THE IRISH QUESTION: WHY IS THERE
VIOLENCE IN ULSTER?

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
CHRISTOPHER DAVID THORNTON
1971

 

 

LIBRARY.

University

Michigan Staté

   
 

  
  

 

 

 

THE IRISH QUESTION: WHY IS THERE

VIOLENCE IN ULSTER?

BY

Christopher David Thornton

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Anthropology

1971

INTRODUCTION

I will evaluate in this paper some of the aspects
of the tense situation in Northern Ireland as it exists
today. Much of what has happened recently in Northern
Ireland rests on prior history and that material will be
made apparent as the discussion proceeds. Certain aspects
of the violence can be confined to contemporary unrest as
it has been occuring in the last 25 years and this material
will be treated separately and out of historical context.
Much of this material will be dealt with in terms of my
own personal observation, during the months of June, July,
and August of 1970. I will be particularly concerned with
frustration, violence, aggression, and territoriality as
it has occurred in the "Bogside" area of Londonderry,
Northern Ireland.

The world has been informed of the violence that
has occurred in Northern Ireland during the'summers of
1969 and 1970. Because many people were hurt and much
property damage occurred during this period, the news
media seized this as something that the world should know
about. Moreso I believe a more in—depth analysis of the

forces causing unrest in Northern Ireland and the

iii

connection between what is happening there as well as the
feelings of the people living to the south in the Repub-
lic of Ireland should be closely investigated. If this is
not done, we would be looking at a life scene in a vacuum.
The violence brings Ireland into our awareness, but it is
only a symbol for the strong forces working beneath,and

in some cases within, the awareness of the people. I in-
tend to investigate some of those forces so that peOple
other than Irishman may have a better understanding of
recent events in Ireland.

Many forces are at work there; time and Space do
not allow for a complete investigation of all those forces,
but I shall deal with those that I feel to be most cogent
with regard to my observation and discussions with the
people living in the cities that I visited. I am primarily
interested in evaluating the interrelationship between
social structure and the culture of Ireland. My under-
standing of this relationship has come from discussions
with the local people on the street, in restaurants and
pubs, as well as in their homes, offices and other more
private places. I noted that people told me different
things depending on whether they thought they were being
overheard or being observed by others. Totally different
points of view were given to me in an all Catholic pub
as contrasted to several discussions which ensued in pre-

dominantly Protestant establishments. Many of the

iv

statements were painfully told to me in an attempt to
gain my sympathy. I at no time felt that the discussion
participants were withholding information from me, but
that they instead felt very free to tell me more than
they would even tell their friends. I represented no
threat to the people, apparently because of my American
ancestory. The Irish are sympathetic to most Americans
and to America in general and they seem to want Americans
to know all about Ireland and the strife, economic de-
terioration, and population shifts that have happened
there.

It will not be possible to probe deeply into all
the elements of the social system, although it will be
impossible to avoid some pivotal issues. The author will
bring out those factors which have so directly contributed
to a loss of life, prOperty, and happiness.

In order to understand what is happening today,
it will be necessary to introduce some elements of past
history into my opening remarks and then to focus on the
very recent events in the six counties of the north which
make up Ulster, as Northern Ireland is otherwise known.
The twenty-six counties which make up the Republic of
Ireland are colloquially called Eire and will be referred
to in that way from time to time in the paper.

After historical perspective-has been introduced,

the task will be to join these issues with the forms of

discrimination, political influences, and the internal
social structure and cultural ideals of the people of
Ireland--both north and south. Some of these factors are
very wide in scope and tend to be elusive, others are
very narrow and quite easy to pinpoint. HOpefully those
that are least understood will be brought to attention
and understanding.

All of the photographs which have been included
in the thesis are from my personal collection, and were
taken during the summer of 1970. They hopefully will be
of aid to the reader, in understanding this protracted

conflict.

vi

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I should like to express gratitude and acknowledge
the help and guidance I have received from Dr. Charles C.
Hughes and Dr. Ralph W. Nicholas, members of my committee,
in writing this paper. Their aid in telling me of factors
to consider in gathering data in the field, prior to my
visit to Ireland were of very great benefit. In addition
to these aids in methodology, they have given me much
helpful criticism after the data had been gathered.

Secondly, and ever so importantly, I can never be
too grateful for the help that the people of Ireland,
both those from Ulster and those from Eire have given to
me, in my inquiries as to the present turmoil in the north.
I spent the better part of June, July, and August of 1970
in Ireland gathering information. When I was not there,
I was in England, talking to people at various universi-
ties (Cambridge, Oxford, and London principally) in an
attempt to garner some otherwise unknown facts about the
situation in Ireland. I also returned to Ireland during
the Christmas holidays of 1970-1971 and was able to ex-
tract some information and comments that I might not have
gotten during the summer months, when the emotions are at

peak pitch due to the various religious celebrations which

vii

occur annually during the summer. I talked to people who
were involved in many and varied ways in the conflicts
that were happening as recently as last summer (1970) as
well as those that used to involve themselves but do so
no longer because of age and in some cases out of seeing
the utter futility of the situation. I have drawn to-
gether what I consider to be cogent facts surrounding a
long history of conflict in this religiously embittered
area. My thanks go to those people of Ireland, far to
numerous to mention individually, although they certainly
deserve to be. My visit and discussions with the actual
participants in this conflict have been invaluable in

forming this paper.

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O I O I 0 O O O O O O O O 0 iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Vi in

Chapter

I. THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE . . . . . . . . . 1

The Early Inhabitants.

Important British Monarchs

The Battle of Derry and The Plantations
ProtestantDAscendency

Beginnings of Hostilities and Prejudices

II. SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CULTURE . . . . . . . . ll

Differences Between North and South
Catholic and Protestant Feelings
Drive for Unity

Early Learning and Socialization-
Ireland's Mental Outlooks

Marriage in Ireland

III. SOCIAL CONCOMITANTS LEADING TO CATHOLIC
UNREST O O I O O O O O O , O O O O O O O O O O 19

Differences Other than Religion.
Politics, Unemployment and Housing
Special Powers Act

Intolerance

Future Planning

Partition

Race Prejudice and the Irish Mental View

IV. DISCUSSING IRISH VIOLENCE . . . . . . . . . 35

The Cities Involved

The B Specials

Rev. Ian Paisley and Bernadette Devlin MP
The Irish Republican Army

The Royal Ulster Constabulary

The British Armed Services

Special Interest GroupS~

ix

ERRATA :

p. 50, line 4 and 5: ". . . bloodshed and mistakes.
It is about time to begin remedying some of the
past mistakes, and . . ."

 

 

 

Chapter

v.' CONCLUSIONS AND POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS . . . .

Behavioral Implications
Britain's Influence-
PrOposals I-IV

New Initiatives-

An Irish Pun

APPENDIX C O O O O O O O I O I O O O O O O O O 0

REFERENCES 0 O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O

ERRATA:

p. 50, line 4 and 5: ". . . bloodshed and mistakes.
It is about time to begin remedying some of the '
past mistakes, and . . .

 

Page

47

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Tables Page
1. Percentage of males and females registered

as unemployed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2. Northern Ireland civil employment . . . . . . . 23
Figures
1. Young boys and violence in Londonderry . . . . 14

2. The aftermath of trouble in Belfast . . . . . . 26
3. British soldiers on patrol . . . . . . . . . . 44
4. British soldiers in Belfast . . . . . . . . . . 45
5. The old city wall in Londonderry . . . . . . . 52
6. The "Bogside" in Londonderry . . . . . . . . . 53

7. Soldiers on guard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

xi

CHAPTER I

THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

This chapter dealing with the historical back-

ground of Ireland is of
of the events that have
violence which occurred
1969 and 1970 have deep
Situation in Ireland is
importance given to the

Religion forms the core

great significance, in that all
occurred recently, such as the

in Belfast.and Londonderry during
rooted historical meaning. The
unlike any other in light of the
religious ties within Ireland.

around which all other issues are

attached. Surrounding the religious ideology is an aura

of violence whether it be overt or not. But, before mov-

ing into a discussion of the religious rift in particular

it will enhance understanding to trace the background of

the settling of Ireland

and to know a little about the

peoples who have inhabited this island and given it the

character it has had and has today.

The earliest human artifacts-flints in County Antrim
are dated about 6000 B.C. The Neolithic Revolution,
which consisted of the discovery of agriculture and
the domestication of animals, having spread slowly
westward over EurOpe from central Asia, reached Ire-
land probably somewhere toward the end of the third

millenium B.C. . .

For Ireland, as elsewhere, the

Neolithic Revolution must have meant the earliest
settled communities, the first appearance of social

classes, and the beginning of organized religion.
(Costigan, 1970, p. 3)

It is thought that Ireland received its first in-
habitants in approximately the year 6000 B.C. but archaeo-
logical finds have turned up information leading us to
believe that Ireland was once attached to the continent
of Europe and that it actually became an island separate
from the continent approximately fifty thousand years ago.
Britain was still attached to the continent and was not
to become an island itself until another ten thousand

years had elapsed.

