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ASPECTS OF ACCULTURATION

OF A RUMANIAN PEASANT GROUP

IN AN URBAN SITUATION

THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF M. A.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

JOHN DUMI'I‘ RU
1956

. .,— -,- ..—.~~.~5.v~

'H SSSS

 

 

 

 

 

 

ASPECTS OF ACCULTURATION OF A

RUI-IAITIAH PEASAII‘I‘ GROUP IN AN URBAII SITUATION

By
JOHN DUMITRU

A TEESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State University of Agriculture and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology

1956

L{/3o/57
a 5175'
0

.ACKNOWEEDGMENTS

The final form of this thesis is the product of countless syntheses
of both ideas and other cultural elements extending back to that homo
sapien who made the first attempt to communicate an idea by making a few
marks on the ground.

Even those persons who were directly involved in the production of
the thesis are too numerous to mention. Thus there are, the librarians
who helped with the assembling of the data, the respondents who were
willing to recollect and narrate the pertinent facts of their lives, and
the many students interested in the subject who made valuable suggestions.

There are, however, those persons without whose direct interest this
thesis would not have been.possible. My deepest appreciation extends to
Professor Glen L. Taggart, the major advisor of this thesis, for his
masterly guidance of both the technical and human elements involved in
the completion of the thesis. His contribution, especially, in the form
of inter-personal relationships will extend far beyond this thesis.

I also wish to express my gratitude to Professor G..R. Hoffer for
his constant interest and help, to Professor K; E. Tiedke for his
guidance in deve10ping the problem, to Professor J. A. Beegle who first
directed my interest to the problem, to Professor John Useem for his
theoretical suggestions, and to Professor Joel Smith for his help in
matters of method.

Thanks are also due to my colleague, Robert Bealer, for his many
valuable suggestions and criticisms; and to his wife, Barbara, for

typing the final capy of the manuscript.

ii

To my wife, valeria, I owe the greatest gratitude for her constant
encouragement, c00peration, and help in the assembling and preparation

of the thesis.

iii

 

 

ASPEMS OI MUNICH G A
MIA! PEAS“! MP I! Al mm 8110“!”

1’03 DUMP!!!

Al 08W!

lubnitted to the School of arm». Studies of flickin-
Stats University of Ayionlturs and Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the ”quit-nuts
for the dome of

MASTER OF ms

Department's! Sociolog and Anthropolog

1956

 

MW (m

John Daeitre

'1'sz ESTRACT

The thesis treats the subjest of acculturation of e III-lien
peasant mp to en urban situation. he investigation see contested
on the hypothesis that the group will be more advanced in its behevlerel
assimilation. i.e.. adaptation of material oultursl elements and behavior
appropriate to thee. then in its sosiel stsnstersl assimilation to the
social structure of the donor society.

The original members of the group under eonsideretion lain-std
to the United States in the early 1900 end presently for: e. olesel.
parish in Detroit. A staple of one heated. or appreuinately twenty
per seat. heads of households was obtained from the total coup.
fort: of th Inndred are first generation end sixty ere seeond generation.

The teshiques utilised in ebteininc the intonation ere threefold!
portioipsnt “server, use of linen-u end other pertinent literature,
and the use of schedules.

he group's edeptetien te the technologieal. sooisl and religious
systems was treoed throw tine from 1910 to the present. a. relieving
sspeets of the stove systems were meted mm tine:

A. re measure the rate of behaviors]. assimilation.

l, The sooupetional wt
2. he residential seven-mt e! the peep
I. to ensure the rate of seeial stresterel assimilation.
1, the friendship pattern of the group
2. Voluntary associations to which the group belongs

 

\(1’

John Mitre

3. he rate of inter-ethnic marriages,
it. ‘lhe eleroh affiliation and participation of the group
O. lastly all of the above aspects were used to note the decree
of Interlination at the (”up to ascertain its overall degree
of eseeltuatisl.

nth respeet to the residential severest initially the me

[‘7 oonnegated ts a specific location in Detroit there to hill a M
and in general to reel-eats, to a eertaia extent, the coalition that
esistediathelsesaiaavillapsaerethsyesaetroe. After the
second World War the group began to disperse throughout Detroit sad
its suburbs to the extent. that presently there are only about thirte.
per cent in the colony. Similarly the creep was over-represented is
so. 1.. eoeio-eoonomie areas. Presently the amp is moving no.
average and higher sous-economic areas.

.. in their “sepational mt it see found hat initially the
first generation Mane usage! as plain laborers in the heavy
industries. this set the pattern for the semis adaptation to he
eeeupatisaal hierarow. ms presently nest of the second generation
sales are use“ is specialised craft eeeupationl. Mom sash
occupations the group eonld accumulate the necessary capital to love
into higher sooio-eoononio areas. Recently, however, there has been
a tendency for the pony to move into other occupations as salesmen,

clerks, managers and a few into the professional field.

John Bonita-e

-’ The factors that seem to influence the group behavioral assimilation
are nobiliw aspiration, the permissiveness of the dominant society.
economic and educational nobility. inter-ethnic mrriages and the
opportunity offered the second generation to validate thir acculturation.

Vim respect to the social structural assimilation of the group
it was found that the group still chooses most of its best friends
amongst themselves; that few belong to any other voluntary associations
thn those of the group or at best to other religious organisations as
the Knights of Columbus: and that most of the group still frequent he
new. centrally located church of the group. he exceptions are those
second generation males and females that married out of the group.

.4 The conclusion‘j’drawn from the study are: that the youp is more
advanced in its behavioral than in its social structural assimilation,
that the degree of subordination is moderate. that the group is only
partially aceulhrated, that this acculturation took place in terms
of the cultural heritage of the group, that the mode of woulturatiea
was a function of the group's skill and abilities and of the opportunities
offered by the host society, and that time plays an important role in

the process of acculturation.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION.....................1
A. The Concept of Acculturation. . . . . . . . . . 1
B.Purpose....................1+

C. Methods and Techniques. . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

II. CULTURAL BACKGROUND AND CONTACT SITUATION. . . . . . . 12
A. EthnicBeckground................12

B. TheContact Situation.... ..... ... . 28

III. RESIDE‘ITIALMOVEJENT...... .. . 31
A. Ethnic Residential Background . . . . . . . . . 31

B. Formation of Colony .._. . . . . . . . . . . . . 31+

0. The Colony Dissolved. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140

IV. OCCUPATIONAL MOVEMENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
A. The Economic Background of the Group. . . . . . 51+

B. Occupational Achievement. . . . . . . . . . . . 56

C. Income of the Group . .». . . . . . . . . . . . 61

D. Educational Attainment. . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

V. CUIEUTRALPATTERNS AND SOCIAL ADAPTATION. . . . . . . . 66
A. ChurchAffiliation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73

B. Friendship Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

0. Voluntary Associations. . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

D. Extent of Acculturation . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

iv

CHAPTER PAGE
VI. SUlvfl‘vLARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
BIBLIOEAPH! . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
APPENDIX. . . . . -. ... . . . . . . .. . . . ... . . . . . .9l+
Schedule. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9h

Maps. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 96

TABLES

10

11

12

13

ll?

15

LI ST OF TABLES

DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS IN AND OUTSIDE OF THE COLONY

IN DImm PERI ODS OF TILE O C O C O O O O O C O O O 0 O

MOVEIIENT OF HOUSEHOLDS BY GENERATIONS INTO NEW AREAS BY
DIFT'ERENTPERIODSOFTIME.................

MOVEMENT BY GENERATIONS IN DIFFERENT PERIODS OF TIME
ACROSS CITY LII'IITS 0F DETROIT. O O O I O O O O O O I O O O

PRESENT (1956) DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS or THE Two
WIONSO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O b O

DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION IN TERMS OF THE
RESPECTIVE SOCIO—ECONOMIC AREAS OF DETROIT FROM 1940
To 1956. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O I O 0 I

MOW OF THE GROUP BY GENERATIONS FROM 1910 TO 1956

WITHIN DESIGNATED SOCIO—ECONOMIC AREAS OF DETROIT. . . . .

OCCUPATIONAL DISTRIBUTION AND STATUS INDICES 0F TIE FIRST
AND SECOND GENERATIONS AND TOTAL GROUP BY DECADES. . . . .

summer AND COMPARISON BY PER CENT AND STATUS INDICES or
PRESENT (I956)‘OCCUPATIONAI. DISTRIBUTION . . . . . . . . .

PRESENT INCOME OF THE GROUP COMPARED WITH TOTAL DETROIT. .

EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT COMPARED WITH OTHER GROUPS IN

' Tan mTROITO O O O O I O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

CHJ'RCH AFFILIATION DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION TO
Tm vaOUS CMCH CATEGORIES. O I O O O O O C O O C O O O

CHJRCH AFFILIATION COMPOSITION BY GENERATIONS OF THE
VARIOUS CMCH CATEGORIES. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

FRIENDSHIP PATTERN DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION IN
TERMS OF CHOICE OF RUMANIAN REST FRIENDS . . . . . . . . .

FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS NUMBER OF RUMANIAN BEST FRIENDS
CHOSEN BY THE GIVEN GENERATIONS. . . . . ... . . . . . . .

FRIENDSHIP PATTERN DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION IN
TERMS OF CHOICE OF AMERICAN BEST FRIENDS . . . . . . . . .

PAGE

#2

1+4

1+9

58

62

7h

76

79

79

81

TABLES
16

17'

18

PAGE

FRIENDSHIP PATTERN NUMBER OF AMERICAN BEST FRIENDS
CHOSENBYTHEGIVENGEEIERATIONS. . . . . . . . . . . . . .81

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION
IN TERMS OF NUMBER OF CHOICES OF THE VARIOUS CATEGORIES . . 81+

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS NIH/[BER OF TIME EACH CATEGORY WAS
CHOSENHTEGIVENGENERATIONS. .. . . . . . . . . ...84

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
A, The Concept of Acculturation

In order to define more precisely the meaning of the concept of
acculturation, the Social Science Research Council appointed a committee
to delimit the phenomena related to this concept. This committee put
forth the following definition: "Acculturation comprehends those
phenomena which.result when groups of individuals having different
cultures come into continuous first hand contact: with.subsequent
changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups."1

In the same memorandum the authors draw attention to the differences
between the concepts of acculturation, culture change, assimilation and
diffusion. Thus acculturation is only an aSpect of culture change,
whereas assimilation may'be a phase of acculturation. Diffusion,
though occuring in all instances of acculturation, does also occur in
types of contact other than "first hand” as specified in the definition
of acculturation. Thus diffusion may proceed through an intermediator
between pecple who may never see each other. In this study, however,
emphasis will be on the concepts of acculturation and assimilation. The
study deals with the prolonged first hand contact between two different
cultures. .

