ithe village blacksmith, liked reading Very , well. but Sally had no tttnc for trtflt‘s 0f calsbett ked, th' h k t'i , . -. m "(lift [hiSOLOUShLdofilgfidzgsgi‘iand there are other people who are in- . day 8‘18!" 1 WI” W” W“ To accomplish it, their hcme.be-- taken his clean supper. off his cIean‘table, . em- I This is one reason why so manv notable - minute pIaits and invisible stitches, destgn- . course it was I 'ceeded to the mothers raise daughters with very small, : ed to be,a country's wonder when peering white hands. The hearthsione.the heanhsione! The' vest. . family tircsidc. Much has been said and _ ” _ _ written of .t. vet its power for Slot «I orevil “'Indt" Edward, said the "°'“"~'_§""l is little IIII(it'T.;If)0(i. The ficuit—vi ft hain- who \\'a Sarah the oldest tiztUQ‘h'f‘]' ‘ i ’ht‘ his: to its charmed cncle the leisure hours schoolmhtll‘t‘F-‘i Saiah lltt‘d \_\ H" ”'5- ofIIiusbands. iaihers. I-roihris. si-n~. is :- Sutton ' the di ubie fat-104V (‘L ""“‘|'“”', ivit‘sst'ti rift In woman. but ttniortttnntcl‘.‘ i0” find WI!" I'ih" ”‘9 '“aJ"m."I "I h“If". If Lin-v h:.t'.. Crime in In ”I :i ciu try into i'.‘ she was onv- tit 'hent ‘ h 1]“. guar- _gave "Illi took directions—ordn-xs are aii httc it not. great itieasure wouio ...-aw, ' . . . r d.ans of public morals could contrive some unkniiw -L'(lllitr.i.-‘. as a Illflii’Jl o. (‘t'uigrg‘ rczt~0iiabie substitute nm-i-nitirtahie‘ “N-o forget. was the repiy t.- her he. hstunes. u what a weiH of trouble" it t uestio ' . \viiiiid save them '. But either with the I “Ide [are EdWat‘d. ‘ “"id the “M lady xlmrl sight of idiots er the lung >i‘_hi of “you forgeteverythtng. t‘w andplaiit the d('tt't0TI-. they have opened at the t‘t-ry ‘ hush. )nu wdfput It 'ofl nuts] it will he d-or of every home the bread and which ; too Iatedo move it and it “'lii not have a Icadeth to destructioumnd made its paths:r0u' this year. . you know very well invitine bv lures of :iddv t‘XCiII‘IIIt'III.ISUI-'an ‘ays said it Wmtid look so i\IUII.‘ which winIthe inmates. n! m only the ill-lun(101‘ ”rt wmdow, ""1 'r 3“,] W“ 30‘ regulated. but often of the I-cs! regulated. . little to \Ieasc her now what ‘\‘."I" ii'h- uf. ht'lnt’s to ”mid in its downwutti course. it"t‘ :1 “th. ;: gran, \\'t‘i._ ;; Ii‘IIIiI‘ Had the village-or Non-tow" l)rcsc[][(-dISI£II."i tood luck to the bride. l‘hr 1:9! anv pIaCe of rational ciijoyi_i.-etit. Frank shin . a ays be white “roses in :» bride s: Melony. Would not have spent his even-t hutt' zin'ii'o'“? 1“ her “"nd"“'_ ["0- 1 “0|" ities of Jimmy Doyis: for h-~ had no taste; 9115“” Hillier i am afraid Sh" Wt”. ft -i‘ was not agreeable. But Frank was ai 'I e jovial fellow. loved to Iaugh and talk. and speech hated solitude. t part of the good lady‘s kind be his companion. for it kept her busy toI roscatt scold his children. and scrub his housc.l‘lt'bc his .\t iii-s. he 0|in stayed a while tp chat 5 it tended ~.n he went for aitlcies for his fainiiy i to deck I; .‘t‘s—ii 1' Jimmy Doyl kept the \‘Iiiflfl't-iCiIrlSIIHngand there should be thousands sum: as we“ as tavern: then he. went to! “[1089 ‘4 ' e's. but its blossoms was not destined ranL He began to think it mean to sit Ithe deepest mourning: but §° 1‘ "3 without buying smuething. and as .liuiniv 3 ”NW Pay 1'00"“: for ”I" I'T'V'ie'l": was always ai the bar Waiting fur a fif’vi 'I‘he preparationsfor the wedding went like :t spider watchin-r fer a fly, it became I U" mt'le- Edward “I35 'h" ("”3" 'I kiwi a-f matter it" etc l'~t' to treat someI thirsty pilitTcIau wI.u i-..d talked himselfi _ . hearse ovc. :!:.‘ Prt"I'it ut’s message. 01‘; lie “I” scarce more unmeus to bring something else he kn iv nothing;t about. ' Susan bathe than were h" l'ari'nts i“. have ‘Aftei‘ a while ank learned to take share ht‘l' thcre. Sarah “’05 '0 5"'.V ””91 the 4,, ”join us in a glass." . i bride cards home. when changed CII’CtlIlt- To him the downward nad was vcrv : stances took herclscswherc. A stout wo- steep. His was one of tin sc strongr pas- i man hadbeen I""""”'ml "5 domestic help. is madness. - housewife and kind mother ‘~ Sttsan is but Jimmy Doyl became fullv aware of this I a poor weakly thing—not like Sarah who , and learned to be afraid of .ank .\I:donv , is healthy and strongq-andaherc is no use fwhen he had “a drop;" but this fear did 3 for 1101' to work." {not deter Jimmy from persuading him to! Such reasoning may sound strangely to Ttakc “a drop” again. for what are all nth",- .I you 5:10th reader. if you are a city reader; Ifcnrs, to timw uf Jimmy's Class. cumpun-rl i but in country places those _\'--u C.Iii ser- to the fear - i" Ioositi': 1 tip. - _ - But this chapter is g’el!in;,r very long!" t‘f_th1!'tlttttlv'wuutd not a... Mitt sumi- tercsted in the manner Frank .‘lflitillyghisli'ry- _ . . . - -spcnds his evenings. so I must tell you . lhat spring was a Slll‘l‘lnfl' time III the iabout them. incighborhofl of Newtown. There was i . CHAPTER ”- .vicinity; and Edward Sutton :1 member Dear reader perhaps you will feel in- fir]? yohintycr _cotnpany “IIIS expecting a ' ' . - s I g r suited at the very plebisnI Company I have’ II 5 Im U ”I‘IOIIIICI“. been introducine you tis—a village black- ismith and his wife. .with the school- 'mistress, next deer; but no._l had like to forget that Longfellow has immortalized . the “vi“age blacksmith" and “the school. , mistress," is always int-re er less romantic. i fliesgegfifrgtx iiitbhristihlirc [grotgirvjsirangeir linked—the high. and the low. . II .' : I5 :1; '3," . I ' ' s ' : are simply an old western Pennsylvania3::{153:0Sig]..lhL poor. IIIL harborn IIIII farmer. his gun! wife, atid their one son.—- ' lThis son might be interesting to young ladies, but for the impediment of being? :engagcd. have liked Edward Sutton, if you ha‘iithcwhole system I known him. his countenance was so open ' i I and intelligent. so free from every stamp ' -i-ftbe Laser passions which degrade hit- lhulmanitly. “yidstcphwas so firm and «tree . i it. ver : v w o knew E v; I” I .. .. .. ... ' . . . 'eigher loved Ir liked him—girls sniff-hf II may ‘IIIIiIiIr bImII‘I IIOII MISI MII- Yet Susan Scott, was not a bit jealous, Ito ct me . fftwo weeks before the wedding. :ztII’i there was iucrritiient enough to be jcrowded into a few wt eks to have ithrough a reasonable lifetime, tnuch of The interests of the htttuaiiJatniiy are _Ioved a great many. he loved no one he '1“, h": .Susun, had "I“Iay“ b'_'°”;which run through human afltiirs. 'weak and timid—one of tho:sc et-nfiding. .. . . .. . . . . . . . so !.I-. (osrisi LD. natures which instinctively command prt,-‘ . __ ~ tection; and at school iii early childhod: A I’ERSEYERINH LUVER. Edward had learned to do her hard Mttns,’ :thp her over the run and pretrct ht r fr: in reports of the intended cross sheep and vicious cows. 5 Duke of “'i-llington to But We must not talk about Susan now. I dctt (Mutts, It makes me sad to think of her. 'ofa mt‘st pcrsevering lover of the Iadi; The homestead of the Sitttoiis. was a' This Wealthy personage (\Iiss ('ouits) fine specimen of a western farmers resi-i has been of late ctnsideralilv ht-Iiirt' the deuce. a large but rather awkwardly con- English public. owing to hethavitig gives the following history signs of plenty. The evening we visit it,‘ 'l'hismnti has for the last siv years pursued I is a calm one in April. at the close of one die Iadv with the most unrelentingr and iofthose bright warm days “'hiCh Cztpn- I reckless frilly. endeavoring to force him- cious April loves to borrow from balmy self into her presence. follow-ii... her May. to make one the better realizi- “ ' tth discomfort of the February storms which prttt‘cdt' and follow. The lazy Oid For his infamous conduct cows stood near the house lookingr the cuffed, kiCh"Ii.\\‘iII}-pt'ii, Ipictitrt- of contentment. the excmplitication I horse-ponds. and imprisoned in some li-ilf of a g. od conscience for duties well per- a dc-zen jails. but to no ”Imam" ‘4‘ his . t . firmed. They had brought home their liquid treasure and delivered it safe to the. dairy woman—done all the work nature he has been i dragged through attempts to procure an audience. At last . . i he committed himself by swearing. in 1}“. had assigned them and now ipnetiy chew- I'Htirt ofiiankruptcv. that Miss (’cuttsl 1] I ed their end with much more self com- sent him an order for a sum ..r “H".III PIZI'INIIICI'. than a loafer does his ouid= which he was to till up. .in.' \t-hir-hIIi'i.‘ without fears for to-u:orrow. Every iiving did for 5.100.000, . s his 3. >3 Eu brtI~I~ic}.IIl{ thing around appeared to be enjoyitigitseif‘ promise of marriage. I I I to its utmost capacity. while the old farmer, and his family sat on the ample porch en-. joy-ing the delightful hour. the Johns of the day concluded, the old gentleman bit- at it'usI with her initial \Iglliillln‘ :itI'thhul sicd with his book—Edward trying to road to the foot of the tin“. Dunn ,iI 6"; . a paper while iiStQ'niII‘: to the remarks efi grasped the ide , and semi” it Check “I, . his mother and a young girl who was bu- ‘ the Bank, (touttg, 5,, Co., 59 Strand Lon- i sy and had been most of her time for some i don, to be placed to the aCcotmt of the la- .IHHI aSstti:;.-;l "rfil‘l' consisted of ‘I c.-r. tutti d gm rel St'ItI 'o ’.i.n by :UIIII “’ilhiu' . ' i . C - I u s as a gOOd 10kt. In the name it the :ade 0.. .out between the Iapeis (if his wedding, ‘ea| for intoxicating drinks. and the coir-pany I With" h " a W herseIt. : card but by two of her nu~. His wife had no time to ‘ diche. .. Edward had gone to plant the; I window of the room which Was : VVcII and carefully was . bridni. strange it is that in our; opation it is to convert I'rIdais' | . ' ' a r -' \ I a I hear the neWs when he had no other er- I ”“0 b""ls'-J“1 "“0 4"1'f_'“ugh" r is an I . . . 'whoh: of which he has squandered. by countenance would be soft and kindly to i living upon. the principal. so that he could expression, were it not for ‘the hard hne of heir I t nabic himself to gc‘ into sootety and foi- her Spanish brow. tonianybroad acres and much goods: and t low up tha- t:.U'-'t ments 0: Miss (-‘outts.— in.» be. very pleasing. and it IS conmdered a his nuptials were to be a Country jubilee. IThe industrv. perchei'anee. and tact ex- compliment in good taste. and cue that ' extraordinary . Four times he had been committed to prison by the. chief magistrate of the me- sionate natures in which on r evcitcment . for “I am getting old." reasoned the thrifty i trepolis—ffroni Bow street-Tarn] he mana- . . . . . gcd by his own unaided skill to upset the. which she has an inordinate passton, par- Icommittal and obtain his liberty, _’ Dunn must , wealth. vums :nrfiivywtted to do n: thing a dattght-I Sarah ‘V"\‘It)|]’.\‘ , -to be a large military encampment in the' Ior perhaps more correctly both. The ladies were I Miss Cnutts become all to visit the martial (IISpIay which was: lasted I which was realized :znd enjoyed to the full. . a daughter ofthc are mutually dependant up-. 