OVERSEAS VOLUNTEERS: AN: EXPLORATOR-Y STUDY
OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE-IR EXPERIENCES AND
PERCEPTIONS INVOLVING COGNITIVE D-ISSONANCE AND'
ITS REDUCTION

Thesis for the Dam» of M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Paul. C. Winfher
I964

‘ 'I];uuluwgufluuWm 11»;ng L,

 

 

What kin
such as the Peac
“1° are they and
overseas and upol
these PrOblems he

EleVen e]
national voluntar
.. campus of “1013188
AP111, 1961}, The

ABSTRACT

OVERSEAS VOLUNTEERS: AN EXPLORATORI
STUDY OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THEIR
EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS INVOLVING
COGNITIVE DISSONANCE AND ITS REDUCTION

by Paul C. Winther

What kind of an individual enters an overseas program
such as the Peace Corps or International Voluntary Service?
Who are they and what kinds of problems did they encounter
overseas and upon return to the United States? How were
these problems handled?

Eleven ex-Peace Corps volunteers and three Inter-
national Voluntary Service veterans were interviewed on the
campus of Michigan State University during the month of
April, 196“. They served in twelve countries in South Ameri-
ca, Africa and Asia. The interviews were recorded on tape
and later analyzed. Analysis was carried out utilizing
theoretical concepts of the W-Curve hypothesis (Jeanne E. and
John T. Gullahorn), The Third Culture (Ruth H. and John Useem,
and John.Donoghue), The Theory of Cognitive Dissonance
(Leon Pestinger), and Reference Group Theory (Robert K.
Merton and.Alice S. Kitt).

The volunteers entered their respective programs out
or a sense of adventure, a need to get away from . . . , dis-

satisfaction with their then present occupation, and idealism.

 

I’oo problems the
cognitive dissor
friendship behat
observation or 1
western environs
Other vol
off-steam" in th
8 Inch more diff
he? reParted ex
lot on the part
ized by a sense

or 1:1“.

Paul C. Winter
The problems they encountered overseas, analyzed in terms of
cognitive dissonance, stemmed from cultural differences in
friendship behavior, living with other volunteers, and the
observation of western institutions functioning in a non-
western environment.

Other volunteers provided the chief means of ”letting-
off-steam” in the host environment. The volunteers reported
a:luch more difficult time readjusting to the United States.
They reported extreme dissatisfaction with the indifference
met on the part of the American pe0ple. They are all character-
ized by a sense of restlessness with some degree of alienation
present. This is gradually being mediated through the passage
of time.

Approved:

 

 

Date:

 

 

OVERSEAS VOLUNTEERS: AN EXPLORATORI

STUDY OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF THEIR

EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS INVOLVING
COGNITIVE DISSONANCE.AND ITS REDUCTION

by

Paul C. Winther

A.TRESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology & Anthropology

196C

 

I an inde‘r
for his encourage
Preparation of th
Dr. John Useem an
this student's th

To Ann Bak
her encouragement
1mm StaSee.

1"11161155 I
PM“ 6°11)! and I]
. their Patience and

.ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am indebted to my thesis advisor, Dr. John Gullahorn,
for his encouragement and invaluable assistance in the
preparation of this study. .A thank you is also extended to
Dr. John Useem.and Dr. John Donoghue--the other*nembers of
this student's thesis committee.

To Ann Baker, a fellow student, a word of thanks for
her encouragement and enthusiasm concerning the topic in its
initial stages.

Finally, I would like to thank those members of the
Peace Corps and International voluntary Service. Without
their patience and willingness to talk about their experiences,
this study would not have been possible.

 

ACTIONLEDGBIEN TS
INTRODUCTION . .

PART I .
Chapter
I. WHO ARE
Self-d
MOLIVa
EXpect;

II. reason

What WI
Self.
Lear]

.an
Social

VOLUNTEE]
HOST S<

III,

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

Page
ACKNOWLE GEMEEITS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1 1
I NTRODUC TI ON 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1
PART I. CONSEQUENCES OF AN OVERSEAS EXPERIENCE
Chapter
I. WHO ARE THE VOLUNTEERS? . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Self-description c c o o c c c o c o o o c o 8
Motivations for Joining . . . . . . . . . . 10
ExpeCtationS c c o o o c o c c c c o o c o 12
II. PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OVERSEAS . . . . . . . . 14
What Was Learned o o o o o o c c o o o o o o 14
Self-revelation o c o o c c c o o o c o o 1“
Learning about One's Society . . . . . . . 16
Learning abOUt HOSt SOCiety o o c o o o c 17
Social Interaction Overseas . . . . . . . . 25
III. VOLUNTEERS' COMPARISONS BETWEEN AMERICAN AND
HOST SOCIETIES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 29
Feelings of Being at Home in . . 29
What Was Missed the Most from the U. S.A. . . 31
Feelings abOUt Leaving c o o o o o 33
Feelings about Returning to the U.S.A. . . . 3h
“Things" Perceived in as Being
Begired for Adoption by the U.S.A. c c c c 35
AttitUde Toward Life 0 o c o o c o c o c o 35
Personality Characteristics . . . . . 36
Family System and Sense of Belonging . . . 37
"Things" in the U. S. A. Perceived as Being
Desired for Adoption by . . . . . 38
Iv. TEE AFTER-MATH O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 42
Changes in Individual and Career Plans as
a Result of the Overseas Experience . . . 42

ill

Chapter Page

Feelings about Being Back in the U.S.A. . . #6

Volunteer' 3 Sense of Feeling at Home in
theUHSA00.0 000000.... ”7

"Things” Missed Most from

Thoughts about Experience and Their Sig-
nificance . . . . . . . 50

Reaction to Idea of Reunion with Fellow
VOIMteerScoooocococococco 50

Repetition of Overseas Experience . . . . . 51

.p
\0

PART II. GENERAL PERCEPTIONS, DISSONANCE
AND DISSONANCE REDUCTION

V. GENERAL PERCEPTIONS AND DISSONANCE STIMULI . . 5H

OverSCESroocoooccooooocoo 55
UponArrlval............... 55
Heat
Hygienic Standards
Poverty
Smells
overaPeriOdOfTime 000000000. 61
Group Living
The Job
Social Interaction
Consequences of Education
Political Realities of Life
Government Operations: American and Host

Country
Cultural Differences in Concept of Time
Other.Americans in Country
Host Country Nationals
Environmental Physical Conditions

Return. to the United. States 0 o c c c c c c 88
Upon Arrival . . . 0 0 . 0 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 89
General Feelings
The Change of Pace
Reactions to Products of Western

Technology
Native Language Used
Attitudes Expressed by Americans

Over a Period of Time . . . . . . . . . . 9Lt
Ethnocentrism
Unconcern
Individual Perceptions
The Role of Creative Work
General Feelings Since Being Back

iv

I
l
i Chapter
VI. DISSONAN C

I
Oversee
1 Chang
I Che
] Che
Socie
Grc
Gr<
0t}
M1:
L1”
Ho:
J01
Avoi<
Defh
Rein:

Chapter
VI. DISSONANCE REDUCTION o c c c c o c o o o c 0

Overseas . . . . .
Changes in Cognitive Elements . . . . .
Change in Belief
Change in Attitude
SOClalsupportoooocoooococo
Group Living
Group Conferences
Other Americans
Missionaries
Living in Pairs
Host Nationals
Joking
AVOidance c o c o
Definite or Creative Job While Overseas
Reinforcement of Reason for Being There
Motivation and Selective Perception . .
REtIlm to the United States 0 o c c o o 0
Social Support . . . . . . . . . . . .
Non-Volunteers with Similar Cross-
Cultural Interests (And Academic
Interests)
Other Volunteers
Host Country Nationals on Campus
The 3013 Of Creative Work 0 o o c c o 0

VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . .

summary 0 c c o c o o o o c
C0n01u810n3 o o o o c o o o o o c c c o 0
Theoretical Considerations . . . . . . .

APPENDIX I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

APPENDIX II 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
BIBLIOGRAPHY 0 0 . 0 0 . . 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 .

Page

102
105
105

11h

121
123
124
126
127
128

133
135
13

1h

1&4
152
15h

157

INTRODUCTION
Purpose

The purpose of this exploratory study is twofold:
(1) To gain insight into the characteristics, motiVations and
expectations of individuals who spent two years overseas and
the consequences of such an experience and, (2) To record
their perceptions overseas and since returnrns‘with the aim
of defining the stimulus situations provoking feelings of-
cognitive dissonance and the subsequent means of dissonance

reduction.
Theoretical Framework

In this investigation I shall use as the point of de-
parture for questionnaire and category construction plus
hypothesis formulation information pertaining to the W-curve
phenomenon and aspects of the Theory of Cognitive Dissonance.
In.addition to these the third culture and reference group
theoretical concepts have been utilized in presenting the
findings.

The U-curve hypothesis has been largely formulated by
research dealing with the acculturation of foreign students
in their host cultures. .After an initial period of optimism
regarding interaction with their hosts, feelings of depression
'were reported. The Gullahorns state the reasons: ”As they

-1-

-2-

actually‘become involved in role relationships and encounter
frustrations in trying to achieve certain goals when the
proper means are unclear and unacceptable, they became con-
fused and depressed and express negative attitudes regarding
the host culture. If they are able to resolve the diffi-
culties encountered during this crucial phase of the accultura-
tion process they then achieve a modus vivendi enabling them
to work effectively and to interact positively with their
hosts.'1

What happens to individuals returning from an over-
seas sojourn? The Gullahorns say that they ' . . . will
undergo a reacculturation process in their home environment
similar to that [Experienced abroagJ'Z This is the extension
of the U-curve hypothesis: The W-curve. It characterizes
' . . . the temporal patterning in individual reactions to
foreign settings and subsequently to their home cultures."3
The Gullahorns elaborate and thus, ' . . . we may note that
the problems encountered by the cross-cultural sojourner are

those of marked cognitive reorientation involving changes in

 

1Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, ”An Extension of the
U-Curve Hypothesis,” Th2,Journal g§_80cia1 Issues,‘Vol. XIX,

NO. 3, PP. 33'3"“
2—..L.Ib d": P0 390
32.4.13 5-0: P0 390

-3-

feelings as well as overt behavior.'u

The Useems have defined the third culture ' . . . as
the behavior patterns created, shared and learned by men of
different societies who are in the process of relating their
societies, or parts thereof, to each other.'5 Those indi-
viduals interviewed were members of the third culture and
this study attempts to explore the ”process" mentioned in the
definition.

The theory of cognitive dissonance will be elaborated
upon in detail later>in this study. The same will be done

concerning reference group theory.
Methodology

The population studied was returned Peace Corps volun-
teers and International‘Voluntary Service members enrolled in
nichigan State University. The total number on campus is
fourteen and four respectively. They served in twelve nations
in South.Anerica, Africa.and Asia. For uniformity only those
who had not had more than two previous cross-cultural
experiences of two months or more were contacted. This re-

duced the sample to sixteen. Two other volunteers were not

 

“Ibid.

Snuth H. and John Useen, The Job: Stresses and g2:
sources g§.Uork in the Third Culture, iichigan Etate
fil'Orli :1, De 1 e

 

-u-
available for interviewing and thus the sample used was
eleven Peace Corps volunteers and three International
Voluntary Service veterans. These two organizations were
selected because of the availability of its members (being
on campus), their uniformity in respect to length of service
in the host country, separation dates, purpose of organi-
zation, selection criteria, and to a great degree, the mode
of living in the host country.

The Gullahorns declare that “unless the new or old
patterns of behavior or belief are of deep emotional sig-
nificance, the depth or duration of the depression in the
U-curve may be trivial, but probably exists."6 They also
state that "when one is seriously engaged in creative efforts
or is deeply involved in a learning experience of emotional
significance, the U-curve appears.'7

What the Gullahorns call “emotional significance" and
its consequences for the presence of cognitive dissonance,
third culture characteristics, and the existence of the W-
curve would constitute a study beyond the scope and purpose
of this paper. "Emotional significance" is a very ambiguous
tern. Hewever, I hope to gain.a superficial insight into
'what the cross-cultural experience meant to the individual.

 

6Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, 22, g;§,, p. 3h.
71b; .

r__——

This I111 cons+
an be mainly
background for
Gullahorns' W-
ideas concerni
ceming Part I
381m! in accor
Appendix 1.
Other
overseagnupo1
Spouses imply-
siven, an att
finally. the
Perceptions in
returning to

-5-
This will constitute the first section of the paper. It
will be mainly descriptive in nature. The theoretical
background for this will be largely concepts from the
Gullahorns' W-curve phenomenon and the Useems' and Donoghue's
ideas concerning the third culture. The subheadings con-
cerning Part I will follow closely the sequence of questions
asked in accordance with the interview schedule found in
Appendix I.

Other questions were asked referring to perceptions
overseas--upon arrival and over a period of time. If re-
sponses implying the presence of cognitive dissonance were
given, an attempt was made to isolate the elements involved.
Finally, the means of dissonance reduction were investigated.
Perceptions upon arrival and over a period of time after
returning to the U.S.A. were sought and like the above, the
:means of reduction were ascertained. A sample interview
question sheet will be found in the Appendix.

The interviews were recorded by use of a tape recorder.
.A.non-directive interview schedule with open-ended questions
'was used. The investigator is an ex-Peace Corps volunteer
and;many of the situations described and feelings reported
are familiar. This raises an important question. It con-
<cerns the danger of the interviewer, by virtue of his own
cross-cultural experience, of seeing the data he wanted to

see. It is believed that this was kept to a minimum by

-6-
strict adherence to the interviewing rules formulated by
Boethlisberger and Dickson. These rules are found in.Appen-
dix II.

Hypotheses

l. volunteers were individuals who had not yet “found"
themselves in their own society.

2. Characteristic of individuals in sample will be
their motivation for Joining for reasons other than idealism,
i.e., idealism is but one factor (and sometimes minor in
importance).

3. Individuals in a cross-cultural situation will
perceive aspects of that society which will induce cognitive
dissonance. The existence of this will lead to action
oriented toward dissonance reduction.

h. Upon returning to the U.S.A. and over a period of
time since coming back, the individual will perceive aspects
of his own society which will induce cognitive dissonance.
The existence of this will lead to action oriented toward

dissonance reduction.

PART I

CONSEQUENCES OF AN OVERSEAS EXPERIENCE

CHAPTER I
WHO ARE THE'VOLUNTEEHS?
Self-description

Every interview began with the question, "Describe
yourself as an individual before leaving?“ The response
given the greatest number of times and which was usually the
first was similar to the following:

I wanted to see other parts of the world.
or

. . . wanted to go overseas with some organization.

Only one individual had specific ideas as to what
he wanted to do overseas. This was to teach. If we dis-
count short trips to Canada and one week spent in.nexico by
one volunteer, only four of those interviewed had had previous
cross-cultural experiences. or these four, three had spent
a summer in Europe touring. The remaining volunteer had
spent six:months in.Mexico studying in 1957 and one and a
half years studying and traveling in Spain and other parts of
Europe. This occurred approximately four years ago. It is
interesting to note that this volunteer made the following
comment:

. . . whereas when I was in.Hexico when fifteen years
old, I wrote home telling my folks about things they
didn't have-~like hot water, central heating--and I didn't
feel this way in .

-8-

-9-

The reason why the same feelings were not evoked might
be due to maturity on his part or perhaps it may have impli-
cations for the Useem's characteristics of discernible
generations of members of the binational third culture. As
a 'first-time-outer,' the volunteer perceived differences and
voiced his reactions through writing whereas in as an
”old foreign hand” he did not see these differences or they
Just were not important.

All but two were in college either on the graduate or
undergraduate level. Of the two employed, one voiced discon-
tent about the Job she held before leaving:

I maJored in International Relations as an.under-

graduate and then had a Job as a librarian. It was Just
a Job. It was fairly unsatisfactory because I did not
have any international contacts or people who were
interested in what was going on in the world. This was
less interesting than things I had done before.

The maJority of those in college voiced feelings
similar to that expressed by one:

. . not sure of where I was going or what I wanted
to do in the future. I had ideas of going overseas but
nothing concrete.

Another feeling expressed was that of:

I had been in school for five years straight; and
that is long enough for anybody.

and,

I was frankly tired of school. I Just wanted to rest
my mind. I wanted to dig ditches and build roads in
, frankly! I didn't want to do any thinking.

-10.

It was found that the interviewees who said they had
had previous contact with.minority or ethnic groups prior to
their overseas experience claimed to have had no negative
stereotypes of such groups. Those that had had no such con-
tact expressed the same. There was only one exception:

. . . accepted the Negro intellectually but didn't
always feel comfortable with them in social situations.

The volunteer was sent to a country with an entirely
Negro population. .At no time during the interview did this
volunteer'make reference to ever having felt uncomfortable
with.Negroes in any situation.

Another felt that he was a

. . . confirmed atheist; fairly leftist in foreign

policy and very socialistic.
Motivations for Joining

I had what might be called ”burning altruism."
This was the declaration of one volunteer and it was
an.exception. The remaining responses were similar to:
There was a certain amount of idealism involved.
or,

. . . to help a country, no matter even if it was
in a small way.

Most of the volunteers were motivated to Join by a
desire to get away from the U.S.A. for several reasons.

"I thought it would be great to travel,“ was the ex-
;pression of several and the others were typified by the

-11-
following:

. . . feelings of adventure. I Just wanted to get
away from the American way of life.

The same volunteer continued with:

I felt frustrated! Here I sat reading about events
happening over the world. I Just wanted to get actively
involved in the "revolution.”

Or, as another volunteer put it:

I was particularly interested because of a sense of
adventure. Getting to know people from a quite different
perspective. A

This ”getting-away-from' sentiment was voiced by another

volunteer but for different reasons. This volunteer Joined
because:

. . . of an intellectual need to be critical of my
society.

This venture served as a test for several of those
interviewed. Consider these:

I wanted to work in a government agency abroad to
see how it Operated and functioned.

I wanted to see if I would like this overseas type
of‘work.

Perhaps one volunteer expressed the general sentiments
of all because each.made some reference to aspects of the
following:

I had this idea of helping someone. I wanted to ex-
pand my scope of knowledge and become more aware of some
of the world's problems first-hand. I was young, didn't
have any obligations to anyone and decided this would be
a chance to go overseas and help at the same time.

 

-12-
Expectations

Responses ranging from high expectations to caution
were given. Typical of the former were statements such as:

I saw myself involved with people in proJects which
would produce something very tangible. In a very short
time I could say, 'Here is what I have done."

I Just had plain high expectations.

We were so hot to get there it was unbelievable.
Just great to be there. We wanted to do something be-
cause we were pretty well motivated in training.

I expected to find people waiting and welcoming a
chance to progress.

What the last volunteer actually encountered was

illustrated by his following remark:

Even though as we learned the reasons why things were
the way they were, there was a basic apathy and.in-
difference greater than we eXpected to run into.

An equal number of volunteers looked forward to their

forthcoming overseas venture as something in which they

. . . were to be able to at last learn something about
these other cultures. I certainly hoped to make some
kind of contribution and this special Opportunity of
getting out and living with the people gave me the
chance to do so.

Another stated strongly:

I looked forward to the two years as an educational
experience only! The fact that they were black, yellow
or white didn't make a damn bit of difference to me.

Two volunteers were on the other end. They exhibited

a cautious anticipation to the coming soJourn.

. . . had few illusions as to what I was getting into.
This was the result of good training. We thought it

-13-
would not be a grand adventure, but hard work and little
glamour. Going to training in the states was the harder
of the two (going to the country was the other). It was
in the former that you made the commitment.
The Gullahorns state that,
particularly for those who have not yet "found" them-
selves in their own culture, the resolution of their
identity conflict abroad meang that they had zealously
converted to new values . . .
If any conclusions can be drawn from the interviewees thus
far, it is that these volunteers had not yet "found” them-
selves. Almost all had ideas as to their long-range goals,
i.e., international relations, working abroad, and so on,
but few had any concrete ideas as to the means to the ends.
Combine this with a persistent desire to travel and some
amount of idealism and perhaps you have a composite picture
of the volunteers. This opportunity of overseas employment
was a respite, a ”break” for almost all involved and a chance
to get away from the U.S.A. for various reasons. Whether or

not they were ”zealously converted to new values” will be

commented upon in a later section of the study.

 

8Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, gp, cit., p. #0.

CHAPTER II
PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OVERSEAS
What Was Learned?

Learn!! I learned everything!! I learned the language
and learned, I mean really learned, what another culture
was like in depth.

Everyday you learn something new, every minute. No
matter where you look, you learn something. Iou can't
help but do that!!

From these emphatic answers something more specific

was obtained. To state the presence of trends in so small
a sample as this is hazardous, however. What they learned

could be subsumed under three headings.

Self-revelation
These responses all indicated an increased awareness
of oneself. They were unspecific, i.e., “I learned about
:myself,“ with the exception of three statements:
If anything, I learned to be more practical . . .
and,
The greatest value was in the development of an un-
godly amount of patience of which I had some before but
' not as much as now.
One volunteer realized that in order to perform a Job,
I had to learn to be first and foremost myself. I
learned very soon that can't be fooled. What
they lack in sophistication of culture they make up for
in being canny. Ybu can't fool them, you have to be
honest and that meant be as I am.

-1b-

-15-

This corresponds closely to that which the Useems and
Donoghue have said about individuals in the third culture.
”low you are taken as a representative of your country,

whether you like it or not. I have on me a new self-conscious-

ness of my self-identity.'9

.Ls time spent in the country lengthened, one volunteer
realized and accepted the experience as:

This was a test. I never had a Job for two years.
What sort of a teacher would I be? .A test again to see
how much accustomed to a country I could become that
was radically different as it was. By accustomed I
mean ability not to become lonely, depressed or despondent
or changing values radically.

The Useems and Donoghue define the third culture as
being

the behavior patterns created, shared and learned by
men of different societies who are in the process of
relating their societies, or sections thereof, to each
other.

The same volunteer exhibited cognizance of this when he
stated:

Being the only'American there most of the time I felt
I was a filler between the two cultures. I filled a gap
which the British did not. When other Americans were
there I felt as though I wasn't the only one filling the
gap-

The above statement indicates the realization of the

 

9Ruth B. Useem, John Useem, and John.Donoghue, Men in_
the Middle 2; the Third Culture}. The Roles of American and

Egg-Waitern Peogle in Cross-Cultural Administration, a Paper
given a e erican PoIitIcEI Science Issociation, Washing-
ton, D.C., September 5-8, 1962.

1°;b1d., p. 3.