The rate of acculturation and assimilation of the receiving group,

according to Linton, is a function of the relative ease with which the

 

1R. Bedfield, R. Linton, M. J. Herskovits, ”A.Memorandum for the
Study of Acculturation," American Anthronologist, Vbl. 38, 1936, pp. lu9-152.

_.)

foreign cultural elements can be perceived by the receiving group.
Linton makes the following generalization: ”In general, the more
abstract the element the more difficult the transfer."2 According to
this statement it would logically follow that such elements as are
present in the material culture of the donor group will be accepted
first and at a more rapid rate by the receiving group in relation to
cultural elements of the social organization of the donor group. These
latter cultural elements, due to their higher degree of abstraction,
will be perceived and understood with greater difficulty and therefore
will be adOpted later and at a slower rate.

The basic assumption of this study is that there are differential
rates of assimilation on different levels of abstraction. In the present
study the acculturation of the ethnic group is taken to mean its
acquisition of the culture of the dominant group. According to Spiro,
acculturation is "an exclusive function of the group's desire and
capacity for acculturation"3 and will, therefore, indicate the "mobility-
aspiration"4 of the group. Assimilation, on the other hand, will be

taken to mean."the disappearance gf_group identity through non-differential

 

association and exogomy."5

 

2Ralph Linton, The Acculturation gf_Seven American Indian Tribes,
New York, D. Appleton-Century Company, 19h0, p. 485.

 

3Melford.E. Spiro, "The Acculturation of American Ethnic Groups,"
American Anthropologist, Vol. 57, 1955, p. 1240.

“Ibis,
5111151,

However, the assimilation of the ethnic group is "a function of both
dominant and ethnic group behaviour"6 and will indicate the ”mobility
achievement"7 of the group. For example, in order for assimilation to
occur, the ethnic group must, on the one hand, have mobility aspirations
or a desire to become assimilated, and, on the other, the dominant group
must consent to the assimilation of the ethnic group. In other words the
attitudes of the dominant group towards the ethnic group plays an
important part in whether or not the group will be assimilated, even
though it may be acculturated.

Thus on the one hand, in order for assimilation to occur the group
must have a desire to become assimilated which will, in the final
analysis, rest upon its ability to perceive the various cultural elements
on their various levels of abstraction. It must also have the consent
of the donor group, which, as we shall see, is in part a function of
the physical and cultural proximity of the receiving group to those of
the donor group. Both of these factors will influence the differential
rates of assimilation of the receiving group on the behavioral and
social structural levels. To distinguish'between the differential rates,
or processes, of assimilation the writer will employ the terms behavioral
assimilation to denote mobility achievement in the realm of material
cultural elements and the behaviour appropriate to such elements, and
social structural assimilation to denote mobility achievement in the

social organization of the donor society.

 

511m.
711m.

The factors most likely to function in the adaptation or rejection
of a cultural element once perceived, according to Linton, are curiosity,
a desire for novelty and advantage, a desire for prestige and finally
the utility and compatibility of the element with the pre-existing
culture. Furthermore, considering that the need for eliciting favorable
responses from others is "an almost constant component"8 of the aggregate
of needs that motivates human behaviour, it seems plausible that the
individual would be willing to adopt the form of a cultural element,
even though he might not understand its meaning, as long as he receives

the desired responses.

3,, Purpose

 

The purpose of this study is to ascertain the extent of acculturation
and assimilation of a fihmanian.peasant group to an urban situation. In
_light of the basic principle set forth for this study, i.e., that there
are differential rates of assimilation, the main hypothesis of the study
will be that the group is more advanced in its behavioural assimilation
than in its social structural assimilation. In other words, it would be
expected that the group would.have achieved a greater mobility in the
material culture and the behaviour appropriate to it, than in the social
structure of the donor society.

This differentiation is rather subtle, and sometimes hard to
describe, considering that certain criteria seem to indicate both

behavioral-and structural assimilation. For example, the residential

 

BBalph Linton, The Cultural Baclggound 9;: Personality, New York,
Appleton-Century CroftS, Inc., 1945, p. 91.

 

location of an ethnic group in a choice location among Yankees will
reveal both mobility aspiration and achievement. The writer feels
however, that the choice of the ethnic group to move to a given location
and the permissiveness of the dominant group in allowing the ethnic
group to do so does not demonstrate conclusively that the ethnic has
lost his group identity, i.e., is assimilated.

This may mean simply that the ethnic group has accepted a different
form of physical residence, but not the structural meaning of identifying
exclusively with the social structure of the new neighborhood as cliques,
clubs and churches.

This study will be concerned, therefore, with the following
prOpositions: “

1) To ascertain the extent of behavioral assimilation of the ethnic
group under consideration.

2) To ascertain the extent of social structural assimilation of
the group.

3) To note finally the overall extent of acculturation of the
group by noting the extent of its subordination as will be outlined in

the following section.

Q._ Method and Techniques

This study was carried out in Detroit, Michigan, where the members
of the Bumanian ethnic group under consideration have congregated and
are in the process of assimilation. Their pattern of adaptation
through time is particularly revealing and lends itself well in demon-
strating the differential process of assimilation. The original members

of the group came from a rural-village type of community.

Werner defines community as denoting "a number of people sharing
certain interests, sentiments, behaviour, and objects in common by
virtue of belonging to a social group."9 Within each such community
one can distinguish three types of eoeiei behaviour, -— the technical,r
the social, and the religious. These types of behaviour are, in the
final analysis, adaptive in nature. Thus through the "technical system"
one adapts to the natural environment, through the "social system” to
other individuals and through the ”religious system" to the unknown
supernatural world around him.10

Moreover a community also has a socialorganization that is composed
of various social structures. Warner defines a social structure as "a
system of formal and informal groupings by which the social behaviour
(involved in the technological, social and.religious systems) of
individuals is regulated."11 Implicit or explicit within the rules
recognized by members of a society as controlling the interaction of
individuals and their various relations are obligations, duties, rights
and privileges.

Werner enumerates the following social structures within which
subgroupings of individuals in the larger community takes place: 1) the
family, 2) the association, 3) the clique, u) the political organization

or government, 5) the church, 6) economic institutions as the company,

 

9Lloyd W. Werner.and Paul 5. Lmnt, The Social Life _§ § Modern
Communit , New Haven, Yale University Press, 1941, p. 16.

 

101bid., p. 21.

111bid., p. 14.

the factory and store, 7) castes and classes and 8) the age and sex
groupings. All of these structures may or may not be present in a
given society. Simpler societies, for example, organize their members
into kinship groupings supplemented usually by age and sex division.

To ascertain the differential rates of behavioral and structural
assimilation the major subdivisions of the behavioral aspects of the
community as formulated by Werner will be used. These are the
technological, social and religious systems. To measure the rate of
behavioral assimilation the following categories of each aSpect will
be used: 1) within the technical system the occupational movement of
the group will be noted; 2) for the social system the residential
movement of the group will be described; 3) and for the religious
system its various categories as the physical location of the church,
the physical rearrangements that took place within the church and the
methods of congregating will be noted and described.

0n the other hand, the rate of social structural assimilation,
which in the final analysis will reveal the extent of group identity,
will be noted by the following criteria within the social and religious
mystems as follows: 1) within the social system the friendship patterns,
the voluntary associations frequented and the rate of inter-ethnic
marriages will be measured and described; 2) within the religious
system the church affiliation and participation of the group will be
noted.

,As a final analysis the above criteria will be used to note the
extent of acculturation of the group by measuring the degree of its
subordination. It may be recalled that assimilation is a function of

both the dominant and ethnic group behaviour. warmer uses the following

criteria for rating a particular group's degree of subordination:

”1) freedom of residential choice, 2) freedom to marry out of one's
own group, 3) amount of occupational restriction, 4) strength and
attitudes of the host society which prevent social participation in
such institutions as associations and cliques, and 5) the amount of
vertical mobility permitted in the host society fin: members of the
ethnic or racial group."12 Considering that the dominant group's
behaviour is conditioned by the degree of proximity of the physical
and cultural aSpects of the receiving group to the donor group Werner
proceeds to form a racial and cultural continuum. Those ethnics that
are most like the "old Americans," who are typified as being light
saucasoids, speak English and are Protestants, are at one end, and
the Negroes and all negroid mixtures who do not speak English.and

are non-Christians are at the other end of the continuum. In effect
there are five "racial types" each with.five other "cultural types."13
Those that are most like the "old Americans" will be the least
subordinated, whereas those least like the nold Americans” will be
the most subordinated.

In light of this short presentation of warner's conceptual
schema and the elaborate indices formed by him, the writer places the
Bumanian ethnic group as being racially between the light and dark
caucasoids, and culturally as being Catholics who speak an Indo-

,Eur0pean language. According to this classification the subordination

 

12w. L. warner and L. Srole, The Social System 2:.American Ethnic
Groups, New Haven, Yale University Puss, 1945, p. 289.

13lhii.. see Table 6, p. 288.

C9;

of the group should be slight to moderate, on a scale that runs from
very slight through slight, moderate, great and to very great.

The present composition of the group is as follows. There are “flwfifi
about 450 names on the Priest's mailing list. This number comprises
all the known descendants of the original group and therefore includes
both families and single persons of the first, second and third
generations. According to the Priest, of this 450, about 280 are
present subscribers to the ethnic church. Of this 280 number, 180
are families and the remaining 100 are single persons, In terms of
generations 115 are first generation, 100 second generation and.65
third generation.

In order to achieve a fair representativeness of the process of
the group's acculturation through time, the writer selected all the
first generation families that met the following criteria: 1) that
one or both of the original family unit (actual peasant immigrants)
should be living (this was done in order to receive information of the
original cudture and the contact situation); 2) that these original
families should have offspring who in turn also have children. It was
hOped that through this procedure some third generation descendants
that are married and unknown to the Priest would be found on a basis
approaching at least random selection.

Through.the above procedure the final sample consisted of the
following proportions: 40 families of the first generation, 60
families of second generation and 5 families of third generation. In
view of the small proportion of third generation families, the writer

decided to limit the sample to the first and second generations which 71

is a total of 100 families.

