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EFFECTS OF FEMALE PRESENCE ON MALE POLICE
OFFICERS’ SHOOTING BEHAVIOR

Thesis for the Degree of M. S.

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

CHRISTINA JACQUELINE JOHNS
1976

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ABSTRACT

EFFECTS OF FEMALE PRESENCE
ON MALE POLICE OFFICERS' SHOOTING BEHAVIOR

By

Christina Jacqueline Johns

State Troopers responded individually to a training
film designed to provoke impulsive aggression by presenting
dangerous and threatening situations commonly confronted
by law enforcement officers. The troopers were to fire a
weapon loaded with blanks directly at the screen when they
felt it would have been appropriate to do so in a real
situation.

Eight troopers participated with a male partner
and eight with a female partner. It was hypothesized that
female presence would in some way affect the number of
times the troopers fired and the appropriateness of their
choices to fire. The results of the experiment confirmed
the hypothesis.

Troopers with female partners fired more often and
with a lower error rate than did troopers with male
partners. The results are discussed in terms of three
models of agressive behavior and the nature of exclusively

male groups.

APPROVED gin: )4 . Blah/K

Chairperson

 

Thesis Committee

 

Louis Radelet, Chairperson
Andrew Barclay

Ralph Lewis

Marvin Zalman

 

 

EFFECTS OF FEMALE PRESENCE
ON MALE POLICE OFFICERS' SHOOTING BEHAVIOR

By

Christina Jacqueline Johns

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

School of Criminal Justice

1976

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

During the year and a half I have worked on this
research project, many people have offered encouragement
and help, and to each I am grateful; to the members of my
committee, in particular Lou Radelet and Andrew Barclay,
who gave me advice and support; to The Michigan State
Police for providing the facility for the shooting; to
Captain Charles Wierman of the Michigan State Police
Training Academy whose unfailing patience and assistance
made the project possible; to Sgts. Schrader and Doubleday
for their technical advice; to the 89th Advanced Trooper
Training Class of the Michigan State Police who partici-
pated as subjects; to Greg McDonald who invested consider-
able time and energy running the subjects; to the four
police officers who served as confederates; to Brian Amato
of Motorola who offered constant support and technical
advice; to Motorola who provided the film and partial finan-
cial support for the project; and to Drs. Leon Weaver and
Ralph Turner whose continued interest in the project was

of immeasurable help.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES

Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION .
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Sex of Partner . .
Sex of Experimenter
Sex and Aggression .
Arousal .
Hypotheses
III. METHOD .
Experiment I .
Experiment II
IV. RESULTS
Experiment I .
Experiment II
V. DISCUSSION .
VI. CONCLUSIONS
APPENDIX .
BIBLIOGRAPHY .

iii

Page

iv

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page
1. Mean Scores on Factors by Sex of Subject . . 31
2. Mean Response Rates and Error Rates by

Sex of Partner . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

iv

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

The use of women in police work.has always been a
highly emotional issue. This has been especially so since
policewomen were taken out of their traditional roles as
guardians of morals and youth, and given a status equal to
that of the patrolman.

The New York Times, July 15, 1974, reported

The assignment of policewomen in the last year to
street patrol has turned into such an emotional
issue that it is dividing the rank and file of the
Police Department.

The assignment of women to patrol duty has caused
a great deal of hostility and resentment among police
officers. Catherine Milton, former Assistant Director of
the Police Foundation, recorded some of the typical male
attitudes she encountered in her research about women in
policing (Milton, 1972). One patrolman she interviewed

remarked, ...it's a man's job; let's not degrade it more
by adding women." Another patrolman said, "...who wants a
policeman with monthlies?"

In an article in the Chicago Tribune, Sunday, May
25, 1975, it was reported that nearly all the patrolmen on
the Washington, D.C. Police Force who had ridden patrol

l

with a female officer, confessed that they "...still
[didn't] trust a woman partner in a confrontation situation
the way they would a man." One of the officers was re-
ported as flatly refusing to work with a female.

It is in this climate of bitterness that the
administrator must make decisions about the hiring and
utilization of female police officers. He is vulnerable
to charges of sexism on the one hand and preferrential
treatment on the other. This is largely due to the fact
that he has no body of respected research on which to base
and justify his decisions.

Research that has been done in this area deals
largely with issues of performance, i.e., do females per-
form as well as males in certain situations. Differential
performance is a valid issue but another, possibly more
important issue, is how the introduction of females in a
patrol capacity to police departments will affect the per-
formance of male officers already on the force.

A police chief in one city remarked, "The trouble
with women in policing is men in policing." This statement
acknowledges the fact that most of the effect of females
on police forces has been on the patrolmen themselves.

The administrator concerned with the efficiency
and effectiveness of his police force, must concern himself

not only with the performance of female officers, but with

how the utilization of female officers affects the perfor-
mance of his male officers.

Because the question centers around issues of male-
ness and femaleness, it must be considered essentially
sexual in nature; a male group is rejecting the inclusion
of females into that group. Policing by definition repre-
sents authority, dominance, control, dependence, and
aggressiveness; issues which are constantly involved in
sexual conflict. Research on the linkage between agressive
and sexual behavior led me to believe that the male re-
jection of females in policing was more complex and possibly
less malleable than had been previously considered.

The reaction of males to the presence of female
officers can be tested behaviorally, in an attempt to by-
pass subjects' knowledge of how they "should" respond.

The male response to females is so strong, it should
alter not only what is said, but what is done.

The firing of a weapon was chosen as the response
on which to measure reaction to female presence for several
reasons. First, firing or not firing a gun is a specific
behavioral act. There can be very little question about
whether the event has or has not occurred. Measurement
A requires no subjective evaluation. Second, in a stressful
situation, shooting is largely a reactive task, that is,
the officer must act immediately in response to another

person's behavior. There is very little time for the weighing

of complex circumstances. By using a reactive task, the
probability of response mediated by considerations of proper
behavior is minimized. Third, shooting is a task which is
both familiar and important to police officers. It is an
act which officers are accustomed to performing and one

that carries great emotional significance. Fourth,

shooting is an aggressive act and there is reason to suspect

that aggressive and sexual behavior are closely linked.

CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Discussed in this chapter are three areas of re-
search which support the testing of male reactions to
female presence by a specific motor response, shooting.
The first two areas of research, sex of partner and sex
of experimenter, show sex of others to be an important
determinant of subject behavior in a variety of situations.
The third area, sex and aggression, details work that has
been done to demonstrate the connection between sexual
and aggressive behavior. It provides the rationale for
using an aggressive response to measure effects of sex of
partner. The fourth area, arousal, details some of the
research that indicates that stress should produce

physiological changes.