-16-
informal function the individual played while overseas.
Isolation played a part in the process of self-
awareness of one volunteer:

I think I grew up there about twenty years. Because
when you spend a great deal of time by yourself, you
tend to become very introspective about things, analyze
why I did certain things. This is, I guess, a form of
self-psychoanalysis that I underwent.

. . . there was nothing to do. I thought it was an
excellent opportunity to mature, and I did while I was
there.

I didn't have many distractions to keep me from
doing things like this. By this process I got to know
myself very well.

Learning About One's Society
Responses oriented toward learning about one's society
were rather few in number (eight) and five were negative. The
most positive statements concerned an increased pride in being
an.American and becoming more objective about the U.S.A. The
remaining statement was:
I did feel in that I did not appreciate the
amount of equality we did have in the U.S.A. until I
discovered the amount of inequality there. There are
definite categories of human beings there.
The negative responses were directed to American
patterns of behavior regarding conformity.

I think that too many.mnericans would like to do things
but don't because it is no longer acceptable.

The same volunteer criticized American patterns of
friendship:

I think Americans work more under a facade that is en-
gendered by the society than do. I think that
Americans use relationships more as a.means to an end and
not as ends in themselves.

-17-

Besides this critical attitude toward American social
patterns several volunteers voiced their opinions about
representatives in their respective countries:

Those of us who could get together.actually thought
there were some A.I.D. personnel that really weren't
pulling weight. This is very truthfully speaking. Not
for’myself. But for a lot of fellows who were there--
a certain amount of dead wood there.

Another volunteer voiced his opinion as such:

I think a lot of fellows in A.I.D. are high-paid
bastards that really don't do the Job they are supposed
to. This is not a pro-conceived attitude but based on
the people I knew over there.

Another criticism was this:

About the government and foreign aid. I had heard

and was confirmed in my thoughts that there is a tre-
mendous amount of waste involved.

Learning About Best Society
There were thirty-six responses directed toward what

was learned about the host society. In their book, The
Western-Educated £52.12 India, the Useems describe levels

of understanding. The minimum level is ' . . . absence of
strident ethnocentrism and but little more."11 The moderate
level has ' . .'. presence of both respect for the values of

another society and a fair degree of awareness of the social

 

11Ruth H. and John Useem,.The Westeranducated Man in,
India: ALStud 2; His Social Roles and Influence, (New York:
Mmen Hess, 1933), pp. 133-139.

-18-
patterns of that society."12 The highest level is ' . . .
ability of the individual from one society to interpret
realistically the means why the people in another society act
in a specific way.'13 Interpretations are based upon reality
and may or may not be approved. This level of understanding
is indicated by a perception of the

. . . backbone of a foreign society--its cultural
traditions, the social, economic, and political forces
that shape its decisions, behavior common to its national
character, nation's anxieties, aspirations, and so on.1

There was no test given to determine the interviewees'

level of understanding of the host society. However, these
individuals' responses to the question, ”What did you learn?”
implied more than the minimum level of understanding. Not
only did the interviewees attempt to tell briefly the nature
of certain aspects of the host society, but fully two-thirds
of the responses dealt with the reasons yhy the society was
the way it was. Let us consider the following:

As far as why the people are the way they are, I'd be
apathetic too if I had been brought up the way they were.
‘Although complex, it is difficult to imagdne how condi-
tions will change.

The experience reinforced my beliefs that the reason
why these people are the way they are is because of lack
of opportunity. I feel this more strongly now. I think

what holds true for most countries that are under-
developed holds true for .

 

lzIbid.
13Ibid.
1thid.

-19-

wa tremendously important circumstances are to the
way they live.

In general, each man is out for himself, regardless
of the state of the nation as we know it.

The average man has a great fear of the government
and he feels they are trying to exploit him.

The way people can be completely different because
of their culture.

They live on a subsistence level economy. This hand-
toamouth business. By and large I don't think they want
to make a great amount of money or produce a great deal
of rice. If he makes or produces a lot, his family or
the government will move in and eat up the profits. In
one village I was visiting, the government moved in and
took lhoo one-hundred pounds of rice. They really are
not gung-ho on having big farms . . . .

They do have this problem. The more they raise, the
more is taken. The wealthier they get, the more people
move in with them . . . . They are not overly ambitious.
This is due partly to the climate and "What is the
use!!' attitude.

In addition to why things are the way they are, several
volunteers were more specific in what they learned about the
host society.

I realized that the system was at fault in about six
months.

I think I would know how a would react in
situations because . . . in.many situations I found my-
self reacting in the same way.

This concept of continuing loyalty to your boss.
Ibu don't quit. If you want to leave you do things and
try to get peOple to fire you because it is awful to
quit e e o

I am convinced that when someone did something over '
there, they did it with a purpose . . . . Here at home,
you would dismiss it but over there you wondered what
they meant by that? Every once in awhile I thought I
way going paranoid. It was one of those things that

-20...

really made it interesting over there. Really trying
to figure out what was going on. I did this often.

Cultural differences encountered by the volunteers
were perceived as a challenge. As good volunteers and as
good Americans how did they meet these challenges? A good
volunteer’must be flexible and a good American will attempt
to solve a problem he encounters. Thus, meet the problem
head on and try to solve it! Compromise, negotiate, bargain
if necessary, but an attempt should be made to alleviate the
trouble. The volunteers did this and one means was per-
ceiving the similarities between people.

Another interpretation would be that given by the
Gullahorns. They state that

. . . the constructive interaction leads the so-

Journers and their hosts to perceive each other as
more similar in important areas and thus increases
their tolerange and acceptance of differences in
other areas.

They further suggest that
. . . with slight dissimilarity of attitudes a mutual
assimilation seems to be produced, converting originally
disparate attitudes into common values, resulting in an
increase in positive feelings. 6
Let us consider some of the responses pertaining to
the above:

That people are much alike the world over in their
basic needs.

 

15Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, 22. cit., p. 1+3.
16Ib1d., p. ul.

-21-

. . . pointed out that there are basic similarities
in the developing and deve10ped countries. It made me
aware of the difficulties of the former. .

Many ways they are similar in terms of basic per-
sonality traits.

I think it is as easy to like an as it is
to like an American.

 

I don't think that because a person is or
American this necessarily sets them apart in values or
the way in which you would get to know them.

I tried to figure that out. This difference between
them and us. We are all human beings. They laugh the
same way, they talk about sex like we do, they drink
alcohol as we do, and so on.

Perhaps the best illustration of this process was given

by another volunteer when he said:

The similarities are in the peOple. Cultures are ex-
tremely different. I didn't feel there was any difference
in getting along with than with Americans.

What can be summarized from the interviewees' responses?
Numerically, the majority fell within the category of learning
about other societies. The volunteers gave evidence of a
high level of understanding of the host society; they sought
to find out why things and peOple were the way they were.

There were tones of mediation and a sympathetic tendency
toward the environment in general. Areas of criticism were

directed toward the omnipresent ”system" or government but

rarely toward any host national(s).

That which was learned about their own society was
negative, in content. Representatives of the American govern-
ment and general government behavior bore the brunt of this

criticism.

-22..

You think you are going to change them but in the
long run they change you.

In essence, what the individual has said is that he
has taken on aspects of a new identity. Attitudes and values
have been questioned by his exposure to a different culture.
What specific attitudes and beliefs have been affected may
or may not be known by the individual consciously. The
process is subtle and the results may not be apparent until
the person returns to his native society. Overseas, he is
usually aware of the fact that something is different about
his thinking.

What is the nature of this change if in fact there
has been a change? What is the extent of this change and
Just what has been changed? It was found that implied in the
self-descriptions given, most of the volunteers had not yet
”found” themselves, i.e., they were unsure of their future.
Thus, according to the Gullahorn's, ' . . . the resolution
of their identity conflict abroad often meant they had been
zealously converted to new values, . . .‘17 flew much of a
new identity did they develop, if any at all? The questions
asked now were designed to gain some insight into this
phenomenon.

Because of disgust with what he experienced with
Americans abroad, another interviewee consciously sought to

avoid contact. This was again a criticism of the American

 

17Ibid., p. 40.

-23-
community abroad.

I made an attempt, if at all possible, to associate
with non-Americans. For one thing, the Americans lived
in a world all their own. They did not want to associate
with the , only if it was for business purposes.
I felt here was an excellent Opportunity to explore a
brand new world.

Characteristic of the majority of friendships with

nationals that the volunteers developed was that mentioned
by one:

-Generally speaking, the nationals with whom I inter-
acted or came into closest contact were educated, superior
students who were ”western” in their thinking. They had
been in the U.S. and we were there, in , and we
could meet. -

There were some of my fellow teachers who were
willing to experiment . . . they went to certain schools
where they were exposed to more liberal types of educa-
tion. They were not as narrow in their viewpoint and
were extremely talented people.

A more unusual friendship was described as:

. . . it was amazing! Here we were, in the middle
of and along comes this . He turned
out to be our best friend. My partner and I could talk
to him about anything. He knew more about the U.S.A.
than and I put together. We would discuss
philosophy, politics, everything. We thought he was
pretty westernized when we met him. He was Americanized
when we left him! A really wonderful guy!

Several met difficulties in the establishment of more
friendships with nationals. The host society itself hampered
interaction for one volunteer.

Although I had a lot of interaction with nationals
through my job. It was difficult to enlarge upon it be-
cause in _~ society there is no role for a single
females

An environmental situation provided an obstacle for

.Zh-

one volunteer:

I was not as close to the people as I thought I would
be and this was far below my expectations. I thought I
would meet people outside the office like at social .
gatherings, neighbors. I expected continuing contacts.

There was little contact because of being situated

. . . way on top of a hill or mountain. .All the
volunteers housed together. There was no transportation
available and we were very isolated from the local
people.

We did not have any contact with host nationals in
depth. Only in the work situation was contact provided.
If we had lived in town, I'm sure we would have gotten
to know more host country nationals and better.

The Gullahorns* once again state in reference to the
'W-curve',

. . . a sojourner in the involvement phase of adjust-
ment to a foreign culture or of readjustment at home . 18
frequently encounters . . . cognitive dissonance . . . .

Pertaining to the adjustment overseas this is the‘U-curve.
After some time in the host culture, the individual will
experience feelings of frustration and a sense of ”What's the
use?"

They continue by saying,

In order to reduce his dissonance, while remaining in
the cultural context, he might maximize the negative
component in his ambivalent feelings towards others in
his environment and wifgdraw as much as possible from
interaction with them.

An example of a physical environment providing a means

of irritation was given by the same volunteer:

.At first we wanted to have much contact with host but

 

lalbid. 19Ibid.

-25-
then later on . . . some volunteers became quite dis-
illusioned to the point that they reached a point of no
return! It would have been hard then to change an
environment. Living there had advantages. It had water
and space, and was cool, quiet and isolated. Other
Americans were around constantly to support or talk to

you. Eventually we grasped at these advantages and for-
got about trying to move out.

Social Interaction Overseas

With whom did the volunteers associate? Most inter-
action with host country nationals began on an operational.
basis or as the Useems describe, a ”functional" type of bi-
national group. In reference to India, they suggest that
functional groups are

. . . composed of Indians and Americans with comple-

mentary interests converging around work roles, pro-
ggfigiogziizgiiliiztgngb organizational loyalties, or

Being able to speak the language native to the host
society is highly desirable and in most cases a necessity.
Language training in most Peace Corps training programs
occupies approximately one-half of the total time devoted to
academic orientation.

In the host society language proficiency performs
several functions. Probably the most important is that of
communicating effectively with nationals in order to perform
a.job. This is especially true if an individual is located

in a place where English is not generally spdken or understood.

 

20John Useem, ”The Community of Man: .A Study in the
Third Culture," The Centennial Review, Vol. VII, No. 1:
(Fall, 1963) p. 592. ""'""" “"—

-26-
Even if an interpreter is available, much of what is to be
conveyed will be lost in the ensuing translation. Subtle
points will be missed, different meanings given to words,
and so on. This will be lessened if the interpreter has a
good command of both languages but the fact remains that
something will still be lost.

Another function of having some command of the native
language is that it implies respect for the host society
itself. You have enough interest in the country and its
peOple to attempt to learn the language. Many doors are
opened for the volunteer who can say a few words, regardless
of his fluency, in the other man's language. Host nationals
may smile, they may laugh, they may even ridicule. Whatever
they do, they will be aware that you are trying. This is a
primary step in creating rapport.

The following individuals said their non-fluency in
the native language was a barrier to further friendship develop-
ment. The first said this was accentuated because of the
isolation of his living quarters.

The farmers I met were primarily on a business basis
rather than on a social basis.

Host of my association was with.nationals because we
had a job to do.

Many of these functional relationships blossomed into
deeper friendships:
I had hoped I could spend some time with some national.

I did this and spent fourteen months with a very fine
guy and it was a very rewarding experience.

and he continued,

. . working with this native. I wanted to be a
benefit to him and this did happen. He couldn't speak
any English but when I left he could speak some.

and,

It was a good friendship. I heard from some people
that he told his brother that I had a good way. When
a says that he means it. He wouldn't tell me
because they don't show affection at all. It is hard to
put into words the feelings that developed between this
native and myself. I miss him a lot and had a damn
good time with him.

Because of his work role, another volunteer commented:

I associated mainly with lower-class peeple. The
laborers. I found them most receptive. They just liked
me and we got along very well. Four-fifths of the
peeple we got to know were of the very lowest class.

For almost all, most interaction was with fellow
volunteers, when and where they were present and available.
These were usually volunteers living or working together or
both.

When there were no other volunteers in the vicinity,

interaction normally would be with host nationals and sometimes

other Americans who held common interests.

I associated with several and A.I.D. per—
sonnel. With the A.I.D. personnel I shared an interest
in. and living with the people.

 

Only a few interviewees mentioned interaction with per-
sons other than Americans, volunteers or host nationals. Of
those reported, the association resulted from the job and the
people involved were British. They took two extremes--either

a very close and strengthening friendship or one of antagonism

-28-
resulting from a feeling expressed by one volunteer:
The British there resented me and what I was doing.
They thought that the volunteers were taking jobs away
from them . . . , if they liked me as a person, they
didn't show it.

The host nationals mentioned were initially potential
third-culture members. They had an interest in and were
knowledgeable about the western world or the North American
continent. They spoke some English and several had been

educated in the U.S.A. or Europe.

CHAPTEB III

VOLUNTEEBS' COMPARISONS BETWEEN
AMERICAN AND HOST SOCIETIES_

Feelings About Being At Home In

 

Reactions to this enquiry were all an emphatic “yes”
with but one exception. It was a qualified “yes" in that the

volunteer ‘

\

. . . felt at home where I lived. I didn't know if
I felt at home in the country. You were made at times
to feel like a guest in social situations rather than
like a person living there.’

The remaining volunteers were divided in their opinions
concerning the length of time necessary for them to feel at
home. There was little uniformity as to the length of time
it took.l For example:

Yes, very much so. Almost the entire time and I liked
it very much.

Another volunteer said:

The are a fairly close community. They don't
accept others too well and it took a great deal of time
to get a really good relationship, about eight to ten
months. After that I felt very much accepted and at
home.

And for another it was a little longer:

Certainly after the first year. I don't think I
would have stayed two years if I couldn't have made some
kind of adjustment.

The interviewer endeavored to find out why the volun-

teers felt at home in a strange society. It was not an easy

-29-

-30-
question for most to answer.
That is a good question. It is a difficult question
to answer. Because I was working, I had a job, and I
thought I was contributing in some way. I can't answer
that. I really don't know.
For one, it was a little easier and his explanation

was:

. . . because I got into the swing of the life.

One volunteer gave this interesting reply. This was
a volunteer who described himself as feeling inferior to
people. His response gives evidence of the security he had
found in his new environment and of the rejection he might
have felt before joining.

I felt very much at home in . It was a way
of life that I liked.

One reason I liked it was because there I was a per-
son with authority. People listened to me. I was
looked up to. I liked this but I don't know the reason
why, I just did. Perhaps it was because of my back-
ground, . . . I don't think many peOple have this re-
spect in the states. I was given this respect because
of what I knew and represented.

Two volunteers gave indicatiOns of attitude toward

westerners and more specifically, Americans.

 

I felt I could be more myself around than
Americans.
I wonder if he meant he could be more around

 

than Americans because of his fellow countrymen's

 

possible disapproval of his "going native”?
The other volunteer stated:

Let us say that when other westerners were not around
I was not as conscious of being European as when they

 

 

-31-

were around. I was more native in my attitudes than
either American or British.,

Thus, with one exception, all the volunteers eventually
felt at home in the host country but the length of time it
took varied. A minority felt so much at home in their atti-
tudes they perceived other Americans as being foreign. It
would have been interesting to know if the one volunteer who
enjoyed the respect given to him was an exception or was

merely'more truthful in explaining why he ”felt at home.”
What Was Missed the Most From the U.S.A.

”I finally figured it out. I didn't miss much."

"There was no glaring thing that haunted my memory.”

These two statements characterize the general re-
sponses to the question. The things most often cited as
being missed at all were material things. Foods were missed
on some occasions with ice cream being in the forefront.
Nestalgia for something "American” was voiced by two volun-
teers:

Once in a while I would sit and think how'nice it
would be to be able to go down to the cerner drugstore
for a hamburger and coke. Periodically, this would come
to you. .

Of course, like any Americans, there were times when
I missed greatly the amenities of American life. The
hundreds of little things, the week-end date especially.

To see a face you think pretty or to smell perfume or

to see a girl wearing lipstick does something to an American

-32-

male, regardless of age. It reminds them of femininity, of
warmth and love. The absence of this will affect most
American males. Some will dream of a girl, either real or
ideal. Others will try to forget what a female represents
and involve themselves deeply in some other activity.

In American society dating is a cultural pattern
thought desirable for the selection of a mate. It is an
experimental endeavor in which one finds what is wanted or
not wanted in a marriage partner. That individuals do en-
gage in this activity is accepted as normal. Not to do this
when possible is usually regarded as strange. In the case
of the volunteer who mentioned missing the weekend date, it
was a situation in which it was culturally and geographically
impossible to form any relationship with a female from his
own race and culture. It is doubtful that this volunteer
felt the loss of a means of self-validation as a male because
of dating. He was merely homesick for a pretty face and a
friendly smile. It was not a case of feeling like not being
a.man but rather one of feeling like a lonely man. He did not
doubt his manhood. It was the opposite. He became very
aware of his manhood. The absence of dating as a means of
proving their manhood did not cast doubts in any male volun-
teer's mind.

The family was mentioned as being missed only once.

Probably resulting from past frustrations, one commented:

-33-

. . . missed being able to rely on someone when they
said they would do something.

No other behavior patterns native to the individual's
home culture were cited. The radio was mentioned twice as a
means to alleviate the sense of isolation.

. . . missed the radio. We didn't know what was
happening in the world.

and,
. . . missed being out of touch with the major
events.

Feelings About Leaving

 

Different answers were given to this question but all
implied one thing--a change was desired.

I wasn't that anxious to get home as to just get out
of for awhile.

A mixed reaction characterized the volunteers'
feelings when they realized they were to leave. First there
was reluctance. When they made up their minds to go, they
were anxious to do so.

I had mixed emotions . . . was glad to get out of
there and have a change in pace.

He continued:

On the other hand, I liked my job and didn't like
leaving it and had a lot of friends.

When I realized I might never see these peOple again
I cried. Then I had second thoughts about leaving.

Once I decided, I was anxious to go.

Although the volunteers were glad to leave they now

-3h-
say:
In the right conditions, I'd go back now whereas when
I first came back I thought it would be two or three
years before I'd be ready to go again.

And,

I haven't been away for a year and now I am quite
anxious to get back again.

This feeling of wanting to go back or just wanting
to go was said explicitly or implied throughout the inter-

716's.
Feelings About Returning to the U.S.A.

The volunteers were not unanimously enthusiastic about
returning to the U.S. and some were not clear as to what
they were coming back to.

It was a process of trying to remember what it was
like. I had a hard time remembering.

I didn't know what to expect. I didn't have a
specific job to come back to.

More than one-half were blase about returning. The
following was typical:

.As far as actually coming back, I could have taken it
or left it.

One volunteer voiced his sentiments as such:

. . . didn't want to go. Because it is on the other
side of the world I had my doubts as to whether or not
I'd ever come back again.

Only two had unequivocal positive feelings about

returning to the U.S.A.

"Things" Perceived in as Being Desired
for Adoption by the U.S.A.

This is a question that drew many responses. Regard-
less of where the interviewees were stationed, there was a
uniformity in their responses. These followed three ten-
dencies: attitudes toward life, personality characteristics,
and ideas about the family. Let us consider a selection of

responses from each category:

Attitude Toward Life

I think a slower pace. Americans should slow down
and live more comfortably.

I don't like our way of living by the clock. This
constant pressure and the competition from our business
world. They don't give a damn about time over there. I
think this feeling is stronger as a result of my ex-
perience overseas.

The happy-go-lucky attitude toward life and their
sense of humor.

With the country and village people . . . the way they
live day-to-day. They are not worried about status
symbols and so on.

The free and easy attitude of toward other
people. I talked about suspicion but that is so short-
lived, . . . it isn't lasting and is not deep-rooted.
Prejudice, which is so deep-seated in our society,

. . . is something don't comprehend.

And another commented:

There is more good will toward people of different
backgrounds and cultures, and colors . . . . This is

-35-

true even though there is less education and the literacy
level is so low.

Another volunteer said:

. . . this natural attitude toward life itself.
Americans tend to take life and sex much too seriously.

One volunteer perceived an emphasis upon acquisition
in our society and had this to say about it:

Americans believe that material possessions can be
the ultimate in happiness, the key to success. In
you could see a man walking up the street
with a smile on his face, owning nothing but the clothes
on his back and you wonder why he is so happy. I really
think Americans are burdened by the things they are
doing.

This is something I think Americans can learn from

. To be really satisfied with the basic things

in Iife.

 

zersonality Characteristics

Personality traits which were seen as favorable and
which volunteers would like to see imported or adopted by
Americans were such things as:

I like their frankness. They were not hypocritical.
and, .

They are less inhibited than Americans. There isn't
much reserve toward many things.

More specific examples of how this uninhibitedness
was displayed were given:
Their celebrationsii Everybody lets himself go.
There are specified times in which an individual can go
hog wild. It has a very good effect psychologically.

. . . the spontaneous reaction of to
dancing and music.

-37-
And he continued:

. . . at American and British parties everybody is
trying to have a good time, a facade, a falseness.
At the parties, this was the first impression
I got. The tremendous spontaneity. No matter what you
said, they enjoyed themselves. You enjoyed yourself
immediately. None of this fakeness and phoniness.
Here, form has become more important than substance.