10

The techniques utilized in obtaining the information pertinent to
the study are threefold. The first and the most important was participant 3.
observer technique. This process has been enhanced by the fact that the
writer was born in the original Rumanian colony and has personal
acquaintance with most of the parishioners, including the priest who
plays an important role in the group's persistence. Furthermore the
writer also lived in a small Rumanian village (much the same as the
villages from which most of group came from) for fourteen years, where
he has acquired many valuable insights into both the material aSpects
of a peasant group as well as the subjective values and attitudes of such
a group. Due to these factors and the fact that the writer also speaks
the Rumanian language, he readily gained the confidence of the peOplc,
especially that of the first generation who cannot Speak the English
language fluently.

The second source of information was from the literature pertain-
ing to the cultural and historical background of the group. Here again
the knowledge of the Rumanian language proved useful because the writer
could read material written in Rumanian that is not available otherwise.

The third technique is the use of schedules. In the schedule the
following information was secured: (l) a brief family history of the
head of household; (2) the residential movement of the same (this was
done for the first generation from the time of arrival to present and
for the second generation from the time of marriage to the present);

(3) the occupation of the same, for the first generation from the time
of arrival to the present and for the second generation from the time
of first permanent job to the present; (4) the income of the reSpondent

through time: (5) the educational status of the reSpondent; (6) the

ll

voluntary association to which the reSpondent belongs; (7) the friend-
ship pattern of the respondent; (8) the church affiliation of the
respondent; and (9) interethnic marriages. In addition, the writer
encouraged the reapondent, during the interview, to talk freely.
This gave the writer an indication of the respondent's degree of
identification with the Rumanian.group.lu
The assembled data is presented and summarized in table form
with the aid of indices, percentages and total numbers. Considering
that the whole universe was used there was no need to run tests of

significance of difference because such differences as were found

are real differences.

 

1I"'See appendix for capy of schedule.

12

CHAPTER II
CULTURAL BACKGROUED AED COKTACT SITUATION
A. E thnic Backg'ound

The Rumanian parish under consideration has the title "St. John
the Baptist Rumanian Greek Catholic Church." All of the founders of
this parish were peasants from the small and isolated villages of the
northwestern corner of Transylvania. These peOple were once part of a
society which approximates Redfield's ideal type of "folk society."15
As he stated, "This type is ideal, a mental construction. No known
society precisely correSponds with it, but the societies which have
been the chief interests of the anthrOpologist most closely approximate it."16

In order to better understand the processes of adaptation of this
group it would be well to enumerate briefly the characteristics of such
societies and their "view of the good life,” as put forth by Redfield.
The folk societies are small. In such a society, exemplified by the
village, there are no more peOple than can know each other well, i.e., not
only as a person but his geneology, temperament, values and tastes. The
writer recalls that while living in such a.village this knowledge extended
even to the smallest child.

Such a society is an isolated society and therefore has little
communication with the outside world. What communication there is, takes

place usually through contact with the priest, teacher or tax collector.

 

15R. Bedfield, "The Folk Society," American Journal gf_Sociolo ,
Vbl. 52, No. 4 (January 1947), pp. 293-308.

 

16Ibid., p. 294.

13

These are what Redfield calls the "intermediators" between the local
or "little" tradition and the wider or "great" tradition.

There is much likeness in both belief and knowledge among the
members of a folk society. As Redfield put it: "what one man knows and
believes is the same as what all men know and believe."17 This situation
gives the members a strong sense of belonging together. "Communicating
intimately with each other, each has a strong claim on the sympathies
of the other."18 Such members think of themselves as "we" as against
all others who are viewed as "they.”

Behaviour in such societies is traditional, spontaneous, uncritical
and personal. Relationships, for example are not entered into on the
basis of utility alone. "One does not deal impersonally (thing -
fashion) with any other participant in the little world of that society."19
In such a society the familial group is the unit of action. According
to Redfield ”the folk society may be thought of as composed of families
rather than of individuals. It is the familial groups that act and are
acted upon."20

Furthermore, a folk society is a sacred ecciety. The folkways and
mores rule supreme. To question them is to<ioubt them and this is
frowned upon. Thus the "value of every traditional act or object or

institution is, something which the members of the society are not disposed

 

17Ib1d., p. 297.
181bid.
19Ibid., p. 301.

201bid., p. 303.

14

to call into question; and should the value be called into question,
the doing so is resented."21

In addition to the above folk characteristics, the following
peasant characteristics seem to be pertinent to the group in question.
In his typology of peasantry, Redfield would include all those societies
which use agricultural pursuits as "a livelihood and a way of life, not

"22 Thus the peasant is in effective control of

a business for profit.
a piece of land to which he has long been attached by ties of tradition
and sentiment. "The land and he are parts of one thing, one old
established body of relationships."23 Peasant societies are also
characterized by having a status relationship with an elite of the manor,
town or city. In this respect the peasant seems to depend upon quidance
from above especialLy in the “moral sphere."

Fhrthermore, Bedfield views the peasants as "the rural dimension
of old civilizations."2u To this effect he quotes Kroeber who says that
”Peasants are definitely rural - yet live in.relation to market towns;
they form a class segment of a larger papulation which usually contains

urban centers, sometimes metrOpolitan capitals. They constitute part-

societies with part-cultures."25

 

. lebid.

223. Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture, The University of
Chicago Press, 1956, p. 27.

23Ibid., p. 28.
2"'Ihld., p. 29.

251b1d., pp. 29-30.

a,

\15‘:

i

In c¥osing this characterization it seems pertinent to add what
Bedfield honsiders to be the "peasant view of the good life" or his
cluster of values. These are as follows: "An intense attachment to
native soil; a reverent disposition toward habitat and ancestral ways;

a restraint on individual self-seeking in favor of family and community;
a certain suspiciousness, mixed with appreciation, of town life; a
sober and earthy ethic."26

An appropriate summarizing concept that would encompass and lend a
directive quality to all the above enumerated characteristics and values
seems to be David Riesman's concept of “tradition directed." Tradition,
through the folkways and mores,\seem to be intertwined in all the
activities of the members of such a society, and due to the sacred out-
look the traditional modes of action are not questioned.

The above abstract characteristics tell to a certain extent of the
temperament and values of the group under consideration. Next the writer
will endeavor to describe a few patterns of behaviour that are common in the
many villages from which these immigrants came. To do this the writer will
relay in great part on his personal knowledge of the mode of life in the
village where he has lived while in Rumania as well as from Rumanian

literature dealing with the subject.27

Such villages may be pictured situated along rivers and amongst
rolling hills at the foot of the Carpathian mountains. The number of

individuals in such a village will seldom exceed 500, including children.

 

251b1d., p. 140.

27A.D. XenOpol, Istoria Romanilor din Dacia Triana, Colectia
"Carpati," Madrid, 1953, IV Volumes.

16

In each village there are from 6 to 10 individuals who own from 20 to
50 acres of land. These are the peOple who are in position to hire
other folk and who are involved in governing the affairs of the
village. The bulk of the people own from five to ten acres. A.few
own less than five.

This land is used primarily in the production of such agricultural
crops as corn, wheat, oats, potatoes and some vegetables. The tools
used are simple plows, carts, barrows, sickles, scythes, forks and
rakes. Most of the work is done by hand with different tasks being
assigned to different members of the household according to age, sex
and ability.

When one looks over such a village from the tOp of adjoining
hills the layout pattern may be easily discerned. The houses, made
white by white-wash, line along the dirt roads with.each yard usually
enclosed with.a wooden fence. In each yard may be seen, in addition
to the house, a small barn, chicken and.hog pens, a large container for
storing cornstalks and.the well designated by a shadoof, a type of
contrivance to draw the water. Each of the structures have thatched
roofs made of straw, although lately shingles have been introduced.
The standard house has three rooms. IThe mid-room is used as a general
storage place, and one of the remaining two is used as the guest room
where the best clothes and bedding, blankets and pillows are kept.

The other room is used, especially during the winter, for cooking,
eating and sleeping.

The usual animals owned by each household are two oxen or cows,
one to five hogs, one to ten sheep (whose milk is used to make cheese)

and a few hens, ducks and geese.

17

The streets converge to the center of the village where the church
and the village square may be found. The church, with its tall steeple,
dominates the whole village. The square serves as the central location
for dances and council meetings. Closeby the church, usually on a
small elevation, stands the village cemetery. On the outskirts of the
village, within a radius of two to three miles lies the checkered land
patterns to which the villagers travel to work during the day. This
land is put to use according to its productivity. The most fertile
soil is used to produce the staple crops as wheat, corn and oats. Hilly
land is reserved for small vineyards. There is usually a large portion
of less productive land reserved for pasture where the communal sheep
herd and hogs are tended. Within this layout there is also a forest
which provides the only fuel used by the peasants.

Though the conjugal family is the functional family unit, there is
a tendency for the grandparent to exercise authority over his immediate
descendants. This is especially true in the relationship of father and
son. This seems to be aided by the fact that the newlybwed receives
land only at the discretion of the groom's parents and the wife's dowry.
(Buying land is extremely difficult). The only certain amount of land
that the couple can count on as their own is that received by the bride
as a dowry which is clearly stipulated before marriage. Though descent
is bilateral there are clear cut unilateral relationships. Thus the
person belongs simultaneously to two definite groups approximating a
clan structure; that of his father and of his mother. Sometimes,

depending on Congeniality, a person may associate only with one of the

groups.

18

The father is the central authority in the family and upon his
death this authority is transferred to the oldest male who also inherits
the parental household. The other property is usually divided equally,
although the father may bequeath his belongings to any of his offspring.
To the father also are relegated the duties that involve hard work such
as plowing, the care of animals, cutting wood and work involved in
lifting heavy loads. He is the one also who introduces his young sons
to these tasks. The labor of such.youngsters is highly valued due to
the limited source of power available.

The men are also involved in governing the village which has an
elected mayor and secretary. In the church the men occupy the front
part of the church while relegating the back of the church to the
women. At the table the whole family waits until the father sits down
to lead the family in prayer before anyone can eat. Most of the old
men of the village are reapected and their advice sought. Some be-
come the butt of jokes and misdeeds of little children and young folk.