Sex of Partner

 

Sex of partner has been shown to have an effect on
both verbal responses and more direct behavioral acts of
subjects. Gurwitz and Dodge (1975) showed the effect of
verbal responses of male and female college students to
videotapes of a child identified sometimes as a male and
sometimes as a female. The students rated opposite sex

5

children as being more assertive, aggressive, happy,
energetic, motivated, adjusted, and as having a higher
level of personality development than same sex children.
Rothbart and Maccoby (1966) found adults to be more per-
missive toward an opposite sex child than towards a same
sex child.

On a more basic behavioral level, sex of partner
has been shown to have an effect on eye contact, helping
behavior, reactions to crowding, use of personal space,
interview responses, aggressive shocking and performance
of duties by police officers.

Argyle and Dean (1965) found differences in eye
contact between mixed sex pairs and same sex pairs. There
was a highly significant interaction between sex of subject
and sex of confederate. Subjects displayed much less eye
contact in mixed sex pairs and also used much shorter
glances. Exline, Gray, and Schuette (1965), however, found
no differences in eye contact determined by sex of partner.
Scherwitz and Helmreich (1973) found differences according
to sex of partner in subject's evaluation of partner after
a period of high eye contact. In mixed sex dyads, higher
levels of eye contact reflected higher liking; in same sex
dyads, it elicited less attraction.

Latane' and Dabbs (1975) employed confederates to
drop a handful of pencils or coins in an elevator full of

people. Subjects were somewhat more likely to help opposite

sex victims pick up the dropped articles. Females were
much more likely than were males to receive help from all
subjects.

In a study of crowding, Freedman, et. a1. (1972)
found that males were significantly more competitive when
crowded with males than were females when crowded with
females. When mixed sex groups were used, this competi-
tion effect did not appear. It is interesting to note here
what happened in the mixed sex groups. Subjects were to
assign sentences to offenders in a hypothetical legal
case. When looking at the absolute level of severity of
sentence administered by those in the mixed sex groups
"...the female subjects are just about as severe as they
were when they were in groups by themselves, whereas the
male subjects became much less severe when they are in
groups with females." In this situation, it is the males
who are displaying the greater effect due to presence of
opposite sex partners. This apparent male sensitivity to
female presence appears frequently in a wide variety of
behavioral research.

Dabbs, Johns, and Powell (1975) found no sex dif-
ferences in response to crowding. They did, however, find
eye contact and positive affect to be changed with crowd-
ing according to sex of partner. In a second experiment
the authors found that, when crowded, subjects tended to

shift their gaze from a male to a female confederate.

Utilization of personal space also seems to be
affected by sex of partner. Nesbitt and Steven (1974)
found that males tend to stand closer behind females in a
line than females do behind males in the same situation.
Dabbs and Stokes (1975) looked at personal space used by
subjects passing confederates on the sidewalk. Pedestrians
deviated in their paths to be farther away from.male con-
federates than female confederates. There were no sex
differences.

Powell and Dabbs (1974) found that when confederate
interviewers stopped pedestrians on the street, subjects
stayed longer with female confederates than they did with
male confederates.

Taylor and Epstein (1967) observed that subjects
responded quite differently according to the sex of an
opponent who attempted to administer subjects increasingly
intense levels of shock. Shock intensities given in return
by the subjects were greater when they were directed toward
a male opponent than when they were directed toward a female
opponent. Additionally, there was a greater increase in
aggression over trials to male than female opponents. Along
with the differences in the administering of shock, there
was a significant interaction between sex of opponent and
basal skin conductance. The authors comment

...subjects of both sexes facing aggressive females

exhibited far less aggression than when facing
equally aggressive males.

That the control of aggression following provoca-
tion by a female took effort and was achieved only
at the cost of a rise in emotional tension was in-
dicated by the data on basal skin conductance and
the spontaneous comments of a number of subjects
during the encounter.

Borofsky, et. a1. (1971) designed an experiment to
test bystander reactions to physical assault. A dispute
was simulated between two persons in a Iaboratory setting
and subject bystanders were judged by their movements to
intervene. Sex of aggressor and sex of victim were varied.
Males interfered in the dispute significantly less in a
male aggressor/female victim situation than they did in a
male aggressor/male victim situation. They interfered even
less in a female aggressor/female victim situation. The

authors state

The results indicate that, when undergraduates are

confronted with a situation in which a person is

being injured by direct physical assault, they

react differently as a function of their sex, and,

for males, as a function of the sex of the people

fighting.
Again, as in the Freedman study, males are being strongly
affected by the sex of the participants in the situation,
much more so than females.

Borden (1975) explored the significance of observers

on subject's behavior and found that subjects observed by a
male chose shock intensities for their partners that were
significantly higher than those chosen by female observed

subjects. After the observers left and subjects continued

alone, male observed subjects decreased their shock

10

intensities and female observed subjects increased their
shock intensities. Borden concludes
...the presence of observers serves to reduce an
otherwise important determinant of aggression, the
behavior of the opponent.
He explains the results, however, as an artifact of the
subject's perception of the behavior that will be considered
appropriate by the observer. He maintains that the sex
of the observer is used as a clue to his beliefs about
aggression.

Jaffey, Malamuth, Feingold and Feshbach (1974)
found that sexually aroused and non-aroused subjects tended
to administer more intense shocks to members of the opposite
sex than to members of the same sex.

Sex of partner effects have been demonstrated in
police literature. A study conducted in Washington, D.C.
(Bloch and Anderson, 1974) and published by the Police
Foundation, showed officer's behavior to be significantly
affected by sex of observer. During one phase of the
project, male and female observers rode in patrol cars
with officers. The sex of the observer had a significant
effect on the behavior in which the officers engaged.

With female observers, both male and female officers tended
to initiate more non-traffic incidents (stopping to talk
with an adult) than they did with a male observer. With

a male observer, females tended to make more traffic stops

than they did with a female observer. Male and female

11

officers had significantly more incidents per tour with a
female observer than with a male observer.

Weldy (1976) discusses the effect of female pre-
sence on the Dayton Ohio Police Force. Finding male part-
ners for the females was difficult, but after six months

In almost every case, the attitude, enthusiasm,
behavior, and general performance of the field
training officer improved markedly.
The men themselves noticed the changes and agreed
that the changes were due to the 'chemistry' be-
tween male and female.
Weldy asserts that male officers very rarely talk about
positive police work. The conversation in the police car
usually revolves around areas of common interest, sex,
sports, politics, management criticism, and war stories.

He maintains, that with a female partner, common ground

is narrowed and topics gradually shift to positive police

work.