The ancient Gaelic writers carry the history of Ireland
as far back as Noah's flood; modern archaeologists

find traces of human occupation for many thousands of
years before Christ; but the cautious historian has

to be content with a more recent beginning. The Gaels,
or Goidels (with whom this beginning can best be made),
probably reached Ireland during the first century B.C.,
coming directly from Gaul. They found Ireland already
occupied by a mixture of peoples, the descendents of
earlier invaders from Great Britain and the continent,
and some at least of these peoples probably Spoke a
Celtic dialect Similar to Gaelic. The Gaels treated
the existing pOpulation in much the same way as they
themselves were to be treated by later invaders: they
killed some, disposed others and compelled the rest to
pay tribute. In spite of their iron weapons they

made a very slow conquest and the pre-Gaelic popula-
tion, especially in the north, long retained its in-
dependence. (Beckett 1952, p. 10)

The Celtic Speaking peoples arrived somewhat be-
fore the Gaels and the two populations lived side by side
until a hegemony was produced by if nothing else, attri-
tion. Much Irish history of the modern era looks back to

this period which lasted for many hundreds of years. It

would seem little was happening in way of innovation to

Gaelic Ireland, and in terms of the very long time Span

this would not be far from the truth.

The next great invasion and introduction of new

ideas, principles and practices came from the Norse in-

vaders. Their initial plunge into Ireland came about 795

A.D.

In Ireland as elsewhere in western EurOpe the Norse
attacks began with scattered raids for booty, which
were followed by permanent settlements and systema-
tic efforts at conquest. By the middle of the ninth
century Norse galleys had passed up the Bann to Lough
Neagh and up the Shannon to the central plain; Norse
city states, the first real cities in Ireland, had
been founded at Dublin, Wexford, Waterford, Cork,
Limerick. The struggle continued with varying for-
tunes throughout the ninth and tenth centuries and
reached its climax in 1014 in a battle fought at
Clontarf, on the outskirts of Dublin. Here Brain
Boru, the ard ri defeated a Norse alliance, drawn from
the settlements in Ireland, though at the cost of his
own life. Brian's Battle, as the sagas call it, was
one of the bloodiest of the age; it was a great blow
to Norse power and a final check to any attempt at a
Norse conquest of Ireland. . . It is natural to think
of the Norse invasions as a period of destruction and
tyranny. But the Norsemen contributed much of value
to the life of the country, for they were traders as
well as robbers. It was they who first established
town life in Ireland, and these towns were centres of
peaceful commerce as well as of more violent under—
takings; their ships carried the hides and wool of
Ireland to Britain and Europe and brought back wine
and cloth and slaves. (Beckett, 1952, pp. 13-15)

In 1169 A.D. a great wave of Angles and Normans

invaded Ireland. This was to be the most important out-

side influence for the next few hundred years. During

this period the real seeds were sown and the religions

were to be established that serve as the direct descendents

to the established religions of Ireland today.

The arrival of Henry II opened a new phase in Anglo-
Irish relations; but it is misleading to regard the
events of these years as constituting an 'English'
conquest of Ireland. The invaders were Norman,
Norman-Welsh and Flemish, rather than English, and
their language and traditions were French. Though
Henry II was king of England the Irish rulers sub-
mitted to him personally, not to the English crown.
He simply added Ireland to the many other dominions
which he ruled under various titles and by various
rights. (Beckett, 1952, p. 17)

During the early middle and the later middle ages,
Ireland saw a great deal of strife as the now many fac-
tions battled each other for supremacy in Ireland. No
one person, group of persons, or Specific group with
similar genetic tracings was able to gain ultimate ascen-
dancy or even good favor over all of Ireland; the most
any of these groups was able to do was to control one
area for a Short time. It must be said that each group
left its own indelible mark and the Irish while not
easily pressured into outside control, or control by one
grand master, at least condescend by remembering faith-
fully the history of their land. Ironically, it may be
possible that the Irish remember their history all too
well!

By the early 1300's Norman influence was on the
wane and the coming of the British and Scottish forces

was becoming more and more imminent.

At no time during the middle ages was there anything
like a united, much less a 'national' resistance to
the conquest. But individual Irish rulers, though
fighting for their own interests and though generally
ready to recognise the overlordship of the king of
England, did set limits to Norman expansion. After
the middle of the thirteenth century their military
inferiority was partly remedied by the importation

of mercenary troops from the Hebrides. These 'gallow-
glasses' (gall-oglaigh: foreign soldiers) were of
mixed Gaelic and Norse descent and their standard
weapon was the great Scandanavian axe. Unlike the
native Irish they wore body armour, and they fought
with a skill and determination that made them the
backbone of every Irish army from the thirteenth
century to the sixteenth. This Irish recovery had

not achieved any decisive success before the Scottish
invasion, but it was an important factor in the
situation; for the continued resistance of the Irish,
eSpecially in the north, encouraged the Bruces to make
the venture. The hero of the invasion was Edward
Bruce, brother of King Robert. In May, 1915 he landed
on the Antrim coast with 6,000 Scottish troops and a
year later he was crowned the 'king of Ireland' at
Dundalk. (Beckett, 1952, pp. 24-25)

The effect of this invasion was to once again
tear at the delicate fabric of any stability that might
have been established in Ireland. In almost all of the
affairs that were to follow in Irish history, the greater
influences were to come from neighboring Britain and her
peoples.

As had begun in 1315 a succession of kings from
Britain placed themselves in charge, if only in title,
over the affairs of Ireland and the peOples living there.
Because of the disorganized state which Ireland seemed
to so often find itself in, there seemed to be only token
resistance to the overlordship of the various British

monarches. There was, however, a growing distinction as

to being English born or English, but born in Ireland.
This was to be the real undoing for the British in their
attempt to reign supreme over all of Ireland. It was,
however, many years later that the complete Split between
the two was to come about (1916 Easter Rebellion and the
establishment of the Republic of Ireland).

In 1541 king Kenry VIII of England was declared the
king of Ireland by the Irish Parliament. Because of the
particular strength of Henry VIII and his charismatic
qualities he was to have a great influence in Ireland and
actually did establish many institutions especially
through feudal grants which have been of benefit to the
peoples of Ireland. Britain's affairs were becoming very
enmeshed with those of Ireland, usually through desire
from Parliament in London. Politics became almost the
Single most important areas of consideration, in dealings
between Britain and Ireland.

Because of various conflicts, many coming from the
multitude of marriages in which Henry VIII established
for himself,Britain was to find itself in the position
of having to establish a state church. The Protestant
Anglican Church was set up under Henry in his attempt to
avoid being ruled from other continent capitols. Because
Catholicism was the church accepted by the powers on the
continent and because of London's Split (Anglican Protes-

tantism) new developments and differences were to occur

between Ireland and England as Ireland had an already en—
trenched mass of Catholics living, principally in the

area of Ireland which is today The Republic of Ireland
(Erie). The zeal accorded the political/religious rede-
finition in England had great effect upon Ireland as well.
Often the Irish were called upon to supply men, mercenaries
in some cases, to help out in the various wars in which
Britain found itself entangled. The Irish were often

told rather than asked what to do in these Situations,

and although little was said about it at the time, resent-
ment was building within the hearts and minds of the
people of Ireland.

An example of this is the civil war in which
England found itself in the mid 1600's. King Charles I
made a shady deal with an emmissary of the Catholic Church
representing Rome, in which England was to receive
men to fight Oliver Cromwell's forces in the civil war
for certain concessions to Ireland, none of which Parlia-
ment knew about.

But it was not until 1689 that the historical
antecedents really began to form the foundation for con-
temporary events. In 1689 the Roman Catholic James II
was driven out of power by William of Orange at the battle
of 'Derry in that year. Soon afterward the northern part
of Ireland, which is now Ulster (Northern Ireland), began

to set up a plantation system (not totally unlike that

which was set up in the southern United States prior to
the abolition of slavery).

Aidan Clarke has said:

The idea of plantation was straightforward. Land was
the source of wealth and the basis of power. To take
it from the Catholic Irish and give it to the Protes-
tant immigrants would at once weaken resistance to
English rule and bring into being a Protestant com-
munity sufficiently numerous, and sufficiently power-
ful, to keep the peace in Ireland. If the Irish would
not become Protestant, then Protestants must be brought
to Ireland. (Moody and Martin, 1967, p. 190)

It was sufficient to keep the peace by way of the
plantation system for many years but resentment never
died in the minds of the people in all of Ireland. Just
because armed resistance was not met at every turn cer-
tainly did not indicate contentment. It was supposed
that a mental attrition growing out of the plantation
system would occur, but the minority Catholic population
were not to be easily led to believe the Protestant sanc-
tity in the Ulster provinces. In his book on the battle

of 'Derry, J. G. Simms has stated:

...From the Irish point of view, it was a desparate
effort made by the newer Protestant colonists,
English and Scots, to keep the position they had won
in Ulster at the expense of the older inhabitants.
(Simms, 1966, p. 3)

After the solid establishment of the plantation
system, a certain continuity was maintained although many
questions were posed and ideological issues were raised

as to the moral turpitude of the plantation system. The

Irish didn't have time to worry about anything except
simply staying alive as several potato famines swept the
land, particularly in 1846 when the total crop was

destroyed.

During the eighteenth century Ireland enjoyed-a longer
period of internal peace than ever before. There were
local agrarian disturbances, which sometimes reached'
serious prOportions, but from the treaty of Limerick
to the insurrection of 1798 there was no general
threat to the existing order. Yet_this prolonged
peace did not-make the country really prosperous. One
traveller after another comments on the lack of-capi-
tal, the scarcity of profitable employment, the

swarms of beggars in the towns, the meagre fare and
wretched hovels of the bulk of the rural population.
There was some improvement in the last quarter of the
century, but even then Ireland compared very unfavour-
ably with England. (Beckett, 1952, p. 104)

During this period, from 1800 on,Ire1and had set
up a clear tradition in terms of its political life,

Beckett comments on this:

It established a tradition of revolutionary violence
which, from that time onwards, has exercised an influ-
ence, varying in strength but never negligible, on
Irish politics; and this tradition still contains all
those incongruous elements that were at work in 1798--
religious fanaticism and humanitarian philosophy.
(Beckett, 1952, p. 127)

These feelings permeated and totally inundated
the movements that were to follow, particularly the Anglo—
Irish war which ended in 1921 and which established the
ultimate partition of Ireland into the Eire and Ulster
provinces that exist to this day. The completion of this;

separation was fully attained by 1926.