The wife on the other hand is in charge of the household. She
cooks the meals, makes the bread, cares for poultry and hogs, Spins,
weaves and makes most of the household clothes. Similarly it is her
duty to initiate her daughter to these tasks both as a training process
and to increase the productive power of the household. The mother is
also in charge of the babies and small children. When the children
are about two to five years old the responsibility to care for them
is usually transferred to the girls that are about eight to twelve
years old. When the whole family, for example, is out in the fields

cultivating corn only the small children with their care-takers remain

l9

behind in the village. The children have the freedom to move freely
through the roads, empty lots and barns. There is little danger to
leave the children alone for there are no autos or other mechanical
devices that could harm them. The old folks also take a hand in
organizing the activities of the children by telling them stories and
sometimes by admonishing and punishing them.28

There are many tasks in which the whole family as father, mother,
boys and girls participate in as a group. This is done for example
in the cultivation of corn, gathering of the hay, and.harvesting of
corn, wheat, oats, potatoes, etc. During such group activities the
father assumes the directing of the group and assignment of individual.
tasks.

The productive, social and.religious activities and the very
attitudes of the villagers have a yearly cycle that follows a set
rhythm and pattern. Thus in the area of production there are definite
tasks to be accomplished and in the religious sphere there are prescribed
holydays with their periods of expectation, preparation and ritual
celebration. The former two aSpects in turn condition the social
activity that one can indulge in during the different periods of the
year.

The Spring starts around the Easter Holydays which to many signals
the "coming of life" of the earth again just as Christ has come back to
life. Easter follows a long and mournful period of fast during which

the social and productive activities are at a low ebb. During this

 

2310s Creanga, Amintirie din Cooilarie (Childhood Memoriei) Editura
Tineretului, Bucuresti, 1952.

20

period there are no weddings, dances or feasts of any kind. The usual
round of life involves activity that consumes the least energy. Beans,
corn meal, potatoes, milk and bread constitutes the main diet. As
Easter approaches with the imminent coming of spring, the blossoming
of flowers and the fields coming alive with green, activity increases
also. There is a noticeable intensity of expectancy. The housewives
begin to clean and.white-wash their houses, the children can play
again in the fields and the men repair the fences and tools for

spring work.

During the week immediately preceding Easter activity increases
even more. The housewives bake "colaci", a traditional Easter bread,
color eggs, and.in general prepare foods that involve meat - a commodity
that is scarce during this particular period of the year.

During the last three days of the week the village participates
in religious services enacting, eSpecially, the burial of Christ. This
is done on Friday night when men carry an improvized casket around the
church with the priest and cantor singing and the congregation following,
each person carrying a flickering little candle in his hand.

Saturday the last touches are added to the clothing to be-worn on
Sunday, the children are washed and the village waits. . . . At the
approach of dawn peOple in small groups begin to file toward the church.
The first call of the bells had been sounded. With the second and third
call a greater group assembles and then the Easter services start with
a short ceremony at the door of the church. Then the priest Opens the
doors with a dramatic proclamation that "Christ has risen!" This is

the moment peOple have been waiting for. They turn toward each other

21

with the joyful greeting "Grist has risen" and receive the assurance
”Truthfully he has."

After the service the peeple partake of small pieces of bread
immersed in wine which must be taken before anybody can eat meat. During
the rest of the day the peeple gather in the village square where they
play games of cracking eggs and parade their new and colorful clothes.
There is no dancing on Easter Sunday. However, the next two days are
filled with dancing and feasting. Thus there are a total of three days
of celebration for Easter Just as there is for Christmas.

a Following these holydays the plowing and seedings of the fields is
the most important activity. The oxen is the most widely used animal
for traction. They are trained to pull the cart and plow in pairs. The
plow is so constructed that if one ox follows the previous furrow the
plow will cut the following one. The author has seen children as young
as six years plow in the fields. USually, however, this is a man's job.

First the field is plowed, then the seed, as corn or oats, is sown
by hand. Next the field is leveled with a barrow which also covers the
seeds. Once the craps begin to grow they are continually tended. For
example, a corn field is spaded at least twice a year to both space the
individual stalks and to cut the weeds. Fields of wheat and oats are
similarly cultivated by hand. A.group of individuals go through the
fields systematically and pull out the obnoxious weeds. This is
usually done by a group of teenagers under the supervision of an adult.

In the interim, while the crOps are growing and are being tended,
there are religious holydays during which the whole village makes
religious processions to the various wooden crosses on the outskirts

of the village. As the procession moves slowly through the village,

22

the priest and cantor lead the whole congregation in singing. Once at
the cross a tub of water is brought out, groups of young men and women
rush out in the fields to bring bundles of green wheat which.are braided
into circular forms. Some are put in the tub of water, other on the
cross and the rest are carried about by individuals. The priest proceeds
to bless the water and prays for rain or dryer weather, as the case may
be. He then sprinkles the now Holy water towards the four cardinal
points and subsequently baptizes each individual by sprinkling Holy
water on their head with a sprig as they file by kissing a small wooden
crucifix held by the priest.

August is the month most looked forward to. (The syllable "gust"
of August is interpreted as designating the month, Augustus notwithstand-
ing, when new foods are "gustate," i.e., tasted). By this time food
reserves are at the lowest point and the new vegetables, sweet corn,
potatoes and wheat to make "new bread" are anxiously awaited. During
this period the wheat and oats are harvested with a sickle. The wheat
is tied into large bundles to facilitate handling. This Operation is
done either by individual families or a group of families working
together at each others plots successively. Large estate owners con-
tract 3 'claca" which is a group of 15 to 25 young folk under the
direction of a leader. The leader in turn contracts a small band of
gypsy musicians to entertain the group both during work and after. Thus
as the group is working their way through the fields, they sometimes
work and sing, sometimes the gypsies follow them playing different arias,

and sometimes the whole group stOps work to join in a fast "Hora.”

23

During the summer months almost every Sunday there are dances in
the village square. To start the proceedings, those that hired the
gypsies leave the gypsies' quarters, which are usually on the outskirts
of the village. On the way the young men walk along with arms around
each other's shoulders, singing and calling out "chiuturi" or sayings
about girls and the amorous life. Ieanwhile the gypsies play a tune
to fit what the youths are saying. This general singing and the
gypsies' violins is easily heard over the entire village giving the
signal that there will be a dance and that it is on its way.

As the party moves along other youngsters join in, girls
acknowledge the boys by supplying them with flowers for their hats and
parents come to the gates to warch the proceedings. Once the party is
in the square people begin to congregate to form informal groupings
around the dance place, to visit, gossip and generally to be a part of
and to witness the interaction taking place. The older peOple merely
sit around on chairs, or improvised seats made by fallen logs while
the young folk, both married and single, join in the dance and merry-
making. Children, too, intermingle with the crowd, sometimes playing
their own games and sometimes imitating the adults in their dancing.

During the dance the girls form a semi-circle around the "dance
floor" and for each dance the boys call upon different girls by calling
their names out loud. Intermittently the dancing st0ps and the whole
group Join in singing with arms locked around each other and swaying in
rhythm with the song.

The most frequent dances are the "invirtita," hora, and one where

the men dance by themselves in a circle under the direction of a leader.

2b

In the "invirtita" a couple may follow a slow step sidewise or it may
turn round and round with fast steps in one direction, then reverse

and go in the other direction. In the hora the whole group joins hands
to form a circle that goes round and round forming a twirl of red, blue,
green and other colorful laces, skirts and ruffled shirts as if floating
on the fiery wings of the gypsy's melody that goes faster and faster.

In other versions of the hora the circle moves slower with a couple in
the middle. The couple interchange at the command of a caller with the
boy choosing a different girl from the circle and the girl choosing a
boy, alternately. Sometimes there is only one person in the circle
with a pillow. He, or she, may choose any other person out of the
circle and they both kneel on the pillow and kiss to the accompaniment
of the calls of the group and the squeaks of the violin.

During the fall months activity increases with the necessity of
harvesting the various crOps. All of this is done by hand. For
example the corn husks are individually picked and put in a small
basket. When this is full, it is carried to the cart which is improvised
to take a large quantity. Next the cart is taken home with the oxen
and there the corn is put in the middle of the yard or in barns. The
next step is husking. This is done usually at night when groups of
neighbors and relatives gather and there in the quiet of the night, to
the tune of husking stalks and the soft droll of a voice relating the
ancient Eellads of devils, giants, kings and fairies, the work is
slowly done.

Fall comes to a close with the harvesting of potatoes, beans, flax,

cornstalks and hay. One of the most pleasant tasks, however, is that of

25

harvesting the grapes out of which wine is made. Preparations are made
for the ensuing winter by limited canning, storing potatoes in the
ground and putting vasts amount of cabbage in crooks to sour. From
now on the diet will consist of only dry staples with no fresh
vegetables at all. Preparations are also made to begin fattening the
Christmas hog with pumpkins and second-grade corn stalks.

With the first snow fall activities almost come to a stOp and the
people look forward to the winter round of holidays, night work-parties
and weddings. The most permanent feature of the winter months is the
"sezatore" or work parties where the girls congregate consecutively to
each others houses to spin the wool and flax. Out of these are made
shirts, coats and pants. At these parties one would have a hard time
discerning whether the objective was work or merely frolicking.29
There is a constant stream of youths coming and going who are making
the rounds of the various parties. While there they play various tricks
on the girls, tell stories, dance and sing. A.favorite game is to watch
the Spindles of the girls who might drop them either by accident or
design. The youth that comes up with it is entitled to a.kiss from the
girl. Sometimes the lights are turned low purposefully so that everyone
may be accomodated.

Otherwise the most important work during the winter months is to
provide wood for fuel, to care for the animals, make ropes for various
uses and repair tools. Whereas in the summer it is the duty of young

girls and old women to gather dry wood for fuel, and carry it home on

I

 

29Mihail Lungianu, Claca pl Robot, Editura Librariei and Comp.,
Societate Anonima, Bucuresti, 1921, pp. 20-Ml.

26

their backs, during the winter the men engage in cutting the wood and
carry it home by sleds drawn by oxen. Many also take the Opportunity
of the work lull to carry out onto the land the manure, gathered and
prepared, as a fertilizer. Winter is also the period when the children
are most easily dispensed from work and therefore allowed to attend
school.

One of the most favored winter periods is the Christmas holidays.
Just as the Easter holidays, Christmas is also preceeded by a period

30

of fasting and preparation. Immediately preceeding Christmas there
is a rash of hog slaughtering. Once the hog is dead, the hair is re-
moved by burning. Next the hog is dissected, the intestines cleaned
and used for sausages, and the whole carcass is sectioned and hung in
the attic to be smoked. This provides the main meat staple for the
winter months.