Sex of Experimenter

 

Sex of experimenter has been shown to have an effect
on verbal behavior as well as motor behavior and phys-
iological process. Benney, Riesman and Star (1956) found
that different combinations of interviewer and respondent
sex produced different responses to a mental health survey.
Walters, Shurley and Parsons (1962) found a small effect
for sex of interviewer on responses given to questions about

an underwater sensory deprivation experiment, especially if

12

the information being elicited was sexual in nature.
Walters, Parsons and Shurley (1964) replicated the 1962
experiment and found an even stronger and significant
effect.

Binder, McConnell and Sjoholm (1957), Sarason
(1962), and Sarason and Harmatz (1965) found a significant
effect for sex of experimenter in a verbal conditioning
situation. Ferguson and Buss (1960), however, found no
effect for sex of experimenter on verbal conditioning and
maintained that the aggression of the experimenter rather
than sex was the variable affecting responses. Sarason
and Minard (1963) found sex of experimenter to interact
with the hostility of the subject on responses to verbal
conditioning.

Studies involving sex of experimenter and projective
test responses show mixed findings. Overt and covert
sexual responses on the Rorschach have been found to be
affected by sex of experimenter (Curtis and Wolf, 1951;
Milner and Moses, 1974). Alden and Benton (1951), however,
found no effect for the sex of the experimenter on the
Rorschach.

Garfield, Blek and Melker (1952) found no effect
for sex of experimenter on responses to the TAT, but
Barclay (1970) found sex of experimenter to influence the
imagery on TAT protocols of subjects who were previously

aggressively aroused.

l3

Holtzman (1952) on the Draw-A-Person Test found
that none of his judges could predict any better than chance
the sex of experimenter.

Sex of experimenter has been shown to have an effect
on the performance of a simple motor task for children
(Gertirtz and Baer, 1958; Stevenson, 1961; Stevenson and
Knight, 1962; Stevenson, Keen, and Knights, 1963; Hill and
Stevenson, 1965; and Montanelli and Hill, 1969) and for
adults (Stevenson and Allen, 1964; Singer and Llewellyn,
1973). In all these studies, a cross sex effect was
established. Subjects performed best when reinforced by an
experimenter of the opposite sex. Even under conditions
where the experimenter was only very minimally interacting
with the subject, Stevenson, Keen and Knight (1963) found
an effect for sex of experimenter and Stevenson and Allen
(1964) found an interaction between sex of experimenter
and sex of subject.

In a study based solely on physiological responses,
Fisher and Kotses (1974) found that sex of experimenter
had a significant effect on basal skin conductance levels.
Subjects in the female experimenter condition, had signif-
icantly higher basal conductance levels than those subjects
in the male experimenter condition. The interaction between
sex of experimenter and sex of subject was also significant.
This interaction was largely due to differences between the

male subjects serving in the female experimenter condition

14

and all other groups. Again, males appear to be more
sensitive to the presence of opposite sex others than are
females.

Sex of others, then, has been shown to have an
effect on several types of behavior in various circum-
stances. Sex of experimenter has been shown to affect
interview responses, verbal conditioning, projective test
responses, performance of simple motor tasks, and basal
skin conductance. Sex of partner affects verbal attribu-
tion of traits to children, permissiveness toward children,
helping behavior, responses to crowding, use of personal
space, eye contact, interview responses, aggressive admin-
istering of shock and performance of police officers in the
field. Additionally, in several of these studies the most
important reaction to opposite sex others was displayed by

males in reaction to females.

Sex and Aggression

 

An aggressive behavior, shooting was chosen for
measurement of the effect of female presence primarily be-
cause of the connection between sexual and aggressive be-
havior which would suggest than an aggressive act might be
most influenced by sex of others.

Animal studies provide evidence that painful
stimulation can selectively evoke sexual as well as aggres-

sive responses. Caggiula and Eibergen (1969) observed a

15

greatly increased incidence of copulation in response to
electric shock applied to the tails of rats. Other be-
haviors such as feeding, drinking, gnawing, and nest
building were not found to be affected by tail shock. This
evidence suggests that these two kinds of behavior may
somehow be intimately linked to each other. MacLean (1965)
has suggested that the linkage may be due to the proximity
and possible overlap of the neural systems within the brain
responsible for sexual and aggressive behavior.

The best documented findings in this area on the
human level have dealt with fantasy responses to the Thematic
Apperception Test (Clark, 1953; Barclay and Haber, 1965;
and Barclay, 1969, 1970, 1971). Clark (1953) demonstrated
that sexual arousal of males, in a situation considered
appropriate to its expression, led to a parallel increase
in hostile feelings. Barclay (1971) found that sexual
arousal caused an increase in aggressive motives in both
sexes. Exploring the converse proposition, Barclay and
Haber (1965) and Barclay (1969, 1970, 1971) showed that an
increase in aggressive motivation leads to an increase in
sexual motivation.

Beit—Hallahmi (1971) working with male prison in-
mates, found a strong correlation between the expression of
sexual and aggressive fantasies. There was a greater
likelihood that in response to TAT protocols, sexual imagery
would be elicited on aggressive pictures and aggressive

imagery on sexual pictures.

16

Using shock intensity as a measure of aggression,
Baron (1974) hypothesized that erotic stimuli would produce
an increase in subsequent aggression in previously angered
subjects, but have no effect on non-angered subjects. His
results showed otherwise
...heightened sexual arousal was highly effective
in inhibiting subsequent aggression by subjects in
the angered group, but failed to influence signif-
icantly the strength of such behavior on the part
of subjects in the non-angered condition.
Baron cites Barclay (1970) in offering an explana-
tion for these findings.
...it seems possible that any increments in aggres—
sive motivation experienced by subjects in the
anger aroused group as a result of exposure to the
erotic stimuli summated with their existing instiga-
tion to aggression, and so caused them to define
their level of anger toward the victim as in-
appropriately high.
Jaffey, et. al. (1974) attempted to investigate
'the relationship between sexual and subsequent aggressive
behavior. Experimental subjects read a series of erotic
passages while controls read science fiction. Control and
experimental groups reported no substantial differences in
aggression on a mood scale. However, subjects exposed to
erotic material delivered significantly more intense shocks
to partners than did those exposed to neutral reading

material. Jaffey concludes that the results ...offer
further empirical support for the existence of a connection
between sex and aggression."

Borden (1974) found that subjects observed by a-

male choose significantly higher shock intensities for

17

their opponents than did males observed by females. This
was not affected by the opponent's responses. When the
observers left, there was a reduction in intensity of shock
after the removal of the female observer, but this change
did not reach significance. Borden interprets this effect
not as a reaction specifically to sex of the participants,
but as an information process, sex giving information about
behavior which will be approved of. He states

...when an individual has an opportunity to aggress

and he is in the presence of others, he will use

whatever information is available concerning the

observer's values and expectations in order to
maximize the probability of favorable evaluation.