5 on each other. no branch of the body poli- ' - tic can stiffer without affectingr the IwhoIe,‘ , , lany more than one part of the human: But indeed girls you would ; frame can suffer withcut ilnput‘tin': pain 1,, . National lntclligencer. . The errors. follies or: ,inisfurtttncs of the hutnblcst individual in; .a counuunity. must of tit-Cessity effect that - icomntunity. often to an overwhehning de-. ' lonev's house-keeping and 15.an Dovt’s IIIII‘I’. The Queen and her fair daughters- softest material possible: . for tavernkceping could bi. conticctedIwithIthe : iii-law gather around the Circular work WI” easily dispose itself into folds, 1‘3ng she knew that although Edward hked andjhnmfim.SQ tithe Suttons; 1,", ,1“... “.‘,“. table which (im‘npu‘s the centre of the gracefully as . Connected bt‘ one of those invisihh-I chains .I room. and each or the Princesses “k” ““bk‘ '0 mm“ it “In." moment. A London correspondent. noticing the‘ marriage of thei Miss Angelina Bur-.dy. takes little part in any conversation fevery evening she withdraws to her own (apartments, the King with the most court- been ' trived house. we“ Slorct within. and sur- most iiifamouslv prusccuted I-v :ui IrishI rounded without. with the unmistakable I barrister. ofthc appropriati- unmet-flhtmi. I “'ht‘rm't‘r she went, and pestering her re- f dullness ofthc royal .mltm, I’m“ “"Ih:l.\'iI0\-.'erot atn:itorycpistlcs.— titncs, endeavors to cheat her cimt/i' by manners. or the ceasing of his intolemblei ne' ted. and Dunn then pro- duties to which 8119 attached more impoc hater in Bankruptcy“ and _ tance than to the cultivation of the mind. made an affidavit that Miss Coutts had re- She is aware of her deficwncy. and pudiated her order, and was therefore in. rarely ventures to con verse With strangers. --Dic‘.' w... plant the )‘(vSt‘blISh at thejsolvent. He endeavored to get a fiat of In spite of her defective education, the bankruptcy against the firm, but was frus- boldnesss and nriginahty of herlexpmwl- IYH'I'fi bv the amount; partners procuring ons sometimesfstartle the court y grogp: an injutiction to stay proceedings. and then She is the only one who dares to assert in iiiiiittine [I’llltn for perjury. he havingde- independencis. and who contradicts ii 3 p stdupon «ath tba‘ the dOg_rc-fCi in trues» king; but she is treated iIkC‘ a spa :1 i.. ii was .5 ..ndwriting of Miss ciiid. chidden and forgiven. She is C - ‘Inttttr. led in the family the rose of the desert. The ti'iai came on; iIn-imlyswen- posi- The habitat: of the Palace all declare tivi-Iv that she had never given the party however, that hers is the master spirit. auv Ircasnn to beI-eve that she had tht‘ and that iii time she will rule them all. ' fie-{ist preference for him: 0:] the contrary. The duchess d'Atiinalc is the favorrte she hated and abhorred his very name. or ofthc Queen. She does converse. bill ”1 Iiii' mention of it. and had never written to a low tone. and close to the ear of her ma- iii“! in her life. , jesty. She tells with all the. trueIItahan He was found guilty. sentenecd to an rapidity ofintonation and gest-tculation the imprisonment of two years, and to find se- story of the last wondrous miracle at ha- curiiy for good behaviour during the en- pics; the words of Father (yIIISCppC. the siting five years, after the. termination ofconfessor of her. childish sins. She is the sad adjudgmcu'. of incarceration.— very fair: her hair is ofthc lightest flsxen; Dunn made :t smart effort to set aside this . her person is diminutive. and she is far pri Cecding. but having failed, he is most fr0m possessing: the, beauty of any one Of likely to remain in custody" for the full her sisters. 'l‘he expressmn of her coun- ICl'm.0{ Seven years. It can scarcely be tenance is that of physical suffering; yet expected that any respec:abie person will , what kindness and benemlence beam iecomc. his bail and no other will be. ac- I from her eyes as she gazes on her royal c"I"ed II" 3110" R Cit->0. Lord Brougham aunt; with what tender emprcsxcmcnt she expressed his regret that a public whip- . hastens to thnead. the needle .Ol' sort '1‘9. ping had not formed a portion of the sen- proper worsted. when the long-tired e :0- tence. and he '0 declared himself in the :sight fails. It needs but to see this to IS. House of Lords. 'cover that she is the favourite, and why. Dunn “"13 PO‘St’t‘St'di when the idea of Now comes the flower transplanted _Isst Capturing the English heiress originally of all from the hot bed of La GranJa mm entered his bmjn- Of a Small handsmne the cold frame ofthc Tuilieries.the youth- freBhOId ("Slam mmtunting 1“ about four ful Duchess de .VIontpensier. She is just hundred pounds sterlinc per annum, the fourteen, but seems much older. Her in litt- Her faCe is. too long hibftcd by“ DIttiI! during the whole. of the TCMESLOUIS Philippe, [o ubsorve that she campaign against Miss Coulis. betrayed an has the prominent nose ofher father, Fer- powerof Ettdomilabiiilyi flsIdinand VII. The poor child cannot talk well as genemi and [Patti attainments.— if she would, being totally ignoranttofany language save Spanish. The only accom- plishment she has acquired at the Court of Queen Christiana is that of dancing, for owing to ticularIy for the expressive dances of her defects in the warrant. . own country. She once attempted to Had the same ability and determination charm the dulncss ofthc evening by dis- been exhibited iii any laudable pursuit, playing hcr talent in this (my: to the Prin— have obtained ChfiTflCIt'T. cesesemhut the King interposed and fir— and perchnnce have: achieved bade the exhibition. ' ’ greatness. He is about thirty-five years So pass the evenings at the RoyaI Pa!- uI ugv, “it: lust it-ii in It ".51”. ulu :i_ts [If [a bus Lcen (‘1)r‘f'ffl‘fil‘IJ n'bt-thnr ii is dressed. dogged In look- 'ight in eyes and prudent thus to keep the youthful ladies hair. and rather dispOSt-d to be stout in per- of the Palace in such undue subjection, son. “is relatives consider him a mono- making it a splendid seminary; but Louis maniac, and I believe. all who have heard . Philippe is wise. “'ith such a system lhl‘ history 0f hi3 “LOW Chase." mlhflithere can be no GrandtiMademoiselIe—no either put him down as a fool or a rogue, Duchess de Maine—to set the kingdom in Should . a. blaze by their intrigues; no Princess de the Duchess of “'81- Condo—ho princess d’Angleterre—to give. lingtou, her future position in history de— cause ofscandul to the, prvinrv eyes and mauds this tributary. If otherwise, it will » lying tongues of invidious Runners.— Iie reCeivedas-a passingconfirmation ofthc When the palace gates are clr‘sod at mid- well known excl:unatton.that“riches have night, the King knows the whereabouts their embarraSstzicuts." Miss Cotttts is ofeverv member of his family. Iate Sir Francis Burdett, I ——--——-—-I- Baronet, and was left about two millions A HINT TO LADIES- :ind a half sterling bv the late DucheSs: of The Philadelphia l)°"“-‘-'."1‘I“"'I3" I’uI‘" ‘ _Iishes, from the pen of a lady. the follow- St. .\!bans. —- _ — ing remarks on dress : DL'IJA'ESS (IF ROYALTY. “ Speaking of beauty. I wish people The following description of domestic would dress pleasantlv: benevolcntiy. I life in the Tuilleries, w - take from the ' saw a lovely girl to-day Iookiugiovely and ‘ unlovcable, because her muslin dress was "No conversation is here allowed: no stitiiy starched. (0 km]; c/cmi Hie/(”1:023 e. ice save that of the most illustrious is My Iaundress tries in vain to persuade me ever heard above a whisper in that gay into the barbarous custom. To my mind, drawing room, all decked with blue and a woman should always look as soft to the orange. beyond the mile du from, whith- touch as a flower, and as pure. AI! her er the family retiie one and all after din- garments should be made of the tines! and material that {(L'L'. around her: and iuzt by being comm-I frOiu the drawer allotted to her the work her to suit? attitudes and starched dcmean- on which she Is engaged. They work or. denyingr her all luxury of Iounrre and the greater part of the time in utter si- loll; why, my very words Wutliti, "row lence. The Indies in waiting sit behind prim and precise. \vere l to wear a dams“ them, and utternot a single word. which depended on flour or pomo for if: The Duchess ofUrlt-ans. that IoncIy Ia- propriety." _ *m From "my“. The accounts are little encouraging as to the state ofthc country. The French Courn‘cr has papers by the litre St. Thomas to the Nth L'Il trctn I'ort an Prince. The Journa! ofCommemo L" ceremonv handini.r her to the door of “f, ”mi ‘IIuce—PT’CI“ 9'1"” ""3 mum": h“! b0: her 1 Hnmbm or me at! opposdirui paper—thus descanu: “It is , .I 1 . , ' . .. grievous to Witness the pertubstimi of the capital I ht‘ Duchess do: Amman-513 :1 light and at this Juiicture: the anarcliical alarms constant] ' merry being. she H gcucraily attired III renewed tl.-~rett.; tho depiurahle condilion 3f guy and slrjking colors, and her fair ring- fitmilies. I'iItt-rov idea: nicn scent to be ro'dcman- . (III" the ruins ‘s' . :- ‘ ' it'ts fit” upon shoulders of alabaster. I do glorious independgdcqurI r'II'IIIiomIIIIiiiIIIandi'hg our . . . ~ . . 1 so 0 'i ”.1 Iilmh' Silt: brooks \t‘Ilil patience Iht‘ sentativcs had i: it nut-("ceded iii fi'rininrv a qr-oLpre. and she S()IIIO- notwrthstiiuding it was summoned Lao ho general 0! division. Siedc Teiumnque aInd . . . . _ adJutunt general Launuindeuu 0an to ‘ playing ofl various httIc tricks upon her Imdheen arrested forosodition but I “‘We" companions, which sometimes raise a misused. The number ofvictitns by the b] ' . 1 b l ' h I. i" ' . u (if tho (‘m‘vvltf‘ C~ "' ' 0W"): stnt e. ut townrii; 1 “mg LtI' is never P . . - "'Iriitutton had not been as. ht“ird (icrlalltt'd. but i: was estimated at 1‘20. Amon i ' . . . Hess were two iolitical offend The Princess de Joaivtlie comes next. Imurd in iroris_.I . pyjawuc' 5:: 3208?"; on She is. in the opinion ofevt-rv poet and ar- Iy an M Impotntncre. L'nh'ippily the Wifc of d; . _ . . ,. . - ‘ o In! list. a most beautiful Creature. W hat a “”h h" ”"9." "WWW" n"d two cousins ‘rottfz: , _ ‘ . ‘ ‘ . ' . nard on a \‘Isi! to the ri,. - - (Otttrast (10‘ her huge. .nt Ianchoiy eyes. ”m whole mm”), perisliin )IIii‘rli:IiIii- 1‘ 1;. dark as midnight. and of the most lan- "w '0“ dc” troyed this vessel was at first rc' ' . r _ . . . [(tltt'd to h iftllsiIIIlI exhresuou; hcr coal black hair. ""Nl 3" "C'- """'~‘i"d"‘ 0“ ”‘9 1‘0“ “m": Driscngt‘: Ii.” smooth and shining: her pale and fa- "“fif 3:”..fipIII‘I‘“‘°'i subsequently Hit! it was tied coniph-xiiiii—form to th,. fun and rosy . :1:Lit—113111;“2;).exyutptih ”in reaching the ““5“ beauty of her Saxon neighbor? She is ‘ Thu shock ohm Juiiiftiiiiriiim ox ri ed gdted hv int-.n- with the tines. “flows; on Itto‘35th October. ntSo‘cInck iiiiuopgoigiog "”“v had “It“ SUN of Brazil been as power- '1 _r‘i” “'z' 1"“.