During this period housewives again clean the house, bake "colaci"
and prepare for festivities. One of the most recurrent themes cited
in the literature is that of extreme reliance of the peasant on various
forms of magic to attain given ends. Pomfil, for example, mentions
the following beliefs, amongst others, that are practiced during the
day before Christmas:31 In relation to health some peasants put nuts
and a horse shoe in the water out of which they drink so as to be as

strong as iron. Also in order not to contract a fever, fish is eaten

on this day. One should not lend anything out of the house on this

 

3oTudor Pamfile, Craciunul (Christmas), Librariile Socec 31 Comp.
.1 C. Sfetea, Bucuresti, 1914, p. 1.

311bid., pp. 21-34.

27

day because all the good luck will leave the house with it. Similarly
to preserve good luck one must close the gates himself when a stranger
calls during the day.

Also on the day before Christmas, in order to prevent the hail
from destroying the cr0ps one should kneel by the table before the meal
and call the hail to come - if it does not come at the call it has no
right to come at any other time either. Similarly to obtain many crOps
the wife should prepare the day's dinner by using samples of each crap.
The women should not work at sewing on this day for if they do, worms
will destroy a great part of cherries and prunes.

In relation to poultry, women rise early Christmas Eve morning,
get a bunch of straws from the hog pen and sit on them in the house so
that the chickens will sit well on their eggs during the summer. The
chickens are also fed from a Special container so that they will lay
many eggs. The house is swept during the day but the dust may not be
thrown out so that the cows will not get sick.

In order to make the less productive fruit trees produce more
during the next year the husband similates the act of cutting them with
an axe, but the wife implores him not to cut them. This is supposed
to induce the tree to produce more.

In order that the household will be more productive during the
next year the husband goes around and touches all tools as cart, plow,
scythe, spades, etc., while the wife sews a little, Spins a little, and
does other small tasks.

Lastly the wife leaves overnight some food on the table so that those
that have died in the past may feast. These are but a few of the pro-

hibitions and obligations mentioned.

28

The youngsters prepare for Christmas by forming groups to go
caroling or to enact a short play of Christ's Birth and Herod's role
in the drama. Other teenagers prepare to go ”cu steaua." This means
to improvise a star on which pictures of Christ's Birth are pasted
sometimes at random and sometimes in a definite pattern. A.small bell
is attached to the star to accompany the youngsters caroling. Usually
the smaller children collect small doughnuts and sweets and the older
children receive small amounts of money. The young folk go caroling
after midnight when the small children have finished. After caroling
at the window the party is invited in the house where they are served
drinks and food. The Christmas holidays also last for three days during
which there is much merry-making in terms of dancing, singing, visiting,
eating and drinking.

The period immediately after Christmas is considered the wedding
season for there is little work to do and food is still plentiful. Thus
the winter season is the period of the year when there is much social

and religious interaction.

B. The Contact Situation

Redfield does not characterize the urbanized society as he has
done for the folk society. It is to be understood to be the antithesis
of such a society. In other words an urban society is not small,
isolated, homogenous and is not characterized by solidarity. Furthermore,
the secular and impersonal prevails over the sacred and personal of the
folk society. The urban society is too large for persons to know each

other intimately and too complex for each person to be aware of all the

29

cultural elements. An integrated culture does not exist and community
members are subjected to competing value orientations. Societywide
norms are weak and unclear.

Turning now specifically to the members of the group, it was found
that most of them came to the United States between the years 1905 and
191%. A majority of these individuals came alone, from different
villages at the initiative of some relative, friend or merely from
hearsay. The motivation to come to the United States was mostly to
augment their financial situation at home in Rumania. For example,

80% of all those interviewed had as their goal to come here, "make some
money and go back to buy more land.” Though all were either landowners
or sons of landowners, the amount of land owned was very small, varying
between 2 to 10 hectars. (l hectar . 2% acres) Having lived on the
land, most of these peOple had no Special training other than the
ability, as one put it, “to use my hands and back."

Thus one may imagine these unskilled laborers trickling one by
one onto the shore of the "new world,” with their own baggage of
traditions, and with high hopes of increasing quickly their remunerative
situation and then returning back to the families and their loved ones.
In other words, they were not interested in the new situation pg;_§g,
for its own sake. If they could have reached their goal in other
ways they would have done so. The new Situation was looked.upon as a
means to an end, and the end was to be able to acquire more land at "home."’

Thus it may be seen that the contact took place not between two
groups, but rather between a single individual, or a few individuals, and

the total donor society.

30

One of the most outstanding phenomena of the contact situation was
the diversity of both the material and non-material cultural elements
of the donor group and receiving group. This was made apparent from the
characterization of the folk and urban societies. Furthermore, the
contact was a case in which the receiving group came to the habitat of
the donor group. This phenomena differs from those situations of accul-
turation in which the donor culture-carriers go to the habitat of the
receiving group.

During the original contact the group seems not to have encountered
too much discrimination. Nor was the group singled out to be designated
or labeled by the donor group in any particular manner. This might be
due to the relatively small number of Rumanian immigrants. For example,
they have not received any nick-name as some of the other nationalities.
The only nick-name occasionally directed towards the group is that of
"Hunky" which, ironically, identifies the Hungarians with whom the
Rumanians, especially while in Europe, are at odds, to say the least.

Originally most of the members of the group settled in the Eastern
states where they became involved in heavy industries, working as coal
miners, quarry and railroad workers, and factory laborers, as will be
shown in subsequent chapters.

Thus it may be seen that the individuals who came to form the group

did not face unusually difficult situations during the original contact.

31

CFAPEEEB 111 <. 3‘

‘\

RESIDENTIAL movmmr “ ‘ ‘ ix-
é1_ Ethnic Residential Background

Every society places emphasis upon some of its social structures
which serve as an integrative force for the total society. Such struc-
tures, according to warner, are fundamental structures which, "integrate
the other structures into a social unity in much the same way that the
skeleton provides a framework or scaffolding on which the flesh parts of
a body are placed."32

In a folk society, such as the one that the group under consideration
came from, the structures most emphasized are the family and the church.
As stated earlier, in a folk society the family is considered the unit
of action and not the individual. Sanders, in his Balkan Village,33
calls such a society a "familistic" society. His characterization of
such a society is as followS: "in a familistic society, whether it is
in the Balkans or China, life is largelycnsdomary and traditional.
Individualism is discouraged because of the crisis that the unusual per-
son creates in the daily routine. PeOple prefer a dead uniformity, or
a leveling of the best towards the mediocre. The family plays the level-
ing part in this task of moulding the individual into the accepted
pattern. From childhood to old age the kinship group brings pressure

to bear upon any nonconformist, since the family as a whole loses

 

33Irwin Sanders, Balkan Village, The University of Kentucky Press,
Lexington, 1949.

32

prestige in the community if a member gets out of hand. The family,
too, is the chief training ground for the young, and parents cannot
blithely transfer any reSponsibility of this sort to an outside agency
such as the church or the school. Village Opinion holds the parents
accountable. Furthermore, economic life is centered about the family.
Since family members grow or make for themselves most of the things
they need, they depend only to a minor degree upon stores, factories,
and other commercial agencies. The family is the productive, dis-
tributive, and consumptive unit. This is one reason why village
families can weather so many wars and.so many depressions; they can
satisfy most of their immediate wants at home."34
As was shown this is also the case of the group under consideration.
Though there is much interaction between families, the conjugal family
is still the functional unit. The father is the central authority with
definite duties of carrying out heavier tasks of production, taking
care of the animals and initiating the children to these tasks. The
wife on the other hand is charged with housework, meals and clothing
and helping with minot‘tasks of harvesting. All of these aspects
imply a high degree of economic self sufficiency and group identity.
The church, through the priest, also plays a major role in the
life of the peasant. Sanders points out that all family events call
for the blessing of the religious intermediary, thatzmmy-households
have their own shrines, that there is considerable emphasis upon
observing the forms of the religion and that the prevailing religion

usually has a monOpoly in its field.

 

3“:b1d., p. 14“.

33

Similarly the extent to which the church.and religious holydays
govern the activities of Rumanian villagers has been noted. Nicolai
Iorga, a Rumanian historian, maintains that the main directive idea of
the Rumanians is the "Christian doctrine" and the "dogma of faith."35

In addition to the two structures mentioned, his attachment to the
land and the sense of group belonging and participation pervades the
life of the peasant. Warner states that "An event affecting the indi-
vidual was also the affair of the entire group. and an event affecting
the group was at once the affair of every individual."36

In such villages the ecological base with which the individual
identified was a plot of land that has been worked and handed down for
generations by his forebearers. This plot of land was generally close
to the village and the owners would commute to and fro to cultivate it.
The houses in the village are clustered in terms of family relatedness m
whereby the individuals are in constant and close interaction. Coop-
eration is high in such a setting. The individual family units con-
gregate successively to each others homes to execute a given task as
a group taking only one day instead of each person working on his
individual project for a week.

Through such activities, through the overwhelming cohesiveness lent
the family through mutual interdependence, and through the unity added
to the entire village as a whole by the church, the individual became

deeply identified with his place of residence.

 

35licolai Iorga, Istoria Romanilor din Dhipuri si Icoane,
Romuri, Criava, Rumania, 1913, p. 119.

36Warner, Social System gf_American Ethnic GrounS. p. 31.

34

B. Formation of Colgpy

Upon questioning the original immigrants as to their reason for
coming to the United States, 80% or 32 persons out of #0, declared to
make some money and go back. This reSponse is a manifestation that
the economic system of their own culture was not functioning to the
members expectations. The fact that most of the respondents came with
the idea of going back also indicated that there was no dissatisfaction
with the social or the religious system of the "old country." By
coming individually and settling originally in diverse States also
shows their unawareness of having to encounter a totally different
social system, possibly because of their limited mobility and
acquaintance with other social systems., However, once here, and faced
with a different, if not impersonal situation they soon came to learn
that their social needs were not satisfied and that such needs were
just as important as their biological needs. More than one person
retold of the loneliness, the lack of reSponse, and the emptiness
they experienced upon their arrival.