A variation of this latter statement was given in
greater detail and in greater length by another volunteer.

Consider this:

Uninhibitednessil One thing I detest about Americans
is that they are so beautifully two-facedii They will
say one thing and then turn around and do the Opposite
as soon as they turn the corner. I didn't think I felt
this as much before leaving as I do now.

He became aware of this from what he saw of Americans'

behavior overseas. He saw many things that were hypocriti-
cal. This led him to state:

Let us be more truthfulli Let us step holding to our
midwestern or puritanical value systems which are com-
pletely outdated and which were not meant for others.
These are not for other parts of the world and we have
no right to impose our value systems upon other people.
They may have something to teach us in living a much
more fuller life and one which.might be more meaningful.
I'm not thinking of materialistic benefits but something
that goes a little deeper than that.

Family System fl t_h_e_ gangs 9; Belonging

» The feeling of belonging was sensed by several volun-
teers. This was also the type of answer given most often.
This means of identity was commented upon with statements

such as:

-38-

. . . their close sense of community and their grace
in receiving peeple in their homes, very excellent
hospitality.

More specifically,

I liked very much the closeness of the
fMlYe

 

Other volunteers made similar comments but they all
were cognizant of the difficulties of family pattern mainte-

names in an industrialized society.

. . this sense of community I mentioned before. I
think it is good but I don't think it goes along very
well with advanced technology.

The extended family although difficult in our in-
dustrialized society. I like the closeness and re-
sponsibilities which each member has to another member
and a very secure position within the family. It is
the security . . .

I was impressed with the family system. It is much
more intimate and binding than ours. In one way I feel
this is a detriment to economic development because they
try to keep everything within a.family and are not
willing to unite talent across family lines to develop
commerce and industry. For myself, I like this feeling
of unity'more than the cooler system you get in western
society.

I would now like to present the interviewees' comments
to the question: "What would you like to see adopted by
from the U.S.A.?" and then compare the two.

 

“Things" in the U.S.A. Perceived as Being
Desired for Adoption by

 

The western institution of education as a means to an

end was mentioned often. Such sentiments were voiced as:

-39-

Emerging nations should enlarge and upgrade their
educational systems. I think that only through educa-
tion can they solve their own problems. A lot of times
I don't think they know what the problems are because
they don't know anything different.

. . . more educational opportunities for their peeple
to become nurses and doctors.

. . . greatest problem lies in unification of the
country. This can be done only through education. More
money must be spent to continually educate the people
and not into the pockets of individual politicians.

. . . resolution through education between traditional
nepotism, gift-giving and industrialization.

Other things mentioned as desirous of having in the
host country were somewhat opposed to things the volunteers
would like to see imported to the U.S.A. Let us consider the
following statements:

I guess efficiency and I say that only because it
takes great time and effort to get things accomplished.

They need an efficiency empert.

Certain techniques and fundamentals are good through-
out the world and this is good and should be introduced.

. . . would be nice if they did show up and.keep
appointments . . . but Just a little more seriousness
about the work they did or have to do.

More than anything else, if they can't do something
instead of being such a good guy and saying, "yes, I'll
do it,” Just say "no, it is impossible.”

Little more fluidity in the social structure. It is
a little too hierarchal. They need a little more com-
petition and a little better atmosphere for capitalism.

Western EurOpean and American attitude toward sacri-
flolng now 0 o o for a fature goal.

-40-

Perhaps the most concise declaration was:

They should have what could be called the enterprising
spirit. The "let's-get-things-done” attitude. There
tends to be a lethargic quality to the whole society.

One-third of those interviewed were either opposed,

non-committal or hesitant to comment upon possible importa-
tion of attributes of American society:

I think that should remain and the
U.S. should remain the U.S. but that improvements
should be made in both.

I wouldn't want to impose westernization upon others.
If they want it, O.K. Otherwise, no!!

I don't believe in the idea that what is good for the
U.S. is good for other countries. I think this is a big
farce 0

And in conclusion:

There is one thing I don't want to see and that is the
westernization of .

The latter response was said very emphatically. The
volunteer proceeded to enumerate the merits of both eastern
and western societies.

If we compare the answers to both questions, it is
found that non-material things implying a 'state of being'
or qualities being ends in themselves were most desirous of
being adapted by the U.S., such as personality traits, easy-
going attitude and attributes of the family system.

Things implying a "means to ' or pragmatic
yconnotations were those which were thought desirable of ex-

porting to the host country.

-41-
Only concerning the family did several volunteers men—
tion the conflict which might result from the introduction
of westernization to their respective host cultures. The
'let's-get-something-done" attitude is not necessarily com-

patible with the slower pace of life desired.

CHAPTER IV
THE AFTERMATH

Changes in Individual and Career Plans as a Result
of the Overseas Experience
The overseas experience has changed every volunteer in
some way. For a maJority it was a crystallization process
in career plans. It brought into focus goals that before
were thought of as being ambiguous or very far away.

when I graduated, I had some idea as to what I wanted
to do. Now I want to be a foreign student advisor.

My interests have merely crystallized. I developed

an interest in in.my Junior year in college.
While here I deveIoped my own set of friends who thought
as I did and I can't say my friends have changed.

Yea, huh! When I went to I thought it would
satisfy something within me. I didn't know what this
was. Nuts, it was like pouring water on a fire. I
want to go back all the more now.

There is a type of adventure in this work and there
is a need for it. There are outfits that send people
to do this type of work and huh, I'm Just mercenary
enough to be interested in this.

It has given me a set of guidelines by which to
Operate.

I am.more directed new. I know this type of work is
what I want to get into.

I know now that foreign work is my dish.

Even though the goals have been crystallized, only one
gave explicit evidence of Just how to reach the goals.

The means to this end was academic in nature:

-tlrz-

-ng-

I'm definitely more interested in developing areas.
It has crystallized but I don't know what I'm going to
do except that I have an interest in studies,
area studies and developing regions.

For others the overseas experience reinforced their

previous desires:

By the time I had been there for six months, I was
sure I would be going into studies. I had
thought this before but now I was sure.

It has reinforced my desire to work abroad rather
than here.

I am.more convinced that I should go back in the
foreign service than I was before I went over.

. . . to work in the field of international develop-
ment. If anything, my experience has entrenched my de-
sire to return and work in the field.

For two volunteers the experience changed and formu-
lated goals:

It has definitely changed my field of interest because
now it is in the field of education of women.

And,

I didn't have any definite plans when I went in as to
what I would do when I got out. Now I want to work on
educational programs in culturally deprived areas. First
in the states and then overseas.

The Gullahorns have stated that,

. . . in many subtle ways their patterns of expecta-
tions and indeed, some of their values have changed as a

result 3f their exposure and adJustment to a new social
system. 1

 

2lJ’eanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, 22. cit., p. 1&0.

-hh-
According to several of those interviewed, their values have

indeed changed:

I am now more engrained with a certain set of values
which are so alien. That all the people are created
equal regardless of the color of their skin. That the
world is shrinking at a much faster pace than peeple
realize. The enJoyment of travel and living with people
under their conditions. The excitement of living in a
part of the world where so-called twentieth-century
facilities are not available.

In the case of another it was not so much the taking
on a new set of values but a critical questioning of modes
of behavior.
I'm.more apt to go against certain conventions of
society than I was before. Perhaps due to my experiences
and age society will not look so askance upon me if I do.

Or perhaps I don't hold as closely to some previous con-
ventions as I did before.

Another commented:

I'm.not as guarded in.my speech.and how I look as I
was before. Conventions which are superficial as to
what sort of clothes and when, do you put your hair up
at nights, and so on.

This volunteer then said that as a result of her over-

seas experience, she now tries to work out both sides of a
problem. She compared her reactions prior and post with
reference to a motion picture such as “Inherit the Wind;"
Now she would be more critical of Darrow's handling of the
case. Before she would have sided completely with Darrow.
Now she said she was dissatisfied with the way

. . . Darrow twisted and construed passages from the
Bible to destroy their beliefs.

-45-
Not only did volunteers become more certain of what
they wanted but also the converse, what they didn't want.
Typical was:

I dislike the regimentation. I could not go back and
get a Job in a company. There is no sense of satisfac-
tion.

He continued:

My satisfaction would come from doing something I
thought important for somebody else. Like teaching, and
so on. In other words, being involved with life. Not a
Job or one company. That is too little an aspect of
life.

In a similar vein was the following:

Before I left, because of my middle-class background
and morality, I thought there were certain things I had
to do. Now I don't feel this way. I feel that in the
final analysis, I don't have this burning desire to be
a success as I did before. I'd rather be happy with a
mediocre Job than unhappy with a high status Job. Now
I'd rather have peace of mind rather than do the right
thing that is expected or that is eXpected of me or
that is the socially right thing to do.

And another volunteer said:
I did not fulfill my parents' expectations . . .
they wanted me to become part of suburbia which I had no
desire for. I feel that working like I did has given
more meaning to life and I wish to return to it.
An increase in awareness was also mentioned as a
change:
~ Basically, I realize more clearly and am much.more
aware of the problems of social change, human develOp-
ment, changes in peeple, attitudes and values.

I was made extremely aware and especially aware of
the things we have.

-h6-

I became more conscious of and then interested in
reasons for people's attitudes, perhaps became more
empathetic or sympathetic to people's ideas or problems
than I was before. I mean peOple in general.

Lastly, one stated that the experience had given him

mor self-confidence coupled with .

My character was weak before I left. Now I feel as
though there isn't a big enough challenge for me.

What can be said with regard to the change mentioned
by all? The volunteers indicated a growth in awareness of
the self in reference to vocational aspiration. This was
shown in different ways, i.e., crystallization, reinforcement,
change of interest and the establishment of goals. They
were sure of the goals but not of the means and most were

explicit in what they didn't want.
Feelings About Being Back in the U.S.A.

A subtle sense of restlessness is implied in the re-
sponses to this question. It is a vague feeling for some in
that

It is a kind of hedge-podge of things you really
can't put your finger on or can't express.

This volunteer became very restless shortly after
coming back:

It was good to be back and to see Mom and Dad. I
should have been glad but I was ready to go back in two
weeks.

The first two weeks were bad. Just walked, couldn't
read. Pelt as comfortable as a whore in church on Sun-
day morning! I'm restless! I want to go back and.that
is all there is to it!

Another volunteer voiced his reason for wanting to go
back:

I'd like to go back overseas because I don't think
there is anyone here who really understands me anymore.

Only one was specific about what he had seen or heard

that gave him this feeling of dissatisfaction;

Well, it is hard to say but I think that peeple here
are Just not doing things that are meaningful and that
in most peeple's maJor problem was one of Just
where they are going to get enough food and where is it
going to come from and they have really nothing to com-
bat this problem with other than their two hands. In
America, getting enough to eat doesn't really bother

anyone anymore. Now it is the other car, the stereo
set, and so on.

Volunteer's Sense of Feeling at Bbme in the U.S.A.

More elaboration was gained by asking this question.
Generally, the feelings expressed were between a"yes' and
"no." It was a very hesitant and reluctant "yes.” For some
it was a qualified “yes." Witness:

I feel at home somewhat when I can live like I am now
. . . more so than if I was living with my parents.

And another said,

a-a-a-a-a-ah, yes?

This was more a shrug of the shoulders than an answer
and was followed immediately by:

I would like to leave again.

When asked 'to where“ the person said something which

was typical of most volunteers:

-h8-

Anywhere, Just would like to go . . . but be able to
get back in again, however.

No volunteer felt at home upon returning. Let us con-

sider some of their statements:

I didn't feel at home coming back. This was due
mainly to the pace and I Just can't wash out my past
existence.

No, not particularly, I guess . . . because my in-
terests are in comparative cultures and not many Ameri-
cans are interested in this sort of thing.

Concerning a cross-cultural soJourner's return the

Gullahorns stated that,

Those who were able to become involved in creative
work immediately on return reported legs intense
feelings of isolation and alienation.2

One volunteer gave a clear example of this phenomenon when
he stated:

I feel better now. I didn't at first because I didn't
have any plans. I led a scattered existence. I didn't
have a Job and no plans for finding one. Nothing to do;

This was followed by:

I felt a little frustrated in that I couldn't plunge
into something headlong.

The ”creative work" or perhaps Just activity was
described as being good in that

. . . this twilight zone lasted about a month, . . .
until I got a Job and was able to work.

Other support of the Gullahorns' assertion came from

the fact that most volunteers felt better about being engaged

 

22mm.

-ug-
in some activity which was helping them to reach their goals.

“Things" Missed Most From

 

There I felt as thought I was doing something. Here
I get the feeling I'm not doing anything, accomplishing
anything. I'm not giving anything. You get used to
giving but you can't give here. It is so rough and
there it was so natural. I was so tired of giving that
I was glad to come back but even after two months I was
ready to go back overseas.

And another,

Just a feeling of going out and accomplishing and
coming back and saying, 'I've actually done something."

These feelings of being of benefit and doing something
constructive overseas were voiced by several volunteers.
Hewever, the majority mentioned attitudes toward life as

being the things missed most:

. . . casualness about life. No time schedules,
deadlines to meet, relaxing, don't really worry about
getting something done.

The easy going. Peeple in are very easy
going. Here it is hustle and bustle, moving, get
going, get out and earn a buck. That is all there is
to it. I Just can't get back into the swing of things.

Make money and get a big car. I could care less now if
I have a big car.

In , I was aware of quietness. Everything
slowed down. No cars, busses, and so on. It was a re-
lief to get away from it.

Many volunteers mentioned in addition to the above the

"openness“ and "frankness” of the people with whom they came

into contact.

-50-
Thoughts About Experience and Their Significance

All but one of the volunteers said they still think
of their experiences often. The one exception said:

I don't think of them often but they are still of
significance to me. I still find they have an impact on
what I think or what I want to do.

Not only was the experience of significance but it

also acted as an incentive for most volunteers.

Yes, they are still of significance to me. Because
I wouldn't have continued to do graduate work to prepare
myself for going back overseas.

Writing to people in the host country provides these
volunteers with satisfaction and reminiscing'while going
through written material.

I think of often. Just think of in
general. I look back over articles I have from there and
these bring back memories. I tend to remember the small
things rather than big occasions.

And,

I still go back over my old diary with great pleasure.
I do this often.

Reaction to Idea of Reunion with Fellow‘Volunteers

This idea was not unanimously acceptable to the volun-
teers. ”It might be interesting" was voiced by some and for
others a reunion was desired only with selected volunteers.
One said, '. . . the idea of a sentimental get-together

would not be pleasing to some of our group."

-51-

And another:

No!! I wouldn't want a reunion with all the volun-
teers. Only at government expense then. I would only
be interested in a few.

The following comment by one best sums up the general

feelings of all:

We would probably talk about what we are doing now.
It would be hard because what held you together is
officially past. It would be hard to find the same

degree of closeness we once had. At a certain point we
would wind up reminiscing in a way.

Repetition of Overseas Experience

There were varied answers to this question. All be-
lieved that the basic idea was good but as to doing the same
thing again, the following was elicited:

I was glad to have done it but I would not want to do
it over. In short, I don't want to revolunteer.

Another said:

I wouldn't like to do the thing over. I'd like to go
over again but as independently as possible or as a
Peace Corps representative.

A different attitude was expressed by:

I don't regret going to . It was a very en-
Joyable experience . . . what I contributed was negligible.

Yes! Can't think of a better way two years could be
better spent.

The same attitude and the reason why was given by
another when he said:

Yes. It was a wonderful experience. To me, it is very

-52-

important to understand these peOple. To understand what

makes these people tick. I think this is one of the
purposes of he Peace Corps and other programs of this

type. To have people come back and explain different
ways of living, and how different ways of living do not
necessarily have to be bad. They are different.
Different values but their values can be Just as worth-
while. I don't think I can get it across to many peeple.
‘All believed in the aims of the Peace Corps or the
International voluntary Service. For the maJority the two
years were something they would repeat and for others going
overseas in a different capacity or as an independent agent

would be desired.

PART II

GENERAL Psscmxows, DISSONANCE AND DISSONANCE REDUCTION

CHAPTER V
GENERAL PERCEPTIONS AND DISSONANCE STIMULI

When an individual is placed in a foreign environment
there are things which he will perceive as being different.
Some of these might be physical such as food, clothing and
so on and some may be non-physical, i.e., attitudes or be-
havior patterns. What the individual perceives as being
different depends upon the environment he comes from and his
own personal idiosyncracies. Robin Williams has said, "And
it could be argued with some force that to resign from one's
culture is, in many circumstances, as difficult as to resign
from one's racial category."23 These volunteers did not re-
sign from their own culture. Granted, some of them have
mediated and changed aspects of the values they once held,
but they are still of the original mold. If this is so, we
should be able to find some similarity among the various
situations over the two years which produce dissonance. Con-
comitantly with this is the belief that there will be simi-
larities by which the dissonance was reduced. As Festinger

»says, ” . . . dissonance is the presence of an inconsistency

 

23Bobin.M. Williams, ”Racial and Cultural Relations,”
Review 9; Sociolo , ed. Joseph B. Gittler (New York: John
Wiley and Sons, Inc. and Co., 1957), p. 425.

-5n-

-55-
or psychological discomfort.'2h He continues, and
. . . a fairly wide variety of situations in which

dissonance is nearly unavoidable. As soon as dissonance
occurs there will be pressures to reduce it.2

The existence of dissonance, being psychologically
uncomfortable, will motivate the person to gay to re-
duce the dissonance and achieve consonance.

Consonance here is described as the presence of consistency.
Those things or situations reported as producing dissonance

will be investigated to determine the means of reduction.
Overseas

2291; Arrival
Upon arrival physical obJects were perceived most
often with little or no dissonance indicated. The reason
for few volunteers having only slight psychological discom-
fort was due to low expectations as to what they would see
and 9
I don't know. The first few days . . . weren't very
important. With the past training we were Just anxious
to get out to our Jobs.
One volunteer did have expectations and expressed it

I perspired because of fear and what I was getting
into. It was not because of the hot weather.

This is what bothered me. I thought I was going to
see dead people all over the streets. I didn't know

 

2"'Leon Festinger, A Theor 2; Co itive Dissonance
(Evanston, Illinois: Bow, Peterson & o., 75, p. 5.

25Ibid., p. 5. 26Ibid., p. 3.

-56-
what I would see in the next glance and I was looking as
much as my eyes would permit. It wasn't as bad as this
but it took some time to overcome.

‘§g§§.--The heat was the most often cited initial per-
ception. It did not make people psychologically uncomfortable,
only physically. "Feeling the heat . . . very uncomfortable.”

gzgienic standards.--We have all heard at some time
the old adage, "Cleanliness is next to Godliness.' For many
people the saying has an air of quaintness and an outgrowth
of our old heritage of Puritanism. Adherence to the message
has no doubt undergone considerable moderation.

Americans are generally thought of as being clean
people--clean of body. Cleanliness is thought of as being
good and uncleanliness as being something not desirable.

One should look clean and neat when he goes for a Job inter-
view. .All other things being equal, the person who is clean
and neat will receive the Job before the person who is un-
shaven and looks unkempt. Americans have a preference :2;
cleanliness. It is conducive to health and uncleanliness to
disease and other disorders. It is not good. Many visitors
have noticed this especially in regard to our eating habits
and American tourists overseas are sometimes very reluctant
to eat foods unless they know how it has been prepared.

In our society the excretion of body wastes is regarded

as a private act. Not to regard excretion as a private act

-57-
and to behave otherwise is frowned upon. Witness the mild
surprise or comments when an American tourist sees outdoor
urinals in France for the first time. It will undoubtedly
catch his attention.

If an individual defecated or urinated in full public
view he would attract attention and also a policeman if
there were one in the vicinity. The individual would
probably be violating some public law. What else would the
person be demonstrating?

He would be demonstrating to those aware of his act
that he is behaving like an animal for only animals do that
kind of thing. He must be a pervert or some kind of deviate
for normal people JEEE don't behave that way. In any case,
there mggt‘be something wrong with the person. People might
feel sorry for him if they thought he was mentally unbalanced
or disgusted if they thought him drunk. The point is that
the act would not be viewed passively and that there would
be definite reactions.

Upon arrival in the host country some volunteers were
immediately aware that no longer was excretion of body wastes
a private act but a very public act. There was little or no
concern given to the behavior by host country nationals.

Even those highly educated did not seem bothered by it. What
is wrong with them? Two opposing knowledges are involved

here and for some volunteers it created dissonance. Typical

-58-
of their statements was the following:

. . . hygienic standard of defecating in the streets.
It kind of got to me at first. It didn't bother me but
I noticed that this would be a good problem to work on.

Other perceptions mentioned by the volunteers were
concerned with hygienic standards connected with eating.
These did not foster dissonance but Just a realization that
this was not the U.S.A.

Our language instructors told us about this wonderful
restaurant at the airport. We walked in and almost
died! Everybody looked at each other, looked around,
saw one servant for every person. We all sat down and
ordered tea--nothing else! Then the Peace Corps official
who met us at the airport said, "I think I'll have some
toast with butter and Jam, please.” That broke the ice
and we all ordered it, too. It was Just the costumes of
the waiters and their sheer numbers in that restaurant.
The greasy tablecloths. It Just wasn't like a restaurant
back home.

Another volunteer in a similar context commented:

On the train ride, eating in the dining car. The
dirty dishware and the porter using dirty towels to wipe
the dishes . . . that's when we realized we were finally
in .

Povertz.--Associated with the above but on a wider
scale were general conditions of poverty and crowded condi-
tions. If combined, their number would constitute the
greatest impressions made. One example was:

Shortly after being there, the dark, dingy places in

the "college town" impressed me and it stunk terribly
. . . the various smells and general uncleanliness of
the country.

Most volunteers assume the information they are given

-59-
in training is for their benefit. They assume that what is
being given them is honest and thought essential by those in
charge of such instruction. In a teaching situation we ex-
pect our instructors to be telling us the truth-~for truth is
a means to knowledge.

It is further expected that during training they shall
be given the “lowdown" on the particular country, regardless
of who is teaching them. Honesty is essential for the good
of the program. It prepares one for the reality of life in
such and such a country and enables one to ascertain before-
hand what may or may not be accomplished. This was the be-
lief (a knowledge) of one volunteer as he arrived in his
country. Realityfostered the growth of dissonance. The
belief mentioned above was in Opposition to what was ex-
perienced shortly after arrival (a new knowledge). They
were in Opposition. Witness:

. . . into the city and the filth and squalor. The
nationals we had in our training were not really truth-
ful and honest in the way they presented their country
to us. It was too idealistic and I would have appre-
ciated a little more realism.