Borden's followup study supports this contention. Male
and female observers were presented as being either
aggressive (members of the school karate team) or pacif-
'istic (members of a peace organization). ‘Male subjects
responded with significantly higher shock intensities when
observed by aggressive observers than when observed by a
pacifistic observer. When observers left, the subjects
observed by the_aggressive observer decreased greatly their
shock intensities, those with pacifistic observers increased
aggression slightly. In both groups, those observed by
males tended to choose higher shock intenstities than those
observed by females. Those differences, however, only
approached significance.

The findings of Donnerstein, et. a1. (1975) should

help to clarify the Borden results. In this study, subjects

18

exposed to different levels of erotic pictures showed dif-
ferences in aggressive arousal in an insult situation.

The authors maintain that the effect of erotic stimuli
tends to depend on the arousal level produced by the
stimuli and the order of stimulus and anger arousal.

Highly erotic stimuli facilitates aggression; mildly erotic
stimuli inhibits it. The stimuli used in the Borden study
would be considered mildly erotic.

Cantor, Zillman and Bryant (1975) found that male
subjects in a physiological arousal state brought about by
exercise responded with differing degrees of reported
sexual arousal after viewing an erotic film depending on
whether or not they still believed they were experiencing
physiological excitement due to the exercise. Those sub-
jects experiencing arousal and convinced they were not,
reported significantly higher levels of sexual arousal
than subjects recognizing their physiological arousal and
the subjects not experiencing arousal. This finding
supports Barclay's contention that subjects will suppress
the effects of arousal they define as inappropriately high.

Because of the evidence of a connection between
sexual and aggressive behavior, shooting responses were

measured in the presence of same and opposite sex partners.

Arousal
There is evidence to expect that arousal whether

sexual, aggressive or some other sort of arousal will lead

19

to differences in the particular response chosen for mea-
surement, shooting behavior. Most of it is gathered
from studies showing that arousal affects physiological
process.

Berkowitz and Buck (1964) found significant changes
in systolic blood pressure as a result of aggressive
arousal. Geen and O'Neal (1969) found that even though
there were no significant differences in reported anger
levels, male subjects given external aggressive cues
(violent film) and arousal (white noise) delivered signif-
icantly more shocks to their partners than subjects not
aroused and not exposed to aggressive cues.

Hokanson and Shelter (1961), Hokanson and Burgess
(1962), and Hokanson, Burgess and Cohen (1963) found that
frustration produced significant increases in systolic
blood pressure. Hokanson and Burgess (1962) found heart
rate to be significantly elevated by frustration.

An article in the FBI Bulletin, January 1975,

 

reveals popular interest in arousal and its effects on
performance. The authors acknowledge that the lack of
realism in firearms training is due in large part to the
lack of emotional arousal of the officers.
...when facing an adversary who the officer feels
intends to ki 1 him, he will likely find himself
confronted with an entirely different set of
circumstances than he was exposed to in training.

The officer in this circumstance will be forced to fire

under severe emotional stress. Physical stress greatly

20

affects small muscle groups in the hands and fingers.

Products of this stress - rapid heart beat,

hurried and irregular breathing, and muscle

tremors - combine to make accurate shooting

under these conditions extremely difficult.
The FBI has organized a training unit specifically designed
to familiarize the officers with problems encountered
while shooting under stress. Experienced officers run a
course and then fire on command. All but the most
physically fit officers have great decreases in profi-
ciency.

Often, emotional arousal especially in response to
danger, is conceived of as a preparation of the body to
either fight or escape danger. Martin Reiser, a clinical
psychologist who frequently writes articles for the popular
police journals, describes the physiological effects of
covert arousal for fight or flight (Reiser, 1976).

...arousal for fight or flight is often inappro-
priate and leads to increased heart rate, eleva-
tion of blood pressure secretion of adrenalin and
other hormones, mobilizations of glucose and
fatty acids, and numerous other responses which
prepare the organism for violent muscular excita-
tion.
There is reason to expect, therefore, that arousal from
the film or from the presence of a partner will affect

physiological responses such as heart rate and blood

pressure.

21

Hypotheses

 

Based on research demonstrating the effects of
female presence on male behavior in other areas, the
connections between sexual and aggressive behavior, and
the effects of arousal on physiological process and motor
response, it was hypothesized that:

l) troopers participating in the exercise with a
female partner would display shooting responses different
from troopers participating with male partners.

2) troopers participating in the exercise with a
female partner would display different physiological re-
sponses such as pulse rate and blood pressure.

3) attitudes about females in policing would differ
according to the sex of the partner.

In an effort to get a better understanding of
attitudes about women in policing and to see if female
presence would affect expressed attitudes, a questionnaire
was administered to students in two classes offered by'a
criminal justice department. The hypothesis was that:

l) the sex of the experimenter administering the

questionnaire would affect the responses of the subjects.

CHAPTER III
METHOD

Experiment I

 

The Questionnaire: In May of 1974, the Police

Foundation published a volume called Policewomen on Patrol:

 

Final Report. Quoted in that publication were excerpts

 

from interviews conducted with police officers to assess
their attitudes about women in police work. Statements
from those interviews which seemed to reflect common
attitudes about women in policing were chosen and classified
into five categories: (1) Positive - statements reflecting
a general approval of women in police work, (2) Qualified
Positive - statements reflecting the view that women were
useful in policework, but only in limited roles, (3) Neutral -
statements emphasizing equality, i.e., women should be
hired by the same standards and treated equally, (4) Qual-
ified Negative - statements criticizing women in policing
but not rejecting them outright, and (5) Negative - state-
ments reflecting the position that females should not be
used in police work at all.

The statements were randomized and subjects were
asked to indicate their degree of agreement or disagree-

ment with each statement.
22

23

Subjects: Two undergraduate classes in the School
of Criminal Justice were chosen for study. .Both classes
were basic Criminal Justice core courses, one in
Criminology and the other in a Senior Seminar. Each class
contained regular college age students as well as Criminal
Justice practitioners. There were a total of 116 students
in both classes.

Experimenters: A male and a female graduate student
acted as the experimenters. E's were matched in terms of
their dress to minimize their being identified as either
"student-types” or "practitioner-types". The male wore a
suit and the female wore a business dress.

Procedure: The male E in one class and the female
E in another, was introduced by the instructor as a graduate
student working on a master's thesis involving attitudes
about women in policing. E distributed the questionnaires
and remained in the room until all students had completed
them. E answered any questions that were asked and was
generally friendly, but avoided prolonged interaction with

members of the class.