“3‘” A rt‘txirt like tliutofscsanoti ful to “pm, the seeds ”f Ittlt‘iit'ct as the :ii'IIdttf?.:.,.IiiiI: p: ground trembled i'll‘lho lptco inure visfhle productive; of nature. thevI L Ii III III Httno “III (I‘IIiI'IqI'wm 'n‘ sued.- ‘”3’ She wOuId have been remarkable fo I -” k - - ‘ 1’ Le'nr. an m... ZTEat powers ot nnnd; but alas! her edu- "N": died on Friday in Now cation has been neglected in childhood Her heart IS‘ A! 9 O'clock that may happen to Ilrid'. buried with her dead ioi'd. I Nblequeml . I York city, from the effects [rattle-oaks. ofthobitoofapst 89T 169 heading: "Shall I Not Visit For These Things, Saith The Lord." Jane Grey Swisshelm was listed as "Editor and Proprietor." At the top left corner was a poem, "Press Onward," by William Oland Bourne,--onward and upward answering the call of duty, but no mention of what specific duty called. Below the poem was a story, "Paying License," "written for the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter by Jennie Deans," a pseudonym of Jane Grey Swisshelm. The first two chapters of this continued story occupied one-half of the front page. It was a tale of a compulsive housekeeper who was driving her husband to drink, and an account of forthcoming nuptials, the connection between these parts being promised for the next issue. Another piece, "A Persevering Lover, on the pursuit of a prominent English girl by an Irish barrister, filled almost a column. Below that, "Dullness of Royalty," described life at the French court, a piece reprinted from the National Intelligencer. Another article out of the exchange file followed, "A Hint to Ladies," from the Philadelphia Pennsylvanian. It was an argument against starching women's dresses: "A woman should always look as soft as a flower, and as pure." The final piece on the front page of the first Visiter concerned news "From Hayti,"--all bad. The House of Rep- resentatives could not form a quorum; the government was in anarchy; the corvette "Constitution" had blown up with a loss of lZOlives; and an earthquake had been experienced. 170 The Saturday Visiter won respectful recognition from Horace Greeley in his New York Tribune, N. P. Willis in the Home Journal, Henry Peterson's Saturday Evening Post, Godey's Lady's Book, and other prominent publica- tions. Begun as an organ of the Liberty party, and so recognized as such, in 1848 the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter supported Martin Van Buren, nominee of the Whigs and the Free Soilers. As President of the Senate Van Buren had cast the deciding vote that allowed Southern postmasters to open and destroy mail thought injurious to Southern institutions (antislavery literature). Thus, antislavery forces were against Van Buren. But in 1848 Van Buren opposed the extension of slavery. Jane Grey Swisshelm, ordinarily an absolutist, played the pragmatist game here, believing antislavery forces held the balance of power. "To decline aiding those who proposed to circumscribe slavery because they did not propose its destruction, was as if a soldier should refuse to storm an outpost on the ground that it was not the citadel." Jane likened the spread of slavery to the sea bursting into Holland and wrote that one dirty shovel might be more help in staying the tide than one hundred silver teaspoons wielded "by that pure patriot, Gerrit Smith."34 34Ibid., p. 123. 171 From this remark it was evident that Jane Grey Swisshelm was not identified with the national antislavery movement led by Garrison, Weld, and Tappans, and Lundy, with whom Elizabeth Margaret Chandler and Lydia Maria Child were associated. Jane was always a loner. She did not believe, as did Garrison, that the United States Con- stitution was a pro-slavery document. Before it was adopted, the Covenanters had denounced it as a "Covenant with death and an agreement with hell." But in 1837-38 when the Presbyterians had split, Jane had gone with the New School, which condemned slavery and held that the Constitution was antislavery. She could not change her view to be welcomed by the Garrisonians who, in most cases, were not looking for women adherents anyway.35 But she was intensely political. Because of its racy style, the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter was widely quoted by newspapers throughout the country, and even when damned, its views were circulated. Jane believed that she delivered thousands of votes to the Free Soil Party and Van Buren. In her political action Jane stood in contrast to Elizabeth Margaret Chandler and Lydia Maria Child. Maria once wrote that her own letter to the Boston Courier describing a Negro as a "living gospel of freedom bound in black" had stirred the Democratic papers into ac- cusing her of trying to influence the state election: 35See supra, p. 16. 172 The fun of it is, that I did not know there was an election. I could not possibly have told whether that event takes place in spring or fall. I have never known anything about it since I was a little girl on the lookout for election cake. I know much better3gho leads the orchestras than who governs the state. Jane Grey Swisshelm had cut her teeth on the anti- slavery agitation surrounding the Mexican war. With the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 she began to chew. Always swayed by Biblical texts, she confronted the preachers who upheld Paul's return of the runaway servant Onesimus to his master Philemon (Philemon 1:10), as the model for Northerners toward fugitive slaves. She quoted Deuteron- omy 23:15: "Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee." Jane did not hesitate to attack the great of her community or nation. She went after Judge Grier of Pitts- burgh, the terror of journalists because of his harsh sen- tences for libel. The judge, an elder in the Presbyterian church, had fined a fellow elder, Dr. Mitchell, $5,000, and $5,000 costs for sheltering fugitive slaves in an old farmhouse. When Judge Grier threatened to sue Jane for libel for what she said about him she apologized sweetly. Then she went on to say the judge was under sentence of death by divine law, quoting: "He who stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall 36Letter, Lydia Maria Child to Prof. Convers Francis, Dec. 6, 1848, in Child, Letters, p. 58. 173 37 She said the Judge was helping surely be put to death." a gang of thieves to steal a slave whose ancestors had been stolen in Africa, and compared him to a horse thief. No libel suit was filed.38 Jane's attack on Daniel Webster, another case in which no libel suit was filed, came during her stay in Washington. She had longed to be in Washington to be at the scene of the controversy over the Fugitive Slave Bill in 1850. She offered her services to Horace Greeley. He paid her five dollars a column and featured her work in the New York Tribune as "Letter from Mrs. Swisshelm." (At that time the Tribune was the most influential news- paper in America, with a weekly edition circulation of 100,000.)39 In one of her letters regarding Senate debate on the Fugitive Slave Bill, she protested: They keep such a dingdong about "supporting the Constitution" one might imagine it was some miserable, decrepit old creature that was no longer able to totter on crutches but must be held up on every side, and dragged along like a drunken loafer, on his road to the lock-up.4 Jane stayed at the Irving House and was introduced to President Tyler, Henry Clay, Joshua R. Giddings, Dr. 37Deut. 24:7. Evidently, Jane's paraphrase. Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 118. 38 Ibid., pp. 115-20. 39EdwinEmery, The Press and America, 2nd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1962), p. 280. 40"Letter from Mrs. Swisshelm," New York Tribune, April 15, 1850. 174 Gamaliel Bailey,editor of the National Era, and other famous persons. Dr. Bailey talked over with her his pro- ject of raising the money to induce Harriet Beecher Stowe to write an antislavery novel. At last he was able to send her one hundred dollars to get started, and later another hundred. For a time Jane stayed with her friend and novelist Mrs. Emma D. E. N. Wouthworth.41 No woman had ever sat in the CongresSional re- porters' gallery. Jane battled her way in, talking the surprised Vice-President Fillmore into granting her the privilege. She wrote Greeley: It has established woman's right to sit as a re- porter in our legislative halls. I should not have thought of it if they had not made me angry, and I do really believe Mr. Greeley, that it is a sin to be good-tempered.42 (Women were again barred from the press gallery from 1877 to 1891.)43 Daniel Webster, supporting Henry Clay's compromise, gave the last great speech of his career on the seventh of March, 1850, beginning: "I speak today for the preserva- tion of the Union. Hear me for my cause." As historian Samuel Eliot Morison put it: "The North could never have been induced to swallow a new fugitive slave law, had not 41Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 129. 42 New York Tribune, April 22, 1850. 3Jones, Journalism in the United States, p. 539. 175 Webster held the spoon; and, even so, it gagged and 44 Jane believed that Webster had laid his vomited." crown in the dust, capitulating to the slave interests in a last bid for the Presidency. Jane picked up some gossip about Webster that she thought would so discredit him that the fugitive slave law might be stopped. She wrote a brief paragraph for the Pittsburgh Saturday_Visiter and showed it to several friends. The story was true, they assured her, but urged her to forget it. They said it would ruin her with Greeley's Tribune. All the entreé and social distinction that she enjoyed would be gone. She wrote later: When I went to post the letter, I hesitated, walked back and forth on the street, and almost con- cluded to leave out that paragraph. . . . My Washing- ton life had been eminently agreeable, and I dreaded changing pOpularity for public denunciation. But I remembered my Red Sea, and my motto--"Speak unto the children of Israel that they go forward." The duty of destroying that pro—slavery influence was plain. All the objections were for fear of the consequences to me. I had said God should take care of these, and mailed the letter, but I must leave Washington. Mr. Greeley should not discharge me. I left the capitol the day after taking my seat in the reporters' gallery, feeling that the door was open to other women. 5 A storm of criticism broke over Jane's head, but in criticizing her the newspapers over and over printed the offending paragraph, written from Irving House, 44Morison, History of the American People, p. 572. See supra, p. 134 for reactions of Maria Child, Emerson, and Whittier. 45 Swisshelm, Half a Century, pp. 133-34. 