Untruthfulness and dishonesty on the part of the

~nationals in training is implied. This attribute lead to

disillusionment for the volunteer.

Smells.--One "thing” that was mentioned as an initial
perception and continued to be perceived over a period of

time was the various smells. These did not stimulate

-60-
dissonance. According to one volunteer:

. . . the various smells. Man, it stunk terribly!
And man, I mean it stunk!!

Another commented:

I think one thing impressed me at first. I seem to
have remembered it. That must mean something. The
smells were different than anything else before.

These Just seemed new. There wasn't anything nega-
tive felt about them. It was Just different. The
smells should have been bottled and sent to a museum.

Another broad category implied by the interviewees
were responses stimulated by: (1) physical features shown
by host country nationals, (2) behavior shown by host country
nationals and, (3) behavior or attitudes exhibited toward

the volunteers themselves. Let us consider a representative

sample from each category.

1) Physical features shown by host country nationals.

There were many people meeting us at the airport.

There was a big mixture of all types of peeples--all
Negroes. ’

I found that the fact of being in a country that was
entirely Negro was different in itself.

Another thing that impressed me. I don't know why.
We arrived at night. The lights fell on elaborate robes
and yet complete blackness around the robes. I couldn't
see any peeple--Just robes.

It gave me a chill to see people dressed the way I had
read about.

2) Behavior shown bz_host countr11nationals.

I noticed the formality and British atmosphere on the
part of the welcoming officials.

I was surprised at the feelings of national pride
exhibited.

-61-
One of the first things I did was to go to a dance
and I saw the for the first time, which I

thought was quite exciting. The complete spontaneity
of the dance and the people themselves.

teers themselves.

It seemed as though I was treated with great respect
and reverence by the people.

The spontaneity of the people and their Open, really
open friendship toward us.

The people were very friendly. For awhile we were
Just unable to make a decision about them. None of us
could speak the language fluently and most peOple, when
they found out we were in the Peace Corps, were very
friendly and hospitable to us.
The newness of being in a foreign country, many for
the first time, led the volunteers to perceive things with a
general feeling of Optimism. They were glad to be there and
thought their training had prepared them for what they were

to see.

9193;; Period 223229.

gaggp,Living.--The situation of living together with
other volunteers in a group was cited as being dissonance
stimulating as well as reducing. ‘We shall consider its dis-
.sonance reduction character in a later chapter. It provoked
ill feelings among those living together, i.e., personality
conflicts between the various individuals and also acted as

a reinforcement vehicle. As one volunteer noted:

You get more than two volunteers together and in-
evitably in that group of three or four or five who do

-62-
so somebody is not happy about something. If there are
no host nationals there, immediately a bitch session will
start. It feeds on itself or else feeds into someone
else and before long it is all bitch session. I've seen
sessions turn into three or four hours Of constant
bitching.

Problems they had on the Job and between each other
were intensified and not necessarily alleviated. For other
volunteers, living in a group situation meant a difference
socially. It fostered isolation from host nationals.

. . . we looked to each other for social engagements

and we didn't bother to find host country nationals. We
did at first but because of the transportation we forgot
about it.

This volunteer believed that making friends and getting
to know as much of the host society as possible was one of
the purposes of being sent there. Off the JOb this volun-
teer had little contact with host nationals because of
living conditions--isolated, far away, and no transportation.
He experienced some dissonance. The belief mentioned above
was being Opposed by the fact that he was not meeting and
associating with the nationals outside the specified Job.

Americans are firm believers in teamwork. It involves
two or more peOple cOOperating in order to accomplish a given
stask or purpose. The goal, whatever it might be, tends to
foster a sense of unity. Also, when two individuals are
placed in a setting over which they have no control in se-

lection (concerning others chosen for same locality and in

selection of the locality itself), it is expected and hOped

-63-
they will interact to "make life bearable.“ They will accept
each others faults and communicate in order to get a Job done.
If differences arise, it is best to talk it out and clear
the air. This is even more true of a small group Of only
two individuals. The reverse of this was experienced by
one volunteer and.he described it as a personality conflict.
It was intense and of long duration and would have existed
in any setting with the same individual. The volunteers
involved were of similar cultural backgrounds and yet so far
away from each other.

The volunteer felt that teamwork was essential and
comprising teamwork was the flexibility in overlooking in-
compatible personality differences. Added to this was the
individual's image of what volunteers should be and how they
should behave toward each other. "We have a Job to do. Let
us make the best of the situation. We do not have the best
of conditions in which to live so let's not make it worse.”
Examine the following for it implies the existence of two
Opposing knowledges: That teamwork and interaction is neces—
sary, especially in an alien culture and the knowledge that
~the situation is not such.

My partner, another volunteer, and I didn't get along.
This of course was a tremendous burden.

When we got up-country we had nothing to talk about.
I tried and tried. This continued the whole time we
were there. This was horrible: the biggest problem of
all. I didn't know who to talk to about this. Funny

-6h-

thing about it, there wasn't any conflict. Nothing was
said! That was the trouble--nothing was said! It was
Just negative. The infuriating thing about it was that
I could talk to anyone except him and everybody could
talk to him except me. We would walk into town together
and play tennis together with some nationals, but never
a word. Just talked about very small things. I felt as
though I had run out Of things to talk to him about. I
never thought this way about anyone before and this was
amazing. Just no communication.

After we had been there a year I approached him about
this. All the things I had thought were a figment of my
imagination were true. It was an amazing kind of shock
to me. He agreed with everything! I didn't Offend him.
He Just didn't like me.

I had never been in this kind Of a situation before
and it was frustrating. He Just said I rubbed him the
wrong way. My mannerisms bothered him. He didn't have
anything against me personally, wished me lots of luck,
but he Just didn't want to be around me because he was
uncomfortable.

I didn't talk to anyone before about this until the
new volunteers arrived. This was a big mistake; I
should have.

The volunteers expressed some degree of idealism although
it varied for each individual. They all have some conception
of what they thought they should be doing and how they should
behave. As far as this self-concept is concerned, an Open
mind and a general willingness to try to understand why things
are so and why peOple behave the way they do were thought
essential. Thus, the volunteers believed one should develOp
a high level of understanding and become a member of the third
'culture.

The volunteers were particularly sensitive to the
actions of others as they tried to relate themselves to the
host environment. Behavior exhibited by others that is incon-
gruent with what a volunteer should be displaying is quickly

-65-
noticed. It is condemned if the volunteer doing it does not
agree with or pattern himself after the other person. Disso-
nance was involved when this belief was Opposed by the cogni-
zance of behavior and attitudes displayed by a new volunteer.
“A good volunteer doesn't exhibit this kind of behavior or
have these attitudes . . . .”

A seasoned volunteer reported he was anxious to have
someone to work and live with but it only added to his dis-
satisfaction. The individual who arrived was, according to
the interviewee, lazy, cynical and hated the country and its
people. Apparently others thought the same thing because
the new volunteer was asked to leave the country and the
Peace Corps. In the words of the interviewee, “This helped
a lot!"

One other volunteer had something negative to say
about the results of group living. Apparently the negative
feeling concerned the reinforcement of bitter feelings re-
sulting from Job frustration. It was described as:

We saw some of the volunteers about once a week. We

talked about common problems but we didn't like it too
much. We were rather cooly accepted each time we went

there. It was as if the other fellows were Jealous of
our work.

It bothered us to have the other volunteers Jealous
of us. I think they disliked us because we had con-
crete Jobs and were accomplishing something. They would
say Jokingly, ”Get the hell out of here," but all the
same they said it.

There was hardly any conversation. It was like
pulling teeth. They were very dullaminded. I mean
one guy would only talk about chickens . . . .

-66-

Sometimes we would talk over a technical problem but
that was all.

This volunteer strongly believed that this group of
Americans, considering their number, location and material
comforts, should provide him with a "chance to get away from
it all” and be with fellow American volunteers. Americans,
by virtue of their living abroad and their common nationality,
should be friendly and sympathetic toward each other. They
should be a means of social support. When the antithesis of
this was experienced, it provoked bitterness and dissonance.
He thought, “They are really not friendly but hostile. We
are doing our Jobs as we should and they resent us because
of this." Here we find two Opposing knowledges present:

(1) belief that fellow Americans should help each other in
any way possible in an overseas environment and, (2) the
knowledge that certain Americans could help but did not want
to do so because Of attitudes unbecoming for a volunteer.

Thg_ggb,--A Job existing on paper only; a Job esti-
mated in one's eyes as not being worthwhile; the lack of a
role in the host country were some of the situations en-
countered by the volunteers. Some expected these difficulties
.and thus were prepared for the worst. For others, finding a
place in the host society was a persistent difficulty and was
described by one as follows:

In order for me to do anything in working with women
I had to have legitimate status. There is no role in

-67-
society for a single female. This posed a lot
Weiss to all . . . . I had to make a role for my-
self as a single female that would be acceptable to them.
SO there was this continual byplay in that I had to put
myself in a position acceptable to them and yet still be
an.American.

In the U.S.A. the women have more than one means of
validating their self-images. It may be through the role of
a mother and homemaker and through the world of work outside
the family. Women have access to legitimate status in both
capacities. Because of her capabilities and regardless of
her sex, she can find a place in our society in various ways
. . . she believes in its worth. This is not found through-
gg§_the world and especially ggt_in the society where the
above volunteer was placed. The women in this society,
according to the individual, are regarded as being incapable
of any endeavor outside of that delegated to them by tradition
and associated with the family. The attempt to make a place
for herself in the host society was a source of dissonance.
As time passed, dissonance was reduced through an understanding
of why this was so and her successful endeavor to establish
legitimate status.

Another source of dissonance was common: It stemmed
I from an initial period of exuberance displayed both by the
volunteers and host nationals involved followed by a loss of
enthusiasm exhibited by the nationals and consequent dis-

illusionment of the volunteers. Let us examine the elements

involved.

-68-

Americans have a general dislike for hypocrisy. We
regard groups who say one thing and do another as being “all
Wind and no substance,” a phony or Just a lot of talk. We
like peOple to be honest and not to say things they don't
mean. We admire people we can ”count on” for getting some-
thing done. They are reliable. A common source of disso-
nance resulted from this western or North American trait.
Many volunteers were led to believe that the initial en-
thusiasm exhibited by host country nationals was indicative
of a strong desire to ”really do something.” The syndrome
was as follows: An initial period of exuberance displayed
by both volunteer and national(s) and consequent disillusion-
ment by the volunteer. It was at this time that volunteers
would voice the comment that “actions speak louder than
words.” There are incompatible cognitions involved here,
i.e., ”Reliable people don't Just talk and make a lot of
promises. They back up their promises with action. These
people don't--they are Just a lot of wind!" The volunteer
was using his native society's definition of a reliable per-
son in Judging the behavior of nonpAmericans. The primary
, reference group, here being American society, had fostered
a belief that a certain kind of behavior should follow from
promises that were made. The expected behavior did not fol-
low. Witness these three statements by one volunteer:

In the beginning classes would be filled and then as
time went on there would be decreasing membership.

-69-

Night school teachers would begin enthusiastically
and then taper off.

Groups in the cities would be enthusiastic about
helping but when it came to the asking Of help from them
they wouldn't show up for appointments . . . all big
talk but no real honest effort.

We believe in the individual's ability to learn if he
is not mentally retarded. The individual's native ability
will determine what, how much and how rapidly he will learn.
Our philosOphy of mass education implies everyone is capable
of learning and therefore everyone should be given the
Opportunity to learn, at least until the age of sixteen.

Concomitant with this is the belief that if presented
with information obtained by scientific methodology, an
individual will critically examine the facts, come to a con-
clusion and either accept or reJect the given information.
This is the basis of western science. We expect the indi-
vidual to see beyond the confines of his immediate environ-
ment and to realize that what he sees is but a small part of
the world in which he lives. ‘

We attempt to teach our young the process of thinking--
not merely learning the facts. If we learn facts they are
merely aids in building a foundation upon which more ”facts"
:will be discovered. The thinking process is still there.

It is essential for’mental growth. Without it we are merely
regurgitators of words.

With this belief, most of those engaged in teaching

experienced dissonance. Inductive and deductive reasoning

-70-
were foreign to many of those taught. Let us examine three
individuals' comments concerning their encounters with the
actual teaching situation.

Trying to break through this barrier of culture in
teaching. I found out almost a year later that half of
the schoolboys didn't believe the world was round. Four
of us got the boys together and talked and talked. Out-
wardly we were calm but underneath we were furious. We
were so frustrated because we had been there a year and
'my god, here are half the schoolboys saying they didn't
believe it! They would say, "Look outside. It is not
round. You can't see it. It is flat!"

It was things like that. Using every analogy possible,
physics, everything. The works! And this barrier, that
kind of thing that makes you want to bash your head
against the wall, walk away and say good-bye.

The second volunteer said:

I tried having them think things through . . . .

This to me was startling at first. I thought these
people could learn but couldn't think and I tried to get
them to think deductively and inductively but I wasn't
too successful. I don't know why not. I think because
of the pressures of the exams and the feeling that they
have to learn ”Osmosis is such and such” by memory.
Plus the fact that many of them never thought in this
area before. It was kind of like an impossible task
for me to do.

And the third:

I had to combat the idea of students learning by
rote. It was kind of a conflict to me that it violated
every principle of learnhng.

After approximately five or six months the volunteers
stOpped trying to fight the realities of life. They accepted
Job difficulties and realized things would not be easily
changed. However, they could not accept intellectually its

validity or worth.

-71-
figgigl,1n&e:gq§19n.--It was difficult to find a title
encompassing the different responses that were finally cate-
gorized under this tOpic. They were varied and some will
overlap with other categories. The title is relatively un-
important; let us investigate the content.

1) Western patterns p§_friendship behavior ;p_g.pgp¢
western environment Egg subsequent apperiences.

The Gullahorns have stated that a maJor area Of ad-
Justment was perceived by Americans abroad in the ' . . .
general area of cultural divergences in definitions regarding
the rights and obligations involved in friendships."27 It
was borne out in this study. The display of affection and
friendship between members Of the same sex drew various re-
sponses from both male and female volunteers. It also pro-
duced different results. One reaction over a period of time
was:

I had trouble until after six months getting used to
seeing members of the same sex holding hands. At first
you are repulsed by it, and then you learn to accept it,
and then, depending upon your attitude, you start doing
everything they do--to a very limited surface extent.

Some never could accept the difference from the be-

» ginning and felt repulsed by it:

There were a lot of things I could accept but I
couldn't accept that.

Why were these volunteers repulsed at first and

 

27Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, pp. gifio. Po 36.

-72-

unwilling to accept this behavior? In North American society,
as in every society, there are definite modes Of behavior
toward members of the same and Opposite sex which are
acceptable. In our society, members of the same sex holding
hands is condoned ;£_one or both of those involved are very
young, i.e., grandfather'and 12335 grandson or father and
19335 son. If two male teenagers are seen holding hands we
wonder what they will become, and if two older males are seen
doing the same we wonder what they have become. This behavior
implies homosexuality; many will condemn it, some will forgive
it, and if nothing else, it will attract attention. Normal
pOOple don't do this sort of thing but yet the peOple I saw
in this country do this--are they homosexual? The reduction
of the dissonance stemming from these two opposing knowledges
was implied by a behavior change Of one volunteer and its
continued existence by another. It was interesting to hear
the hurried explanation of the first volunteer when he said
he engaged in such behavior but only to a very limited surface
extent. He seemed to be apologizing for the behavior.

Several female volunteers reported situations re-
. garding their relationships to male host country nationals.
These fell into two categories; misconception by male mem-
bers regarding expected American female behavior in reference
to dating, and cultural misinterpretation of friendship

behavior shown by the American female to host national males.

-73-
In some societies the behavior shown by any female will be
interpreted by their own cultural standards. It does not
necessarily result from conceptions fostered by foreign
movies, magazines and other forms of mass media.

It has been said that Americans are very friendly but
very difficult with whom to make friends. People from other
lands say we are superficial and our friendships transitory.
Some will go even further and say we are hypocritical be-
cause we express initial warmness but usually nothing more.
They are right and yet wrong. It is relative--we have
different friendship patterns. For in our society we eXpect
all to be polite and superficially friendly. If the person
does not perform in such fashion we usually think, "Now,

Just who does he think he is!" This is not a question, but
a declaration tinged with indignation. If this initial
ritual blossoms into a deeper friendship, it stems from mu-
tual attraction on the part of the two initially interacting.
The maJor point is this: Friendliness on the part of an
American is not necessarily indicative Of a deeper commit-
ment to that person to whom the friendliness is displayed.

- Anyone who does otherwise is generally regarded as being pre-
sumptuous. We do not like individuals who make demands upon
us beyond a certain point in time, money, influence, friend-
ship, and so on, unless we specifically invite them to do so.

This is not true of many other societies. Most volun-

teers were not aware of this when they went overseas. Their
conceptions of friendship obligations and behavior were
found not to be universally valid or applicable in their
host sOcieties. For in these countries signs of initial
friendship carried a different meaning. They were signs of
a deeper commitment of the self. The volunteers felt they
were being exploited, their privacy invaded; they disliked
being used. Some became angry because the friendship was
thought to have been initiated only for the purpose Of
getting something from the volunteer. Thus, the volunteer's
belief in displaying friendship as any normal American should,
especially being overseas and there with the purpose they
had, conflicted with the consequences of such action.
Nice people don't react in this way to my friendship.
I'm trying to help but these people take advantage of
it. I think this is rude, very bold and unfair. Yet,
most of them do it. I feel hurt and insulted!! What
is wrong with them? They all can't act like this, can
they?
Let us look at two sample responses from this category.
Another thing I can't understand is [thap7 whenever I
extended a helping hand or courtesy they felt by doing
this I was taking upon myself the responsibility for the
person, and therefore [Eg7 had every right to come back
again and again demanding things of me and therefore
would be very hurt and disappointed when for some reason
I turned them down.
. . . you find the top party peOple coming to visit
you. They want to be friends superficially but you find

out they want a transistor radio or want to go to an

American university and want you to help them; they want
something. As soon as they find out you are not going
to help them, well, they leave. This is good. I don't

-75-
like this kind Of person. This happened to me many times
Over the whole two years. Oh, I'd say probably one-third
of the peeple we came into contact with wanted something.

2) Lgpk pg privacy.

For several volunteers a general lack of privacy was
mentioned as being uncomfortable under certain conditions,
i.e., the elimination of bodily wastes in public areas, and
the complete lack of privacy for one volunteer while living
with a host national family. For some the former lost its
disturbing nature and they later became zealously converted
to the particular’mode because it was convenient and they
deveIOped a feeling of ”Nuts, they do it and don't feel funny--
why shouldn't I?"

Consequences pg Education.--Americans believe in the
concept of education as a means to an end. It is a tool:
something by which every man may better his lot in life.
Education has a utilitarian flavor. The amount of education
an individual possesses is §_sign of his capacity and poten-
tial worth. It is not Egg sign, meaning that it alone is
not the only sign. He must still prove himself. If an indi-
vidual does not prove himself, i.e., become a success in his
. field of endeavor, we wonder about the value of the type of
education he received, the individual himself, and the insti-
tution at which he received the education.

Ideally, manual labor is not looked down upon in Ameri-
can society. We believe in the dignity of the individual.

-76-
A blue-collar worker should be treated equally with a white-
collar worker, be he clerk or corporation president. Abraham
Lincoln was a man Americans admire. He is a national here.
By his own efforts, he raised himself to achieve that most
hallowed of all American political offices, the American
Presidency. We admire the ”bigtman' who digs ditches, who
is not afraid to get his hands dirty. 'He is one of us--a
real down to earth fellow.” What the man does is symbolic
of a belief that regardless of his origin, a man may rise to
great heights in his chosen work. The act symbolizes the
belief in socio-economic mobility.

This belief in the worth of the common man in our
society as well as in other societies was a factor in the
interviewees going overseas. They wanted to help the common
man. With this hOpe, they also brought with them concepts
of what the function of an education is. This expectancy,
when contrasted with reality, provoked dissonance.

Several volunteers mentioned the characteristic of
educated or semi-educated nationals regarding themselves as
an elite. Perceiving themselves as members of the elite,
they did not want to dirty their hands by engaging in manual
labor and felt they should not do so. It was beneath their
dignity. They believed that since they had an education, it
freed them from such types of work. They had proven them-

selves by virtue of receiving a degree. To possess an

-77-
education meant you were better. It was not necessary to
prove oneself. Having this degree was indicative of superior
capabilities and education was an end in itself. The thoughts
of the volunteers were probably similar to those which
follow:

These individuals are educated and they say they want
progress. The only way to progress is to work hard--
physically and mentally. Where is the sense of national
unity? They are not using their intelligence to help
others. They are interested only in themselves. I don't
like this. They are lazy and hypocritical.

Political Realities p;fl§;§g.-- The holding of public
office in the United States symbolizes a trust in the indi-
vidual holding such an office. We expect him to behave in an
honest and efficient manner for the good of the public. We
tolerate infringements of this but once in awhile someone
will overstep the boundaries of permissible deviance and then
we have a scandal. Corruption, once exposed, is condemned.
As long as it is concealed and the amount is not too great,
public wrath will not be invoked. We like to think of our
government, regardless of the level, as being honest.
Idealistic? Yes, but we still wish it to be so. Each man
is equal in the eyes of the government as well as the law
and the government should be sympathetic and Just. These
were the beliefs or attitudes the volunteers had before they
left.

The adoption of western institutions, i.e., educa-

tional facilities. law and the courts, and others by a

-78-
non-western society often produces curious results. For many
volunteers these were more disillusioning than curious. The
institutions were a facade, a blanket that barely, if at all,
covered traditional, time-honored patterns of social beha-
vior. The continual discrepancy between the ideal and reality
led to criticism of the ”system.“ The graft, corruption and
nepotism existing and perceived by the volunteers provoked

one to say:

Basically, a thing that continuously bothered me was
the refusal on the part of the trusted government
officials not to use their offices for the enhancement
of their own personal wealth. It has reached a point
that to do anything in the interior had been completely
lost. If a man produces more rice, the more the govern-
ment will take from.him . . . .

In a similar vein another volunteer said:

They have a tremendous amount of graft and corruption.
Everyone gets paid off come election time. Honey gets
paid left and right. This was Just so incomprehensible
to me. This is what bothered me. When you became a
politician, you are not in there to serve the good of
the people. It is known . . . that you are going to
.better yourself. Here in they do it, it is
expected and they do it openly.

'And still another voiced his feelings:

I found it difficult to accept the amount of nepotism
and corruption in the government which did extend to the
schools. Never got to the point where I liked it. This
bothered me. It irritated me.