Experiment II

 

The Film: Motorola has produced two training films
for law enforcement agencies which deal with the decision
of the police officer to shoot or refrain from shooting in

an armed confrontation with a civilian. The films are

24

designed to teach the officer to recognize cues which might
warn of the potentiality of such an armed confrontation

and to respond appropriately by either shooting or holding
fire. 0f the two films, the more recent, Shoot/Don't Shoot
II, was chosen for use in this experiment. In this film,
eighteen simulations (filmed as though the officer were
actually seeing them, "through the eyes of the viewer")

are presented. Each simulation leads up to a point of
climax where a shoot/no shoot decision must be made by the
officer. A beep warns him a few seconds before the end of
each sequence to be prepared to make that decision by
actually shooting his weapon or holding his fire.

The officer is instructed to imagine himself as
being involved in these simulations and to fire his weapon
(loaded with blanks) directly at the screen when he feels
it would be appropriate to do so in a real situation.

The simulations depict situations in which an
officer's life might be threatened. The officer's task
is to determine whether the threat is real or circum-
stantial and it is stressed that a mistake could be fatal
to himself in some instances, or to an innocent citizen
in others. The film, therefore, serves a double function,
it (1) creates a state of tension and involvement, and
(2) provides a situation to which the officer can attribute
any arousal that might be caused by the presence of the

partner.

25

Subjects: The Michigan State Police have an Academy
where all of their recruits are trained. After a year of
road experience, troopers are required to return to the
Training Academy for a month's retraining, or 'retreading'
as they call it. The 89th Advanced Trooper Training Class
was returning for the training in April of 1976. The 89th
was selected for use because (1) the troopers had not seen
the Motorola Shoot/Don't Shoot film, and (2) they had not
worked with female partners on the road. All troopers were
sent a letter before the retraining school began, inviting
them to participate in an exercise during the training
session which was designed to test their reactions under
stress.

When the troopers arrived to the Training Academy,
a representative from Motorola (male) spoke to them and
recruited them as subjects. He told them that Motorola,
in conjunction with the Criminal Justice Department at
Michigan State University, was conducting research designed
to assess the reactions of police officers under stress.
"This research was directed toward the developing by
Motorola of a new stress training program.

Confederates: Two male and two female police
officers of about the same age as the troopers were hired
as confederates. Students from Michigan State were used
as practice subjects. They practiced with the con-

federates until the confederates could respond to the film

 

4‘ . On',
_,.T

 

rung:

26

by shooting on the correct sequences without leading the
responses of the subjects.

Procedure: The Experimenter, a male training
officer from the East Lansing Police Department, met the
trooper and ushered him into the experimental setting.
The room.was a large 30' by 60' garage attached to the
Training Academy and used to store equipment. This room
was selected because it gave an impression of open space
and danger. All the sessions were run at night and the
dark open room was more imposing than a classroom would
have been.

The subject was seated at a small table while E
took his blood pressure and pulse. The confederate,
observing from a hidden window, entered the experimental
room just when E had completed the blood pressure.

E: ”Hi, I didn't expect you to come this early."

C: ”Oh, sorry I

 

E: ”Well, since you're here, we might as well

run the two of you together, unless you
(the trooper) have any objections."

None of the troopers objected and B then intro—
duced them. E used the interruption as an excuse to take
the trooper's pulse and blood pressure again. He then
asked the trooper to stand on a tape mark on the floor and
took the blood pressure and pulse of the confederate.

E positioned the confederate across from the

trooper at a distance of about five feet. He explained

27

that he was going to show the Motorola Shoot/Don't Shoot
film and asked if they had seen it. None of the troopers
had seen it and the confederates indicated that they had
not either. E then explained that the guns to be used
were on a table between and slightly behind them and were
loaded with blanks. He showed them the cartridges for re-
loading. The subjects were told that they were to fire
directly at the screen when they felt it would be appro-
priate to do so in a real situation. The two were told to
imagine themselves as partners, but that their responses
would be scored individually. E explained that the film
would give them all further instructions. E answered any
questions that were asked, and started the film.

E scored shooting responses from the back of the
room by marking each sequence on which the trooper fired.
The author also scored responses from an observation
window hidden from the subject. There was almost perfect
agreement between the two sets of scores except, as happened
on a few shots, the trooper raised his gun to fire and the
gun misfired. While E could hear the sound of the hammer
striking, the author could not. These instances were
scored as shoots.

When the film was over, E again measured the trooper's
pulse and blood pressure. He asked the confederate to sit
down and wait for him to return and escourted the trooper

into a classroom across the hall. He gave the trooper a

28

questionnaire to complete and told him that it was very
important that he not tell the other troopers anything about
the experiment. The questionnaire was designed to measure
reported arousal level, and to measure attitudes about women
in policing. The second part of the questionnaire was an
expanded version of the questionnaire used in Experiment I.
Eight troopers were run with female partners,
eight with male partners and five troopers were run alone.
The five responding alone were later dropped from the

analysis.

CHAPTER IV
RESULTS

Experiment I

 

A factor analysis of the items in the attitude
questionnaire yielded four major factors which together
accounted for 73% of the variance. Factor 1 was the most
powerful, accounting for 48% of the variance; the other
three factors added an additional 26% to the amount of
the total variance accounted for.

Using items with a loading of .25 or higher, the
four factors were interpreted as follows. Factor 1,
Limited Role, is related to the idea that females should
have a strictly non-patrol function in policing. Patrol
work seems to be defined as an essentially masculine and
physical task. Women are not thought physically or
emotionally capable of handling the responsibilities. An
example of the statements in this factor is: ”Women should
be taken out of regular uniformed patrol and allowed to do
the jobs they are better suited for." Factor 2, Equality,
reflects the view that there should be equality in hiring,
training, and in the assigning of duties between male and

female police officers. The item loading most highly on

29

30

this factor is: "For hiring purposes, women should be
required to meet the same physical standards as men."
Factor 3, Trait Advantage, measures the attitude that
certain traits, considered to be characteristically
feminine, particularly suit women for police work. An
example of the items in this factor is: "I think that
women are more likely than men to try to reason rather
than threaten." Factor 4, Anti-Female, is composed of a
whole host of statements that are related only in that
they stress negative attitudes about having females in
police work. Typical of the items in this factor is:
"Most women panic easily and have neither the courage nor
the physical strength to make an arrest unless they are
backed up by a man." A complete list of the items in the
factors and their rotated factor loadings are listed in
Appendix I.