176 Washington, on April 15, 1850, as it was published in the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter on April 20: I do not think it is prejudice that makes me think Mr. Webster's face disagreeable; but to me it has~an expression of coarseness, as though his animal propen- sities were rather stronger than even his great intel- lectual powers. His face speaks the sensualist by nature--a natural, innate vulgarity that would require a large amount of strict training to elevate into voluptuousness, such as is condemned by our people when described by Sue [Eugéne,--French novelist, 1808- 57] or Bulwer [Sir Henry,--British diplomat and author, 1801-72]. I know this opinion of Mr. Webster will be resented by his western friends. I have never seen any such eXpressed of him; but nearly everyone knows he sometimes drinks to excess, and his friends here, say he requires to be excited with wine to make him approachable--civil. When quite sober he is as gruff as a grizzly bear.--His mistresses are said to be generally, if not always, colored women--some of them big, black wenches as ugly and vulgar as himself. These will openly run store bills on his account. It is no wonder the curse of the Almighty hangs on us as a nation. The wicked rule, and the people must mourn. The laws of God are publicly set at defiance by those whom we choose to rule over us.--Webster I had always admired, even after his last speech [probably the seventh of March Speech in which Webster supported the fugitive slave bill, so detested by the North]. His faults appeared like excrescences on his greatness and virtues. But since I have seen him, and come within the circle that surrounds him, I look upon his faults as the grand component parts of his nature-- the essential ingredients. The good is only enough to preserve the unity of nature's p1an--to leave no creature on earth wholly evil. The lion has his courage to compensate for his ferocity--the tigress her faithfulness to her young, to atone for her cruelty-- the toad has its diamond eyes as a substitute for all other beauty, and Daniel Webster has his great intel- lect and occasional flashes of good feeling and kindli- ness to compensate for the total want of that Spiritual purity--that nice perception of the beautiful and true, which allies men to the angels, and both to the divine essence. I can never admire Daniel Webster again! He is too many removes down from the highest order of humanity.--No matter how much noise his eloquence may make, in future I shall always think a hippopotamus can make more, and a whale blow harder than he. There 177 will be no persuasion in his words, no still small voice in his wisdom, no manliness in his courage, no halo about his name. He is ugly; and I never before saw but two ugly men. Jane defended herself from the outcry about this paragraph in her letter addressed to "Mr. Greeley" from Swissvale on May 24, 1850, published in the New York Tribune on June 1. She wrote that she had left Washing- ton on account of her "health," and hoped she could re- turn later. Then she "apologized," striking an even more telling blow than in her original allegation: I have received "The Tribune" with an Editorial and your private note, both censuring an article written for our paper about Mr. Webster. I accept your reproof as the rebuke of a friend, and I admit the great probability of my doing wrong in any given circumstance. . . . During the three years I have conducted a public journal I have never but once before caused the publication of a private matter, unless it exclusively concerned myself, and did not know when writing what I did about Mr. Webster that I was saying anything novel or strange, except my opinion of his personal appearance. I certainly had a right to give that without taking any other per- son's taste for a standard. I do consider him very decidedly ugly, and cannot well understand how any man could occupy his present political position and be anything else, even supposing he had formerly been handsome, which Mr. Webster certainly never could have been. With this exception, I said nothing about him that I did not suppose to have been the subject of newspaper comment for the last twenty years. In this it appears I was mistaken, and if I know how to be sorry for acting according to the best light I had, and doing what appeared at the time and still appears to me right, I should certainly lament this mistake. This brings me to the principle involved in publishing private matters: I can understand, be- cause I have experienced the feeling, why a young girl should hesitate to be married, from extreme dread of seeing her name in a newspaper; but why any person whose name has been banded about in newspapers for years should be at all sensitive for what is said of him, provided it is truth, is somewhat beyond my comprehension. I am not speaking now of any individual, 178 but the general principle which makes truth, at any time, criminal. There is no doubt 'The Public' is a very respectable person, and any one should value his approbation; but I cannot understand that extreme humility which induces any man to set it above his own self-respect; that kind of veneration which makes it of more importance than the power of the Almighty. Why should any man dread the readers of a newspaper more than he does the Searcher of all hearts? Later, Jane went one more round in the fight, with a paragraph in her own newspapen the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter: In the spring [of 1850] we willfully and maliciously, and of malice prepense did go to Washington City to see what we could see. There was also some smelling to be done. A moral stench rose up. We published, there- fore, an article on the crimes of Daniel Webster. We told distant worshippers that the God-like statesman, who was leading them to sellthe birthright of liberty, was a great nasty beast, with whom drunkenness was the rule, sobriety the exception. . . . We told them46 that to us he appeared both dangerous and loathsome. When Jane Grey Swisshelm attended the national convention that met in Pittsburgh in 1852 to form the Free Democratic party, the temporary chairman came down from the platform to meet her, saying, "I want to shake the hand that killed Daniel Webster.”47 Greeley forgave Jane, and she continued to write for his Tribune. The Republican party became national in 1856, nominating John C. Fremont for President. The Visiter, by then united with Riddle's paper as the Family Journal and 46Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, July 5, 1850. Stearns, "Reform Periodicals and Female Reformers," pp. 691-92. 47Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 135. 179 Visiter, supported the nominee and his party. Jane, un- certain how the help of a woman would be received, con— sulted Charles Sumner, then recuperating in the Alleghany Mountains from being beaten insensible at his desk in the Senate following an antislavery speech. Sumner urged Jane to work for the cause. Jane felt as though she had almost had a divine call.48 Besides working for antislavery in the political arena, the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter aided the causes of temperance and women's rights. Washingtonians led the fashion of the day in temperance, Jane wrote in her auto- biography. It was held that drunkards were not at fault for their condition, that the tavern keepers, and the women who did not make their homes pleasant retreats, drove the men to drink. Jane Grey Swisshelm took the un- compromising attitude that "the disease of opening one's mouth and pouring whiskey into it was under the control of the mouth-opener." She wrote that "the coil of an ana- conda was preferable to the embraces of a drunken man, that it was a crime for a woman to become the mother of 49 a drunkard's child." "Conscience might as well try to 481bid., p. 161. 49On page 148 of Half a Centurprane wrote of "Dr. Washingtonian." There was no such person. The Washington Temperance Society took its name from the first President of the United States. It was begun by a group of reformed drunkards at Chase's Tavern in Baltimore on the night of 180 sting the head of a bass drum as a heart preserved in alcohol."50 Because she was a woman successfully running a newspaper that urged rights-for women, Jane received hun- dreds of letters from women who wanted to be heard, but without thought that they must earn their right by merit. They started little newspapers that perished overnight because they had not taken the pains to learn the job. They held silly conventions. At one that Jane attended in Akron, Ohio, the presiding officer had a man standing behind her to prompt her. But she failed to catch his words. When a parliamentary confusion arose she said she knew nothing of parliamentary procedure so she would say what she did to her boys at home: "Quit behaving your- 51 Then she sat down with a smile of self-satis- selves!" faction. Although Jane freely criticized the women's rights' conventions, she spat back at the New York Mirror when that newspaper became upset about one: The New York Mirror rails at the Worcester conven- tion and exclaims in phrensy, "Women's offices are those of wife, mother, daughter, sister, friend,-- Good God, can they not be content with these?" Men's April 2, 1840. The main objective was the salvation of drunkards by those who had reformed. Thousands signed the Washingtonian Pledge. See Tyler, Freedom's Ferment, pp. 338-46. 50Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, Sept. 14, 1850. Stearns, "Reform Periodicals and Female Reformers,"p, 691. 51Swisshelm, Half a Century, pp. 142-43. 181 offices are those of husband, father, son, brother, friend. Goodness Gracious, can they not be content with these? . . . Why will they tangle their whiskers, soil their hands, and tarnish their boots dabbling and wading in politics, law, and learning. Why should they covet the legal power to protect their lives 52 and property, or want remuneration for their labor? Except in the case where women were slaves, Jane's counsel was to go slowly. She urged that girls should be educated with boys and their legal disabilities removed gradually. Women should be encouraged to work and prac- tice thrift. They should be allowed to keep their earn- ings and devise them to their heirs; otherwise they would be encouraged to idleness and extravagance. Beginning in 1849 Jane published a weekly series of "Letters to Country Girls" in the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter. So explicit was her advice on daily bathing that she shocked some readers. The series was collected into a book in 1853.53 In crusading for women's rights, Jane always in— sisted that women should prove their ability to work rather than their ability to wheedle men. One of the places women proved their ability was in her printing shop. Jane's attitude toward the printers' union could 52Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter, Nov. 16, 1850. Stearns, "Reform Periodicals and Female Reformers," p. 692. 53Bertha-Monica Stearns, "Jane Grey Swisshelm," Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. XVIII, ed. by Dumas Malone (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), p. 253. 