The Useems have said in regard to India,

The focus in Indian society is not so much on the in»
position of deprivations to the disadvantaged, but rather
on assuring extra privileges to the advantaged; that is,
it is not so much discrimination against as it is

-79-

preference for.28

I would suspect that this is true of the countries considered
in this study. Implications of it were found and have been
given. It is again illustrated by the following: '

The granting of scholarships to those students who
didn't need the money. It bugged me! Especially when I
became involved with some of the poor but very capable
students.

Perhaps the situations described above can best be

summarized by the Useems' statement:

Here he sees what looks like familiar bureaucratic
structures and technological systems but the way they
actually function is confusing. He meets peOple with
professional training similar to his own but who do not
always act in their work roles as expected . . . yet he
depends upon them for getting the Job done. Frustration
becomes part of his everyday language if he finds no way

to achieve fuller understanding of why things which look
alike do not perform as they are supposed to.

Government Operations - American agg’gggt Country.
Government operations received recognition as being a source
of annoyance for many volunteers. The American.government in
general, and the.Agency for International Development and the
Peace Corps specifically received thm brunt of the criticism.

Bureaucratic organizations are frequently criticized

for being too big. They are impersonal and lack feeling for

 

28Ruth H. and John Useem, The Western-Educated gag,ig
India 0 e e g 22. cite, p. 850

 

 

29Ruth H. Useem, John Useem, and John.Donoghue, Hen in
the Middle 2; the Third Culture: . . . , op. cit., p. 13.

-80-
the individual. .1 more gemeinschaft relationship was thought
to exist between the Peace Corps administration and the volun-
teer when the latter entered service. The organization was
young, and it needed advice that would come as a result of
their experiences in the field. They were the pioneers. For
the good of the program.in general, for the present and future
volunteers, the administration should be cpen to criticism.
It should be taken as constructive. The administration cannot
have a closed mind or inflexible policies. Experience in the
field will necessitate changes. These were the elements in—
volved in dissonance stimulation. “The Peace Corps should not
be this way! It is wrong. They lack empathy. This behavior
is not realistic. They really don't know how to do things or
they don't care.” Consider the following statements by
several volunteers:

There was an ongoing conflict between Peace Corps ad-
ministration's concept of the volunteer and the volun-
teer's saying that the image was not important. The
area in which an impression would be made and one of
lasting value would be in the Job.

And,

I felt antagonistic toward the Peace Corps admini-
stration mainly . . . , didn't understand or make much
effort to understand what went into putting volunteers
into the field and general field support.

“Red tape” displayed by the American government agencies

and the host country government was the maJor source of dis-

content when dealing with government.

-81-

Pertaining to the host country, many showed their under-
standing of the reason or reasons behind the ”red tape.” For
the.American agencies only criticism was stated. Let us look
at some of the explanations of "why?“

It took me thirty days to get some material from the
education department . . . you'd walk into the office
and see row upon row of people Just sitting at the desk,
some sleeping, Just passing the buck, Just completely
uninterested in the work they were doing, not willing
to accept any responsibility. Thus, everything would go
up to the Secretary of Education. One man can't possibly
do all this.

And another:

. . . they always seem to have to revert to the top
man for practically all decisions. You Just can't seem
to get a decision out of the lower man.

Seems like some of the minor problems that could be
solved by the local officials Just weren't. But in-
variably they would say, ”We will write to the central
government about this and find out.” I think there is a
fear of making the wrong decision and getting canned.

A lot of their problems are not met with foresight
and they wait till the last minute--till the prOblem is
staring them in the face and then they say, '0h.my gosh,
what shall we do?" They write to the central government.

I became aware of this "fear” in about three or four
months after dealings with several agricultural agencies

and officials.
In.a strange cultural environment with limited access

to channels of dissonance reduction; frustration, dissatis-
faction, discontent and other manifestations of psychological
discomfort sometimes become greatly magnified. One means to
combat this is to find a way of blowing off steam and finding
a scapegoat--a 'something' on which to place the blame for

-82..
your discontent. For many the ”system,” be it Peace Corps
administration or otherwise, might have performed this
function. It was implied by the following volunteer when
he said:
The Peace Corps administration received it mainly,

which I'm willing to say might or might not have been
Justified or warranted.

Cultural Differences Ag Concept 9;; Time.--In India

 

when agreeing on a time to meet, one frequently will say
Jokingly, " . . . that will be nine o'clock, Indiam standard
time?“ It is often said in fun, but it does have a basis

in reality. For in India and it is thought in other countries
as well, the fact that you page. committed yourself to see an
individual is more important than the punctuality displayed.
It is interesting to note that of the ”things“ the volunteers
mentioned as wanting to have imported or adopted by the U.S.A.
were manifestations of this difference in concept of time.
The slower pace of life mentioned overseas was voiced several
times as being a maJor area of difference. Actions provoking
this were constantly being encountered. Let us glance at a
few statements:

It was Just hard to get things done. Americans should
realize that things don't move as fast and they can't
accomplish much rapidly. That Just doesn't work.

In 1h; m Lan a e, Edward T. Hall makes this ob-

servation concerning American society:

. . . if two men have a business appointment in the

-83-

middle or late morning and one of them is five minutes
late, there is no serious difficulty. A simple apology
usually suffices. Though the formal system in our
culture says that one must be punctual, it also provides
for a certain amount of leeway. The norm can be vio-
lated in two principal ways: first, by going way beyond
the permissible limit, so that it is obvious that you are
deliberately flying in the face of custom; second, by
ignoring the permissible informal leeway, becoming overly
tehcnical, and demand$ng an apology if someone is only
twenty seconds late.3

One volunteer said in reference to the above:

Idea of appointments not being important. This took
some effort getting used to.

For this volunteer the individuals who were late vio-
lated the formal structure of the volunteer's native society
by "going way beyond the permissible limits.” The volunteer
was cognizant of the leeway usually granted. In fact, he
even extended the period of ”grace.” Nationals gave their
word they will be there and the volunteers assumed they would
show up not Egg late. If it was extremely late, the volun-
teers regarded it as an insult. One volunteer described it
as follows:

This thing of peOple being late. If you are late it

definitely means that you are saying that the person for
whom you are late is inferior to you. And sometimes they

Just don't show up. This means you are tremendously in-
ferior.

Other Americans ip,Country.-quericans (such as people

 

3°Edward T. Hall, The Silent Lan a e (Garden City,
New York: Doubleday & Co., Inc., T9595, p. Ion.

-8h-
in AiI.D., mdssionaries and others) were a help to some volun-
teers. When criticism of other Americans was reported, it
was stated strongly. Witness these statements:

I didn't like the many Americans' attitudes of
treating with paternalistic attitudes or like
animals.

And,

It is a funny thing about Americans abroad. They are
very gossipy and must gossip about something. They
don't associate with the host country people except on
a very businesslike level: and when it comes to actually
socializing, it is on a very high, diplomatic level;
but in dealing with the people they have isolated them-
selves. I don't approve of this.

And toward the American.married female overseas:

My greatest bitch was with the A.I.D. wives. If any-
thing I have no respect for the American woman overseas.
She has been so inculcated in the American way of life
that when she leaves the comforts, she is lost.

A unique case elaborated upon in detail by one volun-
teer might also be classified under superordinate-subordinate
relations. It concerned the antagonism existing between the
volunteer and his team leader. It took this individual four
months to become aware of the future personality clash. .At
that time the volunteer resented the “father-son" relation—

ship desired by the team leader, i.e., ' . . . didn't like
having to account for all my activities every single day.”
.Aceording to the volunteer the team leader talked continuously
behind his back and yet when confronted would deny ever

having said anything. This was discouraging to the volunteer

-85-
and since he was not able to defend himself because of his
location 250 miles away he was unhappy.

The basic complaint against me was that I was too
conscious of the indigenous arts and crafts, . . . and
this was interfering with my work. But he refused to
accept the idea that I had one of the largest and most
successful adult literacy classes.

It was this volunteer's belief that he should try to
do a Job and what he did with his free time was his own
business. He thought he was doing’things during the non-work
day which would facilitate the overall aim of his Job. He
thought it a private affair to determine what means to use
to attain the goals he set for himself. He believed that it
was not enough to work eight hours a day at a specified task.
He wanted to get involved with the people and their culture
as much as possible, and he thought it necessary. After all,
this was one of the purposes of the organization. He thought
it unfair that his supervisor could neither understand nor

accept the motives for his behavior.

gpgpICountry Nationals.--Two volunteers described in-
cidents resulting from individualistic behavior on the part
of the host national(s). When the incidents occurred they
were intense in feelings displayed. The volunteers later re-
gretted the action they took and it was thought of as being
an educational experience. One said:

One unfortunate experience. This was trouble with a
chief of a village. It resulted from continuous thefts

-86-

from our house. It would have been a fine feather in our
cap. This is in reference to the proJect being completed.
We were being hit hard (stealing) and often. This
happened only a week before we were to leave. The chief
begged me to stay. I said "no" and I meant "no!” I had
to burn down my house because of its unsafety. Doing
this I also burned some coffee trees. The chief was mad
as hell. If you burn a house you must also kill a cow
and I didn't know this. Hewever, the chief did not hold
any resentment and he gave me a bag of nuts. This was to
signify that everything was 0.x. I was sorry to leave
that way after putting so much effort into the school.

If I had to do it all over again I'd never have pulled
out. I learned that this is the way peOple are. It is
not wrong to rouge‘zsteal7‘but it is wrong to get caught.
I learned a lesson. I can't react like that.

A different volunteer described his incident as
building up over a period of time. It was in reference to
his cock.
I never remember focusing so much hate on an individual
in such an extended period of time as I did on her. I
hated her! She was robbing us blind!
Environmental Physical Conditions.--There was one
thing mentioned and.it was by female volunteers. For one it
was merely noticed and nothing more and for the other it was
a continual source of discomfort.

The smells lasted forever. Some of the food smells
were hideous; they made you sick! I guess it was one
of the only thin s that I didn't particularly care for.
Everything seems to have a smell to it.
Widespread poverty and disease provided continued dis-
sonance for another volunteer. He was the only one to mention
a dissonance stimulating situation resulting from the physical

environment other than smells. It should be mentioned that

-87-
this volunteer was very isolated and in a destitute village
and the area had much disease, especially the one he men-
tions.

Over the two years, the only thing that bothered me

persistently was to see a leper. I felt very sick when
I saw them. This was the only thing that bothered me.

I couldn't accept lepers and extreme poverty. It seemed
so inhuman and you can't do anything about it. You have
to see it to believe it. You feel as though you have
to do something but you can't.

The volunteer who made the above statement believed
that every man has a right to a living which provides for
the basic necessities of life, i.e., food, drink, shelter,
and so on. He also believed that sickness is bad and should
be cured. To induce it or do nothing about it is wrong.

As a volunteer he was imbued with a sense of idealism--to
help others to help themselves in whatever way possible. To
see something that so obviously needed remedy in his eyes,
to know that this is what he was there to do and yet not be
able to do anything about it was not a pleasant thing to
bear. He felt he had his hands tied. What made things
worse was the nationals' seeming indifference to that around
them. It did not have the same emotional significance for
them as it had for the volunteer. Here were two opposing
knowledges: First, the humanitarian instinct of desiring to
try to alleviate human suffering and, secondly, being con-

scious of the indifference shown by the nationals; their

acceptance of it as being inevitable, fate or God's wish.

-88-
Return to the United States

Two years in a different social system.often affects
an individual's feelings as well as his behavior. For those
interviewed it was an educational experience, and one that
led them to perceive similarities in peeple regardless of
cultural background. Again refer to the Gullahorns' state-
ment,

With slight dissimilarity of attitudes a mutual
assimilation seems to be produced, converting disparate
attitudes into commonayalues, resulting in an increase
in positive feelings.

The volunteers did this out of necessity in order to
live day by day in the new environment and because, to some
degree, they wanted to. The change, be it values, beliefs,
and so on, is not easily discarded or lost upon return to the
home environment. The purpose of this section is to describe
the initial perceptions of the volunteers upon arrival in
the U.S.A. The same will be done with reference to percep-
tions over a longer period of time; from coming back to the
time of the interview. If dissonance stimulating situations
are indicated, an attempt will be made to describe these or
the obJects in addition to the means by which the dissonance

was reduced. Again the sample is too small to allow wide-

 

31Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn,‘gp. cit., p. #1.

-89-
scale generalizations. Hewever, it is believed that there
will be some traces of uniformity in the findings.

Upon Arrival

General Feelings.--Similar to that felt when the volun-
teers first arrived in the host country was the general
feeling of ”It is great to be back.” It seems as though
before leaving the host country an initial feeling of reluc-
tance to do so was felt. This was followed by feelings of
eagerness to go, once the idea was accepted. Their general
feelings upon arrival were exemplified by the following
volunteers:
It was good to be back!! America is your country and
I walked through customs and the customs fellow said,
"Welcome back." It made me feel good.

I was happy to see the North American continent again.
It was a feeling of happiness. I felt like kissing the
ground. When I saw the Statue of Liberty I felt it repre-
sented a lot of things that you don't realize until you
are away. Americans don't realize how lucky they are.

Let us again refer to the Gullahorns. They have said
that a

. . . soJourner tends to acquire expectation patterns
compatible with his new social system.3

and thus the person might feel

. . . out of phase with his home culture on his re-
turn.33

 

321bid., p. 39. 33Ibid.

-90-
For some volunteers this was the case immediately upon
arrival.

We knew something was wrong. We were way out of it.
All those big buildings, six-lane highways, and people
speaking English. We were Just flabbergasted--carpeting
on the floors, amazing!

Another was hungry and liked what he ate.

The first thing I had was a hamburger, milkshake,
and some french fries. That made me feel good. I expressed
these feelings to a waitress and she thought I was crazy!

Several volunteers were reluctant at first to tell

peeple where they had been or what they had done.

I actually thought that being in the Peace Corps
people would think of you as being a kook. We didn't
tell people. I don't know why I didn't tell people. I
got very embarrassed. I felt odd and I don't know why.

This volunteer was conscious of his possibly being

out of phase and of being thought of as an ”odd-ball" because

of his association with the Peace Corps.

The Change 2; Pace.--The volunteers' reactions to the
change of pace in living was amazing to some and bewildering
to others. Some thought it funny and one was skeptical.

I felt I was back in the western world again. I don't
know if I liked it because it was all rush-rush again.

Another had skepticism about being back because the
change of pace meant a return to an environment characterized
by "hurriedness, aggressiveness, discourtesy and materialism."
By the latter term, most volunteers meant the emphasis upon

acquiring things, status and material obJects. Representative

-91-
of the responses were the following:

I remember the busy corner in N.Y.C. It was cold and
windy. Six lanes of traffic both ways and me trying to
get across the god-damned thing!! I felt Just like a
man.coming out of the bush. Just like the hill people
coming down to -- and seeing a car for the first
time . . . I really felt like a small boy.

I Just felt this dynamic or electric thing in the
air, mass movement and energy and fast pace. Every-
thing has to be done right now.

. . . even though I did travel before coming back, I
did think what I had seen was not quite so dynamic as it
is in the U.S.A. especially. Reminds me of an anthill.
Millions of people moving around like crazy-~everyone
going someplace. The sheer mass of people and vehicles
moving around is a sight to behold.

Everything was moving so fast. There was no time to
think. Everybody was pushing and shoving and in a
hurry.

common first perception was thatof seeing oars.

. . . techn010gy, super-highways and buildings. The
fact that everyone has a car. It didn't surprise me but
Just seeing it again was impressive. More so than.ever
before.

I didn't recognize any cars on the freeway. I mean
it. All sorts of cars. It was all strange again.

Big cars!! 'These were kind.of a surprise. I saw
these enormous monsters on the road. They were so big
and there were so many.

For one the multitude of the products of an industrial-
ized, highly developed society had this effect:
I noticed how many places there were to go and how

many things there were to do. I felt it was kind of
extraneous. It was not a feeling of "too much" in the

-92-
sense of badness but Just a feeling of bewilderment. Can

these people find time to do all these things all the
time?

And for another a sense of alienation felt immediately
upon arrival was implied in reference to what he saw.
More chrome, more spit and polish. I guess I was
pretty much in a derogatory fashion in that I wondered
what sort of place all the little shiny things had in

our culture. I had the feeling that like the world's
fair, everything is being run by industry and no lmger

is there any American culture.

Native Langpage Used.--To hear English being used con-
tinuously was another perception mentioned by numerous indi-
viduals. Some could describe their feelings and some could
not. It did mean, however, that they were home.

I saw an advertisement in English. I felt great about
this.

To hear the American slang again really hit me on the
head. It wasn't a shock but I noticed it right away.

When I arrived in N.Y.C. it was like my ears opening
for the first time. All this mumble-Jumble of foreign

languages--it was all gone. I could hear other people

talking. This was fascinating. I felt as though I was
in a different world.

The language was different. This affected me in some
way I don't know.
.Att;tudes Eypressed py;Americans.--Responses in this
category were mentioned the greatest number of times. Specific
situations were mentioned and generalizations to a wider popu-

lation were made.

The attitude of the taxicab drivers. They displayed a
quite clear case of cultural and racial ethnocentrism

-93-
and almost complete lack of knowledge of .
And thus:

The taxicab driver to me represented the unintelligent
American. Content with his own society, looking upon
everyone else as pretty much inferior and yet my first
reaction was to tell him about it. What it was like and
to teach him. It simply seemed a shame to let such
ignorance go uncorrected.

The other example was followed with a generalization
that was voiced by many volunteers in response to other
questions.

Of all the places to arrive in the U.S.A., I can't
think of a worse place than N.Y.C. I think N.Y. bus
drivers are the worst people in the whole world. This
bus driver was rude to everyone. I noticed the rudeness
of the N.Y. bus drivers.

The generalization mentioned was ' . . . impersonality
and smugness of Americans was something I disliked very
much. Most people here are rude.”

'Insincerity of people with whom interaction was held
and other references to impersonality and impoliteness were
mentioned as provoking irritation.

The change in pace, cars and the English language
being’used were the most frequently perceived ebJects or
things mentioned by the interviewees. For some, it was
seeing these things for the first time from a different per-
spective. The attitudes perceived initially were disturbing,
developed in intensity and also were felt by more volunteers

as time passed.

-9u-
Over a Period of Time

Ethnocentrism.--It has been suggested that individuals
who return from an overseas soJourn will feel ' . . . annoyed
and frustrated by American practices they had previously
accepted.'3“ The volunteers interviewed followed the same
pattern. Definite negative reactions were invoked with re-
gard to attitudes perceived. Over one-third commented
strongly about the ethnocentrism exhibited by Americans.

No other country in the world is as ethnocentric as
we are, so nationalistically smug. This smugness here
in the U.S. bothers me. I thought about it before but
since I have been overseas, I call it smugness. By
smugness I mean complete self-satisfaction and completely
convinced that their way is best for improving things
and there is no other possible way. Therefore, any
other way is wrong. These feelings are a result of
coming'back.

I found narrowmindedness! People still didn't accept
the idea that there were places in that were
Just as modern as many cities in the U.S. Stereotypes
of savage natives, steaming Jungles and bloating tom-
toms have been so successfully engrained into the
American concept of that it is a very unsavory
place. There is much to be desired not to go there.

The question of race came up often. People would ask,
"How could you live with these peeple?'

More specific were these:

I was extremely irritated after coming'back when I
was asked, "Now tell me, after you have been away for
two years, don't you appreciate everything in this coun-
try more?‘ I wanted to go into a long tirade but then
I decided to say what I thought she'd want to hear.

 

BuIbid.

-95-

But everybody was talking about . . . puny little
things about which I didn't give a damn. Like the girl
last night, the new car . . . .

These are indicative of the existence of cognitive
dissonance. The U.S.A. is generally recognized as one of
the leaders, if not the leader, in world affairs. This
country is industrially highly developed and wealthy. This
did not Just happen. It came about through hard work and
the introduction and acceptance of new ideas-~socially
and technologically. ‘A cultural environment conducive to
change was created and helped immensely by the unsettled
vastness of the country. It is a land with an accent on
youth, fresh ideas, movement, change, innovation, invention;
a land where almost any man could literally start a new life
and reach for the moon. This is the heritage of which all
of us are aware.

The volunteers entered service with the belief that
:most Americans would be encouraging them. These volunteers
'thought they represented most Americans in curioueity about
other*lands and other people. /,

when the volunteers returned they were either appalled,
disgusted or surprised at the widespread indifference or
ignorance concerning areas which to them had taken on so
much meaning.

How could the U.S.A., claiming to be a world leader,

ever foster such self-centered, stupid people, so utterly
unconcerned about the real problems of most of the world?

 

 

-96-

How can we maintain our position of claimed leadership
if this is what the system is producing? Blobs who are
only superficially interested in what you say and more
worried about the latest happenings of Yogi Bear and
Peanuts than the millions of other people who can't even
find enough food to keep them alive. It makes me mad,
really mad, when I think of this. I shudder to think

of the future. ‘

I believe in what the U.S.A. stands for, but the
peOple comprising reality are sure showing me something
different! Good luck, U.S.A.!

Such might have been the thought processes of a

volunteer.

Unconcern.--'Nobody is listening to me!" was a senti-
ment expressed by most volunteers. It was thought that the
Americans' unconcern stemmed from contentedness with their
own society and preoccupation with their own small world. It
has been a continuous concern for the volunteers although
its intensity has been mediated by the passage of time.

The volunteers were skeptical of the interest shown
by people when they were asked about their experiences. They
wanted to talk but,

Despite an initial attitude on the part of the Ameri-
can concerning , they soon tire of it or rather,
they stop listening.

And others voiced similar feelings:

You go and try to talk to your friends and there wasn't
any grounds for discussion. When people talked to me
about , I would try to feel them out to see how
interested they were. If they were, then I'd try to go
into a subject in more detail. If they asked me a
question, I wouldn't go into a travelogue.

I would talk to peOple about my experiences only to a
certain extent because I found that people will listen

 

-97-

to you only up to a certain point. After a few minutes,
you either bore them or stop talking.

It was hard for me to accept a lot of the conservative
attitudes people had . . . this provincial thing . . .
they are so unconcerned. They will half-heartedly
listen, that's all.

I did very little talking to people because I thought
they weren't really interested in where I had been and
done and what happened and . . . they really aren't!!

By and large they don't give a damn, they really aren't
interested. They will ask you questions because they
think they ought to. They always ask, ”Oh, I bet you
had some fine experiences.” But they are really not
interested in detail so I didn't tell them.