10

After this a new segment in the history of Ireland
had begun. Old hostilities and prejudices were renewed
as each side sought to defend what it thought to be its
vested interests. The situation in 1971 is one in which
we find the turmoil to be basically confined to the Six
counties of the north; all issues being centered about
Protestantism and Catholicism. It is, however, to be
noted that certain elements from the south are readily
identifying and becoming interested in the minority in-
terests in the north. Most notably in mention is the
Irish Republican Army (I.R.A.) which is outlawed in both
the north and south, but-continues to function rather ef-
fectually because of its underground sort of clandestine
operations. The role of the I.R.A. will be discussed at
further length in a more appropriate portion of the
paper.

Vast amounts of historical data have been left
for the reader to uncover for himself, although with this
basic core of historical facts in mind, it will be pos-
sible to further discuss and hOpefully understand the

contemporary Situation in Northern Ireland.

CHAPTER II

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CULTURE

It Should be noted that as a discussion proceeds
on social structure, we must keep in mind that there are
some rather marked differences between the north and
south of Ireland, the principal difference being in the
location, geographically speaking of the two primary
religious groups (Catholic and Protestant) which make up
most of the population. The Republic of Ireland (Eire)
is made up of»a population which is approximately 98%
Catholic, the remainder being primarily Protestant. Be—
cause the Protestants are in such a small minority, they~
are a tiny voice in the affairs of Eire. From my obser-
vation the two groups seem to allow for each other's
belief systems and severe clashes over ideology are rare
in this part of Ireland. The case in Ulster is very much
different. In Ulster is found a Protestant majority of
826,500 contrasted to a Catholic minority of 498,750.
These numbers indicate that while the Catholics are vastly
outnumbered, they still form a sizeable minority and are
a group who knows they are capable of prodding the Protes—

tant majority into some form of social action and hopefully

ll

12

positive social reform. However, reflecting upon the his-
torical background we have seen that social change has not
come easily in Ireland. Because of the large group of
Protestants who arrived and settled in the north prior to
the plantation system, there has been a constant series
of strained relations between Catholic and Protestant.
Each group feels that it has a more sacred right to the
privileges of social power especially in Ulster. In all
of Ireland there is a resentment against the Protestants
and they are not considered to be a part of the rightful
indigenous population, in terms of sharing in the cultural
system in the same way as the Catholic group. The Catho-
lics have always resented the Protestant influx before
The Battle of the Boyne (Londonderry 1689) and their ar-
rival was seen to be a way for England to gain firm con-
trol of this area of Ireland. It seems that all youngsters
are taught this fact of history whether they be Catholic
or Protestant. The facts are slightly altered depending
upon one's religious identification. From here begins
the feelings that form the social identification of any
person living in Ireland.

There has always been a drive for one Ireland and
Charles Lucey in quoting Prime Minister Jack Lynch makes

this idea clear:

13

The Irish government does not concede in any way, and
never will, Britain's right to jurisdiction over any
part of Irish territory. . .the claim of the Irish
nation to control the totality of Ireland has been
asserted over the centuries by successive generations
of Irishmen and women and it is one which will never
be renounced. (Lucey, 1970, p. 9)

This particular lesson has been well learned in that any
discussion I involved myself in with Irishmen on either
side of the border inevitably aroused this issue. It is
truly a strong mental concept held and shared widely by
the people. It is acted upon by the Catholics in light
of the civil disturbances but-very understood although
not fully accepted by the Protestants of the north who
cling to the Union Jack of Great Britain. Although it is
untenable at this time, it would seem inevitable that any
solution to the Irish unrest will at some time in the
future involve the idea of one Ireland with legitimate
and proportionate representation for whichever group is
in the minority, that is the Protestants because they
would become the minority group in an Ireland governed by
one government.

AS has been said, the young people of Ireland
learn their history at a very early age and Figure 1
illustrates the position taken by those young peOple. In
this case two young boys probably not more than ten years
of age are carrying wooden batons for what they claim is
self defense. I observed a constable questioning the boys

about their weapons and their possible use. They seemed

Figure l.

14

 

Young boys and violence in Londonderry.
Young boys have learned violence from the
centuries of religious strife in Ireland.
Two boys in this photograph are carrying
wood batons as a symbol and possibly for
utility should a provocation occur. This-
is the main street in Londonderry, Northern
Ireland. (Author's collection)

15

taken aback to be questioned about their right to wield
these weapons and carry them about in the streets in open
defiance of certain restrictions which prohibit the carry-
ing of weapons, primarily at times when religious holidays
are being celebrated. The constable asked if the boys'
parents knew what they were doing and the answer was af-
firmative. They were sent home to dispose of the weapons
but this mission was probably never accomplished. No one
seemed to pay any attention to this small episode other
than myself and symbols of violence such as these wood
batons are seen often and commonly on the streets. Ap—
parently, there has become a mental acceptance of such
displays.

Conrad Arensberg had divided Ireland into a land
with four different mental outlooks in an attempt to
better understand the social life and culture there. Each
of these concepts plays an integral part in the daily life
of an Irishman, particularly an Irishman who lives in
Belfast, Coleraine, Londonderry or any of the major popu-
lation areas of the north which have been involved in so

much social conflict over the pash.a1most 300 years.

Perhaps our first Ireland is the mystic land of the
past.. This is the land of the 'Celtic twilight,‘ the
country of Synge and Yeats and Stevens. It is the
seat of an age old tradition, of the remains of a
once brilliant Celtic civilization. . . .A second
Ireland is a gay, full blooded picture, though some
among the nationalists dislike it. It is the Ireland
of the merry and happy-go-lucky present. Handled

16

badly, it becomes the land of the 'stage Irishman,‘
that buffoonish figure which the nations pride so
justly resents. . . .The third Ireland most of us
know is a more serious scene. One might even call it
a grimmee land. It is a sober, hard working land of
minute towns and small farms upon a soil not always
grateful. It is a land of hard realities. This Ire-
land is subject to hot flashes of anger and dispute
which throw into relief deep—lying hatreds and fierce
loyalties. We all know something of the Land War and
Sinn Fein and the bitter internecine strife of the
trouble. If we know anything of Ireland's history

we see these rough upheavals of a tranquil scene as
great punctuation marks upon a red page of struggle
lasting seven hundred years. . . .Most of us recog-
nize a fourth Ireland as well, especially those who
are Catholics. It is the Ireland of the faith, the
island of saints and scholars. It is the land of the
devout, where word and deed breathe a religious fer-
vor which most of us have forgotten. (Arensberg,

It is this last point which is all important to
those of us who are not Irish or who have not experienced
being among these people for an extended time. I myself
had my greatest difficulty in taking notes and trying to
make them meaningful, until I began to-feel what the peo-
ple themselves were feeling toward their religion. Re-
ligion is the integral focal point, out of which leaps
the very driving force of these people. It is an all
important aspect of the culture in Ireland, because it is
constantly discussed and compared to its opposite.

Another important point which differentiates the
structure of Ireland from other lands is the narrowness
and sectarian interest of the people. Their views rarely
encompass the world as a whole. Conrad Arensberg has

said:

17

Yet the question of the organization of the community
confronts the social anthropologist. He seeks to
analyze the means by which men relate themselves over
space and time. In Ireland, the question is important
for the student of old custom, too. For tradition
works locally.

Irish familism is of the soil. It Operates most
strongly within allegiances to a definite small area.
Life moves within this area for the countryman; he
very rarely goes beyond it except on periodic visits
to his market town. He counts his fellows from within
these same narrow bounds. Beyond the next stream,
over the next hill, down the valley, a Similar alle-
giance begins and ends. Across the line are people
no different from himself; but they are 'strangers,‘
from beyond, or 'from the other side.‘ (Arensberg,
1937, pp. 107-108)

Another very important fact about the structure
of Irish life is the age at which marriages occur in Ire-
land. Because there are not enough jobs for all eligible
young men, due to a low proportion of industrialization
in Ireland, many men go to England to gain an income.
Once there they have a tendency to stay and only infre-
quently return to their homeland to visit as well as
bring the pound notes to distribute to those in need in
their family. A family I got to know quite well, and with
whom I shared many experiences, told me that their Father
returned only a few times each year to visit, usually
during holiday periods. Other than on these infrequent
occasions or if the family journeyed to England, did the
nuclear family enjoy a common togetherness. After several
years of working and saving, the young man, by then 27 or
28 years old and sometimes older as in the case of my

friends, begins to think of taking a bride. When he

18

marries he often returns to England to work, leaving his
bride behind to live with either his folks or hers, pro-
bably on a small farm. He may only return often enough
to beget a child, before leaving once again to labor in

England. Charles Lucey has taken a look at the statistics

on marriage:

My own estimate would be that in todays more prosperous
Ireland change comes again; there has been a steady
fall in marriage ages, both male and female, in recent
years. In 1946 the average age was 33.1 for males and
28 years for females; by 1963 the figures had fallen

to 30.1 and 26.5 and by 1967 to 28.8 for males and

25.8 for females. (Lucey, 1970, pp. 31-32)

This fact is of great importance, in that those
who are not married until a later age, have more free
time in which to work toward political goals. Sometimes
these are constructive and other times they are destruc-
tive. With little responsibility, entrance into a group
such as the I.R.A. offers much less risk to the individual,
as he has no one to look after or be responsible to.