182 have been predicted. She returned from a visit to the New York World's Fair in 1852 to find her printers on a strike called by their union. She advertised for women to take their places, she herself going into the composing room and learning the trade. Out of all the applicants she selected three who had "heads, not hatpins, on their shoulders." She clashed with her partner, Riddle, who wanted to engage, out of sympathy, a woman who had failed in her business of making vests. Jane thought that some- one who could not make vests also could not set type. As a woman editor Jane Grey Swisshelm suffered from mothers who would not consider bothering a male editor with their "young geniuses," but who thought Jane would have a womanly sympathy and help the youngsters get started in the newspaper world. As a reform journal- ist Jane was beset by those who wanted her to espouse all the hobbies of the day: "Turkish trowsers [gig], Fourier- ism, Spiritualism, Vegetarianism, Phonetics, Pneumonics, the Eight Hour Law, Criminal Caudling, Magdelenism, and other devices for teaching pyramids to stand on their 54 heads." She refused. One reform that Jane advocated came about fast. ..._ .,. 54Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 145. Ishbel Ross evidently gave Half a Century a hurried reading because in her Ladies of the Press, pp. 324-25, she asserted that Jane Grey SwiSshelm advocated all the hobbies and reforms that Jane disclaimed in her autobiography, listing them in Jane's exact order. 183 After a railroad wreck she proposed that a red light be placed as a signal on the end of every train.55 The financial affairs of the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter were as dramatic as the text. The paper began life with only two subscribers, but by the end of the. second year had 6,000, living all over the country. Jane's domestic duties kept her from attending to the business department, and at the end of the first year she sold a half interest to Riddle, publisher of the Pittsburgh Commercial Journal. Riddle offered to buy her out at the end of the second year. But Jane's business manager, her brother-in-law, William Swisshelm, told her the paper was netting $1,500 a year and he wanted to buy Riddle's inter- est. She lent Swisshelm the money. He lost it through poor business practices. Riddle took back his interest in the paper with her services pledged two years in ad- vance to pay the debts. It was at this time she began to write for Greeley's New York Tribune at five dollars a column to meet her personal expenses. The income from her property now was gone. Later the Visiter and Riddle's paper were united as the Family Journal and Visiter.56 In March, 1857, Jane Grey Swisshelm left her place 55Ross, Ladies of the Press, p. 325. 56Swisshelm, Half a Century, pp. 162-63. 184 on the Family Journal and Visiter. Her health had been poor after the birth of their only child, Mary Henrietta ("Nettie"), when Jane was thirty-six in 1851. And Jane's marriage had reached the breaking point. One of her com- plaints was that she had lived for twenty years without the right to privacy. A Pennsylvania court had decided a husband had the right to read any communication addressed to his wife. Jane made the future historian's task dif- ficult by burning her girlhood journal, all family letters at home, and all letters from prominent persons at the office. This was to keep them out of the hands of her husband's family and the hired hands, who freely discussed her activities as they ate, by custom, all together at the family table.57 The Swisshelm marital troubles were exposed in sordid detail in the courts. In a suit as to Jane's right to support, a judge held in 1859 that the husband must provide a plain dress, one pair of shoes, and a doctor and medicine when necessary, but there his liability for his wife ceased. (She had bought, on her lawyer's advice, two black silk dresses, a thirty dollar shawl, a dozen pairs of black kid gloves, stockings, flannel, linen, and six yards of white Brussels lace.) A suit carried to the state Supreme Court decided in 1868 showed her personal 57Ibid., pp. 64-65. 185 expenses for twenty years of marriage averaged less than fifty dollars a year. "All my husband's labor for all his life, and mine for twenty years, with a large part of my separate property, had gone to swell his mother's estate, on the proceeds of which she kept her carriage and her servants until she died, aged ninety-four, while I earned a living for myself and his only child."58 In 1861 Swisshelm divorced his wife on the ground of deser- tion, and later he married again. She never remarried. Jane and daughter Nettie took ship from Pittsburgh to St. Paul, Minnesota, and thence a stagecoach seventy miles north to St. Cloud, on the Mississippi River. There her sister Elizabeth (Mrs. Henry Z. Mitchell) lived. Jane had asked her brother-in-law to buy property for her on a little lake twelve miles out of St. Cloud. She traveled dreaming of the snug log cabin she would build there, and the peaceful life ahead. Soon after she ar- rived, however, the troops were called away from the frontier garrison of Fort Ripley to patrol bleeding Kan- sas, where free-soilers and pro-slavery men were fighting. "My cabin perished in a night, like Jonah's gourd--per- ished that liberty might be crushed in Kansas,"59 she wrote. For without soldiers nearby, her plan to live alone in a wilderness of uncurbed Indians was madness. 58Ibid., p. 167. 59Ibid., p. 171 186 Like the story of the irresistible force meeting the immovable object, it was inevitable that Jane Grey Swisshelm, in 1857, should clash with General Sylvanus B. Lowry. He lived near St. Cloud; he was a Democrat, a slaveholder, and political dictator of northern Minnesota Territory, an area from which slavery had been excluded by the 1787 provisions for the Northwest Territory. (Minnesota was admitted to the Union as a free state in 1858.) To show how slavery was regarded in this area, Jane, in her autobiography, recalled the story of Eliza Winston. A Minneapolis judge in 1860 gave Eliza her free- dom because her master had brought her into a free state. Hotel keepers of Minneapolis and St. Anthony, who profited from the summer business of boarding Southern families with their slaves, stirred up a mob. The mob besieged the home of the white family protecting Eliza, terroriz- ing them all night and for weeks after Eliza had been sent to Canada by underground railroad. When such a thing could happen near the center of the state under a Repub- lican administration in 1860, what was it like in 1857 in the hinterlands? Jane soon discovered. General Lowry, the son of a Presbyterian minister who believed slavery was divinely ordained, was a generous 187 and lenient master to the slaves who served him in Minne— sota and on his Tennessee plantation. He lived in semi- barbaric splendor in an immense house on the bank of the Mississippi. He owned large tracts of land, sent his agent to the Congress, and furnished any number of Demo- cratic votes needed, no one questioning when a list came from a precinct where no one lived. Of striking physique, well-educated, he had traveled to EurOpe, and had worked among the Indians as agent and interpreter. His political supremacy was backed by the fact that under President Buchanan all territorial officers were Southerners or Northerners with Southern sympathies. Furthermore, Gen- eral Lowry possessed a natural charisma. He was born to power. Republican settlers who moved into northern Minne- sota to build homes, not fight political battles, conver- ted quickly or kept still.60 All but Jane Grey Swisshelm. She needed to earn money, and readily accepted the proposition of one of the land speculators, George F. Brott, that she edit a newspaper advertising the advantages to emigrants of settling in the St. Cloud area. He owned the press of a newspaper recently defunct. She took the job on condition she would be free to express her own views, saying she was an abolitionist. Brott laughed, 6OIbid., pp. 169-73, passim. 188 thinking the political views of a woman would make little stir.61 The first issue of the St. Cloud Visiter appeared December 10, 1857. A six-column weekly, it looked much like the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter. Jane retained her motto: "Speak unto the children of Israel that they go forward," which she used alternately with "Shall I not visit for these things, saith the Lord." And she expressed her creed: that the Bible and the Constitution were both antislavery, and that human chattledom was unconstitutional for any who accepted these as fundamental law. She also introduced women's rights, stating that to pay taxes was as unwomanly as voting. Times were depressed in northern Minnesota in 1857. In March, renegade Sioux panicked the populace by their massacre at Spirit Lake. Grasshoppers ravaged the area in the summer, and in the fall the national depression reached Minnesota. By spring Jane estimated the expenses of the Visiter at $2,500 and the income at $462.55. Brott had born all the expense but $300, given by one of the other proprietors. Lowry was solicited for help. He re- plied that he would help her make the Visiter second to none in the Territory if she would change her political allegiance and support Buchanan. Since the paper could not survive without Lowry, Jane agreed.62 611bid., p. 179. 2Larsen, Crusader and Feminist, pp. 11-13. 189 In an editorial on February 18, 1858, she wrote: Since our last issue we had concluded to make the Visiter an Administration organ, to support Mr. Buchanan's measures and advocate his re-election. . . . [the Constitution has become] the Magna Charta of a Southern gentleman's right to whip women, rob mothers of their children, and sell upon the auction block the souls for whom the Lord of Glory assumed humanity and laid down his life upon the cross. . . . We be- lieve the Democratic party is likely to succeed in reducing all the poor and friendless of the country to a state of slavery. She promised to labor faithfully for Buchanan's re—elec- tion. When Lowry, angry at his new supporter, asked her to desist, she attacked the local political situation in an editorial on March 4, 1958: Follow-my-leader Democracy is the manifest destiny of this region, not that there is anything in the air unfavorable to freedom or individual opinions, but that the first settler here is a Southern gentleman, one who possesses in a high degree the qualities which have enabled 300,000 slaveholders to govern 25,000,000 men, who by the Declaration of Independence ought to have been their political equals. . . . Well, a major- ity of our people are German Catholic and no free people on earth are so trained to habits of veneration and obedience, except the small fry of northern office seekers. . . . "He manages the Dutch!" say they and but for him demagogues would have everything their own way; but has only to speak and the Ger- mans all wheel into line. Furious, the Lowry forces attempted to crush Jane with a lecture on "Woman," delivered gracefully with loud acclaim by James C. Shepley, attorney for Lowry. Shepley divided women into four classes: the coquette, the flirt, the old maid, and the strong-minded woman who dipped into 63Ibid., pp. 13-14. 