Several volunteers were notaware that this would be
encountered when they returned. It is interesting to note
that even those who were aware of this before returning still

thought it enough of an irritant to warrant mentioning it.

Individual Perceptions.--Four volunteers mentioned
situations which were reported by themselves only. Two of
these were seeing things from a different perspective.

I perceived the Negro community of my home differently
than I had before. I thought that in some ways the
African was more fortunate than the American Negro. I
still haven't figured out the why yet. I felt more close
to the African than to the American Negro.

I'd look at a steel mill and see it differently. I'd
see how much had gone into that from the ground floor.
I'd seen a low level of technology and how far you had

to work from there to get to where we are today. I felt
someWhat Shocked. e e e e

The ”shock” mentioned in the last situation did not
provoke bad feelings. According to the volunteer it gave him

a sense of admiration.

 

-98-
There were three situations which were reported as
being extremely irritating. Let us consider them.

Different things irritated me. I got extremely up-
set when I would see a woman in a store with her hair
up in rollers. I think I even made some nasty comments.
This is the outgrowth of my conception the American
has overseas. What a horrible image of the U.S.A. you
would have.

People chewing gum. I felt what the hell is the
matter with these people, why do they have to chew gum?
I now detest people who chew gum. It is Just a waste
of energy. This chewing of gum upset me because I never
saw anyone chewing gmm for the past two years. I didn't
think this was typical of the American but I guess it is.

I worked as a waitress for the summer I came back. I
had one traumatic experience which brought back memories
of one of my little boys fainting in class from lack of
food. It drove me nuts to see all the food being wasted,
even at home.

This struck me tremendously. The difference between
what everyone in our country has and what everyone in

has. It was irritating to think that everyone
in our country has equal things . . . and in 98% of the
world only the elite has these things.

The first response probably relates to some negative
image the individual perceived Americans to have overseas.
Perhaps he had read the Ugly American?

Dissonance was implied by the volunteer working as a
waitress. It made her indignant because of the inJustice
of the situation. She believed that all people should have
at least an adequate nutritional intake to keep them alive
and healthy, regardless of the country. She was very much
aware of this and it was the primary reason for her Joining

the Peace Corps. Her overseas service entrenched the belief.

 

 

-99-
Coming back home she experienced something which intensified
her sense of inJustice. This was the incident of remembering
the little boy who fainted because of lack of food.

Americans have so much amidst a world of poverty. This

is not good. It should not be so. To see so much waste.
It makes me sick! It isn't that Americans shouldn't
waste food. Rather, if they can afford to waste so much,
why shouldn't they give more to those who need it?

The Role of Creative Work.--"Those who were able to
become involved in creative work immediately on return re-
ported less intense feelings of isolation and alienation.”35
A variation of this was the volunteer who had something
creative or interesting to look forward to. The waiting
produced restlessness.

At this time I tentatively had a Job with.A.I.D. to

go back and work full time in the program. This was a
period of biding my time . . . I really had something
to look forward to. But with nothing immediate at hand
I became restless, nothing to keep my mind occupied.
Suddenly with nothing to do I felt out of sorts. I
wanted very much to get back into doing something.

General Feelings Since Being Back.--For almost every
volunteer the 'reacculturation' process has not been enJoyable
nor has it been easy. Their difficulties overseas were
largely operational, i.e., the desire to get a Job done
through a cultural matrix foreign to them. Familiar institu-

tions did not function as they were expected. The volunteers

 

35Ibid., p. #0.

 

 

-100-

learned to live with this. Indeed, it seems as though some
had "found" themselves in the host environment. For several,
coming back meant:

I didn't feel so bad about coming back at first. You
have the excitement of comflng home to family and friends.
You are aware of the differences at first but they don't
bother you. It is after awhile you become disgusted by
them. I'd say about two months.

Back at home I was very uncomfortable for the first
few weeks. I had Just too many things to do. Actually
I had become accustomed to the leisurely pace of life
of the last two years. I felt as though I was running
around like a chicken with its head out off.

After some-time this would occur:

I felt pretty much alone. I had no close contact with
peOple. It was so impersonal and I felt bad at times.

And resulted in the declaration of

No! I don't feel at home! I Just don't think it has
much meaning. It has nothing that I would or could get
involved in. I could take it or leave it.

Awareness of their state of mind was shown by the

following:

I realized when I was extremely frustrated that I was
caught between two cultures.

And it continues:

I felt I was the ninety-ninth wheel for three or four
months. It took a much longer time readJusting here than
it did in I went to because I wanted
to; coming back was something I‘EEE‘ES"do. I didn't want
to come back.

The hypothetical syndrome has an element of truth in

it. Every Quotation was taken from a different volunteer

concerning their perceptions from.being'back over a period of

 

-101-
time. Every volunteer had referred to some aspect of the
above. It is not applicable to all in its entirety nor is
it gg§_applicable to any. Perhaps the feelings of the
maJority were voiced by one:

I thought there would be a great cultural shook
going to I never really had this. The
greatest shock I had wasn't going to . It was
coming back to the U. S.A. It was a greater adJustment
for me.

 

 

CHAPTER VI
DISSONANCE REDUCTION

Dissonance, or psychological discomfort, is a common
everyday experience. Festinger says that the dissonance may
arise from logical inconsistencies, cultural mores or past
experience. Another source may be the inclusion of a specific
opinion in a more general opinion, i.e.,

. . . if a person is a Democrat but in.a given elec-
tion prefers the Republican candidate, the cognitive
elements corresponding to these two sets of opinions
are dissonant with each other because "being a Democrat"
includes, as part 3g the concept, favoring the Demo-
cratic candidates.

Perception of reality by the individual determines the
existence of dissonance or consonance between cognitive ele-
ments.

If, considering a pair of elements, either one does

follow from the other, then the relation between them
is consonant. If neither the existing element nor its
obverse follows from the other element of the pair, then
the relation between them is irrelevant.37
Perhaps an illustration will clarify this last point. A.man
has received an invitation to a party and he is pondering
what should be worn. He doesn't know if he should wear a

costume, tie and coat, or casual sport clothes. What he

 

36Festinger, 2p.‘g;§., p. 26?.
37Ibid., p. 15.
-102-

 

-103-

knows about the moon's effects on the tides of the world will
not help him in his decision of what to wear to the party.
For him, the latter knowledge is at present irrelevant. The
second does not follow from . . . and vice versa.

Knowledges, defined by Pestinger, are elements in
that they refer to ' . . . what has been called cognition,
that is, the things a person knows about his behavior, and
about his surroundings.'38 Cognition is defined as ' . . .
any knowledge, opinion, or belief about the environment,
about oneself, or about one's behavior.'39 Elements are the
' . . . things a person knows about his behavior and about
his surroundings.'“° Combining these two concepts, elements
of cognition or cognitive elements are knowledges (beliefs,
values, or attitudes) an individual has about his behavior
and about his surroundings. For purposes of this study,
cognitive dissonance will be present if an individual has
two opposing knowledges.

If the elements of cognition are relevant, i.e.,
" . . . follow from each other," then a state of consonance
will exist. If dissonance does exist, its presence gives
rise to ” . . . pressures to reduce the dissonance and to
avoid increases in dissonance.'41 Thus, knowledge of this
(cognitive dissonance) is ' . . . an antecedent condition

"h1°h 1°3d3 t0 8°t1V1t! oriented toward dissonance reduction.'“2

 

38113140, PO 90 39___Ib1d09 P0 3' “EPA...“
“Ibis. “21mm, p. 31-

 

-lob-

Festinger has thus declared that relationships between
relevant cognitive elements are either dissonant or consonant.
He also states that the intensity of dissonance felt by the
individual is a function of its magnitude. If the value of
the elements is great, the magnitudes of existing dissonance
will also be great. ‘

It is not my purpose to measure the magnitude of psy-
chological discomfort. The questions asked were constructed
to elicit responses which showed only the presence of disso-
nance, not magnitude. Several responses did imply dissonance.
Some interviewees voluntarily gave their'ideas as to the
intensity and meaning it had for them.

Dissonance stimulating situations during the overseas
soJourn and subsequent return home were investigated. What
were the means by which these volunteers reduced or avoided
dissonance, with the end state being consonance?

Festinger says that in reference to dissonance re-
duction, “manifestations of the operation of these pressures
include behavior change, change of cognition, and circumspect
exposure to new information and new opinions.'b3

Many of the statements used are referring to dissonance

situations described in General Perceptions and.Dissonance

 

“3xb1d., p. 188.

 

 

-105-
Stimuli. The elements in conflict (opposing knowledges)
have been isolated there. It will suffice for the investi-
gator to give only a brief resume of these elements. Other
quotations have been used which do not imply dissonance re-
duction. These have been included for illustrative pur-
poses only, and to show volunteers' reactions to different

situations.
Overseas
Change‘ig Cognitive Elements

Dissonance reduction can be attained through a change
in values, beliefs, or attitudes. Categorization in deter-
mining what should be placed where at times seemed like
trying to answer the question of which came first, the
chicken or the egg? The means of reduction were classified
according to how the volunteers perceived the reduction. Re-
sponses indicating changes in attitudes and beliefs were the

most common.

ghgggg,ig;B2lig£.--Beality forced the volunteers to
change in order to 'adJust' and.this meant the reduction of
dissonance. After various lengths of time overseas frustra-
tion became commonplace. Learning'was the most often.men-

tioned type of activity in the process. Through this beliefs

 

-106-
were changed, or added, and consonance was achieved. The
volunteers learned why the government functioned the way it
did and why the people behaved the way they did. They
learned the reason why and developed a high level of under-
standing. With the knowledge of 'why?', a more sympathetic
viewpoint was held. In the area of friendship and social
obligations the following was said:

I was upset at first. How could they make so many
demands upon me? I wondered what would prevent the
entire school from coming down if I granted one student
something . . . . After I realized the position
in that I had, so to speak, accepted responsibility for
these students by my first offer to them and that I
simply had to be more careful and guarded in what I
could give later on.

And another’mentioned:

As far as the guests staying as long as they pleased,
we found this pretty amusing . . . we had dropped several
hints for him to leave but he Just went on reading.

This occurred during the first week. We Joked about
this. Later on we adopted this way of visiting also.

The first quotation, "How could they make so many de-

mands upon.me?', implies indignation and dismay. The volun-
teer was using friendship behavior expectations of one
reference group (the U.S.A.) in viewing and Judging the be-
havior of people from another society. In this case the
other society functioned as a second reference group. Disso-
nance was reduced when he became aware of the incompatibility
of Judging one group's behavior by the standards of another.
This realization changed his belief from "They are taking

advantage of me,” to ”They are not taking advantage of me

 

because my actions to them signified something different."
Concomitant with this realization a change in.behavior was
invoked so as to prevent further misunderstandings.

The second illustration is similar to the first.

Guests at first were thought to be rude because they “ever-
stayed.” It was amusing to the volunteers but somewhat
disconcerting. The volunteer used socially approved means
of indicating the end of a visit. These were valid only for
his primary reference group which in this case was American
society. These were to no avail. Along with the Joking
done about this inconsistency between knowledges, i.e.,

"They don't behave like polite people in our society. Ameri-
cans wouldn't dare to act like that!" came the realization
that, 'When in Rome, do as the Romans do.“ He changed his
belief when his reference group for Judging behavior changed.

And pertaining to the performance of a Job,

I realized after we got into it (teaching night school
classes), the reason why the teachers didn't make a sus-
tained effort . . . they had to teach after teaching:all
day and there was no extra pay.

The reason for the students dropping out was that the
course work was too difficult. We then tried to improve
our program and keep peeple interested. The classes were
too big, too long and too hard at first.

I Just recognized the fact that this had been the tra-
ditional way of doing things and setting up a western,
bureaucratic system on top of a traditional system would

not necessarily change the behavior patterns for quite
a while.

These both.pertain to the disillusionment felt by the

 

-lOB-
volunteer when enthusiasm for his programs waned. Because
of their behavior, the volunteer condemned the host country
nationals with whom he was associated as being hypocritical,
i.e., "All talk and no real honest effort." The belief was
changed when he found out why things were not going as was
hoped. These people were then not thought of as being
hypocritical but were reacting as any person would under
similar circumstances. The last sentence( s) of each quota-

tion imply the nature of the means of dissonance reduction.

Change in Attitude.--

l) The, intellectual acceptance 91 . . . without con-
doning it as being correct, valid or Justifiable was referred
to at some time by many of the interviewees; The means of re-
duction here was not so much a process of knowing the “why?"
of its existence but rather a reluctant acceptance of the
individual's inability to change aspects of reality. A “you
can't fight the system“ and "it's bigger than us" attitude
was implied. Witness: I

I had to accept the situation rather than fight it.

Until then I didn't know what I was trying to fight or
what was bothering me.

This particular statement pertained to the discrepancy
between the volunteer's conception on how government officials
and institutions M9; function and how they actually did
function. This is discussed under the heading, Political

Realities 9; Life. When the volunteer accepted the situation

 

 

-109-
i.e., altered his belief that the situation can and should be
changed by individuals such as himself in less than two years
to one realizing that change could not be brought about by
himself, he was then able to analyze why he was troubled.
His performance was not measuring up to his expectations.
What he thought should be accomplished by a volunteer was too
great.

Sometimes this attitude invoked a change in behavior.

The subsequent behavior was a means of dissonance reduction
by avoidance of the dissonance provoking stimulus.

I guess I Just kind of accepted it as one of the
occupational hazards. In teaching I concentrated a little
bit more on the factual information.and less on the
thinking about . . . I Just kind of accepted it.

Again there is a reluctant acceptance which provided

pggtial dissonance reduction. What the volunteers accept

as an occupational hazard has been referred to previously.

It was their students' unpreparedness to respond to teaching
geared to the thinking process. This volunteer's students

had learned differently and thinking things through was not
central in their particular learning process. The volunteer's
belief in the thinking process being central and most important
in learning was challenged by the students' behavior. Thus,

to avoid further dissonance on their part and also for the
students, a change inbehavior was necessary.

This change in behavior was proceeded by’a change in

belief concerning his role as a teacher. Initially, a teacher

 

 

-110-
is supposed to be a catalyst. He is supposed to make others
think creatively. Through his and the student's efforts,
the student will develop the mental tools that are indicative
of an educated man. These are primary steps toward the de-
velopment and perfectibility of man. It is a cultural pattern
of American society--education is a key to progress; progress
is equated with advancement; advancement is equated with
going forward--and what American doesn't like to think of
himself as going forward, mentally, physically or spiritually?

The volunteers' beliefs about a teacher's role of
catalyst and primary agent of change was reinforced when
they were sent to an underdeveloped country. With them they
brought the belief that their host country needed education
as they perceived it. The first thing in develoyment was
mental awakening and this the volunteers tried to do.

The volunteers' self-images as peOple who would stand
in front of a class, give knowledge and would have students
reacting in a manner showing the development of creative
thinking were shattered. These young Americans had to alter
their beliefs. They could not be agents of change as they
had perceived themselves. They had to adJust to reality and
become mainly distributors of facts. The belief that an edu-
cated populace helped develop their own society and that
creative thinking was necessary for the development of their

host society was strong. This knowledge was opposed by the

 

-111-
attitude displayed by host nationals. They didn't want or
were oblivious to the necessity of the kind of education
western society fostered. It was difficult to accept but
the volunteers learned to live with it. .A change in belief
and behavior were necessary in order to reduce dissonance
and avoid further dissonance stimulation.

Sometimes the change in attitude did.gg§.alter overt
behavior.

I kept on doing the same thing even though I knew

I was batting my head against the wall. ‘A big brick wall.
I accepted their viewpoint reluctantly but damned if I
would change mine. Nutstt I took the kid to a hospital
like I knew I should!!

It has been mentioned before that we think sickness
bad. ‘A person who induces evil or who does nothing to allevi-
ate it when he can is either wicked, immoral or crazy. We
desire action! We believe that sickness is usually wrought
by men's activity (or inactivity) and that which is wrought
by men can also be "unwrought' by men.

Not all people in the world believe in things such as
this. Sometimes sickness is thought to be God's way; to
alter it is to tamper with God's will. Sometimes human life
is not valued as highly as it is in our society. Dissonance
was involved here because of the host society's emphasis
upon the social functions of an individual. The incident to
which the illustration pertains is one in which a child was

dying. The volunteer knew that immediate medical care was

 

-112-
needed. He believed it his duty, not merely as a volunteer
trying to show people what should be done, but as a human
being, and insisted upon the child being taken to a hospital.
The head of the family said ”no" because there was an im-
portant family function in process. It required g;l_members
of the family being present over a period of time. This
seeming negligence for human life--a child in their own
family--fostered intense dissonance for the volunteer. He
was in a dilemma: First, not to do anything for the child
and watch death approach was totally alien to the standards
of his native reference group (American society). If he did
nothing, it would be as though he was aiding in a murder.
Secondly, to do something would bring about hard feelings,
possibly ostracism, by the people of the family and possibly
by the entire village. It would have Jeopardized the volun-
teer's work of the past and in the future. The volunteer
reduced dissonance by doing what he thought he should do in
terms of his primary reference group. For him, it was the
lesser of two evils. Hark back to Robin Williams' statement,
”And it could be argued with some force that to resign from
one's culture is, in.many circumstances, as difficult as to
resign from one's racial category.'“" For this volunteer,

it was not a question of racial category, but of conflicting

 

“Robin M. Williams, 22. cit.

 

 

-113-
moral values. He did not resign from his own culture.

2) Development g£_patience. Whether or not this in-
volves adding or changing new cognitive elements was not
determined. The develOpment of patience is an attitude in
response to reality which affected the volunteer's overt
behavior. The development of this attitude enabled the
several individuals to reduce dissonance. Let us look at
several of their statements:

It is extremely frustrating but after awhile you learn
to live with it . . . have patience, patience and more
patience.

I felt a bit frustrated about these things . . . Just
so much different than what I had known. The frustrations
grew smaller with the increase in.my patience. But the
knowledge that these problems existed.never left me . . .
I tried to overcome these problems as diplomatically as
I coulde

After about four months I experienced some problems.
These were Operational in.nature. I kind of expected it.
I develOped a lot of patience. There was Just not much
friendship among the people of the village themselves.
This was characteristic of many villages.

The elements to which these statements referred were
varied. The inclusion of these the writer thought necessary
because patience was mentioned in.many different situations.

3) Redefinition g; the self. All the volunteers re-
ported that some kind of change had been wrought, by their
experience. Many became aware of the change upon return to
the U.S.A. The following is what happened to one volunteer.
The change was engendered by a desire to do a Job and the

finding of an individual who represented a means to this end.

 

 

-114-

The description of himself is very similar to the composite

picture that was given. This was a means of dissonance

avoidance rather than dissonance reduction for the volunteer.

I met this man from the United nations. He had as

much influence as anybody else I knew. He was extremely
diplomatic. Little by little I began to pattern myself
after him. It began to work. At first it was a game
because it wasn't myself. I unconsciously adepted this.
I had actually begun to change psychologically and my
personality . . . was different. People remarked on
this. It was deep within myself. It was more than a
role. This was of tremendous importance . . . it had

carried over greatly into me. I have absorbed this. I
have changed almost basically.

Social Suppgrt

Fostinger says that regardless of how dissonance has
arisen, a social group is a potential means of reduction.
And ' . . . by obtaining social support for some opinion
the person thus adds cognitive elements which are consonant
with that opinion and thus reduces the total magnitude of
dissonance.'“5

The individual will seek other persons in order to
reduce his dissonance. He will be selective and will do so
' . . . by finding others who already agree, or by influencing
others to agree.'u6

.-. A-

3

For the volunteers it was not necessary to influence

 

“SFestinger, 22. gi§., p. 188.
“51b1d., p. 189.

 

 

-115-
others to agree. They usually had the same opinion(s).
Festinger has referred to this as

the most obvious circumstance in which persons will
receive social support for some opinion they wish to
maintain is, of course, if those Ehey talk to already
happen to have that same opinion. 7

Festinger also says,

On the other hand, one of the effective ways of
eliminating dissonance is to discard one set of cogni-
tions in favor of another, something which sometimes can
be accomplished if one can find others who agree with
the cognitions one wishes to maintain.

Whether or not the individuals studied obtained
social support through the addition of cognitive elements
or through their discarding, I do not know. I think it is
irrelevant. My purpose is to determine if dissonance was
reduced through this means and who or what were the objects
used in such a process. As might be expected, the most fre-
quently mentioned means of reduction fell within the limits
of social support. The mode was that of talking and the
direction was mainly toward others that were in the same

position, i.e., being overseas in an alien culture.

Q3932 Living.--Those individuals that mentioned group
living as being a source of dissonance still found individuals
within the group who provided means of dissonance reduction.
This function of group living far outweighed the dissonance

stimulating effect. Let us look at some of the many responses.

 

u7Ib1de, p. 1900 u81b1de’ P0 177'

 

 

-116-

Individually or socially, . . . we griped a lot about »1
the situation. This is one advantage in living with '
volunteers . . . in that we could gripe freely. If we
had to live with host country nationals we would not have
been able to be so free in our criticisms of the system.
This way we could blow our stacks anytime we wanted to.

I think this was good because it helped to relieve a lot
of your frustrations.

Everybody participated in griping at one time or
another . . . some merely griped and others lost their
tempers and had terrible scenes.

We usually talked about our Jobs and the problems we
had. I'd say that griping went on every day but I
wouldn't say it was a major source of conversation.

When we became resigned to the situation we griped less.
But then we became more cynical. At first we had a lot
of bad scenes . . . fights among the group which I'm sure
was caused by frustrations on the Job. After the first
six months these gradually died out . . . everybody made
some adjustment and learned to live with it. Then gripes
became more specific about the thing that made you mad
and there wasn't this casual griping about the system.

And another,

 

 

Of the volunteers all being stationed in one location
. . . during lunch hour you could get all your problems
off your chest. After lunch hour within the four walls
of the house you could say most anything. And then you
left it and it was through and over and you were ready
to start back again, without any kind of anger. It was
very marvelous. This happened almost every day.

And the volunteer continued:

We saw everyone at lunch usually. We talked about
politics, philosophy and news in general. We talked
about our problems on the Job and made an effort to
keep other volunteers abreast of what we were doing.
This was one of the major ways of letting off steam, I
think . . . and it was a good way.

These illustrations indicate the type of response to

dissonance stimuli presented in the first part of this chap-
ter. They refer not to one or a few particular elements or

knowledges in conflict but a multitude. They probably also

-117-

referred to those not voiced during the interview. Talking

to others of like kind, i.e., fellow American volunteers,
afforded them a chance to get away temporarily from their
host environment. Social support functioned as a respite

and was also a maJor means of dissonance reduction. Here

the volunteer did not have to change cognitions. If he so
desired, the already held beliefs and attitudes could find

reinforcement.