Using mean scores computed for each subject on
each of the four factors an analysis of variance was per-
formed to test the significance of sex of experimenter.
The analysis revealed no significant differences between
.students completing the questionnaire for a male experi-
menter and students completing the questionnaire for a
female experimenter in the different classes.

Male and female students differed significantly,
however, in their responses to the four factors. The

following table represents mean differences between male

31

and female respondents. Strong agreement was given a value
of 1, strong disagreement a value of 5. Therefore, the
higher the mean score, the more the disagreement with the

factor.

TABLE I
MEAN SCORES ON FACTORS BY SEX OF SUBJECT

 

 

 

FACTOR MEANS p
Males Females
l 3.40 4.46 .001
2 2.77 3.33 .001
3 3.06 2.57 .002
4 3.51 4.53 .001

 

As the table shows, males agreed significantly more
with the items represented by Factor 1, Limited Role,
Factor 2, Equality, and Factor 4, Anti-Female. Females
agreed significantly more with the items in Factor 3, Trait
Advantage.

There are highly significant differences in atti-
tudes between males and females about the proper function
of women in policing. Males are still convinced that
females should be used in non-patrol functions and females
are convinced that they have skills equal and sometimes

superior to those of males.

32

The results of Experiment I would suggest that males
and females are still very polarized in their attitudes
about women in policing. A study conducted in Washington
in 1974, by the Police Foundation indicated much the same
division of feeling as the present study. In the Washington
study, although the conclusion was that the performance of
male and female police officers was generally the same,

after a year of experience with policewomen, ...patrolmen
doubted that patrolwomen were the equal of men in perform-
ing most patrol skills." Patrolwomen felt that their

patrol skills were ...for the most part, as good as patrol-
men's and in a few cases, better" (Bloch and Anderson, 1974).

Asked to state traits of policewomen which they
felt would be valuable to the patrol division, the officers
in the Washington study most frequently mentioned (1) skill
at handling females, (2) skill in handling children and
(3) skill at paper work. Factor 1 is made up of statements
which indicate that these same skills are considered by
males as the proper role of females in policing.

It appears from these data that males still view
patrol work as essentially a masculine and physical task.
They reject strongly the "social work" image.

,It is very interesting to note that attitudes have
not changed greatly in two years, given the increased

exposure of males to females in police work and in law

enforcement oriented educational programs. Negative

33

feelings of males about women on patrol are still present
and the increased exposure to females has evidently not
changed them.

One could speculate, on the basis of these data
whether or not male rejection of females in policing is not
less changeable than was once thought. The data from
Experiment 11 indicate that the reaction to females goes

beyond attitudes expressed on a questionnaire.

Experiment II

 

The Motorola film contains eighteen sequences each
depicting a potentially threatening situation that might
be encountered by a law enforcement officer. In seven of
these sequences, the officer is justified by the danger
and threat pictured in shooting, in nine, it is inappro-
priate for him to fire. There are, therefore, two types
of sequences: "shoot" and "no shoot". Consequently, there
are two types of errors that can be made, (1) reactive
errors - shooting on no shoot sequences, and (2) non-
reactive errors - not shooting in situations in which it
is appropriate to fire.

The amount and the appropriateness of reactivity
was measured by several percentage scores. The hypothesis
that female presence would have an effect on the shooting
behavior of male police officers was confirmed by a number
of these reactivity rates. Female presence was found to

influence both the amount and the correctness of reactive

34

response. Scores for the troopers responding alone were
dropped from the analysis because of the limited number of
subjects.

Overall Response Rate and Power of Response were
percentage scores which measured the amount of reactivity
displayed by a subject. The Error Rate_and the Shooting

Response Rate measured the appropriateness of that re-

 

activity.

The Overall Response Rate, the ratio of the number
of sequences in which the trooper fired to the total
number of sequences presented, was marginally higher for
troopers with female partners than for troopers with male
partners (p = .07). In other words, disregarding the ‘?
appropriateness of the response, troopers with female

partners shot on more sequences.

TABLE II

MEAN RESPONSE RATES AND ERROR RATES
BY SEX OF PARTNER

 

 

 

VARIABLE MEANS ,p
Males Females

Overall Response Rate 27.75 37.37 .07

Power of Response .64 .92 .05

Error Rate 23.00 14.00 .08

Non-Reactive 44.00 23.62 .05

Shooting Response Rate 54.88 76.63 .05

Pulse Rate After 88.00 101.25 .05

 

35

Troopers with female partners also fired a signif-
icantly higher number of shots than did troopers with male
partners; this was called the Power of Response. Since
there were seven sequences in which it was correct to shoot,
it was necessary to fire seven shots in order to have a
perfect score. The troopers with female partners were more
inclined than were troopers with male partners to fire
more than once per sequence.

Troopers seem, therefore, to be more reactive in
the presence of a female partner. They shoot on more
sequences and have a tendency to shoot more times on each
sequence. Additional data indicates that they also have
a better percentage of correct responses with female
partners. The Error Rate for troopers with female partners
was lower than the Error Rate for troopers with male
partners (p = .08). Considering all errors, both reactive
and non—reactive, troopers with female partners made less +
errors than troopers with male partners. The percentage
of non-reactive errors, errors made by not firing on
"shoot" sequences, was significantly lower for troopers
with female partners.

Not only did troopers with female partners make
significantly fewer non-reactive errors, they made signif-
icantly more correct shooting responses to the shooting
sequences. In other words, with female partners, troopers

were able to respond correctly more often when the situation

36

required them to shoot. It is possible that the female
presence precipitates a level of arousal which makes the
trooper more reactive to cues of danger present in the
situation. Pulse rates, taken after the exercise had been
completed, showed some sort of activation cauSed by female
presence. .

The pulse rates taken when the subject first
arrived and after the confederate entered the room, were
not significantly different due to sex of confederate.

Pulse rates taken at the conclusion of the exercise, how-
ever, were significantly higher for those troopers who
participated in the exercise with female partners. There
were no significant blood pressure differences.

Even though shooting responses during the exercise
and pulse rate after, differed significantly according to
sex of confederate, the questionnaire data on arousal showed
no differences in reported arousal level for self or arousal
level attributed to partner. Questionnaire attitudes about
women in policing were analyzed using the four factors
established in Experiment 1. Items with loadings of .50
or higher were used to make up each of the factors. A
mean score for each trooper for each factor was established.

Analysis of variance, comparing responses of troopers
to the four factors,revealed no significant differences in
attitudes expressed between troopers participating in the

exercise with male or with female partners.

37

It appears, therefore, that while the presence of
a female did not affect reported attitudes, it did affect
the shooting behavior and pulse rate of males participating
with female partners.