190 politics. For the latter Shepley had only scorn.’ Jane retaliated with a review of the lecture in which she wrote that Shepley had neglected one class, the loud frontier belle who wins at cards and triumphs in "catch- ing a marriageable husband for herself and for her poor relations."64 Shepley saw here the description of his wife, a buxom belle who had won at cards during a cele— bration party following Shepley's speech. Her sister was engaged to marry Dr. Benjamin Palmer, a boarder in their house, who had accompanied Lowry on a European trip as Lowry's physician. A messenger from Lowry threat- ened Jane with a mob and death with personal indignities if she did not desist. She told the messenger she would continue to support Buchanan until it broke him. She believed that: If I let this man [Lowry] escape, his power, now tottering, would be re-established; slavery triumphant in the great Northwest; Minnesota confirmed a Demo- cratic stronghold, sending delegates of dough-faces to Congress to aid in the great conspiracy against the nation's life. Then it was that during the night of March 24, 1858, Lowry, Shepley, and Palmer broke into the office of the Visiter, destroyed the press, and scattered the type in the Mississippi River.66 64Ibid., p. 16. 65Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 184. 66See supra, pp. l-4. 191 St. Cloud citizens, recognizing the threat to freedom of the press as a threat to the growth of their community, held a meeting at the home of C. T. Stearns, for whom the county was named, and voted to support Jane Grey Swisshelm by obtaining a new press for her. A Lowry mob howled outside. One resolution read: Inasmuch as the perpetrators of this dastardly crime were few in number, met in secret, concocted their nefarious scheme in secret, and secretly and under cover of the midnight darkness, proceeded to execute their base and shameless act Resolved therefore, That they are not entitled to the respect due even a common mob, but that they come within the range of that other class of thieves, burg- lars and assassins; and as it would be a relief to the citizens of St. Cloud, and a benefit to the com- munity, were all such persons to leave the country, we therefore suggest the propriety of such individ- uals emigrating to Arkansas or the Feejee {gig} Islands where they may indulge in the pleasant pas- time of destroying presses, and engaging in burglary or robbery without annoyance or injury to peaceful and law-abiding citizens. Shepley wrote a letter published in the St. Paul Pioneer and Democrat on April 2 admitting his part in the destruction of the press. He defended himself by saying that Mrs. Swisshelm had insulted his wife and he believed another worse attack would be made in her next issue. Lowry took this tack also in a letter for the Sauk Rapids Frontiersman for April 29. In her first issue using her new press, on May 13, Jane reprinted the editorial of March 4 that had brought 67St. Cloud Visiter, May 13, 1858. 192 on the destruction of her press. She also reprinted some of the many articles that had been published all over the country about the affair. The one from the St. Paul Times of March 30, 1858, (probably written for them by Jane since it was her style), gave a complete account of her speech at the Stearns house meeting of March 25 describing all the circumstances of the destruction of her press. The story included the text of the resolutions voted. In addition, the May 13 issue reprinted the account Greeley had used in the New York Tribune of April 12, 1858. Lowry threatened a $10,000 libel suit. Jane in- sisted that the men who had supported her by buying the new press withdraw from the printing company for their own protection. Then she agreed to put a note in the Visiter exonerating Shepley and promising never again to mention the controversy in the columns of the Visiter.68 She printed the required apology and exoneration on July 29, 1858. On August 5 the Visiter was not pub- lished. But there appeared a new paper, the St. Cloud Democrat, with the same motto from Exodus and Jane Grey Swisshelm listed as "Editor and Publisher." The Democrat announced that its office was on the western bank of the Mississippi River opposite the steamboat landing eighty miles above the falls of St. Anthony. Subscriptions were 68Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 190. -.. .. _.____. . ———-——-——_ N ’ ’ ' 1 . I U I § . 123;. __ - *.’.—-.'—‘- “...-”=1 _._,__,.1 _. ......w -1..._-.__,, ..- _.._ . H _;-_ -32 1 JAKE 0. SUNSHLLH. 3.1.101. "Inn tolomtllmudluul III! 150, [I {u-NL'—[ll-ul (nu 111.113" I0 I. 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CBI-HQMI‘IWaO-u ”(u-11.1.11.“ h -lJ'lh Ibu-OI. "I. .634... "”‘ .'l = " f CALQM. O f“ —1.m-U'~(H~--’-w:.u mull-1,7“. Mao-011.. dual-I Hallwa- uum '5 “Uh-‘n- ."HM 01“ I "IWI-QIMH hth~1~h~dhpI-dhmw.flnflqdc VHIw-QLLOM.IN‘J “‘WP .-..-J-Uwp U~H*d HW."“~‘“¥U 5- duh-haw quA-olbn lob-#1.! D "'h.‘ 00min.- ‘ “-01'*~ *hfim‘k'uf" mun-.«huvhwmipum-ldu-hwd-ou “‘WIJ-m'lfl’h-Qfl mun—.‘- wanna-II.“ Nrihroh“. NI-HhQ-HWoIcn-y: plaid-"04 " ':IIL.-h¢:-dvnb -m.t'.41h-1I MI mhMF—ulflwsr hut-m Int-0U *‘m’n‘f I 194 two dollars a year; a half-column advertisement cost $35 a year. The six-column Democrat had the same format (or lack of format--one-line titles, no headlines) as the Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter and the St. Cloud Visiter. Page one of the St. Cloud Democrat for August 5, 1858, displayed a heavily leaded column headed "Obituary," beginning: Died at St. Cloud, July 29, 1858, the St. Cloud Visiter. The deceased entered this sublunary sphere December 10, 1857, and had a stormy time of it up to July 22, 1858, when its founder voluntarily sac- rificed it to the infernal gods, to relieve its best friends of a course of persecution which from the very contemptibleness of its source was intolerable. Jane wrote that she had killed the Visiter, believing that life should not outlast liberty. Other items on the front page of the new Democrat included a reprint from the New York Daily Tribune of July 15, 1858, describing the St. Cloud Visiter with its account of a buffalo hunt. It noted the local prices: "sugar--maple, 25¢, brown, 15¢; salt--200 lbs., $4.12; butter-—l7¢; cheese--15¢; codfish—-10¢." The Tribune commented that St. Cloud appeared to be thriving after only three years of life, but that there appeared to be too many real estate dealers. Another article in the new IDemocrat, from the Mankato (Minnesota) Independent, gave the text of a satirical speech on slavery by Eli Thayer, organizer of the New England Emigrant Aid Society. Thayer complimented the South on its nobility in holding the 195 ' ST, @MM 0 @EWOQB‘MW -w an “,WVJ—w _w-Iru. m—uw-‘r up. 15 -1: Y? r, fir $7.. uncwm ' \-0L 1. g" “an r5: ” “rm-7.. Ir": -" -, .. _ . . “a. v1 - lfi‘ LBW- “‘t."}'~" - ’ "“d ‘u Incl-.1".- Lc uni-_.- o 5. JV“ ”V" at _JJ.‘_,"...! .1OLou°°.~oc.‘Tf"'-fi'fl7mqpohwuninq—Mwhazq ~nm.‘-uI-Irv~u— J mnuvu-mmuwu alum-“NV— ““W' ..--..--..1 .979. .-, . ' " ' 2‘.- ..l-Lu.pvhp‘ m—u‘u-m L.L.¢a.-.~».u_,... ‘h‘NW'VL r-JJ :5. WAIPPI BF'RB" N - u nibvwv -n |~ . It . ' "*"'~'~.". 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".1" b AHI‘o-(IW '-.‘v4 5.. ‘1 IL. shy-'M'uhvuu—I-I'yh ..l. .t- "--.J"~| )'l~'- U1:(«1~54.~ ' .D- -‘-‘ Nd .~*J.bp.n ’-“~~m~.u¢~0¢44 ‘v-kl—I-ma-—,—o-- u lb, ..U 0".9- nH-h,¢~- “- u,rgapa\vhmal"’10 ”In-g.” .4 'Mwnt' 3". 196 Negroes as slaves in order to Christianize them-~a common excuse for slavery. Still another item was "A Little Romance," clipped from the Washington (Ohio) Register, the "true" romance of the son of a family and the German servant girl. Thus the entire front page of Volume I, Number 1 of the St. Cloud Democrat, except for the column and one-half obituary of the Visiter, was material taken from the exchanges. But, after all, Jane had only one week to organize the new paper. Jane Grey Swisshelm plunged immediately into poli- tics with her Democrat, which was actually the organ of the Republican party in northern Minnesota. (Jane be- lieved the word "Democrat" too good to be the property of a single party.) In the state election of 1859 the Demo- crats nominated General Lowry for Lieutenant Governor, and the Republicans Ignatius Donnelly, a fiery young ora- tor who later, in 1892, was to draft the party platform of the new People's or Populist party. Donnelly ridiculed Lowry all over the state as the big man who had tried to suppress a tiny woman by mob violence and failed. When Republican speaker Galusha A. Grow delivered a St. Cloud address a crowd of Democrats gathered outside and paid Jane the compliment of burning an effigy of Mrs. Swisshelm 197 as "the mother of the Republican Party in Minnesota."69 The Republicans swept the state in 1859. Abraham Lincoln had no charm for Jane. She had preferred William H. Seward for President and Cassius M. Clay (Henry Clay's cousin, an abolitionist), for Vice— President. Their names appeared in the masthead of every issue of the Democrat from March 8 to May 17.70 After the nomination Jane wrote that Lincoln would attract the laboring men of the North: Much as we regret the defeat of Seward, we are willing to admit that the nomination of Lincoln is probably the best that could have been made under the circumstances. It is one of the worst features of a Republican Government, that the men who have done the most to give tone and permanence to its institutions and whose genius commands respect and attention for it, from abroad, should be the first to suffer by its neglect.71 In campaigning for the Republican vote when Lin- coln ran, Jane struggled to win the Garrisonians, who be— lieved voting meant soiling their hands with the bad pro- slavery Constitution. She also worked on the old Liberty party adherents who would not cast their vote because the Republicans only proposed to set limits on slave territory, not overthrow it entirely. She devised an 69Frank Klement, "The Abolition Movement in Minne- sota," Minnesota Higtory, XXXII (March, 1951), 15-33. Lester B. Shippee, "Jane Grey Swisshelm, Agitator," Missis- sippi Valley Historical Review, VII (Dec., 1920), 206-27. 70Larsen, Crusader and Feminist, n. p. 57. 71 Ibid., p. 23. St. Cloud DemOCrat, May 17, June 14, 1860. 