One volunteer recognized the reinforcement process

due to an attitude on the part of a superior. Note his re-

action to this in the last sentence.

I decided that complaining was an.dnerican trait.

the location they had the best Jobs. One thing, they
were reinforced by the director of the institution who

was a national. He wasn't the socializing kind. Be

At

wanted to give the Americans a good place to live, a good
place to eat and when they were finished with their work

to be able to go home and relax. He said, "I don't go

out and socialize, so why should they?" "They are here
to do a Job, not to make people like them.“ ‘At the end
of the day he would go into contemplation or something

and the volunteers would go in and bitch about other

nationals. There were.Americans who agreed with me and
we would sit around and bitch about the other.Americans.

Nonquericans on the Job provided a means of social

support for only one volunteer. These were the British.

For

two others this potential source of social support was non-

existent and the volunteers had to find other means.

The British were here for the money and they constantly
kicked the mental ability. They felt that the
Peace Corps was taking Jobs away from them and they were
hostile. Their hostility created loneliness. I got rid

of the feeling by writing letters home and periodic
Peace Corps volunteer visits. They stopped in one or
* three times a month.

 

-118-
Activities such as reading, writing letters home and
seeing any available western movies were mentioned as means

by which individuals were able to "let off steam.”

Group Conferences.--0nly two volunteers mentioned
group get-togethers as a means of ”letting off steam.“ One
. described the occasion and it reinforced group feelings.
These were negative:

After five or six:months we got together for a Peace

Corps conference and we all recognized, the whole group,
that we hated these people, and we called them . . . and

every dirty word you can imagine. We all agreed at the
conference that they were liars and cheaters . . . .

ch§;.Americans.--These were cited as being means of
reduction as well as dissonance stimuli. The individual who
had difficulty with his team leader sought out persons whom
Festinger refers to, "but it may be true that a large pro-
portion of the persons a given individual knows may have the

same cognitive dissonance which he himself possesses."49

The volunteer said:

In the end, when I was successful in establishing my
contacts with A.I.D. personnel and when people learned
of the problems which they themselves had with this team
leader, it became quite evident to all those concerned
that the team leader had his own personal problems which
was causing him.to act as he did.

The A.I.D. people mentioned below were in the same

situation as the volunteer in that they had similar dissonance

 

49mm. , p. 195.

 

 

-119-
between cognitions. The volunteer found social support for
his Opinion of the team leader among these people. He thus
added cognitive elements which were consonant with his

opinion and reduced the total magnitude of dissonance.

Missionaries.--Two volunteers mentioned missionaries
as contacts with other Americans and said they were very
effective in giving them a sense of ”being home.“ For one,
the missionaries were first skeptical but later became the
chief source of social support for the volunteer and his
partner.

Missionaries we knew, one family, felt sorry for us.

They had us down for supper, sometimes every other day.
They were the greatest American friends we had overseas.
If we were ever depressed, we would go and see them.

Again there was a multitude of possible elements in-
volved which.might have provoked dissonance and which the
volunteers might have wanted to communicate. The volunteer's
preconceived notions of missionaries being sympathetic to
human needs, especially those of a fellow countryman, was
not shattered. These missionaries did provide a means of

social support. For the volunteer expressed to them their

general reactions to the host country, positive or negative.

Living in Pairs.--The volunteers living in pairs
followed two tendencies: first, they were either not ini-
tially compatible with their isolation and frustration fur-

ther alienating them; or else they found each other very

 

 

-120-
compatible. The first has already been discussed as a disso-
nance stimulus. Let us now consider the second. As with
missionaries, they would discuss their general reactions to
the environment with each other and this was usually about
their Job and related problems.

. . . this was a very strange example. I can't think
of any other situation where you have two fellows Just
by chance put into a strange environment together and
living as well as we did. We spent two years together
with hardly any quarrel. We had nothing in common. I
guess that is why we got along so well. We were almost
like brothers to each other. We talked over our problems.
Sometimes we would try to get away from each other be-
cause when you eat three meals a day with a guy for two
years, he can get to look pretty ugly after awhile.

Host Nationals.--The friendship with host nationals
mentioned were close and a source of social support. The
nationals with whom the volunteers interacted were perceived
as westernized or potentially western in their thinking.
Through the friendships some volunteers were able to attain
a higher level of understanding of the society in which they
were living; Here are three different statements.

I think one thing that helped me when I was living
alone . . . was one interpreter I got close to. In.many
respects I thought he was very westernized and we chummed
around together. He and I were real good buddies.

My co-worker and I worked out problems together. We
were completely compatible.

We had one close friend. Actually he wasn't

because we Americanized him so. We talked over

things with him because he understood the way of
life. He never wanted anything from us.

Joking.--Talking had been the major mode of dissonance

 

 

 

-121-
reduction with the recipients varying, i.e., other volunteers,
missionaries, and so on. I would like to mention a particu-
lar type of talking, if it can be called that. It is Joking.
Humor has many functions, such as indirectly attacking the
supreme, the high and mighty and the unapproachable. Humor
in the form of Joking was also an effective means of disso-
nance reduction. Consider these two statements:

We could talk about it and Joke about it and then it
wasn't so bad.

When the two new volunteers arrived we communicated our
feelings with each other . . . . The great thing about it
was that there was a humorist among us. He caught on to
the idiosyncracies of the immediately. When we
‘would start to gripe he would say things like an
and this usually started us laughing. And then things
wouldn't seem so bad.

So sessions which in the capitol city would normally
be bitch sessions with everyone getting more and more

-angry at the situation and feeding on it, not helping
each other, was the opposite to ours. Up there for some
reason it worked the other way. We should be relaxed
after we got done and felt better about it. Down in the
capitol city you would get relief, but it would be nega-
tive. Our sessions weren't so much gripe sessions. We
would get together and laugh about funny things kids did
which were frustrating in the classroom.

Avoidance

Festinger has said, ”When dissonance is present, in
addition to trying to reduce it, the person will actively
avoid situations and information which will or would likely

increase the dissonance."5O

 

5°Ibid., p. 3.

 

 

-122-

The incompatible knowledges involved here have been
cited previously. For the reader's convenience, the dis-
cussions can be found under the following headings: Govern-
mgg§_gperations, Smells, Other Americans $3 the Countr ,

Cultural Differences in Concept 2: Time, and Group Living.

 

Let us look at these statements.

The Peace Corps administration was irrational many
times . . . we Just ignored them.

 

I did not want to associate much with the American
community. I did not get this feeling of not wanting to
associate with Americans until I felt some kind of se-
curity with the host country nationals. You don't
reJect something until you have something else. You can
say to yourself, "Well, I have my own friends.”

 

After people wouldn't show up a few times we Just
wouldn't invite them anymore. Like faculty members . . .
everyone was Just a little late . . . . In the U.S.A.

I would have taken this as a personal affront. I didn't
there because I said, "Well, they have to do this.” This
realization grew on.me.

When the other two volunteers came there wasn't any
trouble. It was Just a personality conflict. Only if a
third person were present could my partner and I talk
. . . . This was the amazing thing. We both had
different reactions to the same things but very similar
interests. The other volunteers noticed this and men-
tioned it. We talked about it. One of them said, "Don't
worry about it, it is Just a personality conflict.”

After we had the showdown, I said I'd try to do my best
to help him by avoiding him as much as possible. Funny
thing is the last six months were the best I had there be-
cause he and I knew what was bothering us. The amazing
thing is I still respect him and inquire about him. It
was Just that when we were together, it was depressing.

The volunteer who had considerable trouble with his
team leader found a source of reduction. Whether he knew it
or not at the time it was precisely this means of reduction

which provoked further antagonism:

-123...

I tried to find an outlet. This was a very strong ‘
fascination among the tribal people I lived with. I .‘
learned their dialect, became part of them as much as I
could . . . this was the thing that caused more friction
between the team leader and myself. I felt these people
had something to learn from and therefore I felt there
could be a reciprocal type of relationship. I expressed
my problems to peeple in A.I.D. and there were others
who felt the same way I did.

 

Thus,

By finding an outlet I didn't let it bother me. I
ignored it as much as I could.

 

One volunteer was living in a society where, as he

said, displays of anger are not condoned. It was interesting

to note how he reacted to this. Witness the following:

This is the big problem . . . there are very few out-
lets and aggressive behavior is frowned upon, . . .
overt manifestations of hostility are Just frowned upon
terribly. They learn to live with this.

Occasionally they break out in big violence and there
are murders. But there is no normal outlet for frustra-
tion and hostility and this retention is learned by the
children at a very early age, . . . this accumulation I
becomes directed upon themselves and is taken out quite
frequently on animals. You'll see them beat animals
unmercifully . . . and this is exactly what I did!

I had no normal outlets, . . . and I am a very aggres-
sive guy. When I became frustrated, I wouldn't display
it to anyone. I use to beat my horse . . . I hated my
horse! I couldn't get mad at anybody. Even when I was
living with another volunteer I could take this frustra-
tion out on him but that was even hard.

 

The Gullahorns have stated: "Those who were able to
become involved in creative work immediately upon return re-

ported less feelings of isolation and alienation."51 This

 

SlJeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn,‘gp. cit., p. #0.

-124-
pertains to individuals returning home after an overseas so-
Journ. It was equally true of the volunteers commenting on
their overseas tour of duty while there. It is suspected

that being involved in creative work immediately upon arrival

 

or shortly thereafter was not so much a factor in dissonance
reduction as it was in dissonance prevention. Being engaged

in something enabled the volunteers to perceive themselves

 

as fulfilling some of their own expectations (here functioning
as knowledges). These expectations were primarily concerned
with accomplishing something. Here are a few examples:

.A month after arrival we were still in training. I
experienced a sense of frustration. I wanted to go to
work, no matter what it was. When we finally did, at
least it was something that had meaning. I think it
came from the fact that we were there to do something.

I was deeply involved in the teaching experience.
This to me was the thing that made the whole thme worth-
while. I got very involved. I felt as though I was
doing something very creative. I'd be preparing lessons
and would get carried away with a new idea.

There were times when you could easily wonder what
you were doing over there. I had a Job to do and kept
busy at it so this thing never really bothered me. The
only time it did was during the first six months. I was
doing something I didn't like and really wasn't supposed
to be doing.

I never really asked myself the question, ”What am.I
doing here?" I guess it was because I was pretty much
satisfied with what I was doing. I had a very heavy
teaching load and I enJoyed it very much. I was com-
pletely wrapped up in.my work.

W 9; Reason for Being There

A rationalization process was involved in what could

 

-125-
be called a legitimization of the self. Only a few volunteers
made explicit reference to it. It is thought, however, that
all those interviewed practiced it at some time during the
two years overseas.

It could be interpreted as dissonance reduction be-
cause the volunteers added cognitive elements that were com-
patible to those already held. They had conceptions or be-
liefs as to what a volunteer should do. Reality, in many
cases, forced volunteers to change or alter their beliefs and
attitudes. Sometimes not only what they were doing came under
question but also the basic reason(s) for their being there
in the first place. The volunteers usually Just gritted
their teeth and said, ”I'm here for such and such a purpose.

I will try my darnedest to do this or something. Regardless,
I d3 have a purposell"
I was there and I Just assumed it was right and the
thing to do. I had a chance to leave the village but I
chose to stick it out. It was because there were communi-
ties like this and our Job was to bring them together.
Also, I don't like to leave anything if there is potential
1n it.

I came to the conclusion that one of my reasons for

being there was in demonstrating that women could come
out of the wing of their father, brother or husband;
could do a responsible Job and act in a responsible
manner. I felt I was accomplishing something then.

Concerning feelings of depression, . . . not really

. . . . We were there because we volunteered. Even

though some said, "Give me a ticket and I'll go," I don't
think they would have.

 

 

 

-126-

Motivation and Selective Perception

The volunteers who said the following were individuals
whose experiences were very rewarding. They had, in a sense,
constructive interaction and

. . . the constructive interaction leads the hosts and
the soJourner to perceive each other as being similar in
important areas and thus increases their tglerance and
acceptance of differences in other areas.5

The two volunteers expressing themselves below said, in the
words of one, "that the cultures are extremely different but
the similarities are in the people." Similar sentiments were
expressed by the other volunteer:

I never tried to compare things with the States. I
Just kind of blocked the States completely out of my
mind. In terms of really trying to do something that
would count . . . the best way to do it would be through
an understanding of the . Anything that would
stand in the way of this I would try to avoid and the
worse thing I could do would be continually hark back to
the way things were in the States. I don't think I did
this at all. I mean, I was never aware of, "Gee, we
have this at home and not here.”

And,

I had been motivated not to go out there and see the
bad. But it wasn't until I really got to know the people
and liking them did I get this tremendously positive
feeling about the country.

An example of selective perception was given by'ancther

volunteer. It is one of overlooking or accepting the po-

tentially negative and seeing the positive. It stemmed from

 

521bid., p. #3.

 

 

 

-127-
proper training, and indicates something of the quality of
the person that should be sent overseas, be it with the
Peace Corps, International Voluntary Service or other organi-

zations that work in a cross-cultural environment. The

 

statement was the following:

The dirt is there if you see it. I mean, if you go
around looking at the dirt, it is dirty. But also,
is one of the greenest places you have ever
seen in your life.

 

Return to the United States

Time alone has been the biggest factor in dissonance
reduction since coming back to the U.S.A. The intensity for
most has lessened and for others it has increased. The
latter stems from doubt that what they are presently doing
is the way to reach their goals. This has taken the form of
impatience. Their goals are functioning as knowledges and_
they are in conflict with indications from the external en-
vironment, i.e., slowness of gaining necessary academic
"tools” and doubt that these are even.necessary or desirable
in some cases. These examples serve as the opposing knowledges.

Most of the volunteers feel at home but with qualifi-
cations. Restlessness still characterizes many. The over-
seas experience has passed but it has left its mark—-perhaps
an indelible mark. Let us now examine some of the perceived

means of dissonance reduction and general perceptions.

 

-128-

Social Support
The maJority of responses again fell within this

category. The mode was talking and those to whom the volun-
teers talked were three in type: non-volunteers with similar
cross-cultural interests (plus several with similar academic.
interests), other volunteers, and host country nationals on
campus. _

Eppgvolunteers‘pipp_Similar gpppprCultural Interests
jgpd_Academic Interests}.--Most volunteers felt strongly that
Americans in general are not interested in what they did or
learned overseas. Thus, many of the friendships that do not
fall under the three mentioned in the above paragraph were a
result of living conditions such as living in the same housing
unit. Others were a result of being in the same department
of the University. If academic interests were similar and
the other individual expressed an interest in what the volun-
teer did overseas, the ensuing friendship was mentioned
specifically.

When the latter occurred the volunteer was able to talk
about something that was vital to hhm. He found someone who
was really interested in what the volunteer had to say. Their
being in the same department and coupled with the above, often
meant they had similar career aspirations, i.e., work of a
cross-cultural nature. The volunteers did not give any par-

ticular instances of explicit dissonance reduction accomplished

by their interaction. Their reactions to this were usually

 

 

-129-
vague, such as, ”It was good speaking to someone of like
mind." It can be interpreted to mean that the volunteers
were experiencing dissonance. Their overseas experience
had tremendous meaning for them. They thought that Americans
should be interested in what they had to say even though
approximately one-half knew that they would be met with in-
difference. They were not upset because Americans would not
listen to them ip,pgrticular but rather because Americans
displayed an overall attitude of ignorance to what the
volunteers realized were very important world problems.
They believed Americans, for their own good, should react
differently but the actual behavior was far below expecta-
tions. The volunteers also felt that it was part of their
duty to inform the American public but this was like banging
their heads against a brick wall! "This shouldn't be so but
I'm afraid it is!"

Thus, through talking to ”different” Americans, the
volunteers were able to find social support in a person who
partially reinforced his beliefs in what should be the reac-
tion on the part of an.American citizen.

The same syndrome was applicable to those individuals
who were non-volunteers but who had similar cross-cultural
interests but not in the field of academic endeavor. The
knowledges in conflict and means of reduction were identical

to those mentioned in the previous paragraph.

 

-130-

Other volunteers.--There were three maJor reference
groups implied throughout the study. These may or may not
encompass other reference groups but for purposes of clarity
the investigator has subsumed them under the classifications
of: host society, American society, and other volunteers.
The last category is specific in content and it was this
group in which many volunteers found social support.

I voiced my feelings of disgust to other volunteers,
but not to my family or friends. These volunteers felt
the same way. We would talk about what was wrong with
the U.S.A. .Also, what had happened in and news
about the other volunteers.

I felt good talking to the volunteers, especially
the one girl. She was my best friend when I came back.
She was a life saver. ~

This volunteer's statement illustrates a typical
pattern. She found an individual who "spoke the same
language." Or, RA person who is in some pertinent respect
of the same status or in the same social category.”53

The volunteer and the girl mentioned were both in the
same group and had similar reactions abroad as well as when
they returned to the U.S.A. .Again the maJor elements in-
volved in dissonance for this volunteer centered around the
apparent ignorance, ethnocentrism.and so on by the Americans

she met. Her primary reference groups overseas had been

 

53Patricia L. Kendall and Paul F. Lazarsfeld,
"Problems of Survey Analysis," Continuities in Social Research,
ed. Robert K. Merton and Paul F. Lazarsfeld Talencoe, Illinois:
The Free Press, 1950), p. lh7.

 

 

 

-131-
other volunteers and there she found willing listeners to
what she had to say. They all had similar things to talk
about by virtue of their being in that country and under the
same conditions. This important source of social support
was removed upon discharge. Although being away from the
environment which prompted finding social support in the first
place, its effect was still present. This was true of all
the volunteers and was indicated by their need to talk about
their experiences. Thus, finding a fellow volunteer, es-
pecially from the same country, was indeed a "life saver."

" . . . but not to my family or friends.” The volun-
teers varied as to how much talking was done to family and
friends. It is suspected that the reason why this volunteer
did not was due to her finding other volunteers. For most
of the others, it was difficult to verbalize the multitude
of experiences they had overseas. There was no dissonance
involved when family and friends could listen only up to a
certain point. It was a statement of fact and all could not
expect full appreciation or understanding of what was being
said by the volunteer. As one mentioned:

My family and friends would listen to me. But after

a certain point we both realized it was a situation of
"we would have to have been there to really understand"
sort of thing.

The following are some of the responses indicating the

finding of social support in other volunteers:

There are several Peace Corps volunteers on campus
and I talked to them quite a bit about my dissatisfaction.

-132-

I am.closely associated with other volunteers. It ,
seems like we all are having the same feelings. .'

It's fun to get together and discuss our experiences.
Winter quarter we got together about three or four times
a week and talked about small things such as trips, va-
cations, about what other volunteers are doing, and so
one

 

.And another with a slight variation: ‘

Occasionally I get a hankering to go and speak with
other volunteers. When something is given on campus or
a speech is given I go to other volunteers because you
feel they are going to have the same or almost the same
viewpoint as you would. At times, the viewpoint will be
a cynical one in that the N.Y. Times will write about
something pertaining to and we will either laugh
at the Times or question what the revolution is all
about . . . . Other times it is outright concern and we
voice and discuss it.

 

Host Countpy Nationals pp Campps.--One interviewee
said: _

. . . there are about thirty on campus. I
got together with them in September. All the time I had
been away from I felt extremely frustrated in
some respect. I couldn't understand why. .All of a
sudden I was with again and I was reacting the
way they reacted.

The volunteer felt at home once he had located host
country nationals. This could be interpreted to be a means
of escaping from elements in his own society as being un-
pleasant. By interacting with host country nationals the
person is able to sublimate these troublesome cognitions. It
might also be a refusal on his part to give up an identity
that was "found" overseas and a nostalgic attempt to relive
old times. Perhaps it is indicative of a process of perpetua-

tion, i.e., a means by which the individual can keep alive

-133-
the past.

Whatever it might be, the individual feels better when
he is behaving in terms of the host country (a reference
group). Doing this the missing "something" was found.

Activity was thought necessary when the volunteers
returned to the U.S.A. If they could relate their experiences
to someone, providing the person Egg reailz interested, it was
a catharsis.

When the past academic school year began (l963-6h),
the volunteers reported a change or the beginnings of a
change in their feelings. They were overcoming the initial
period of restlessness and were in the process of reaccultura-

tion.

The Role of Creative Work

Whether attending school is creative work is left up
to an individual's own definition of creative work. Many
students will disagree. For the volunteers, attending
classes was considered creative if it enhanced the realization
of the long-range goals, i.e., if they thought it to be one
means to the desired and of a cross-cultural type of work.
It brought about a change in some volunteers. They were men-
tally coming back to the U.S.A. ;

When I came back to school I finally came out of my

shell. Even people started noticing it. I finally
started associating with people.

 

’13“?

For one volunteer, activity of this kind was, in his
own words, a "life saver.” It is believed that the individual
avoided considerable dissonance because of his work immediately
upon return. Witness:

Coming back to the U.S. I was able to talk about my

experiences. I taught in a Peace Corps training program.
I felt very good about being able to talk about what I
did in .

I didn't want to talk to anyone else about my ex-
periences because there wasn't much to say.

This training program helped me very much in what
could be called the 'reacculturation' process. The
program lasted ten weeks.

Here the volunteer had peOple that not only wanted to
listen to him but had to even if they didn't desire to do so.
In a sense, the volunteer had a captive audience. He was
thus not exposed to as great a degree to the knowledge which
fostered cognitive dissonance for most of the other volunteers.
Ignorance, apathy, indifference and perhaps ethnocentrism
on the part of Americans were not displayed by many in his
”audience." The volunteer teacher's belief that Americans
should pg interested for their own good was compatible with

what he experienced for at least ten weeks.

 

 

CHAPTER'VII
SUMMARI’AND CONCLUSIONS
Summary

For purposes of a summary I would like to sketch a
”typical" volunteer whose reSponses were drawn from the
thirteen interviews. The reliability of this composite
picture is open to question because of the small sample.

It is presented only as an aid in giving the reader a
general idea of the interviewees.

"My name is Joe Volunteer. I am 22% years old and
am a graduate of University. I maJored in the
liberal arts. I come from a family that is neither rich
nor poor. Ybu might call my background middle class. I
travelled in the U.S.A. and a little in Canada. I had
plans to go overseas but they didn't materialize. I had
always wanted to do so and if I hadn't gone into the Peace
Corps, I think I still would have gone overseas eventually.