In Experiment II, male police officers, responding
with female partners to the Shoot/Don't Shoot training
film, displayed an increased level of physical reactivity,
as measured by shooting responses and pulse rates. The
increased reactivity seems to facilitate correct rather
than incorrect motor responses to the aggressive cues pre-
sent in the situation. These findings fit closely with
Berkowitz and Buck's (1967) formulation of the effects of
impulsive aggression and arousal. The authors state

...the stronger a person is aroused the more
inclined will he be to attack suitable target

objects and the less will he react to peripheral
stimuli...

CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION

This study is not intended to specify the behavioral
mechanisms working that produce the effect; simply to show
that the effect exists. Presented below are three models
based on established research on aggressive behavior which
might suggest frameworks from which to interpret the

results.

It is necessary to note here that the responses to

the Shoot/Don't Shoot film are talked about below as

'aggression' even though under strict definition of the
term they would not be considered aggression because their
intent is defensive. The behavior, therefore, can be more
accurately understood as defensive aggression.
Frustration-Aggression - Consistent with the
Dollard, Doob, et. a1. (1939) formulation of the Frustra-
tion/Aggression hypothesis, female police officers may
arouse hostile feelings in male police officers, and since
there is no opportunity for these feelings to be discharged
against the female officer, the consequent frustration is
displaced and results in an increased reactivity to the

film and an increased excitation.

38

39

General Arousal - A second alternative is that
female presence stimulates a general level of arousal which
heightens reactivity and the ability to respond correctly
to the aggressive cues presented. Berkowitz and Buck
(1967) maintain that "Emotional arousal, whether of a
specific sort such as anger or of a more general undif-
ferentiated state...heightens reactivity to aggression cues."

Sex and Aggression - A third alternative is that
female presence involves some level of sexual arousal
which mixes with the aggressive reactions. The series Of
experiments by Clark (1953), Barclay and Haber (1965),
Barclay (1969, 1970, 1971), Beit-Hallahmi (1971), and
Jaffee (1974), would support this proposition. In fact,
Barclay (1971) suggests that

Men and women may have difficulty in separating
the cues provided by either sexual or aggressive
arousal and thus find it difficult to tell these
two states apart.

Impetus for this research lay in knowledge of the
connection between sex and aggression and consideration of
policemen as a special sort of sexual grouping. Given the
evidence in these two areas of research, male rejection of
females is a predictable phenomenon.

Police officers represent a particular kind of
group; a group which has been, until very recently,
exclusively male. Lionel Tiger has written the definitive
book on all-male groups and he sees the tendency of males

to form and maintain exclusively male groups (a phenomenon

40

which he calls 'male bonding') as having been crucial to
the survival of the species.

From Tiger's analysis three characteristics of the
all-male group can be delineated that have particular
significance here: (1) close and emotionally charged bonds
between members, (2) a willingness to aggress against out-
siders or an enemy, and (3) a concern with maleness.

Policemen characteristically maintain close emo-
tional bonds. Fortier (1972) in discussing the police
subculture stresses that the sense of fraternalism in
policework is extremely strong. Officers tend to develop
a we-versus-they attitude (Skolnik, 1968) and isolate them-
selves from the community forming their own in-group
alliances (Radelet, 1973). The emotional attachment,
especially of partners to each other, is poignantly ex-
pressed by an officer interviewed by the Police Foundation
when they were doing research on women in policing (Bloch
and Anderson, 1974). Speaking of his partner, the officer
concluded

There's an attachment between you and your
partner...I feel closer - I know more about my
partner than I do about my own wife...If my
partner were a female, I would have married him
a long time ago.

~Part of this strong emotional group attachment is
forged by the shared exposure to danger and the willingness

of individual members to aggress on each other's behalf.

Tiger maintains that the threat, whether real or imagined,

l
I

I.
I

41

of aggression from some out-group is what cements the group
together. The drama that surrounds the death of an on-duty
policeman or fireman is an example of the ritual that is
made out of the symbolized external threat to strengthen
the social bonds of the remaining members of the group.
Berkowitz (1962) maintains that the strengthening of group
identification itself increases hostility towards those
outside the group.

Critical to the understanding of all-male groups is
their concern with maleness. Tiger describes the all male

group as being an aggregation ...facilitated by a sense of

emotional maleness.’ Margaret Mead (1964) describes male~
ness as typically involving among other things, physical
bravery, speed, and the use of violent force. Policing
epitomizes this conception of maleness. An interesting
example of this is found in a recruiting brochure from the
Rochester Police Department which states '

If you are looking for a real career for a real

man, you should consider this new opportunity to

become a Rochester police officer.

Wilson (1968) identifies as some of the working

class concerns of policemen, the maintaining of self-respect,

proving one's masculinity, "not taking any crap", and not
being "taken in." Tiger sees the proving of masculinity or
self-validation as being fundamental to this sort of male
grouping. He asserts that all young males seek self-

validation. *He points out three important elements to

I

42

this process of self-validation:

l) validation involves a process of attachment to
specific male peers and superiors who become de-
fined as the "significant others” with respect to
whom the individual seeks validation;

2) the process of attachment itself facilitates

the effort to validation and in fact leads to a

demand that satisfactory evidence of maleness be
prerequisite to group membership;

3) the combination of the process of attachment
and the need for validation leads to a cumulative
group "feeling" which particularly under the
stimulus of external threat or the perception of
a possible advantage - tends to increasingly bold
and effective activity.

Martin Reiser (1974) describes this framework of
attachment and self-validation in a police department. He
sees the department as representing a family structure
with the older and younger siblings, the brass, and the
younger patrolman, striving for self-validation.

The brass are usually older, more powerful
"siblings" who behave in a paternal and
patronizing way toward the young street
policemen who occupy the role of younger
siblings striving and competing for recogni-
tion, acceptance, and adulthood. This dynamic
profoundly influences the organization in many
significant areas such as communication, morale,
discipline and professionalism.

Therefore, the group of police officers form an
exclusively male group characterized by (1) strong emo-
tional bonds of the members, (2) a willingness to aggress
against outsiders, and (3) a concern with maleness and
self-validation.

Tiger maintains that the process of male bonding

and therefore male groups is essentially anti-female and

43

that it will make it "...difficult if not impossible -

for ambitious females to reach the posts they wish." The
tendency for males to persistently maintain all male groups
will cause them to reject women not only as leaders but as
colleagues. In other words, males will reject females in
roles of dominance over other than children and females.
This is precisely the point at which males began to react
strenuously to females in policing, when they were taken
out of dominance roles over women and juveniles and given
positions of dominance over males.