There are other important matters concerning the
social structure and culture of Ireland, but these that I
have mentioned form an important core in which to under-

stand the case that I am building.

CHAPTER III

SOCIAL CONCOMITANTS LEADING TO

CATHOLIC UNREST

The history has been briefed, and an attempt to
peer into the mind of the Irishman was included in Chap-
ter II. Knowing these things, it is now possible to look
at the reasons for outbreaks of violence which are caused
by social factors, largely because of Protestant domina-
tion of the government and social institutions of Northern
Ireland. Beyond religion, the reasons are several in
number. They include: simple differences in political
ideology, discrimination against Catholics in housing,
employment opportunities, and voting rights as well as
social religious and welfare allotment discrimination.
Some people even mentioned to me that they could tell who
was who on the basis of racial appearances between the
Catholics and Protestants in the Belfast and Londonderry
central cities. There is little by way of investigation
to prove this point other than to look historically at
the various groups who have come to Ireland to settle
from other places on the continent, many years ago. The
people that mentioned this fact to me often seemed to be

the most bigoted people in their general attitude toward

l9

20

the 'other' religious group. I only mention it here be-
cause it was mentioned to me several times so that I am
led to believe it has something to do with the general
behavior of the people involved in the conflict. If this
area is ever investigated, it will probably be completed
by an Irishman due to complexities and the subjectivity
accorded by this sort of behavior.

Mr. Paul Rose (Manchester, Blackley M.P.) has said
"too little has been done too late." This is probably
very close to the truth, because the history is so exten-
sive it sometimes takes a long time in discussion before
any solution to a given problem is considered and before
any remedial action is taken. Universal suffrage is a
good example of too little being done too late. Voting
was done by primarily the Protestant citizens of Ulster
because the ownership of land was a prerequisite for many
years. On tOp of this the City of Londonderry was gerry-
mandered in such a way as to perpetuate strict Protestant
rule and control over that city which has a Catholic
majority. Protestants were often allowed to cast more
than one vote, if they were important in industry or held-
large blocks of land or owned rental properties. Patrick

Riddell has noted:

Londonderry has a big Catholic preponderance in the
city's population, yet the local government ward
boundaries were so:manipulated by the powerful Union-
ists as to give them control of the Londonderry Cor-
poration. This enabled them to corner the patronage

21

market, particularly in the matter of housing alloca-
tion, for their own benefit and for that of their
similarly blind and stupid followers. Some 15,000
Catholic voters were deliberately so placed that they
Could not possibly win more than eight Council seats
against the twelve seats unvaryingly won by some

9,000 Unionist voters. Whatever excuses may be made
by protagonists of the Unionist Party, this was Gerry—
mandering at its worst. Londonderry, of course, has
an appeal of high emotional intensity to thousands of
Protestant Ulstermen, especially those who are mem-
bers of the Orange Order. It is the historic walled
city which Protestant Irish adherents of William of
Orange held so heroically against the beseiging

troops of the Catholic King James II of England--thus
helping to establish the Protestant Succession for the
English. (Riddell, 1970, p. 143)

Unemployment naturally falls hand in hand with the
discordant position allowed the Catholic population in
Ulster. One third of the Catholic adult population at
Strabane are unemployed. Boys at Newry have little pros-
pect of attaining employment and have never worked before.
The charts that follow on pages 22 and 23 indicate the
rates of unemployment as Well as showing the various
' types of employment opportunities which are available in

Ulster.

Although Ulster is touted as the most industrialized
area of Ireland, its industrialization is poised on
a rapidly obsolescing capital base. Textiles, ship-
building and machinery production suffer the same
old-fashioned management and capital development
problems that hamper much of British industry. But
the human toll of this industrial fabric is even more
depressing. Much of it exists in the context of a
cheap, docile labor supply. If the worker is not
hired or does not fit in, his option iSvclear: emi-
grate to Britain, Canada or the United States. If a
Protestant doesn't like his job, to make him conform,
there is always the threat that he can be ousted in
favor of a Catholic. The economic instability adds

22

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24

to the psychological insecurity. (Clark, 1970, p.
20)

The housing plans have been equally poorly designed,
and Catholics are often discriminated against, even when
it is obvious that they are in greater need. Those hous-
ing tracts that have been built, have been done in such a
way as to benefit the gerrymandering practices of-the
Protestant Unionist regimes. The-following example clear-

ly demonstrates a case of unfair allotment of housing:

The first opportunity to put one of these resolutions
into effect came on 20 June when Austin Currie, a
Nationalist MP at Stormont, along with two other men,
took possession-of a vacant house in the village of
Caledon near Dungannon. The house had been allocated
by the Dungannon Rural District Council to a 19 year
old unmarried typist, who, it was revealed, was secre-
tary to a well known Unionist politician in Armaugh.
Currie described the case as a damning indictment of,
the Unionist system of house allocation. The girl
had been given the house in anticipation of her mar-
riage, later that year, yet many families in East
Tyrone.had been living in unsanitary and condemned
buildings for years, while waiting for the Dungannon
Rural District Council to provide them with houses.
Durrie and his fellow squatters were supported
by the entire Civil Rights movement, and 5,000 people,
from many different parts oerorthern Ireland, de—
cided to carry the protest further by demonstrating
in Dungannon on 24 August. "The people in this area,"
said Fr. Austin Eustace who addressed the organisers
of the demonstration, "are no longer prepared to ac-
cept the role of second class citizens." (Boyd, 1969,
p. 194)

To further complicate this vexing problem, I was told by
any number of Catholics now residing in the Bogside dis-
trict of Londonderry and the ghetto sectors of Belfast,

that they would sooner die than move into the new high

25

rise apartment complexes which have been built in the
last few years (see Figure 2 on following page). The
major reason for this being that the family might have

to live next door to a Protestant or Catholic depending
on the situation. The apartment complexes are seen as a
way of forcing integration of the religious groups. When
asked if it would be necessary in the future to live

side by side, most of those questioned, grudgingly ad-
mitted that due to the construction design, it probably
would be required. All differences aside I found that
Irishmen in general are very resistant to change and
cling to the home that so many of their relatives were
born in, lived in, and died in. 'They really do not seem
to welcome a new and more efficient living arrangement.
This mentality is criticalto any system of reform which
is so desperately needed in this violence rocked corner
of Ireland. The old bigotries are one thing, but the old
stubbornness is equally as devastating to improved social
relations. Camille Bourniquel tells of the conditions

to be found in an average Irish slum, such as are found

particularly in Londonderry and Belfast:

We cast an eye over the single room--usually large
and clean; there is a heap of utensils and of mat-
resses; coloured prints on the wall, portraits of
the popes washed out by the steam from the boiler.
Six, seven, or eight peOple live there. The men es-
cape from it in the morning. All the women in the
house have had the word, and go with us from one
lodging to the next, full of explanations. Here the
floor is breaking away; there the wall leaks.‘ There

26

 

 

Figure 2. The aftermath of trouble in Belfast. This
photograph was taken during the summer of 1970.
It depicts the aftermath of trouble which saw
so many peOple killed or hurt and the vast
amount of property damage which occurred dur-
ing the summer of 1969, in Belfast, Northern
Ireland. Also seen in the background is the
old ghetto housing on the left vs. the new
state constructed high rise apartment built
hopefully to house both Catholic and Protestant
alike. (Author's Collection.)

27

is a single tap, sometimes one lavatory for everyone,
below in the courtyard. (I once counted forty people
for a single house.) The landlord refuses to carry
out repairs--the old story. One Single advantage
sometimes attracts those who could perhaps raise the
money to live elsewhere-~an absurdly small rent, a few
shillings a week.. (Bourniquel, 1960, p. 106)

I visited and ate meals with people who lived in exactly
the same sort of dwellings as has been described by Bourni-
quel. It is always alarming to find the toilet facilities
out in the courtyard!

Another fact which has ruptured the calm in North-
ern Ireland is The Special Powers Act, which has been
utilized on several occasions including several periods
since violence erupted during the summer of 1969. It is
considered to be the most intolerable and repulsive of all
laws in that it allows for the arrest and detention of any
individual thought to be involved in acts against the
state. The special powers act has provoked many other-
wise 1aw abiding citizens, into acts of civil disobedience.
This act allows people to be arrested with no redress to
any defense whatsoever. They may be held indefinitely in
jail. They may see no attorney, and no charge is named.
Habeas Corpus and a court of law are not given to the im-
prisoned. On top of this, there have been many cases
of floggings reported. Relatives may not be seen.during
the un-named period of indenture. An inquest is strictly
prohibited if the prisoner should happen to die while in

jail.