One person remembered that he felt so bad that if there had been
continuous land between the two continents he would have walked.backi
The wife of a respondent (and wives seem to be such good interjectors!)
took delight in relating how her husband had returned to Rumania after
only three weeks of stay. "we just could not believe our eyes" she
said, "when we saw him standing there in the doorway . . . and my
father had even borrowed the money to send him to America!” Such
behavior seems to emphasize the degree to which each person in their
former community social system had his status and role to play, those

of rights and duties, of privileges and obligation.

35

Upon saving some money, and therefore in improving their economic
situation, they began to show interest in improving their social life
by becoming mobile, and by associating with one another. One person
recalled how after working for a few years in the coal mines of
Pennsylvania, he decided to move west. He came to Columbus, Ohio but
could not find a job there. In the train station, ready to return to
Pennsylvania, he decided to try Detroit instead for he vaguely remembered
that some of his Humanian friends were working there. Once in Detroit
he asked the taxi driver to take him "where there are some Bumanians.“
The driver took him to a district called Franklin, the first Rumanian
colony located by the Detroit River and today designated as Tract 503.
Once in the district he began to walk the streets asking bypassers if
they knew certain persons by given names. He thus did, indeed, find
his friends, was housed by them and through them got a job in a
factory. Subsequently he sent for his family and became a member of
the parish which has continued to the present day.

This short narrative parallels very closely the way that most of
the members of the parish filtered towards Detroit after a temporary
st0p in some of the eastern coastal states. The writer was told that
in the first colony the Humanians did not differentiate amongst them-
selves to any extent. The fact that they were Rumanians was the only
prerequisite. Gradually, however, they began to differentiate amongst
themselves in terms of religious affiliations. The most predominant
religious groups were the Greek Orthodox and the Greek Catholics.

Some of the Catholics were working at the Ford Highland Park Plant and

commuted back and forth to Franklin. Gradually, a few of the Greek

36

catholics began to settle by the Ford Plant in company-made houses.
This original collection of peOple in 1910 constituted the genesis

of the Rumanian parish under consideration that lasted for about thirty
years in that particular location. The primary reason for moving to
the location was to be close to work. Those that moved later said

they moved to be close to work and to be near friends and church.

Thus most Rumanians first converged indiscriminately in a
particular location in Detroit, usually where there were other
Rumanians, there to become differentiated and moved to different areas
to recreate, once again a residential situation that paralleled their
former habitat: he village. host of the households that located in
the colony were in Tract 572. However, eventually there were others
that located in the adjoining tracts.37

The focal point in the colony was the church, the symbol that had
united them as families back in their own villages. To describe the
interplay and influence in the new habitat of the social structures
deemed important in their former habitat, it is fitting to allow one
of the members of the group to tell of these events as he saw them
when.recollecting the history of the colony. His remarks were printed

in a bulletin put out for the dedication of the new church in a new
location on September 4, 1955. He says, and I translate freely:
"Gradually the houses of the faithful began to replace the woods
around the Church, forming a true Humanian settlement between the

streets of Dequindre, Six Mile and Nevada. In fact on the streets of

 

37These are Tracts 571, 604, 606, 607, 608 and 912. Thus the
descriptive term "colony” will refer to all these tracts as a.unit.
(See maps in appendix.)

 

 

lullutlv tan]

37

of Greely, RiOpelle and Orleans the Rumanian language was spoken,

danced to, and sung as on the streets of any of the hmdreds of small
villages left by these meritorious peeple far in their mother country.
And here, as in the country, the soul of this settlement was nothing
else than the Church - the source of nourishment for the soul and
truly the source of Christian and Burnanian education. The proof Of
this truth is the generation grown in the years preceding the Second
World War, who speak and understand the Rumnian language the same as
their parents, and now with the realization of the last act (the new
church to which each family donated $1,000) have made their duty so
generously. From the stories told by both the young and the old
those years seem to be the happiest years of the life of the parish
of St. John the Baptist.“

The most important and influential role in the new community was
that of the priest; that familiar figure of both authority and source
of knewledge and direction. On Sundays, from his high pulpit. he
spoke to the congregation of the familiar parables, of the hereafter
and methods to lead the good life. The priest became active also in
perpetuating the Runanian language, customs and national holidays.
This he formed Saturday classes for children where the children were
taught to read and write Ihmanian and also learn about the cultural
background of the group. For Rumanian national holidays he trained
the young children in short plays. national dances and songs.

Most of the men of the parish worked at the Ford Blant in Highland
Park as laborers so after work there was little to say or do about
their Jobs. Instead, they congregated at nearby Rumanian bars where

they reminisced of Humania and sang the old songs.

The men also became involved in governing the church. Here the
reSpective offices of president, secretary, treasurer, were alternately
occupied by different members of the parish. There were also work—
parties for the maintenance of the church.and rectory and their
reSpective yards. At these parties the men worked while the women
were busy making "placinta," a Rumanian pastry, and distributing the
food and drinks. The men also reestablished their former privilege of
occupying the front of the church while relegating the back of the
church to the women. Thus the men managed to retain most of the
authority they had in the old country.

The women, on the other hand, were in charge of household duties
and children. Many of them, however, also took jobs in small sheps
leaving the small children with the older children in charge. Most of
the women‘s social activities revolved around the church. Here they
formed different clubs that were assigned such duties as cleaning the
church, supplying flowers for theziltar and washing the various linens
used by the church. The women were also in charge of preparing the
food of the many communal dinners held in the basement of the church.
For such occasions they prepared the customary Rumanian dishes as
stuffed cabbage, chicken and chicken soup. At such occasions the
women cooked the food and the young girls served it to the parishioners.

There was much community interaction during important religious
holydays as well as Rumanian national holidays. Thus during Christmas
many of the old rituals were observed. Many of the parishioners
bought fattened hogs to slaughter and to peroare as they did in the

villages. The children as well as the young folk and older peOple went

39

caroling in the same sequence as is usual in Rumania. Many of the men
took off from work for the prescribed three days of celebration during
which the colony joined in dancing, singing and in general re-enacting
their former cultural pattern appropriate for the occasion.

During national holidays there were again general meetings in the
nearby hall where orators Spoke, the children presented short plays,
the group sang the national songs and wore national costumes.

To complete the picture the role of the family and community was
reestablished in controlling and censuring the children and younger
set. Thus any older person had the right to admonish and punish any
child who did not conform to eXpected patterns of behaviour. The
children were taken regularly to church where they were exposed to the
ancient beliefs and doctrines. Community cooperation was also re-
established. When someone needed help he merely made it known and a
group of friends would be on hand. He, of course, reciprocated in time.

Thus the group was making a simultaneous adaptation, in a new
situation, to the economic, social and religious systems. In the
economic sphere, during that early period of 1915 to 1925 most of the
members of the colony worked at the Ford Plant which was within walking
distance. As long as economic conditions were favorable and they re-
ported to work, they got their weekly paychecks with which to buy the
necessities of life. In the social and religious systems most of the
former statuses and roles with their reSpective rights, duties, privileges
and obligations were restored.

\ / This, then was the answer of the group to the impersonality of the

city. Though they came to the United States one by one in different

#0

periods of time and settled in different areas initially, their former
cultural heritage served.both as an attractive force and a model through

which, and around which, they reorganized their lives in a new situation.

g._ The Colony_DiSsolved

 

During and immediately after the Second World war the colony
underwent disorganization to the extent that there are now less than
one fifth of the former residents in the area. This movement out of
the area was rapid and dramatic. There was hardly any pattern to the
movement, although there are a few individuals who moved to a given
area, bum not necessarily on the same street. The Priest put it aptly
when he said that "they are as scattered throughout Detroit as is the
corn flour of the blind beggar." 3c was using a Rumanian eXpression
which signifies random and unorganized distribution. To this fact
the writer can amply testify, aside from other evidence presented
here-in, by the distances and areas covered in search of individual
households for interviewing in connection with the survey. Many
times it was necessary to travel from one end of Detroit to another in
order to see, for example, two brothers located at the extremes of the
city. In order to meet this new situation the priest had decided to
build a new church, centrally located for the access of all the members
of the group that were now diSpersed.

The informant formerly quoted, attributes this diSpersion to the
war and puts it thusly: "The last war has caused fundamental changes
in the social structure of the pepulation around.the old church. Only

a few families have remained around it; the rest have scattered over

41

the whole region of the North, Northwest and Northeast. As the right
answer to this grave situation, Father George POp, with the majority
of the parishioners, has fixed for themselves, as a holy duty, to raise
a new home of obeisance to God."

In order to bring out some of the factors Operative in its mobility
achievement, the total group interviewed in this study has been divided
into the following categories:

I "P" to signify all the persons who were born in Rumania and who
subsequently came to the United States

a) "PHI" are those persons who came to the United States
after theyrwere 18 years old

b) "P-Z" are those who came before they were 18 years old

II "F—1,m" to signify second generation males that were born in
the United States

a) "In-group" are those who married Rumanian females
b) "Out-group" are those who married non-Rumanian females

III "F-l,f" to signify second generation females born in the
United States

a) "In-group" are those who married Rumanian males
b) "Out-group" are those who married non-Rumanian males
Table 1 shows the relative concentration of households of the

sample in the colony during different periods of time. This table may
be read both horizontally for each generation and vertically to con-
trast the generations. Thus during the years 1920 to 19% almost 907:;
of all the first generation households lived within the boundaries
of the colony. During the war the number began to decline until at
present there are about 22 out of 100 left in the area. There was a

more drastic decrease for the F-1 males, however, in the same period

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of time. It can be seen that from 80% in the thirties the number
drOpped to about 7% during the present time. In the case of the
first generation females there is even a more drastic shift. From
100% of the sample in the area during the thirties, there are'
presently only about 3% in the area. As to the total group it may be
seen that there are presently only 13% residing in the area. In
reading the table horizontally it may be noted that presently the first
generation is still in the majority in the colony with the second
generation males second and the second generation females the least.
The pace for the movement out of the area seems to have been set by
the second generation females, eSpecially those that married persons
of other ethnic background.

--Table 2 will demonstrate the rate of movement into new areas by
generations. The term new area refers to areas in.which no other
members of the colony have resided in previously.