Tiger points out several important aspects of the
all male group which are relevant here. First, males,
when they can, tend to choose their work makes in a process
much like the process of sexual selection. Second, once a
bond between males is established, it comes to generate a
considerable amount of emotional attachment. Third, males
seem to receive some form of emotional satisfaction from the
male bond that they cannot get from an interaction with av
female. Fourth, the wish of males to maintain their all
male groups is motivated by other than simple temperamental
and physical differences between men and women.

The rejection of females in policing by males
seems, viewed from Tiger's perspective, to be a natural and'
predictable phenomenon. Males will attempt to retain their
male groups and resist any attempt by a female to intrude.

This analysis would lead one to believe that males would

44

not only reject females verbally but would also respond
differently in their presence.

Based on the results of this experiment, female
presence does significantly affect male response by in-
creasing reactivity. In this instance, the effect is to
facilitate correct rather than incorrect responses of
males.

As in all exploratory research, this data raises
as many questions as it answers. Will this effect trans-
fer to the field? Will the effect remain strong between
partners who have known each other over a period of time?
Will this effect appear only in unpredictable, high stress,
situations? Is the effect the result of social stereo-
typing or some very basic reaction of males to females?

None of these questions can be conclusively
answered at the present time. Further research should
clarify the nature of the effect. It seems evident, though,
that since troopers strenuously denied being affected by
the presence of the female and failed to report any dif-
ferences in arousal or attitudes towards females in policing,
the reaction to female presence was less cognitive than
behavioral. The reactions of males to females in policing
are probably more basic and less malleable than is usually

considered.

CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSIONS

Fundamental behavioral differences exist between
males and females which create differences in their
responses to each other. The results of this study
demonstrate that a female partner significantly affects
motor behavior, shooting, and pulse rates of male police
officers responding to a training film. If this effect
transfers to the field, it could have important practical.
application: since having a female partner increases
appropriate motor responses in males, it is possible that
using female partners particularly in high stress, dan-
gerous assignments would result in fewer police deaths.

Since there is something about femaleness that
affects behavior and in at least some instances the effects
are desirable, we should perhaps emphasize rather than
deemphasize femaleness in women police-officers.

The behavioral differences between males and fe-
males as well as their reactions to each other should be

studied and utilized to the advantage of the justice system.

45

APPENDIX

APPENDIX I

FOUR FACTORS FOR FEMALES IN POLICING QUESTIONNAIRE
AND ROTATED FACTOR LOADINGS

FACTOR 1 LIMITED ROLE

 

Item Loading

 

Women should be used in places their bodies and

minds are suitable for - youth aid, station per-

sonnel, captain's clerks, administrative and

morals. .54

I feel some women police officers are capable of

handling the duties of patrol work because being

a man or woman does not determine your skills for

a certain job. -.52

Physical strength is a very small part of being
a cop whether you're a man or a woman. -.64

Women should be taken out of regular uniformed
patrol and allowed to do the jobs they are better
suited for. .51

It's not the kind of job - being a patrolman - that
I'd want my daughter or wife doing. .46

Policewomen have an important role in the police
department but not on uniformed patrol. .45

A woman would be good in some limited situations.

An example would be if the parents of a house full

of children were locked up or if the children were
abandoned. The patrol woman would be able to take

charge of the children. .42

Women patrol officers in a 50-50 ratio to men would
result in less productive law enforcement. .42

Women are neither emotionally nor physically equipped
to handle a police officer's job. .42

.46

47

FACTOR l LIMITED ROLE (continued)

 

Item Loading

 

Citizens don't seem to care whether you're a
man or a woman you're an officer. -.41

I don't want any policewoman coming to my house

in an emergency. .37
The presence of a female officer relieves tension. -.36
WOmen are not effective on the street. .34

The job has already too much of a social worker
image; let's not degrade it more by adding women. .30

48

 

 

FACTOR 2 EQUALITY

Item Loading
For hiring purposes, women should be required to

meet the same physical standards as men. .86
WOmen should have to pass in training the same

physical agility tests as men. .57
Females should have to meet the same height re-
quirements as men. .43
If we hire women to be police officers then they

should be treated the same as we treat male

officers. .39
I generally think women make good partners. -.31
Physical strength is a very small part of being

a cop whether you're a man or a woman. -.29
WOmen are neither emotionally nor physically

equipped to handle a police officer's job. .28

49

 

 

FACTOR 3 TRAIT ADVANTAGE

Item Loading
I think that women are more likely than men to

try to reason rather than threaten. .69
WOmen police officers are more sympathetic and
compassionate than men police officers. .63
In many instances, a woman may be able to pre-

vent a situation from escalating because of her
understanding. .51
The job has already too much of a social worker

image; let's not degrade it more by adding women. -.29
The presence of a female officer relieves tension. .25

50

FACTOR 4 ANTI-FEMALE

 

Item Loading_

Many women lack confidence, and it is apparent
while on patrol. .78

The job has already too much of a social worker
image; let's not degrade it more by adding women. .74

Women are neither emotionally nor physically
equipped to handle a police officer's job. .70

I feel at this time that if I had to work with one
in a scout car my life would be in danger almost
all the time. .69

Women are not effective on the street. .67

Women are not aggressive and tend to lay back and
act as a ride along report taker. .65

Mbst women panic easily and have neither the courage
nor the physical strength to make an arrest unless
they are backed up by a man. .59

Women patrol officers in a 50-50 ratio to men would
result in less productive law enforcement. .55

Policewomen have an important role in the police
department, but not on uniformed patrol. .51

In recruiting women, we must be careful and
selective, much more than in recruiting men. .49

Policewomen have the ability more than a policeman
to do office work or station work. .49

Females are less quick to anger but are somewhat
less decisive when an instant decision is required. .47

I have not seen a situation which a woman couldn't
handle. -.47

I feel some women police officers are capable of
handling the duties of patrol work because being

a man or woman does not determine your skills for

a certain job. -.47

51

 

 

FACTOR 4 ANTI-FEMALE (continued)

Item Loading
I don't want any policewoman coming to my house

in an emergency. .45
Women should be used in places their bodies and

minds are suitable for - youth aid, station per-

sonnel, captain's clerks, administrative and

morals. .44
Women should be taken out of regular uniformed

patrol and allowed to do the jobs they are

better suited for. .43
A majority of the women are unable to make

decisions on their own. .43
I generally think women make good partners. .35

A lot of times a female officer is not only able
to be cool, calm, and persuasive with 'dis-
orderlies' but she can also help to do the same
with her male partner.

MOst women are not used to taking the orders that
are given in a para-military organization.

Females should have to meet the same height re-
quirements as men.

Citizens don't seem to care whether you are a man
or a woman, you're an officer.

.33

.26

.26

.26

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