28

In 1922 the Unionist-dominated Parliament passed a
bill which became the Special Powers Act. This Act
gives the Minister of Home Affairs absolute power

to arrest people on suspicion of endangering the
State and to imprison them indefinitely without trial.
It also empowers him to send police into the homes of
the people without warrant, impound property, suspend
Habeas Corpus and abolish inquests.- (Boyd, 1969, p.
176)

In any case the Special Powers Act has caused a strange
sort of polarization which has had the effect of pulling
the common and moderate people of both faiths together.
Only the very fanatical highly recommend the usage of the
Act as a means for preserving control and.an attempt to
maintain the peace. It may maintain the peace, but it
heats up the innards of anyone who respects the rights of
free Speech and free assembly, and the right to a fair
trial in a reasonable amount of time. I do not recall
talking to anyone who desired that the Act be used as a
means of ending the violence.

All of the above are reasons given particularly
by those who are enmeshed in the practice of violence as
a means for achieving a political change. Everyone that
I talked to, whether he was Protestant or Catholic seemed
to basically agree that reform was needed but it is so
slow in coming and so token at first, that violence was
unable to be held at-bay any longer.

Once the violence began, certain backlash feeling
more greatly complicated an already impossible_situation.

It had seemed that improvements were being made and

29

people were granting concessions mentally they had not or
would not grant before. With violence camera tightening
of tolerance, and a return to strong feelings of defense
through bigotry. In reference to unrest during 1971, it

has been said:

Perhaps the most discouraging feature of Ulster's
bloody week was the fact that militants on both sides,
who hold the whip hand, were growing in strength
while moderates stood helplessly by. As Ivan Cooper,
the only Protestant MP among the Ulster Parliament's
Catholic Opposition, says: "In this country, moderate;
is spelled c-o—w-a-r-d. We have too much religion and
not enough Christianity." Ulster's problem is also
that it has all too many extremists, sometimes spelled
b-iég-o-t-s. (Time, August 23, 1971, p. 21)

There is another issue which is of great impor-
tance to the people of Northern Ireland. Because Northern
Ireland is a part of the British Empire, it also shares a
system of welfare benefits styled after the benefits of
England herself. The welfare dole as it is called is
given to people who are out of work in the form of unem-
ployment insurance. There are also benefits to be re-
ceived in the form of medical and dental care which is
taken care of by the State. This aid is given to all
people and of course Catholics reap the Benefits as well
as Protestants. If English rule is removed from Northern
Ireland, these benefits will disappear. Many Catholics
want one Ireland, but one Ireland would not provide the
aid and assistance they are now receiving. On top of a

loss of assistance those people living in the six counties

30

would have to content themselves with a lower real stan-
dard of living as is found in the twenty—six counties of
Erie. This poses just one more conflict for Catholic and

Protestant alike in Northern Ireland.

About £56 million is now being Spent annually on
health and welfare services in the Province. In the
current financial year, $34.6 million is to be spent
on the provision of hospital services; £14 million on
the general health services provided by general medi-
cal practitioners, general dental practitioners,
chemists and Opticians in contract with the General
Health Services Board; and 23.4 million on the local
health authority services. In addition, an estimated
£4 million is to be spent in the provision of local
authority welfare services. Within this total expené
diture is included capital expenditure of about £5
million, of which $4.2 million relates to the hospital
building programme. (Northern Ireland Govt. Report,
1970, p. 180)

Additionally, Belfast receives subsidies from London
amounting to as much as 160 million dollars annually.
No such payments go to Dublin. This helps give

Northern Ireland a higher standard of living than ex-

ists in the south. (U.S. News & World Report, October
26, 1970, p. 80)

It certainly can be said that partition in and of
itself has never been accepted by the majority of the
people living in Ireland, north and south, but then again,
this majority is made up of Catholics. It seems that the
people were shocked to win their independence from Great
Britain back in 1921 when the partition was set~up, but.
now after 50 years they have decided that they want'the
six counties to be included in that independence; if
there were not 1,000,000 Protestants in Ulster that might

be readily possible.

31

The typical Protestant thinking of today may be

summed up as:

The real problem has never been social or religious.
Instead, this has been a deliberate attempt to de~
stroy the state and to discredit the police and now
our Parliament. The only way to end this is to re-
introduce the rule~of law and order. (Source unknown)

The Catholic viewpoint is somewhat different:

Another view from a Catholic leader: Calls for
Catholics to integrate have really been.calls for
them to act like Protestants. The reaction among
the Catholics has been like that of the black power
militants in America. (Source unknown)

A number of people with whom I talked liked modeling their
problems after the racial difficulties in the United
States, although I am not convinced that the model is
accurate other than the fact that two parties with greatly
differing ideologies are involved. The actual physical~
differences involved between the races in the American
situation pose drastically different problems. It is un-
fortunate that spokesmen for the two Sides of the issue
are very vocal and often whip up trouble where none pre-
viously existed. Rev. Ian Paisley who actively campaigns
for the Protestants from the doors of his church and
Bernadette Devlin who-won a seat at Westminster who speaks
for the discriminated against Catholics in her role as.an
MP are examples of those who ignite already flammable
emotions in Northern Ireland. This coupled with, as

Dennis Clark has said: "Hatemongering, willful

32

discrimination and fear plague Northern Ireland; they are
symptoms of a deep seated cultural malaise." (Clark,
1970, p. 15)

Because of past and present practices, the people
are programmed for violence and it takes little to trigger
it as the summers of 1969-1971 have proven. With unem-
ployment running between 7-10 per cent, many idle hands
are available to join the cause of civil rights, they have
nothing more to lose, and possibly something,to gain, from
this involvement. Unfortunately, many people have made
the ultimate sacrifice and laid down their lives for their
cause(s).

The individual Protestant or Catholic sees his

place somewhat differently in Ireland, when looked at

from the point of expected behavior.

The Presbyterian Ulsterman sees himself as the heir
of signal qualities nurtured by Protestantism: hard
work, cleanliness, rectitude and the cult of indivi-
dual achievement. The Catholic is nurtured by his
religious ruminations with a sense of deep antiquity
of his place on the island, a sense of cultural in-
spiration and solidarity and a rakish confidence that
has surmounted the most awful obstacles. Both reli-
gions in Ireland share a tedious conservatism, a;
puritanical morality and an ardent belief that the
whole truth is theirs alone. Only in the light of
these premises can one understand the anomaly of
Irish religious strife in a world where religious
influence has been steadily receding.‘

But religion is only the beginning. Like the
intricate interlacing of floral and animal figures
in the great Irish illuminated manuscripts, the Irish
Situation is interwoven with a variety of fatally
contrived elements. They entangle and diverge in a
madly elusive pattern. The social structure of the
north of Ireland illustrates the point. At the top

33

are the Tory barons, heardly changed from the days of
Georgian splendor. Some even retain their deer parks.)
The lord of Antrim is still literally that, a lord of
a huge domain. There are also Tory industrialists.
Below them is a dogged middle class, exceedingly con-
scious of propriety and virtue in the Victorian sense.
Under these is the hapless working class, Protestant
and Catholic, toiling in shipyards, textile mills and
on tiny farms, to the upper class the regrettable up-
surge of nineteenth century democracy, which exploded
in Ireland only in-l916 and created a Republic in 26
of the 32 counties, never happened. To the working
class, nothing has happened since the religious fury
of the 1690's. Poverty, unemployment and emigration
are fears that trouble all segments, but they are not
as important as the greater fears about democracy,
religion and change. (Clark, 1970, p. 16)

Mr. Clark really feels the spirit of this long
ongoing and seemingly insoluble conflict. As he has
said, the people have and do refuse to forget events
which occurred almost 300 years ago. It is extremely.
troubling to an observer such as myself, when one is not
on one side or the other, although it does not take long
before you find yourself sympathizing with portions of
each stand in the struggle.

Anders Boserup has made an attempt to clarify the
race prejudice theory as being a contributor to the vio-
lence and mistrust in Northern Ireland. This problem was

commented upon in Chapter II.

The race prejudice theory has been developed by the
Marxists. It holds that racialism arose with Capital-
ism, is inseparable from it and was (and is) a device
for creating a readily exploitable sub-human class.
Further, by fostering divisions among the workers it
also serves as a means of subordinating the major.
proletarian struggle to artificially intensified minor
cultural conflicts. The prejudice of the victimized

34

groups (against their Oppressors or against other
victimized groups) is held to be a secondary defen-
sive or adaptative reaction. There is considerable
supportive evidence for this theory if it is taken in
a broad historical sense. (Boserup, 1970, p. 23)

I would take issue with Mr. Boserup as to referring in any
way to this being a "minor cultural conflict;" this is the
deepest and most severe of cultural conflicts and the
Marxist analysis is not taking account of the racial
bigotry which had been mentioned to me on several occae
sions, but which as well goes without substantial proof,

unless one wants to totally adhere to the Marxist analysis.

CHAPTER IV

DISCUSSING IRISH VIOLENCE

I would like to devote this chapter to the overt
actions which I observed and others that have been brought
to attention through the news media. Certain areas within
Northern Ireland, particularly the larger cities, have
borne the largest share of the violence. The large and
industrial city of Belfast and Londonderry, Northern
Ireland's second largest city have been the scene of most
destruction and violent aggression against other citizens
of the northernmost section of the island of Ireland.
Ireland had not seen civil strife of such magnitude
until the summer of 1969, fifty years after the partition+
ing of Ireland into the 26 Counties of the Republic and
the 6 Counties of Ulster. Many of the smaller cities
have been involved in the conflict; however, the media
does not seem to mention incidents which occur in these
areas, although it is granted that incidents in the small
villages and hamlets are lessor in scope and are usually
contained before good news coverage can be made. There
have been a number of civil rights marches from Belfast

to Londonderry and often confrontations have occurred

35

36

along the way, usually when the march was midway between-
the two larger cities. Often the violence was promulgated
by the Royal Ulster B Specials, a group formed in Northern
Ireland after partition~and made up of Protestants dedi-
cated to keeping the order and order that would advance
the causes of the ruling Unionist Party, the Protestants
in general, and the industrialists almost all Protestant,
who are all important to the economic strength of thisv
British held corner of Ireland. The B Specials had their
beginning early in the 1920's and were prominent in
handling disputes in Northern Ireland until their disband-

ing after the very violent summer of 1969.