198 illustration in which she used "Robbie Miller's Hoe," a broken tool, as better than none in a weedy garden. The Republican party, she held, was an imperfect means of reaching a great end.72 After Lincoln was elected and the war went along without emancipation Jane Grey Swisshelm was as disappointed in the President as was Lydia Maria Child. Jane was out- raged when Lincoln rescinded General Frémont's order to free the slaves of rebels in arms within the area his army controlled. She could not understand why Lincoln hesita- ted to issue the Emancipation Proclamation (Lincoln hoped to hold the border states). Both Jane and Maria wrote that men needed a great idea to fight for and when the soldiers were deprived of the opportunity to fight for freedom they lost heart. When it did come, January 1, 1863, the Proclamation freed only the slaves in the ter- ritory still in rebellion. Moreover, it was partly a political move--to keep England from coming in on the side of the South. (Slavery in some of the states that remained in the Union was not abolished until the Thir- teenth Amendment went into effect on December 18, 1865.) Lincoln also lost favor with Jane because he ap- pointed so many Democrats to office. He gave two Southern Democrats the only two important military appointments 72$wisshelm, Half a Century, pp.200-02. 199 made in St. Cloud. When Jane asked a farmer to post bills for a meeting to send delegates to the county convention the man, who had worked actively in the 1860 campaign,~ declined. He said that if the Republicans won~the Demo- crats would get the offices and if the Democrats won the Democrats would get the offices, and why should the Re- publicans bother. Eventually, Jane came to support the radical wing of the Republican party headed by Horace Greeley, with John C. Frémont as her idol.73 In St. Cloud, as in Pittsburgh, Jane had trouble with the printers who, she said, wanted the same pay in the wilderness as their union demanded in New York. She took on two apprentices, including her thirteen-year-old nephew, William B. Mitchell. At her instruction they set the type and locked up the forms. Alas, the columns read from right to left. She unlocked the forms, made up the galleys new, and got the paper out on time. From 1858 until she turned the paper over to her nephew in-1863 she did the business of a practical printer. She issued her newspaper once a week, did job work, was printer for half a dozen counties, published tax lists, and issued extras during the Indian massacres.74 3Larsen, Crusader and Feminist, p. 26. 74Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 211. 200 Jane Grey Swisshelm had found her voice when she gave her first speech--at the community meeting the night after her enemies destroyed her press. Now she felt chal- lenged to extend her influence by lecture tours, speaking mostly in churches. As usual, when she made a move she had a bout with her conscience, which prickled with Bible verses on the role of women. But she came to believe that Paul's admonition: "Let women keep silence in the churches," was written "by permission, not by command." She took support from the verse: "Your sons and your daughters [italics added] shall prophesy," and the fact that the prophetess Anna, who "spake of the child Jesus," must have spoken in church because she "departed not from it [the temple]."75 On her many lecture trips through Minnesota from 1858 to 1863 Jane spoke on slavery, women's rights, and, later, on women's place in war work. She wrote letters for the St. Cloud Democrat that give a vivid picture of 76 early Minnesota. When she addressed the state Senate in 1862 General Lowry occupied his seat as a member, but he did not go up to congratulate her with the others after- ward. Being a state Senator was quite a comedown for the 75§t. Cloud Democrat, Feb. 3, 1859. Larsen, Cru— sader and Feminist, pp. 38-39. I Cor. 14:34. Joel 2:76} Luke 2:36—38. 76Arthur J. Larsen, head of the Newspaper Depart— ment of the Minnesota Historical Society, printed most of these letters in his book, Crusader and Feminist. 201 former dictator of northern Minnesota. Later that year General Lowry became insane and was taken to a private sanitarium in Cincinnati. In a lucid moment he wrote to Jane and a pleasant correspondence ensued. Once he wrote: Your quarrel and mine was all wrong. There was no one in that upper country capable of understanding me, but you. We should have been friends, and would have been, if we had not each had a self which we were all too anxious to defend.77 In Jane's last interview with General Lowry, after she had worked in hospitals during the War, Jane found his reason restored, but his prestige, power, wealth, and health gone. He said: I am the only person who ever understood you. People now think you go into hospitals from a sense of duty; from benevolence, like those good people who expect to get to heaven by doing disagreeable things on earth; but I know you go because you must; go for your own pleasure; you do not care for heaven or any- thing else, but yourself. . . . You take care of the sick and wounded, go into all those dreadful places just as I used to drink brandy-—for the sake of the exhilaration it brings you. The Sioux rose in the summer of 1862, stirred up by the South, Jane believed, and massacred hundreds of white settlers. The Indians came within twelve miles of St. Cloud. Jane changed her early view of the nobility of the red man (shared with Elizabeth Margaret Chandler and Lydia Maria Child). The soldiers in St. Cloud had 77Swisshelm, Half a Century, p. 233. 781bid., pp. 296—97. 202 been sent no ammunition; moreover, they were drawn off to relieve hard-pressed Fort Snelling. For many nights thereafter Jane had forty-two terrified women and child- ren in her house and nothing but big pans of hot water as a weapon. All this time she and two women assistants put the newspaper out regularly, and many extras.79 Jane was bitter at the support that Quakers and Eastern humanitarians always gave the Indians, while the frontier settlers, "leading the westward march of civiliz- ation," were tortured and slain. Always the Indians mur- dered first those who had entertained and befriended them. She wrote: Under the pretense that America belonged, in fee simple, and by special divine right, to that particu- lar hoard [sic] of savages, who, by killing off some other hoard of savages, were in possession when Col- umbus first saw the Great West, the Eastern States, which had already secured their land by conquest, have become more implacaBle foes to civilization than the savages themselves. She particularly resented Hole-in-the-day, the Chippewa chief, educated by Baptist missionaries and a good English scholar, who never deigned to speak to the government except through an interpreter. The government had fenced six hundred acres for him and built him a large white house where he lived with his six wives, while Christian people elsewhere decried polygamy. In the 79Ibid., p. 232. Bolbido' pp. 225-280 203 massacre of 1862, Hole-in-the-day, Jane wrote, failed to go on the warpath only because two wagon—loads of ammun- ition designed for him were intercepted. For being a good Indian he was given a trip to Washington, got $10,000, and a seventh wife.81 Thirty-eight Indians were hanged but influential missionaries prevented further retribution. On January 8, 1863, Jane Grey Swisshelm began a tour of the country to arouse opinion for more drastic punishment for the Indians and a substantial settlement for the surviving settlers. (On February 16, the Congress passed an appropriation of $2,000,000 for settlers' relief.) She spoke to large audiences in Chicago, Philadelphia, Brooklyn, and Washing- ton. She was, however, unable to get an appointment with President Lincoln. But she did meet him at a reception, and became good friends with Mrs. Lincoln. From Washington Jane sent back letters for the St. Cloud Democrat. The war was going against the North and Jane was concerned that the President did not push for enlistment of Negroes: As usual, he hesitates and counts probabilities. "Will the army of the Potomac mutiny?" is the ques- tion. "How do the hundreds of useless officers now hanging around Washington, visiting friends in dis- tant States or smoking cigars and drinking champagne on the Rappahannock feel about permitting black men to fight for the Republic?" 811bid., p. 233. 204 Congress dare not grapple with it, but meanly throws the responsibility on-the President, leaving it optional with him whether or not we are to accept the millions of stout arms, willing to fight for our freedom if they can secure their own, or whether the North is to continue to pour out her best blood of the Caucasion race to leave a country for Negroes. Our sons and brothers may be butchered by the thou- sands by the balls and bayonets of traitors, . . . but a black man's life is too precious to be risked under the enemy's guns. Why? Simply because he represents the property of a rebel.8 In Washington Jane met again her friend of early Pittsburgh days, Edwin M. Stanton, now Secretary of War. He arranged an appointment for her as a clerk in the Quartermaster-General's office. The government was ex- perimenting with employing women, and Jane was one of the first appointees. She sold the Democrat in June, 1863, her nephew, William B. Mitchell, taking it over. While she was waiting to assume her Washington job Jane discovered the need for nursing. She spent some months in the hospitals, working day and night under war- time conditions. It was inevitable here that strong- minded Jane would clash with strong-minded Dorothea Dix, Superintendent of Women Nurses during the war. Jane sur- vived only by staying out of Miss Dix's sight. Jane wrote that Miss Dix had her post only to relieve the Surgeon-General's office of the need to cope with the in- cessant nuisance of the women who demanded to be put to 82St. Cloud Democrat, Feb. 12, 1863. Larsen, Crusader and FeminISt, pp. 171-72. 205 work in the hoSpitals. Jane thought that MissDix never got into the grimy side of hospital work. After making valiant contributions to the soldiers' welfare, Jane dis- covered beds in a model hospital full of lice. The authorities would not listen to her, so she turned to her "old friend and confidant," the public. She wrote what was for her a mild letter on the lice problem that was published in the New York Tribune. Her letter did not end the lice problem for the soldiers, but it ended Jane's service in the hospitals, precipitately.83 Jane's health broke under the strenuous hospital work, but she recovered and again took up her duties in the Quartermaster-General's office. She continued to write letters for the Democrat, including one published April 27, 1865, describing the mourning for President Lincoln: I do not look upon his death as a National calam- ity any more than I do that of John Brown. Knowing the South as I have long done, after studying their institutions and residing amongst them, I have never ceased to fear the destruction of our Government through the leniency and magnanimity of President Lincoln.