In this table it is of interest to note that as early as 1930-39
the first generation P-Z, or those that came to the U35. before they
were 18 years old, began to leave the colony. In l940—M9 it may be
seen that the second generation females who married out-group led the
way into new areas with 63%. It seems that the non-Rumanian wives
of the second generation males also influenced their movement into
new areas for in lQhO—M9, 46% of them moved into new areas as Opposed
to 30% of those who married.maanian girls. In 1950-56 the second
generation females that married non-Rumanians still lead in "breaking
the ground" with 75%. Thus it seems that inter-ethnic marriages does

play a leading role in the acculturation of this ethnic group. This

TABLE 2

II VEIEIIT OF HOU‘SEEOLDS BY GBIERATIOIIS IITTO
HEW AREAS* BY DIFEEREHT PERIODS OF TIKE

 

 

Time Period

 

 

Generation 1920-29 1930-39 1940-49 1950-56
P-l

Total number 27 28 28 28

% in new area 0 7 39 25
P-2

Total number 7 9 ll 12

5% in new area 42 55 1+5 50
F—l Male In—Group

Total number -- 7 10 13

% in new area -- 13 30 46
F-l Male Out-Group

Total number - 8 15 21

% in new area -- 12 46 47
F-l Female In-Group

Total number -- O 6 6

% in new area - O 16 66
F—l Female Out-Group

Total number —- 2 19 20

% in new area -- O 63 75
Total Group

Total number 34 54 89 100

,‘6 in new area 8 16 1+3 58

 

 

r

* New Areas signifies areas in which no other member of the group
has lived in previously.

same relationship seems to hold when the movement outside the city of
Detroit is classified by generations, as the next table will show. As
for the total group it may be seen that the movement into new areas
has been consecutively higher each period to the present when it reached 58”,

__ In Table 3 both the males and females that married persons of other
ethnic background lead percentage-wise in crossing the city limits. On
the other hand the percentage is very low for those that married Rumanians

and for the first generation as a group. Of interest is the fact that

45

TABLE 3

IvIOVEI-ZEITT BY GEIEMI Ol-TS III DIFFEREITT PERIODS OF TIIE
ACROSS CITY'LIMITS 0F DETROIT

 

 

 

Time Period

 

 

Generation 1940-49 1950-55
P-1 and P—Z

Total number 39 40

% outside limits 2 12
F—l Male In-group

Total number 10 13

% outside limits 0 23
F-l Male Out-group

Total number 15 21

% outside limits 26 48
F-l Female In-group

Total number 6 6

% outside limits 0 16
F-l Female Out-group

Total number 19 20

% outside limits 5 50
Total Group

Total number 89 100

% outside limits 7 29

 

 

 

during 1950-56, 29% of the total group crossed the city limits which
would indicate that 23 of the 58% moving into new areas had done so
in the past six years.

Table # is a summary of the present distribution of the group.
From this table it may be seen that:

l) The final distribution of the first generation P-l and 9-2,
is rather uniformally distributed into the three designated areas:
namely, in the colony in Detroit and outside Detroit.

2) There is also a resemblance of movement between the second

generation males and females that married within the group. This

46

TABLE 4

PRESENT (1956) DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLDS OF THE NO GEKERATIOES

 

 

 

Area
Generation Total
Number In In Outside Totals

colony’ Detroit DetrOlt

------- Per cent — - - - - - -
P-l 28 21 69 10 100
PBZ 12 25 59 16 100
F—l Males In-Group 13 15 62 23 100
F—l Males Out-Group 21 4 #8 #8 100
F-l Females In—Group 6 16 68 16 100
F-l Females Out-Group 20 0 5O 50 100
Total Group 100 13 58 29 100

 

 

group seems to be more conservative by locating mostly within the city
limits of Detroit.

3) Males and females of the second generation that married outSide
the group seem to have also achieved approximately the same final dis-
tribution into the three designated areas. This is the group that moved
farthest from the colony out into the suburbs of Detroit. As regards
the total group, a majority still resides within the city limits of
Detroit.

The last analysis concerned with the residential movement of the
group will pertain to their movement into areas of higner socio-
economic status. In 1940 the city of Detroit was divided by the

Council of Social Agencies of Netropolitan Detroit into three

47

areas: 1) Areas of Above Average and High Social Economic Level,
2) Areas of Average Social Economic Level and 3) Areas of Below

88

Average and Low Socio-economic Level.“ These divisions were based
on ranking of the following combined data: rent, occupational status,
and educational attainment. The writer presents the distribution of
the group through time on the assumption that the socio-economic areas
have not altered greatly before or after 19M0.39

Table 5 shows the composition of the various groups that were in
the reSpective areas during the last two decades. In 1940-49 it may
be noted that of the 32 that lived in the Above Average area the males
and females that married in an out-group lead with 22% and 25%
reSpectively. Total second generation also lead over total first
generation with 57% and 43% respectively. In 1950—56 the same pro-
portions hold for the cut—group. However, presently total second
generation are even farther ahead than the total first generation
with 66% and 34% reSpectively. In the below average area during
the two decades the persons who married in-group and the first
generation are in the majority.

Table 6 is a summary of the group's movement through time with
reSpect to the socio—economic areas. During the first three decades
the total group seems to be overly represented in the below average
areas. Thus beginning with 1910-19 to 1939 the percentages for this

area are 90%, 96%, and 82% respectively. However, during the last

 

38Council of Social Agencies of MetrOpolitan Detroit, Research
Department, Administrative and Planning_Areas ip_Metr0politan Detroit,
1940, p. 11.

39Maps depicting the movement of the group by decades beginning
with 1910 to the present may be found in the appendix.

48

TABLE 5

DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GEKERATICE In TERXS or THE RESPECTIVE
SOCIO-ECONOKIC AREAS or DETROIT FROM 1940 TO 1956

 

 

 

 

 

 

F-l
Area Total tales Females Total Total Total
Number In— Out- In- out_ F—l P Group
Group Group Group Group
---------- Per Cent - - - — - - - — - - - -
Above Average
1940-49 32 7 22 3 25 57 43 32
1950—56 55 13 24 7 22 66 34 55
Average
1940—49 9 0 44 0 33 77 23 9
1950-56 21 24 24 4 19 75 25 21
Below Average
1940—49 43 16 7 9 16 48 52 43
1950-56 24 9 1+ 13 13 39 61 24

— -— cH—o-m

two decades the picture has changed. fith the movement out of the colony
the percentages for the total group dronped to 52% in 1940-49 and to
24% in 1950—56. In the meantime, while the percentages in the below
average area were decreasing, the percentages in the average area and
above average area were increasing. Thus beginning with 1910 by decades
to the present the following increases are apparent for the total group
in above average areas: 10%, 6%, 18%, 38% and presently 55% in these
areas. Whereas in 1940-49 the distribution for below average, average,
and above average areas were 52%, 10% and 38% respectively, presently
the distribution is 24%, 21% and 55% reSpectively.

These figures point to the following conclusions:

I) The group has a strong mobility aspiration, or desire to

become acculturated

TABLE 6

KOVEHEHT OF THE GROUP, BY GEHERATIOKS, FR’H 1910 TO 1956,
WITHIN DESIGIATED SOCIO—ECOKOK C AREAS OF DETROIT

 

Socio-Economic Area

 

Year

 

and fiumber AAbove Average Aéeifj

Generation verage ve “be
-------- Per cent - - - - ~ ~ - - -

1910-19

Total P 19 10 -— 90
1920-29

Total P 32 6 - 96
1930-39

Total P 40 20 -— 80

Total F—l 15 13 - 87

Total group 55 18 - 82
1940-49

Total P 38 4O 5 55

Total F—l 46 39 16 45

Total group 84 38 10 52
1950-56 ‘

Total P 40 48 15 37

Total r~1 6o . 60 25 15

Total group 100 55 21 24

 

 

2) The dominant group is permissive towards the group to become
assimilated and

3) The group is becoming behaviorally assimilated with respect
to the social system of the American society at large. More Specifically,
the group has given up its physical group identity by consenting to
reside diSpersed rather than as a unit.

To the writer the whole phenomena of the formation and diSpersion
of the colony resembles the wave motions caused by a pebble drOpped
into a pond. The initial wave is the strongest reaction produced with

the subsequent waves moving out and diminishing gradually with time

50

X

and distance traveled from the center. Thus, initially, due to the \
impact of culture contact between the differing cultures, the reSpective
individuals reacted.by forming the colony where they reestablished most
of the cultural norms and patterns of behaviour congenial with their
former cultural background. Gradually, with the paSSage of time, they,
eSpecially the second generation, began to move out farther and farther
dispersing themselves more and more as they were doing so.

When asked directly for the reasons why they left the colony and
why they went to their present location, the most common reSponses
were as follows: "we want to better ourselves." "we have lived long
enough.in cramped houses and yards. we want more fresh air." "we
want more room. we want larger lawns, more trees and better views.”
"we want to get away from Negroes.“ "we want better neighborhoods,
better schools for our children.” "we want better houses." "we
want . . . to better ourselves."

Warner refers to such aspirations or forces as the "hierarchical

40

attraction," that impels the ethnic group to move to areas that are
higher in the socio-economic scale. That such forces were at work
seems to be substantiated by the mobility aSpiration and behavior of
the total group. In light of this behavior it may be asserted with
finality that the physical setup of the colony no longer exists and

that the group is diSpersed beyond any stage where it could be con-

ceived of as a colony or settlement.

 

nowarner, Social Syptem gf_American Ethnic Groups, p. 49.

 

51

In addition to the reasons given by the group for moving, the
data collected in "the field" seems to point to other factors also.
In the first place it may be stated that the diapersion of the group
demonstrates immediately that some of the former values, as group
living, have been changed. Presently the situation is defined
differently than it was by the majority in the past. In order for
a person to define the situation differently and act in accordance
with this definition implies both different past eXperiences and the
acquisition of confidence to act within the norm of new situations.
Initially this experience and a certain degree of confidence must have
been acquired eSpecially by the second generation, in its school, work
and play contacts with other members of the dominant society. However,
the maximum experience and confidence seems to have been acquired
during the Second WOrld War because 70% of the second generation
respondents had served in the Armed Forces. In this situation they
had the Opportunity to test their ability to interact with the members
of the dominant society in different circumstances and far away from
the protective and permissive atmOSphere of the colony. This is the
process that Broom and Kitsuse calls "the validation of acculturation.”1
In addition, these young men had the opportunity to identify themselves
with the American.society. They, in reality, were "fighting for America,"
and became involved in circumstances that were highly symbolic. This

experience gave them a sense of purpose and participation.

 

ulLeonard Brdom and John I. Kitsuse, "The Validation of Acculturation:
A Condition to Ethnic Assimilation," American Anthropologist, Fol. 57,

1955. pp. 44-49.