The USC had its birth in the fiery days of the early
1920's when murder, arson, and pillage were common—
place, particularly in the south and midlands ofr
Ireland.

A number of prominent citizens in Fermanaugh
decided to band themselves together and to form a
force of loyalists to defend their homes and their
Province against invasion by armed bands of irregu-
larS, unruly mobs with guns and bombs who were
plundering homes and shops, often_shooting their
inhabitants in cold blood.. (Dane, 1970, p. 3)-

As has been said, this group was made up of Prot-
estants and that remained the fact throughout the history
of the organization. Prior to the full emergence of the
Irish Republic to the south, this police force seemed a
non-necessity even though the Irish Republican Army was

Operatingrunderground.

37

However, long after the partitioning of Ireland
into its two respective halves, and when discrimination
against Catholics was being brought to attention as the
civil rights movement gained momentum in the late 1960's,
the B Specials were still operating. They, in fact,
operated ruthlessly when the Catholic-Protestant~rift'
raised its ugly head once again. I was told by people
belonging to both groups and people on both sides of the
issues, of unnecessary batonings of people who would not
succumb to the demands of the B Specials. I think this
noteworthy in fact because a number of these peOple were
Protestants talking about other Protestants.* Although it
is difficult to determine exacting degrees of political.
affiliation, it is my opinion that these people I was
talking to were so.common or at least in non-power posi-
tions that to rant on to an American observer would serve
no-one's end purpose. These peOple simply seemed sensi-
tive if that is what it takes to be alien to unmerciful
beatings by one person or group of persons against any
other or others. These overreactionary groups have led
to much of the discontent evident in Northern Ireland
today. Examples of overreaction and outright hatred are
not difficult to uncover.

Typical of the crimes committed by the Specials was
the double murder of the unarmed Magill brothers at
Corrogs, near Newry in County Down, on 8 June 1921.

Specials entered the house (wrote Dorothy
Macardle in the Irish Republic), kicked and beat the

 

38

old man who owned it, threatened his daughter, killed
his son Stephen and wounded his second son Owen.
After two hours they returned, took the second son
out and left him in a hospital, dying or dead.

Between 10 and 15 June the Specials in Belfast
killed six Catholic men, of whom one was actually
beaten to death. The "unifOrmed men" who murdered
five members of the McMahon family in Belfast, on 23
March, 1922, were never identified but there is little
doubt that they, too, were members of the Special
Constabulary. (Boyd, 1969, p. 177)

A more recent example of the unforgiving attitude of the
B Specials took place in 1969, and was critical in form-
ing the tide of discontent in the struggle in Northern
Ireland today. Much discussion has centered around the
incident to be mentioned, and it is thought that this
could have been the straw that broke the camel's back, if
any one such incident can be accrued to be of Special~

significance in this long and heated struggle.

At the beginning of 1969 members of an organization
known as the Loyal Citizens of Ulster savagely at-
tacked a march of the PeOples Democracy at Burntollet
Bridge, near Derry. The People's Democracy had set
out to walk from Belfast to Derry but were obstructed
by these loyal citizens at many places along the route.
It was revealed later that members of the B Special
Constabulary had joined the loyal citizens and taken:
part in the violence at Burntollet. (Boyd, 1969, p.
197)

Shortly after this incident, the Specials were
dissolved much after the urgings of the moderate Unionist
(Protestant) members at Stormont. Since then the British
Armed Forces have been called in to control or to attempt
to restore some semblance of peace to this beleaguered

State.

39

There was only one period after 1935 when all out—

ward indicators seemed to promise an end to the dispute.

Belfast returned to an uneasy peace when the riots of
1935 subsided. The second world war, the creation of
the Welfare State during the years of post-war recon-
Struction, and the spread of new industries all en-
couraged something that seemed to resemble communal
harmony and civilization. But beneath the surface old
antagonisms still survived. They were to be brought
into the open again, in 1964, with the rise of a new
wave of militant Protestantism under the leadership

of Ian K. Paisley, Moderator of the self-styled Free
Presbyterians, and with the growth of a movement de-
manding full civil rights for all citizens of Northern
Ireland, Protestants as well as Catholics. (Boyd,
1969, p. 178)

As easily as Ian Paisley flowed forth with his
brand of Protestant militant extremism, so flowed his
counterpart in the Catholic extremism, Miss Bernadette
Devlin. Although the latter is far more political in
that she is an elected Member of Parliament at Westminster
and also interested in substituting new government forms
in Northern Ireland which she wishes to call socialism,
as well as bringing reunification of the two parts of
Ireland. Rev. Paisley seems to be content with simply
shoring up the old forms of Protestant control. I would
question-Miss Devlin MP in her avid desire to institute
socialism into Northern Ireland, when it is commonly re-
cognized that Northern Ireland shares the common ingre-
dients to the welfare oriented and socialistic form of
government found in England itself. Her desires are not

made perfectly clear and one must surmise her as

40

visualizing a different end other than simple reunifica-
tion and institution of a full welfare state when that
end has been practically accomplished now. This would
indicate her as being a radical and firebrand possibly as
harmful as the very unmoderate Rev. Paisley. So far the
moderates of either cause have suffered terribly at the
expense of finding the radical spokesmen easily whipping
up large portions of the citizenry and causing them to
take very strong and not very carefully considered posi-
tions on the delicate issues.

Another party to the violence and aggression has
been the outlawed Irish Republican Army. It is outlawed
in the North as well as the South and has been operating
for many years underground. It is interesting to note that
the organization seems to win some kind of tacit approval
in the Republic even though Prime Minister Jack Lynch
speaks against it in his public pronouncements.

Some clarification is needed to understand the

IRA and the way it is looked upon by many people.

It is well to emphasize here that the Irish Republican
Army is not, and never has been, what is termed a
'Secret Society.’ Its existence constitution and r
policy are openly declared. Secrecy as to its activ-
ities is only maintained to safeguard it from attack.
The policy of theerish Republican Army is published~
and proclaimed in writing and speech as openly as
circumstances permit.

The justification of having an army at all reads:

Until the Republic of Ireland is freed from foreign
aggression and can function freely, the necessity for
the Irish Republican Army will continue. Only to a

41

Government of the Republic can the Army give alle-
giance. Should the time arrive when its services
will be no longer necessary to defend the nation's
sovereignty, it will disband. (Coogan, 1970, p. 235)

Tim Pat Coogan makes it quite clear to us as to

the I.R.A. was instituted in the first place:

To understand it is necessary to turn to Irish history
and to look particularly at the Irish Home Rule Move-
ment, the formation of the Ulster Volunteers and the
1916 Rebellion. As taught-in the South, Irish history
has tended to portray Irish revolutionary movements
as occuring in cycles which always ended in disaster
until the triumphant self-immolation of the 1916
leaders, whose sacrifice and courageous example put
new heart into the Irish people, and gave rise to an
independence movement from which came liberation and
prosperity. This over-simplified view is true to a
certain extent in so far as liberation goes, but it
overlooks the central fact that in 1916 Rebellion by
the Irish Volunteers was in fact an armed gesture by
a body which came into being only in reply to an
earlier gesture by the Protestants of Northern Ire-
land—-the formation of the Ulster Volunteer Force to
frustrate the British Liberal government's plans to
introduce Home Rule to all Ireland. Had the Protes-
tants of the North not acted thus Home Rule would
have been passed, and it is difficult to see what
force would have existed to stage the 1916 Rebellion.
It seems certain, however that there would have been
no Irish Republican Army; no I.R.A. (Coogan, 1970,
P- 2)

It has been again necessary to invoke some his-

torical implications in order to show why this organiza-

tion came into being and to further indicate what meaning

it has today in the unresolved conflict in Northern Ire-

land. The I.R.A. is currently stepping up its program of

encouraging civil disobedience in Northern Ireland and

unfortunately, it will not relinquish a hold on the con-

cept of one Ireland, indicating that the future looks dim

42

indeed; viewed in light of the opposing entrenched forces
of Protestant control and majority in the 6 Counties.

So far we have covered the B Specials, Rev. Ian
Paisley, Miss Bernadette Devlin, and the Irish Republican
Army and noted they are all parties to some of the dis-
agreeable attitudes and happenings in Northern Ireland
today and in the past. There are some other forces that
also are locked in the dispute although their existence
can not be viewed in as clandestine a way, in that they
are given credence in a much more bi-partisan fashion.
The other parties are the Royal Ulster Constabulary and
the Royal British Army which is now on hand with 12,500
troops in order that at least an uneasy peace can be kept.
The R.U.C. is a police force with no special configura-
tion in considering the Catholic and Protestant religious
positions. It has both Protestants and Catholics on the
force, although the larger numbers are recruited from the

ranks of the protestants.