--Honest, upright, single-minded and living in a community where crime is the exception, he was utterly unable to realize the total depravity and vin- dictive barbarism of slaveholders as a class, and I have always feared that his long-suffering with these irreclaimable sinners would prolong the war until the patience of the North would be exhausted and a dis- graceful peace be made. . . . The world at large--the masses of the Northern people--had no more just idea than had Mr. Lincoln of 83Swisshelm, Half a Century, pp. 238-60. 206 the animus of this most fiendish Rebellion. . . . As Christ was murdered by those He came to save, so has President Lincoln been sacrificed by the wretches he would haxe shielded from the just punishment of their crimes.8 Jane Grey Swisshelm was not in sympathy with Lin- coln's conciliatory policy toward the South, continued by President Johnson. On December 21, 1865, Jane published the first issue of the Reconstructionist, a newspaper organ of the radical Republicans who opposed Johnson's policies. She attacked him bitterly, stating in one edi- torial: "That he [President Johnson] was prepared before- hand to serve the purposes of treason there can be no doubt; that his administration and its programme were part and parcel of the assassination plot, we have no longer the shadow of a doubt."85 To be accused of treason by a government employee was too much for President Johnson. He had her dismissed by special order--"the first person dismissed by Mr. Johnson," Jane wrote in her autobio- graphy. Another "first" for Jane. Without her government salary there could be no Reconstructionist. Jane wrote to the New York Tribune that the paper had overtaxed her strength, and that an attempt had been made to set fire to the building. She said she gave up publishing in order not to endanger 84Larsen, Crusader and Feminist, pp. 288-89. 85Margaret Farrand Thorp, Female Persuasion; Six Strong-Minded Women (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1919), p. 105. 207 the lives of those who lived in the apartments upstairs. This mild reaction was completely out of character for the Jane who had defied the dictator of northern Minne- sota. The last issue of the Reconstructionist was pub- lished on March 24, 1866. At this point Jane believed herself penniless. Then she discovered she had a good claim to the family estate, Swissvale. Secretary Stanton urged her to pursue the claim. She was able to retire to the old home with a modest income for the remainder of her life. Her daughter was married and went to Chicago to live. Occasionally, in her wide reading, a newspaper story would spark the old fireworks and Jane would shoot off a column on one of her favorite crusades, women's rights, anti-Catholic, or anti- Indian. Usually she sent these articles to the New York Independent. But, for the most part, after 1866 Jane Grey Swisshelm dropped out of the public view. Her life's goals were accomplished by age fifty-one. She had seen the slaves freed, progress made in freedom for women, and she had upheld freedom of the press in her own newspaper. In 1880 Jane Grey Swisshelm began to write her autobiography from memory supplemented by newspaper files (she had destroyed her correspondence and diaries). She called it Half a Century. On July 21, 1884, she died after a brief illness. 208 Four years before Jane Grey Swisshelm died, James Bryce published "the greatest book written about this "63 country, The American Commonwealth. This keen British observer noted the contribution of the American women to freedom for the slaves: In no other country have women bornaso conspicuous a part in the promotion of moral and philanthropic causes. They were among the earliest, most zealous, and most effective apostles of the antislavery move- ment. Elizabeth Margaret Chandler began women's entry into antislavery journalism. Lydia Maria Child added the luster of a famous name. Both worked to create a climate of opinion that would support the cause. Jane Grey Swiss- helm stimulated controversy that drew new converts, and then took political action to influence the centers of power. Elizabeth, Maria, and Jane--each one was a lone voice, a weak voice, until she amplified it thousands-fold by speaking through the press. In their writings, and especially in their newspapers these "belles" told tidings of liberty--for the captive Negroes, for the women, and for the press--until the rolling of their presses became a drum roll for freedom across the land. 63James Bryce, The American Commonwealth, ed. by Louis M. Hacker, Capricorn Books (New York: G. P. Put- nam's Sons, 1959), Vol. I, p. vii. 64Ibid., Vol. II, p. 500. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Special Collections Chandler, Elizabeth M. Elizabeth M. Chandler Papers in the Michigan Historical Collections of the University of Michigan, Rackham Building, Ann Arbor. The 155 pieces dated 1830-52 include twenty-two letters 1830- 34 written by Elizabeth M. Chandler to members of her family. They describe her literary writings and her work as contributor and editor for Benjamin Lundy's Genius of Universal Emancipation, and, occasionally, as contributor to William Lloyd Garrison's Liberator. These letters describe the part of Lenawee County near Adrian, building a log cabin, the settlers, cultural life, crOps, prices, and abolitionist ac- tivity. Fifteen of the letters were written by Elizabeth's brother, Thomas, and her aunt, Ruth Evans, the third member of the Michigan household. Two contain obituary notices about Elizabeth. Sixty of the letters were written by Elizabeth's aunt, Jane Evans Howell, in Philadelphia, to the family in Michigan. Nine of them refer to antislavery leaders-- Garrison, Lundy, and others. Several letters refer to the posthumous publication of Elizabeth's collected writings. Child, Lydia Maria. Letters in the Weld Family Papers in the manuscript collections of the William L. Clements Library of the University of Michigan. Six of these letters were published in the two—volume work, Letters of Theodore Dwight Weld, Angelina Grimké Weld, and Sarah Grimké edited—by Gilbert Barnes and Dwight L. Dumond, New York: D. Appleton- Century, 1934, Vol. II, pp. 692, 702, 724, 726, 730, and 734. The other three Child letters in this col- lection were written: 1) July 10, 1862, compliment- ing the Hon. W. P. Cutler, member of Congress, on an antislavery speech; 2) February 4, 1874, expressing sympathy to Angelina Grimké Weld on the death of her sister, Sarah, and recalling their work in anti- slavery; 3) July 10, 1880, sympathizing with Theodore Weld on the death of his wife, Angelina and remember- ing all the heroes of the antislavery movement. 209 210 . Letters in the Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library of the History of Women in America, Radcliffe College, two reels 1865-80 borrowed from the large collection of Child letters found in the Ellis Gray Loring Family Correspondence. Interview Broecker, Mrs. Erwin L. (Margaret Guest Merritt), Inter- view at her home, 327 Capital Ave. NE., Battle Creek, Michigan, on January 12, 1969. Writer was referred to Mrs. Broecker by her cousin, Charles M. Drake, 716 Pilgrim Road, Brimingham, Michigan. It was Mrs. MinnflaChandler Merritt Fay who gave the original Elizabeth Margaret Chandler collection to the Michi- gan Historical Collections of the University of Mich- igan, about 1939. At her death, in 1951, by her request, Mr. Drake, whose mother was Mrs. Fay's sis- ter, gave the remainder of the collection. Mr. Drake still has a few Chandler and Merritt letters, but they have little to do with Elizabeth Margaret Chand- ler. He does have, however, some of the latter's books. Mr. Drake referred the writer to Mrs. Broecker as the family historian. Mrs. Broecker is related to Elizabeth Margaret Chandler in the following way: Dr. Thomas Chandler and Margaret Evans Chandler were the parents of Thomas C., Elizabeth Margaret, and William Guest Chandler. William Guest Chandler married Sarah Taylor and they became parents of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, the antislavery editor's namesake. This Elizabeth Margaret Chandler and her husband, Charles Merritt, homesteaded a large farm that became part of Battle Creek. They were Quakers. The Broeckers now occupy their beautiful colonial house, much remodeled through the years. The house recently had an appro- priate one-hundredth birthday celebration arranged by Mrs. Broecker, who is, indeed, a historian, active in arrangements to make a nearby old Battle Creek mansion the home of the local historical society. The Charles Merritts had a son, William Guest Merritt, who became the father of Margaret Guest Merritt, who married Erwin L. Broecker, an architect. Mrs. Broecker has the portrait of Elizabeth Mar- garet Chandler used for the book of her collected writings. She also has a bound journal containing poems in Elizabeth's handwriting, and a bound album with poems in the same handwriting and others c0pied into the book for her by friends. Several hand-painted 211 vignettes, probably done by Elizabeth Margaret Chand- ler, illustrate this album. The notebook in which the poems were written has a hard beige and black marbled cover with red binding on the spine and a red leather label edged with gold scrollwork. It is dated: "Elizabeth Chandler, 11 Mo. 13, 1824." Mrs. Broecker also has a trunk full of dresses, and personal effects of her Quaker ancestors includ- ing a wedding dress of Elizabeth Margaret Chandler's mother, of white China silk brought back by a relative who chartered clipper ships. It is exquisitely sewn, tiny-waisted. The Quaker dresses are gray and dun-- drab in color, but made beautifully of fine silk. Also there is a "passing dress" in a pale stripe with a bow at the neckline in back. This was worn in meeting when the young couple stood up and heard their intention to marry read. Antislavery Newspapers Anti-Slavery Record. American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, 1836-37. Genius of Universal Emancipation. Benjamin Lundy, ed. Mount Pleasant, Ohio; Greeneville, Tenn.; Baltimore, Md.; Washington, D.C.; Philadelphia, Pa.; Lowell, Ill., l821-35. Liberator. William Lloyd Garrison, ed. Boston, 1831-65. National Anti-Slavery¥Standard. Lydia Maria Child, David Lee Child, and others, eds. American Anti-Slavery Society, New York, 1840-70. Pittsburgh Saturday Visiter. (Title Varies.) Jane Grey Swisshelm, ed. 1847-57: Reconstructionist. Jane Grey Swisshelm, ed. Washington, D.C., 1865-66. St. Cloud (Minn.) Democrat. Jane Grey Swisshelm, ed. 1858—63. St. Cloud Visiter. Jane Grey Swisshelm, ed. 1858. 212 Newspapers New York Tribune and New York Weekly Tribune. "Letters from Mrs. SwissheIm," April 12, 1850 - June 1, 1850, from Washington, D.C. Tracts and Pamphlets Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, First Proceed- ings, HeldIby Adjournments from the 9th to the thHI of May, 1837, 2nd ed. Boston: I. Knapp, I838. 70 pp. Child, Lydia Maria. ed. 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