I lived in a neighborhood that was all Caucasian--
white peOple. In high school I had only a little contact with
peOple you would call from minority groups. This contact
increased considerably when I entered college. I don't
think I had any different feelings toward minority groups
than I had toward anyone else.

You ask me why I Joined? Well, that is hard to answer.

-135...

 

 

-136-

Frankly, I was very tired of school and the Job I had at
that time was very boring. I planned to go back to graduate
school but not Just then. It might surprise you but I al-
ways wanted to work overseas even though I had not done
much travelling before. This cross-cultural type of work--
it seems interesting to me. You combine travelling with
adventure and you learn—-really learn! I always wanted to
do this but I wasn't sure of how to go about it. I had
been considering the Foreign Service and things like this.
But even though it is a field of growing importance due to
what we call the "shrinking world," I feel the Opportunities
are pretty limited. Thus, when the Peace Corps came into
being, I thought this would be a great Opportunity to see if
I liked overseas work and in a way, to get my bearings on
life. I really wanted to contribute something to the country
in which I would be placed and I think I contributed some-
thing, although not one heck Of a lot.

The two years were truly an educational experience.
I learned--learned and learned! I learned about myself,
about another culture and I looked at the U.S.A. from a
different perspective. About myself, I found this kind Of
work a challenge and rewarding in non-material things, such
as a feeling that you have accomplished something that might
help others in some small way. About the host society I

learned why things are the way they are--at least to some

 

-137-

extent. This was probably the biggest Or most important
thing I learned. We can't condemn others because if you
understand the reasons why such and such are so, you become
more sympathetic and if you do criticize, the criticisms are
better founded. I think I have a much better insight as
far as how important culture is to shaping an individual's
personality. Finally, about American society, I am Just
more critical-~of almost everything. I sometimes find my-
self saying, "Amepigans do such and such . . .," instead of
'Wg_do such and such . . . .” I think I've experienced
something that few Americans have or would want to experience.
I don't feel better than other Americans but I do feel
different. It isn't that I feel like a man without a culture,
but almost like a man with two cultures. I don't know, per-
haps I should go and see a psychologist?

Other American volunteers provided most of my social
life. The people I lived with were the ones with whom I had
much in common. After all, we were all volunteers, getting

the same pay and there for the same purpose. We were all in

 

 

 

the same boat. I did have contacts with host country nationals.

Some could speak English and were westernized. If I could
have spoken the language more fluently I would have gotten
to know more of the peOple. Other nationals with whom I had
friendships were a direct result of my Job. I worked with

them or else we were in similar fields and through the latter

-138-
we became acquainted.

Did I ever feel at home in ? I sure did! It
took a little while, between six and nine months but after
that I had no trouble concerning not feeling at home. The
only thing I missed from the U.S.A. was some food. Like
hamburgers, cokes, and things like this. Other amenities
I missed at times but nothing seriously.

Although the two years were thought to be then, and
are still thought of now, as having been very rewarding, I
was glad to leave. It wasn't that I was dissatisfied but
that two years is long enough for anyone at one stretch. I
Just needed a break. I Just needed to get away. I felt
very reluctant at first because I realized I pighp_never see
these peOple again. It made me very sad. Once I accepted
the fact that I had to leave, I got itchy feet and was
anxious to do so. I Just wanted to leave and go anywhere. I
wasn't so anxious to come back to the U.S.A. as I was Just
anxious to travel. I can't say I was ppgp elated about coming
back to the States. I had a sense of freedom and responsibility
over there. I was accomplishing something and I felt needed.
Here in the States I Just don't feel this way.

I wish Americans would have a little more relaxed
attitude toward life. I wish they wouldn't take things too
seriously. I mean.it is good we are serious; look what we
have accomplished. But I think that we take it to extremes.

Rush, rush, rush!! Hurry up and make money, money and more

 

 

-139-
money. We should be more flexible. We can learn a lot
from society. One thing I dislike very much is
the hypocrisy, shallow-mindedness and falseness Of many
Americans. They put on this big front. I always felt some
of this before I left but I feel it much more strongly now.
As you can see I gp more critical of American society since
coming back from . I'd also like to see closer
family ties in the U.S.A. I saw this in and realized
what an important thing it is to society.

What would I like to see adopted by from the
U.S.A? I think Just some western institutions and attitudes
which I think would help rid the country of what I consider
areas of inJustice. There is nepotism, corruption and things
like that. The poor man suffers. There isn't too much else
I would like to see adOpted. I think the country by and
large should be left alone. If they want westernization--
fine, help them to get it. We should not force our ideas
and beliefs on these people. We aren't perfect, you know.
We are far from it!

I am.more directed now. The two years overseas
crystallized my long-range desires. I definitely want to go
into work of a cross-cultural nature. The reason I came
back to school is that I thought it would better prepare me
for Overseas work. Sometimes, Just sometimes mind you, I

wonder about this.

. .‘

 

-lh0-

I characterize myself as being restless. I want to
go back soon. If not, I Just want to leave and go anywhere.
It isn't that I dislike the U.S. but Just that I learned so
much being overseas. It was dynamic and challenging and this
is a good way to learn. I miss the feeling Of accomplishment
I had there, their easier, healthier attitude toward life,
and the quietness. In a sense I feel at home and then again
I don't. The experience is still fairly vivid in.my'mind
although the time spent thinking about it has decreased as
the months go by. This is only natural. I communicate with
a few of the volunteers in my group. We hash over old times
and what other volunteers are doing. Our overseas soJourn is
finished and this was the big unifying factor. It is past
and thus you can't expect us to be close.

As far as repeating the two years is concerned, I
think I'd say ”yes.“ What I would prefer is something else
in a similar vein. .As long as it gave me the chance to go
overseas and the same widening experience I had in .
I think I'd like to be a little more independent this time
and be able to make a little more money.

I guess I didn't see anything at first that I thought
would bother me in . It wasn't so much physical
obJects that I found disconcerting‘but the unseen. By this
I mean attitudes, beliefs and practices engendered by the
society itself. You become really aware of the discrepancy

 

 

-lhl-
between transplanted western institutions and ideas and how
they function in . It produced some curious results
in , and the West has not really changed this
country. Everything has a thin veneer of westernization
but scratch the surface and you will find the traditional
ways.

It made me mad to see how the American government,
Peace Corps administration and the host country government
functioned. I can see the ”why” as far as the host country
is concerned but not ours! There was so much waste and in-
efficiency in ours. My tax money being wasted! If only the
American public knew!

It took me some time to get used to their different
concept of time. As I said before, they have a much.more
relaxed and easy-going attitude toward life. I learned this
very quickly when they wouldn't show up on time for an
appointment or not show up at all. It didn't mean too much
for them but it got me very irritated at times. As time
went on I realized I was being ethnocentric in using my
native standards in Judging their behavior. You learned not
to do this--this is part of what is called adJustment, I
guess.

Like most volunteers, my Job existed mostly on paper
but it was a different story when I go there. There wasn't

much of anything in actuality and this was an obstacle most

 

-lh2-
of us had to overcome. Gradually I did but it took some
time and effort.

The group I was living with was indeed a source of
what you call ”social support.” I let Off steam with them
many times. I needed this bit of America at times. YOu had
to get away once in awhile. Sometimes, however, there would
be personality conflicts between them and this would be bad
for morale.

The hardest thing about being away for two years was
coming back. It was a shock to see everything moving at
such a fast pace. Everything looked so efficient and
mechanized!! Everybody busy. I really felt 'out-of-it,'
especially when I wasn't busy doing anything. You should
try to do something, anything, to keep the restlessness con-
trolled. I didn't talk too much to many people about the
two years. I don't care what you say, peOple are Just pp;

A really interested. They go through the motions and ask you
questions you knew they would ask. It is a big farce sometimes
and it makes me sick! Outside of my family I felt pretty

much alone.

One thing that shocked me. This is the lack Of con-
cern of Americans for things not within the geOgraphical
confines Of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. They are so
provincial--so ethnocentric. It makes me mad and I feel

like leaving when I run into it.

 

-lh3-

In order to live in for two years you had to
change. I had to learn to live with what I saw. You might
say, Just grit your teeth and bear it. Don't Judge them by
American standards for they have different ways. One thing
is for sure--I developed one hell Of a lot of patience!!

I would have gone nuts if that hadn't occurred.

When living together and letting off steam, I found
I felt better if we could laugh about the things that were
bothering us. It had a much better effect than Just bitching
and bitching. As far as the Peace Corps administration is
concerned, if they irritated us too much, we Just ignored
them.

Generally, we felt all right as long as we thought
we were doing something. It wasn't the heat, disease,
sickness or lack of western conveniences that would depress
you. The biggest enemy was inactivity. This is ppp,morale
killing thing. With little effort and if you are inactive
due to something beyond your control, you can begin to doubt
your own worth. When you do that you are in bad shape.

Many times when the going got rough you Just said to
yourself, ”I'm here for a purpose and I won't quit." You
might call it maturity but I call it stubborness. You are
also helped because you know that you are only there for two
years.

When I returned to the U.S.A. I felt better when I

 

-144-
could talk to other volunteers. We all had more or less the
same reactions. I was glad to start school--it kept me busy
and I think it will help me in my career goals. I also came
into contact with other people on campus who had the same
ideas as far as career aspirations are concerned. It has
been good to talk to host country nationals. All in all, it
hasn't been ppp'bad coming back. I'm biding'my time until
I can go again. I think I can contribute something to the
world in which I live. I hope I will be given the chance to
fulfill my aspirations.”

Conclusions
Theoretical Considerations

According to Richard Brymer, alienation is perceived

as how individuals

. . see themselves in the system, their evaluations

Of their lives in the society, and their relationship to

the society. The idea exists that an individual in the

modern society pgy‘be ”overwhelmed" by the society; that

-he can no longer see the ”meaning“ to it all; understand
its workings or feel that he can exert any degree Of h

control over his place and fortunes within the society.5

Brymer uses Seaman's five meanings of alienation: (l) powe -

lessness--

. . . the expectancy or probability held by the

 

Suniohard Brymer, Stratification and Alienation, A
Digsertation Proposal, Michigan State University, East Lansing,
19a 9 P0 30

 

-1u5-

individual that his own behavior cannot determine the
occurrence of the outcomes, or reinforcements he seeks,

(2) meaninglessness-—

. . . characterized by a low expectancy that satis-
factory predictions about future outcomes Of behavior
can be made [3:7 when the individual is unclear as to
what he ought to believe [327 when the individual's mini-
mal standards for clarity in decision making are not
met,

(3) normlessness--
. . . the anomic situation, from the individual point
Of view, may be defined as one in which there is a high
expectancy that socially unapproved behaviors are re-
quired to achieve given goals,
(4) isolation--

. . . the alienated in the isolation sense are those
who, like the intellectual, assign low reward value to
goals or beliefs that are typically highly valued in the
given society,

and (5) self-estrangement--
one way to state such a meaning is to see alienation
as the degree of dependence of the given behavior upon
anticipated future rewards, that is, upon rewards that
lie outside the activity itself.5 ‘
Meaning number (4) is most applicable to the volun-
teers interviewed. Alienation in this sense was felt upon
return to the U.S.A. The questioning of the place Of material
obJects in American society is indicative of a reinforcement
of low reward value given to usually highly valued or desired
American goals. It is thought that these individuals gave

relatively low value to material acquisition before going

 

55lbid., pp. u-5.

 

 

-1h6-
overseas and as a consequence of their experience, it is now
still lower.

The volunteers believe that the ”American way” is not
the only way nor is it necessarily the best way. With this
belief they reacted strongly toward anything that hinted at
provincial thinking or narrowwmindedness. To think that the
American way is inherently the best way, whether stated
explicitly or merely thought, is something not atypical of
many members of our society. It is a widely held belief.

In this sense the volunteers were also alienated upon return
to the U.S.A.

As a result of this study the investigator believes
that the "third culture" is a state of mind. Its definition
is more psychological rather than geographical. One does not
have to be in a foreign environment to be of the third cul-
ture. Rather, he has to be in the "right frame of mind."

He must be willing to try to attain a high level of under-

standing of the host society; to learn the "why” behind the
behavior, beliefs, and attitudes held by those with whom he
comes into contact.

There is some evidence indicating that the third cul-
ture has persisted for almost one year after the host society.
The changes the volunteers mentioned are persistent and long
enduring. These individuals have been motivated by their

experiences to seek careers which will give them the same

 

 

-1h7_
feelings of adventure, challenge and accomplishment.
"Reference groups are those whose standards are used
as backgrounds against which to test the appropriateness of

one's own (or other's) values, attitudes, aspirations, and

 

behavior."56 The reduction of dissonance is perhaps better
understood when viewed in these terms.

Cognitive dissonance was mentioned involving hygienic

 

standards. The excretion of bodily wastes in public was dis- .2;
turbing to several volunteers. Their Judgments of the acts
seen were based upon one frame of reference (the U.S.A.) and
dissonance was reduced with the changing of the reference
group. They tended to compare the act in terms of what it
meant in the host society.

Displays of friendship between members of the same
sex, i.e., holding hands, was also mentioned as stimulating
dissonance. Dissonance in.most cases was again reduced via
a change in reference groups. Initially these acts were
viewed as abnormal. This kind of behavior was indicative
of homosexuality. When the individual Judged this behavior
not from his native reference group(s) but from the point of
view held by the host society, his attitude usually changed.
He understood what it meant and it did not bother him as

 

56Jeanne E. and John T. Gullahorn, American Students
ig.France (The University of Kansas: January, 1953), p. 232.

-148-
much as it did previously. He experienced a shift in reference
groups. Living in a foreign society for two years was a
challenge for all those interviewed. To adapt meant not to
Judge other's behavior in terms of your own standards but
in terms of the other society and also to Judge it as a volun-
teer should Judge. To be a volunteer meant the enlarging of
one's reference groups--being a citizen of the world, being

openpminded, and being a member of the third culture.
Hypotheses and Future Research

Some support was found for the hypotheses. The indi-
viduals studied described themselves and these descriptions
were indicative of persons who had not yet ”found" themselves
in their own society. This does not mean they had no direc-
tion in life; rather, it meant they were in the process of
considering which direction to take. Idealism played only a
part in their motivations for Joining. The experience
functioned as a “break” for some and a test for others. Both
overseas and since returning to the U.S.A. the volunteers
encountered situations which fostered cognitive dissonance.
Steps were taken to reduce this state of inconsistency.

This was actually a study of American cultural patterns
in a non-American environment. The findings can be put to a
practical use in future training of Peace Corps and International

Voluntary Service volunteers as well as other types of cross-

 

 

-1n9-
cultural soJourners. The initial and protracted perceptions
of the interviewees overseas, including the things which did
and did not stimulate dissonance, give us a clue as to what
obstacles will be met by an American going overseas to do a
Job. He first must understand his own society to some extent
before he can understand another society. The interviewees
in this study were either aware of this before departure or
through their experiences overseas became aware of the
differences in cultural patterns.

Volunteers should be made aware of the value their
society places upon such things as efficiency, sanitation,
honesty, and other areas referred to by volunteers in the
proceeding pages. If they are aware of these things being
different, it would aid them in working within the cultural
framework of the host society. If a person is aware of
something that will cause trouble he will take steps to
avoid that trouble before it happens. Awareness before de-
parture would not only alleviate some psychological discom-
fort felt by the volunteer'but would also enable hum to
perform a Job more effectively. He would have some knowledge
of the channels through which a task might be performed.

A classroom situation in which volunteers discussed
their perceptions of American cultural patterns and the
emphasis the society places upon them could be held in a
training program. The instructor could gradually introduce

 

-150-

examples of behavior representative of the host country and
which would indicate a different cultural pattern. The
volunteers could discuss how they would react toward such
behavior. How would they feel when they realized that this
would be what was encountered? They would have to cope with
these things day after day and work with all the difficulties
created. The investigator believes that this type of in-
struction, concomitant with language study, should constitute
the maJor part of any effective overseas training program.
Perhaps less emphasis should be placed upon learning what is
the American Constitution, American foreign policy and more
emphasis upon what makes Americans different as a society in
their way of life. The former can be learned by outside
reading in one's spare time. The latter usually lies outside
an individual's conscious awareness, especially if the person
has never had a cross-cultural experience. It must be brought
into the realm of cognizance by instruction.

It has been.mentioned that there is an addition of or
a change of reference groups involved in the adJustment of an
individual to a new cultural environment. (A question for fur-
ther research concerning reference group theory would be a
determination of what reference groups are utilized when ob-
serving a different society. Under what situations will one
reference group be predominant over another? Understanding of
the actual process of adJustment to the host society and re-

acculturation in terms of reference group theory would be valuable.

 

 

 

APPENDICES

1.
2.

3.

5.

7.
8.
9.
10.
11.

APPENDIX I

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

Briefly describe yourself as a person before you left.
Why did you Join? What were your expectations?

What did you first perceive upon arrival in ?
How did you feel about this?

Was there anything during the entire two years that you
considered different, troublesome, or areas of conflict?
What were they?

HOw did you feel about them?

What did you do about them?

What do you think you learned?

Considering your entire overseas period, with whom did you
interact the most?

Why did you interact with this person(s)?

What did you have in common?

How often did you interact with this person(s)?

How involved do you think you became with your work?
Did you ever feel at home in ?

What did you miss the most from the U.S.A.?

HOw did you feel about leaving ?

How did you feel about returning to the U.S.A.?

What would you like to see adopted by the U.S.A. that you
experienced in ?

-152-

 

“t

 

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.
19.
20.
21.

22.
23.

-153-
What would you like to see adepted by from the
U.S.A.?
Has this experience changed you or your career plans in
any way? How has it changed you?
What did you first perceive upon arrival in the U.S.A.?
How did you feel when you perceived this?
What did you do when you came back to the U.S.A.?
a. Pe0ple talked to--who, how often and about what?
b. Activities engaged in--which, why and what done?
Have you noticed anything different or feel different
about or toward the U.S.A. since you returned from over-
seas? If so, what?
How do you feel about it?
What have you done about it?
With whom do you now interact?
Why do you interact with the person(s)?
What do you have in common?
What do you talk about?
How often do you see this person(s)?
HOw do you feel about being‘back in the U.S.A.?
Do you feel at home now?
What do you miss the most from ?
Do you think about your overseas experience now?
Is it still of significance to you? In what way?
Would you like to have a reunion with your fellow volunteers?

Would you repeat your overseas experience?

i
a

APPENDIX II
THE INTERVIEW

RULES Q§,OBIENTATION

RULE I The interviewer should treat what is said in an

interview as an item in a context.

a. The interviewer should not pay exclusive atten-
tion to the manifest content of the intercourse.

b. The interviewer should not treat everything
that is said as either fact or error.

c. The interviewer should not treat everything
that is said as being on the same psychologi-
cal level.

RULE II The interviewer should listen not only to what a
person wants to say but also to what he does not
want to say or cannot say without help.

RULE III The interviewer should treat the mental contexts
described in the preceeding rules as indices and
seek through them the personal reference that is
being revealed.

RULE IV The interviewer should keep the personal reference
in its social context.

a. The interviewer should remember that the inter-
view is itself a social situation and that
therefore the social relation existing between
the interviewer and the interviewee is in part
determining what is said.

b. The interviewer should see to it that the
speaker's sentiments do not act on his own.
Don't let the interview become a battle of
Opposing sentiments.

RULE V The interviewer should talk or ask questions only
under certain conditions.

a. To help the person talk-~the main obJective of
the interview is to get the speaker to talk
freely and frankly about himself and his en-
vironment, and there are a number of stock
phrases that can be used for this purpose, such
as, “isn't that curious?', "For example?",
”Why?”, and "Tell me more about it.”

-154-

-155-

b. To relieve any fears or anxieties on the part
of the speaker which may be affecting his rela-
tion to the interviewer.

c. To praise the interviewee for the reporting of
his thought and feelings accurately.

d. To veer the discussion to some topic which has
been omitted or neglected.

e. To discuss implicit assumptions, if that is ad-
visable. During an interview the interviewer
frequently has occasion to note an assumption
which underlies the conversation but which itself
is not eXpressed.

 

P. J. Roethlisberger and W. J. Dickson Management and the
Worker (Harvard University Press, 1950), pp. 270-290. '

 

BI BLIOGRAPHI

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books

Coelho, George V. Changing Images _o_f_ America: A Study 2;

Indian Student's Perceptions. 1953, The Free Press,
Glencoe, Illinois.

Festinger, Leon. A_Theorz‘gf Cognitive Dissonance. Evanston,
Illinois: How, Peterson & Co., 1957. ' '

 

Hall, Edward T. The Silent Langgagg. Garden City, New York:
Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1959.

Kendall, Patricia L. & Lazarsfeld, Paul F. "Problems of
Survey Analysis.” Continuities ;9 Social Research.
Edited by Robert K. Merton and Paul E. LazarsfeId.
Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1950.

Merton, Robert K., and Kitt, Alice 8. "Contributions to the
Theory of Reference Group Behavior." Continuities g3
Social Research. Edited by Robert K. Merton and Paul F.
EEzarsfeId. GIencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1950.

Roethlisberger, F.J., and Dickson, W.J. Management and the
Worker. Harvard University Press: Cambridge, Massa-
chusetts, 1950.

Useem, John and Ruth H. The Western-Educated Man ig India:
A Study of His Social Eoles and Influence. New York:
T e

-h ryden Press, I955.

Williams, Robin M. ”Racial and Cultural Relations.” Review
2; Sociolo . Edited by Joseph B. Gittler. New Yerk:
John iley and Sons, Inc., and Co., 1957.

Articles

Gullahorn, John T. and Jeanne E. ”An Extension of the U-Curve
Hypothesis,” The Journal 2; 300181 Issues, Vol. XIX,

No. 3. pp. 33-117?

Useem, John. "The Community of Man: A Study in the Third
Culture," The Centennial Review, Vol. VII, No. A, Fall
1963, pp. ”Bl-#9 .

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-158-

Useem, John and Ruth H. The Job: Stresses and Resources at
Work in the Third Culture. Michigan State University.

Reports

Gullahorn, John T. and Jeanne E. American Students gngrance.
The University of Kansas: January, 195 .

Useem, John and Ruth H., and Donoghue, John. Egg ;g_§hg
Middle of the Third Culture: The Roles of American and
Nfifizwgsf§rfi_PeE§I§'ifi—C?5§_-CqufiTEI‘IEhIfilEETEUIEE}‘EI
Report given to the—American PoliticaI_§cience Associa-
tion, Washington, D.C., Sept. 5-8, 1962.

 

 

Other Sources

Brymer, Richard. Stratification and Alienation. A Disserta-
tigfi PrOposal. Michigan State University, East Lansing.
l9 .

 

 

 

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