The Royal Ulster Constabulary was of course Open to
Catholics, but Catholics never showed much enthusiasm
for it. Though one-third of the force was expected
to be Catholic at its inception only about 12 percent.
ever became so, and if one looks at the.careers of
some I.R.A. men one can understand why. (Coogan,
1970, p. 165)

Allegations have been drawn against the R.U.C. but never
have they been as vehement as those brought against the

B Specials. Its activities always were much less

43

political and more inclined toward Simply acting as a
police department.in settling the disputes involved in
and around civil crimes, such as car theft and other~
felonys and misdemeanors.

The next group to be involved in the strife are
the soldiers of the British Army (see Figures 3 and 4 on
following pages). They at first were welcomed when they
arrived in 1969 by most citizens of Northern Ireland
whether they be Catholic or Protestant. They were seen.
as a very temporary force to bring quick order and then
depart for England almost as rapidly as they came when—
wide scale violence broke out. Once again, unfortunately
it was not long before the barbs were being aimed at the
Army and they were seen as the terrible forces of imperial-
ism by the Catholic minority. The violence took a nasty
turn as the frustrations and aggression began to be aimed
directly at them rather as if the old issues of Catholic
and Protestant differences had at once been solved and
now there was a new enemy to be combatted. The I.R.A.
had no small part in whipping up sentiment against the
Army for they certainly represent the devil to them and
are a major roadblock to a one Ireland. This issue is a
long way from resolution and Dublin and London must get,
together to decide this dispute.

Until now the individuals that belong to various

religious groups have not been mentioned but they form

Figure 3.

44

 

British soldiers on patrol. A large contingent
of British soldiers are usually on patrol, in_
the waterfront district-of Londonderry, North-
ern Ireland. In this case they are looking for
roving bands of boys normally aged fifteen to
seventeen years who often upset the normal
loading and unloading of the ships in the
Londonderry harbor. (Author's Collection)

Figure 4.

45

 

 

British soldiers ianelfast. A British
soldier standing guard in the Falls Road area
of Belfast, Northern Ireland, during the sum-
mer of 1970. (The author was stopped and
queried about the purpose of this photograph.
The taking of photographs is technically for-
bidden unless previous permission has been
granted by The Armed Forces of Greathritain.
I was given permission to retain this_film.)
(Author's Collection)

46

the heart of the grass roots groups that foment disturb-

ing and agitating action upon an already inflammatory

situation.

A venomous drinking toast dating back to the early
days of the Protestant Orange Order illustrates how
savage feelings were:

To the glorious, pious and immortal memory of King
William the Third, who saved us from Rogues and.
Roguery, Slaves and Slavery, Knaves and Knavery,
Popes and Popery, from brass money and wooden shoes;
and whoever denies this toast may be-slammed,.crammed
and jammed into the muzzle of the gun of Athlone and
the gun fired into the Pope's belly, and the Pope
into the Devil's belly, and the Devil into-Hell, and
the door locked and the key in an Orangeman's pocket;
and may we never lack a brisk Protestant boy to kick
the arse of a Papist. (Time, August 23, 1971, p. 20)

These ideas are learned by the little children from the

time they learn to talk, and Catholics have similar little

dittys about their Protestant brethren.

Every one belongs to some.special interest group.

and no one seems to belong to any group with its founding

principles being tolerance and a sense of forgiveness.

Conceptually, the only way for change to come about in

the Irish-conflict, would involve a more forward looking

socialization of the young by forgetting a bit of the
history and to stop invoking passe slogans which only
serve to incite more violence and unhappiness for the
peOple in all Ireland. More suggestions will be made
later in the paper but this chapter serves to introduce
us to the groups and organizations, both formal and in-

formal who pary in the conflict.

CHAPTER V
CONCLUSIONS AND POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS

Hugh Sykes in an interview asked Dr. Conor C.

O'Brien:

Is there no alternative other than violence for get—
ting anything done in Northern Ireland? Dr. O'Brien's
reply was:,

We had long years of entirely non-violent agita—
tion, which were entirely fruitless; it was followed
in October 1968 by a period of very strictly non-
violent, but militant demonstrations. This in turn,
was followed by considerable violence in support of
the status quo, which led to what was essentially
self-defence on the part of the civil right sympathi-
sers. This chain of events, however it is interpreted,
led to changes designed to end the second class citi-
zen set-up, just as non-violence, but determined
political agitation in the south, evoked overt vio-
lence from a state of latent violence. Whenever one,
set of human beings is oppressed by another, there's
a state of latent violence; some of the violence will-
boil over, and I think that this is true universally.
(O'Brien, 1970, p. 3)

These comments give us a good idea of some of the
behavioral implications surrounding the violent activities
in Northern Ireland. It painfully became evident to me
that there really is no one single solution that could be
agreed upon by all of the people living in Ireland, both
north and south. If there is to be a solution--and a
solution there must be if the Situation is to avoid being

turned into a full scale civil war--then that solution

47

48

will not be singular in nature, but rather a combination
of the several plans which have been offered so far. I
plan to present the alternatives-which have been planned
and suggested as well as to offer my own suggestions based
on the information I have and on what I have seen as I
traveled about in Ireland.

Britain has taken a stance that would-indicate
that she does not intend to let Northern Ireland become a
part.of the Republic and abandon the Protestant majority
in.the north, although it would be much more expedient
and vastly less costly if she were to do so. Millions of
pounds are pumped into Ulster each year in an attempt to
keep it viable and a part of Great Britain. Some writers
have suggested Britain would like to abandon this cause
but is caught in a web of ironic arguments which make.it
impossible to let Ulster go. Westminster, Dublin, Stor-
mont, the Catholics, and the Protestants, along with
world opinion have all gone together to force a perpetua-

tion of an unhealed wound.

If the initiative in ending Partition belongs in
England, as_Jackson argued, then the initiative in
guaranteeing democratic conditions of development
for Irish territory held within the United Kingdom
also properly belongs in England. The fault lies in-
a bad Constitution. If this does not provide demo-
cratic conditions it must be amended so as to do so.
But amendment is acceptable only because of the im-
practicabilityfor thetmoment of abolishing it. in
favour of a united Ireland. Any amendment that ,is
acceptable must therefore move in the direction of a
united_Republic, by providing the facilities necessary~

49

for the struggle for this objective. A satisfactory
temporary expedient would be the passing of a "Bill

of Rights" at Westminster writing into the constitu-
tion of Northern Ireland (so-called) the guarantee of
civil rights not inferior to those enjoyed in England,
but recognising the right to leave the United Kingdom
and amalgamate with the rest of Ireland. That right
is not at present admitted. The prOposal with which
Mr. Enoch Powell and some Labour men who should know
better have flirted, namely the administrative fusion
of the Six counties with England, is totally reteo-
gressive. For the only permanent solution of the
Irish question is the relinquishment by English
Government of all claim to sovereignty in-any part of
Ireland. If hitherto existing Governments have failed
in this duty, a Government of the working class may~
yet do elementary justice to the interests of a closely
neighbouring people. (Jackson, 1970, pp. 483-484)

Other suggestions will be presented but this sort
of suggestion seems the most tenable to me. It is a hard
and fast realization, but all Ireland has suffered and
prospered when that occurred, together, they can not re-
main apart. The majority of the peOple are Catholics in
all of Ireland, and they must find it in their hearts to
reach out and make possible the easiest sort of assimila-
tion of the 1,000,000 or so Protestants who must be
allowed to represent their interests in proportion to
their numbers, no more, no less; in what would be one
government with its seat in Dublin. The Protestants are
afraid of a bloodbath if allowed to become a part of the
Irish Republic. I highly doubt this because there are
several thousand Protestants living in the south already
and they live side by side, and work side by side with

Catholics in harmony. No, I think it is the fanatical arm

50

of Ian Paisley and the like that are promulgating a thesis
unfounded in fact. Too much bigotry, stubbornness, selfish-
ness, unfounded pride and irrational logic are superimposed
over a distasteful history of bloodshed and mistakes, and
not to adamantly refuse to allow a period of tolerance and
understanding to unfold. It is time to recognize Chris-
tian brotherhood as a substitute for the hysterical reli-
gious dogma being pursued by both Protestant and Catholic
alike in Ireland. If the leaders and common man alike are
truly representatives of their respective churches, they
Should be ashamed of past behavior and be willing to rush
headlong into a new period of understanding and a feeling
of really desiring to work together for the common good.

I shall call this proposal number I.

Another proposal might suggest building a working
model of love between the peoples of Ireland, but this
seems rather self defeating from the onset, as history
has never given us an example of this. If combined, how-
ever, with some other pragmatic principles such as those
outlined in proposal number one, some good might come of
it. This is pr0posal number II.

Another proposal might incorporate a system of
changes within the existing system. This has been widely
discussed, but because the deliberation goes on so long,
it seems that a new wave of violence rides over the cities

of Northern Ireland before anything new is able to be

51

tried. Then the backlash sets in and the entire delibera-
tive process must be totally repeated. The Stormont
Government simply does not move quickly enough to allevi-
ate the numbers of setbacks it seems to suffer. I will
call this proposal number III.

-Another alternative might be to mix the people
more randomly in terms of religious mix: i.e., to get
the people to move from their non—integrated housing-
tracts, move across the mentally and arbitrarily designed
dividing lines, and work together in the Shipyards and
textile mills. Granted there would have to be give and
take unlike any that has gone before, as there always
must be when there is a negotiated settlement. Unfor-
tunately, this has been what the litigants absolutely
would not accept previously and as a matter of fact are
resolutely refusing to do to this day in the new governs
ment constructed apartment complexes. For this concept
to bear fruit, a necessary premise would have to suppose
that this plan be integrated with some of the other ideas
which have been offered. This is Proposal number IV.

Reform has not come because neither side is will-
ing to accept it as a plan to alleviate the differences
that exist. Some of the irony can be seen as the photo-
graphs indicate on pages 52-54. The people have chosen
to live with this wall dividing them and then are upset

when they find that no constructive communication or new

1.‘ l

 

Figure 5.

52

vs

 

The old city wall in Londonderry. Since the
violence which flared up in 1969, many areas
of Northern Ireland have been temporarily
strung with barbed wire in order to control
large crowds who often take to the streets to
protest their cause. This photograph is taken
looking through the old city wall surrounding
the Catholic "Bogside" area of Londonderry,
Northern Ireland. (Author's Collection)
Please see the tables in the Appendix to
understand the relative size of the two parts
of partitioned Ireland, as well as to see
where the "Bogside" is located on a city map.
Much of the strife has taken place in and around
this small but important area of Londonderry.

Figure 6.

53

 

 

The "Bogside" in Londonderry. To the right
within the old.city wall lies the Catholic’
"Bogside" in Londonderry, Northern Ireland.
Also seen in this photograph is the monument
to the Rev. George Walker, a Protestant who
aided in defending the city in-August of 1688.
In the battle, King James II, a Roman Catho-
lic, was driven from control of this area by
William of Orange, a Protestant. (Author's
Collection)

Figure 7.

54

 

 

 

Soldiers on guard. British soldiers at the
old city wall in Londonderry, Northern Ire-
land. Within the walled area lieS the Catho-
lic district known as the "Bogside" because
it was erected on a peat bog. (Author's
Collection)

55

working alternatives can be found as the peOple attempt
to share in the good this beautiful little island could
offer.

Reform plans have been offered, and housing tracts
have been built, and the people still want to remain where
they are, possibly because they feel safer where they are.
This obviously is a false feeling of safety. It-seems as
if all the people want to do is restore law and order and
then Sit back and gloat in their strange and prideful
bigotry. This bigotry stuns advancement; Boserup and
Wallace offer some comments concerning the future and

possible new initiatives:

Whether or not the day will come when international,
and particularly British, opinion will be ripe for
accepting a temporary regime based on physical force
is impossible to tell, but it should be clear that
there can be no simple peaceful settlement under the
present conditions; for if there appeared to be, if
the Catholics appeared to have accepted their inferior-
position, the Protestants would have to reactivate the
conflict in order to maintain their unity. Such is
according to this analysis, the delicate balance upon
which the social structure of Northern Ireland is
based. (Boserup, 1970, p. 31)

Northern Ireland sorely needs a new initiative, one
generated from within its own people. British inter-
vention has been necessary, to restore peace and to
institute a move towards a just society, but imposed
policies can only go part of the way towards solving
Northern Ireland's problems. It is doubtful if a

final solution can be found within the present.politi-
cal framework—-that is, the framework of party politics
as now practiced in Northern Ireland, and the framework
of present relations between Northern Ireland, Great-
Britain, and the Republic. One advance would be to
hold tripartite talks in which the governments in
Belfast, Dublin, and London could define the points

on which they agreed or disagreed. It is apparent

56

that, in practice, all three governments accept that
Ireland will not be united without the consent of a
majority of people in Northern Ireland, whether ex-
pressed through Stormont or through a referendum. It
might be possible to agree on a formula governing the
north's constitutional position, and possibly on an
amendment of the Ireland act to give the choice to
people rather than Parliament. But within Northern
Ireland, there is need for stronger political expres-
sion of the will for change. The initiative will
never come from the present Unionist-Party, which
still keeps the Orange card up its sleeve. (Wallace,
1970, p. 144)

The thoughts expressed above are quite reasonable
and I have heard these ideas repeated by other authors and
some people I talked to suggested similar plans. The in-
gredients are there for whatever recipe the Irish want to
cook up. They can take or be taken, not from an outside
force necessarily, but by and of themselves. King George
V of England said as he addressed the new members of the

Ulster government 50 years ago:

I appeal to all Irishmen to pause, to stretch out the
hand of forbearance and conciliation, to forgive and
forget, and to join in taking for the land which they
love a new era of peace, contentment and goodwill.
(Riddell, 1970, p. 206)

But, I offer sadly, will the Irish ever forget?

********

In Belfast they tell of a football game that took
place between the Protestants and Catholics. An
Englishman attended-the game and each time a skillful
play on either side was made, he would applaud vigor-
ously. An Irishman sitting behind him could stand it
no longer and finally, with a firm tap on the English-
man's shoulder, glared at him and said, "My God, man,
have you no religion at all?" (source unknown)

APPENDIX

‘4...»

 

A
. _‘__..'.._..~.~—

—.- .."5..-

'JIEE

it”
ill

I
”ill
“.1.

OCEAN

   

_ Shannon Airport

57

NRTHERNIRELAND

as? _A__re:i: 5,451 square miles, a little larger

333 4 r}. than Connecticut.

. eq- \7 EE'IE'PEOIL 1, 491, 000- two thirds are
&r‘ --_° . "f . " " ,? Protestrnts, though Roman Catholics
us " " PW predominate around londonderry.

_- Er onorny Tied closely to Britain. Man-
:} utacl luri. 1g is growing. Shipbuilding,

  

 

centered around Belfast, is the lee d. ng
industry, linen making second. live-
stock grazing and farming-grains and
Dublin potatoes—are also major occupations.

---

EJUBLIC OF IRELAND

Area: 27.135 square miles, about the
size jot West Virginia.

Pupulation: 2, 910, 000— 94 per cent

-_— .—.—o———

Roman Catholics.
Economy. Still heavily agricultural, but

 

industry IS Spreading. hifilhan one third of the people work
on Iarms. Mining has been booming since discovery of lead,

zinc, silver deposits in mid-19605. Construction, brewing, loud
processing, electrical machinery, textiles are major industries.

I

L “Hun-'51 :- "

-‘n

*_'- ‘f’...

 

  

. . . . ' ° ‘ ' E h E- B ' +.rrh/;§ralrfl '
- ., ' IND '*
.- , , A gem

 
 

'uéffifi

 
 

'3‘-..
v‘w‘

 
 

    

.
'

     
  

afifi'

   

 

E’streee Plan or

2 5"- .J. ,,_

‘1

by, donderry

32:3 5?

 

  

 

 
  

.s. .l . r cricket .
, h -. - _ .amplamoro .
. - ‘ r . Intermediate Sch
‘ Em ‘ ‘
’ at n .‘
)5 . .¥: % ‘K

 

 

  
  

. 13¢. 3 -
"'33 1573 " " ‘i i
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*Indicates Bogside Area--Site of Recent Catholic Disorder--

also the site of the Battle of Londonderry (Boyne) in 1689.

REFERENCES

REFERENCES

Arensberg and Niehoff. Introducing Social Change. Chi-
cago: Aldine, 1964.

 

Arensberg, Conrad M. Family and Community in Ireland.
Harvard Press, 1940.

 

Arensberg, Conrad M. Irish Countryman. New York: Peter
Smith, 1950.

 

Beckett, J. C. The Making 9f Modern Ireland 1603-1923.
London: FaBer and Faber, 1969.

 

. A Short Historyof Ireland. London: Hutchinson
University Library, 1952.

Bestic, Alan. The Importance of Being Irish. London:
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Boserup, Anders. "The politics of protracted conflict."
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Boyd, Andrew. Holy War in Belfast. Tralee, County Kerry:
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Chauvire, Roger. A Short History of-Ireland. New York:
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Clark, Dennis. "Religion and politics in Northern Ire-
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Coogan, Tim Pat. The I.R.A. London: The Pall Mall
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Costigan, Giovanni. A History of Modern Ireland. New
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Dane, Mervyn. The Fermanaugh "B" Specials. Reprinted
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59

60

Devlin, Bernadette. The Price of My Soul. New York:
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Edwards, Owen Dudley. The Sins of Our Fathers, Roots of
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Lamont, Lansing. "Northern Ireland: The Children's War."
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61

Martin, F. X.; Moody, T. W. The Course of Irish History.
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O'Neill, Terence. Ulster at the Crossroads. London:
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Political Quarterl . (C. E. B. Brett). The Lessons of
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Riddell, Patrick. Eire Over Ulster. London: Hamish
Hamilton, 1970.

 

Rose, Harold. Your Guide to Ireland. New York: Funk
and Wagnalls, 1968.

 

Simms, J. G. The Siege of Derry. Dublin: APCK, 1966.

 

"Ulster: Back to the Brink." The Economist. June 20,
1970, 20.

 

"Ulster: One Peaceful Day Does Not Make a Peace." The
Economist. July 18, 1970, 19-20.

 

"Ulster: The Troops Stand by for the Inglorious Twelfth."
The Economist. July 11, 1970, 15-17.

 

Waddell, Martin. A LittleBit British. London: Tom
Stacey, Ltd., 1970.

 

62
Wallace, Martin. Drums and_Guns--Revolution in Ulster.
London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1970.

"Who Cares about Ulster?" The Economist. July 4, 1970,
17-18 0

 

Wilde, James. The Knights in_the Shebeen and Northern
Ireland: The Powder Keg. April 5, 197 .

Younger, Calton. Ireland's Civil War. London: Fontana,
1970.

Other Sources of Information:

1. Maps of the various towns and counties of Northern
Ireland

2. My own notes and observations as well as discussions
with the people of Northern Ireland and the Republic
of Ireland (summer 1970 and the Christmas Holidays
1970-1971).

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