52

Thus one reSpondent recalled that he felt that he had a real sense
of purpose in life when, as a bugler on a battleship, the "whole ship
went to sleep and awoke to my taps and reveille!" Not only that but
he was the bugler who signaled the raising of the first American flag
in Tokyo. His whole being swelled with pride as he recalled the event
and added "I will never forget that!" Another reapondent recalled how,
as a first aid man, he had to help the wounded, many times in the thick
of battle.

Another important factor was the ability to accumulate capital
during the war by both the men in service and those that were working
in factories. As the priest stated "they used to work seven days a
week from ten to fourteen hours a day.” In so doing they accumulated
much overtime pay which allowed them to save enough capital to use
for down payments on houses in other higher socio—economic areas.
Furthermore, the second generation youngsters began to move into
mechanical trades such as electricians, tool and die makers and meche
anics. In addition the older pe0ple were slowly advancing in somewhat
better positions in the factory system after starting at the bottom
as plain laborers. All this, in other words, adds up to economic
mobility as Warner calls it. He states that "Residential mobility,
partially at least, is contingent upon economic mobility and is
almost an indispensable condition for social class mobility."42

A.third factor facilitating mobility is the fact that the

Rumanian pOpulation in Detroit as a whole is rather small numerically

to be singled out as an important ethnic group. For example, in the

 

 

nzwarner and Lunt, The Social Life 9; g_Kodern Community, p. 42-43.

53

census of 1950 there were 3,723 Rumanians listed as"Foreign Born Whites.”
This is merely .2% of the total population of Detroit which in 1950

was 1,623,452 as reported by the 1950 POpulation Census, Detroit,
Hichigan Census Tract Characteristics. In relation to the signifi-
cance between the total membership of an ethnic group and its residential
mobility Warner has this to say: "The smaller the number of such units
(households) in an ethnic group, the less resistance it encounters and
the greater is its possible mobility. The reaction of society to a
social deviant such as the 'foreigner' and the 'alien' is generally
sharp, but the intensity of the reaction is in direct proportion to the

number of such deviants who invade the society."43

 

“31bid., p. 49.

0mm IV " f ‘
OCCUPATIONAL woman

The former technical system of the group was so diverse from the
one they had to adept in the UQS. that most of them “ad to start at
the bottom of the occupational ladder as plain laborers. This start-
ing, or zero point, will serve as a bench mark from which the advance
of the group may be measured and.thus their mobility achievement in

the technical system assessed.

4, The Economic Backsround of the Grmrp

 

Most of the original immigrants that became members of the colony
were agricultural workers who derived their subsistence by working
small plots of land either as owners or tenants to large estate owners.
A few were skilled workers such as carpenters, blacksmiths and tailors.
In her studies of Rumanians Galitzi says: "That the immigration is
primarily agricultural is evidenced by the figures referring to the
whole period 1899-1927, according to which O.fl% of those declaring an
occupation are professional men, 4.0%\skilled workers, 6.6% of other

nub

occupations and 89% farm laborers and unskilled laborers.
f
These were peOple that were used to working hard and long hours

in the fields mostly with simple tools and bare hands. They produced

almost all the goods they needed from fiber to food stuff and many of

 

“#Avaghi C. Galitzi, ALStugy g£_Assimilation Among_the Rumanians
in the United States, How York, Columbia University Press, 1929, p. 38.

 

55

the implements they used. Warner in his studies of American ethnic
groups states that "the ethnics have their source in a simple economic
system which is predominantly agricultural, organized around.the
productive and self-sufficient family unit, and marked by only a
slight specialization of occupations and relatively little circulation
of labor, money and goods."45

Such an economic system is in sharp contrast to the highly geared
economic system they found in the U. S., with its "narrowly Specialized
economic structures and occupations, lack of family self-sufficiency,
complex circulation of values, and relatively impersonal, contractual
types of exchange relations.”"l'6

The economic factor was one of the important factors in inducing
the respondents to immigrate to the U. S. There were in fact, two
sets of forces at work: the lack of economic resources in Humania
that served as the pushing force and the economic abundance of the
U. S. which served as the attractive force.

It seems that the Rumanian peasants learned about the economic
resources of the U; S. from their Hungarian neighbors whose relatives
were in the U} S., and from the publicity of steamship companies look-
ing for customers. As stated before, their first plans were to merely
come to the U. S. for a few years, make their little fortune and.re-
turn back to their villages to buy more land. However, the First

world war came during which they began to congregate in the colony

 

45warner and Srole, Social System 93 American Ethnic Groups. Po 55.

 

 

“61b1d.

56

and finally to build the church in 1917. Thus after the war, instead
of returning back they began to send for their wives, fully reconciled
to staying. "Why should I have left?" asked one reSpondent, "when I
had a good paying job, a home as good as the 'boyar' (landowner) for
whom I used to work at home, and when I was living with Rumanians

in the same way I did at home." Apparently they were preparing for

a long stay in the little community they had.formed, unaware that

other forces were soon to disrupt their ideal creation.

3. Occupational Achievement

 

Initially most of the first generation reSpondents got involved
with coal mines, cement and quarry factories, foundries, cross-
continental railways and general factory work. "With pick and shovel,
with wheel-barrow and bare hands, that is the kind of job I got when
I came here" was the anSwer of a.reSpondent. Gradually, however, they
began to become skilled, by experience, in Operating certain machines
such as punch presses, grinders and gear cutters. But that is as far
as they went. Some, due to their high value for property, became
prOprietors of grocery stores, restaurants and other Small establishments.
The second generation, however, even though they are concentrated in the
skilled craft category, are beginning to move out into other occupations.

In order to show the occupational movement of the group both
percentages and an occupational status index are used. The basic
features of the index are those devised by warner in his studies of the
ethnics of Yankee City. However, in order to be able to use some of

the census data for comparisons some of the classes within categories

57

were rearranged. For example foremen are included by Warner in the
11-3 Management - aid category, whereas in the census they are in-
cluded in the crafts category. The writer, therefore, includes them

in the latter. Furthermore only those categories are used and com-
pared that are pertinent to the group. Briefly, the most frequent
classes included within the categories used are as followS: I-A
Operative includes apprentices, furnacemen, mine Operators and laborers,
truck drivers and welders; I-B Craftsmen and Foremen includes carpenters,
die Ietters, electricians, machinists, mechanics, millwrights and
upholsterers; II—A Clerical and Sales includes shipping clerks and

real estate agents; II-B Managers and PrOprietors; III Professionals
includes chemists, musicians, reporters, teachers and technical
engineers. Each category is given a differential numerical value as
follows: I-A, 1; 1-3, 2; II-A, 3; II-B, #; and III, 6. The index is
arrived at by multiplying the absolute number in each category by the
assigned value of the category and the summation of these products

is then divided.by the total employed pOpulation of the group. This
quotient is a number between one and six, representing the relative
position of the group in terms of its average advance from the basic
occupational level. For example in Table 7 the advance by 1939 of,

16 points since 1929 by the first generation indicates that in the
interim the group has advanced an average of sixteen occupational

steps for every hundred of their employed. Put another way this means
that one individual in every 6 employed has moved on the average one
level upward in the occupational hierarchy. This seems to be the largest

increase for any decade to the present. Thus from 1939 to 1949 there

58

TABLE 7

OCCUPATIOUAL DISTRIBUTIOH AHD STATUS IHDICES OF THE
FIRST AED SECOID CEIERATIOKS AJD TOTAL GROUP BY'DECADES

 

 

Occupational Category

 

 

Generation Number Profess— Managers Clerks Oper— Total
ional and and Crafts a- Index Group
Proprietors Salesman tive Index
-------- Per Cent - - - - - - - - ~
1910-19
P.1t 28 0 4 4 8 84 1.39 1.39
1920-29
P-l 3 5 o o 7 23 7o 1. 34 1.34
1930-39
F—1** 25 4 O 12 40 44 1.85 ’
1940—49
P41 37 0 8 3 43 46 1.91 2 09
F—l 38 8 3 lO 49 30 2.18 °
1950-56
P51 33 O 15 3 4O 42 1.92 2 20
F—l 4O 5 15 12 50 18 2.45 '

 

* P51 includes P-1 and PLZ in this table.
** F—l includes males who married In-group and Out—group.

was an increase of six points and during 1950-56 only one point for the
first generation. This tells of their rather stable position in Operap
tive and crafts categories.

The second generation during the 1930-39 decade achieved an index
of 1.85 which is considerably above those of their parents during the
same and preceding decades. By 1949 they advanced 33 levels or twice
the largest increase of their parents. Presently they have an index
of 2.45 or 27 points above the preceding decade. This advance was
made in approximately half of a decade which would add up to 54 points

for the present decade if the advance is at the same rate.

In looking at the individual categories it may be seen that the
first generation is still concentrated within the operative and craft
categories with about forty per cent in each or fully eighty per cent
in both. It is of interest to note that the second generation is also
concentrated within the items categories. However fifty per cent are
in the skilled craft category. Practically all of these are tool and
die makers and electricians. It seems that their fathers' occupational
affiliation with factories has influenced their occupational lovement
also. host of them attended trade schools where their parents worked
such as Ford fiotor Company.

The next concentration of both generations is found in the prOprietor
category - the first generation with fifteen parcent, the second with ten
per cent and the total group with 12.3 per cent. This seems to reflect
their still hiei value for prOperty ownership. Of interest is also
the fact that only as recently as 1950 the second generation began to
move out into the other categories.

In Table 8 the reSpective generations and the total group are
compared with "total Detroit employed," "native white of foreign or
mixed parentage" and "foreigh born white." The first generation is 47
points below total Detroit and 37 below the foreign born white with
which group it should be most comparable. The second generation has
an index of 2.45 which compares favorably with the index of total
Detroit and that of native amite of foreign parentage with which group
it should be comparable. This achievement seems to point out that
eventually they will be assimilated throughout the technological system

hierarchy of Detroit. However, in comparing the total group with total

TABLE 8

SUI-DIARY A117) COIZPARISC-ZT BY PEP. CEZTT ETD STATUS IZTDICES
OF EESEXT (1056) OCCUPATIOUE DIS RI UTIOH

 

 

.Occupational Class

 

 

Grouping Ium- Profess- managers Clerks Oper-

ber ional and and Crafts a Index

PrOprietors Salesmen tive
--------- Per Cent - - — - — - - - —

P-l 33 0 l5 3 4O 42 1.92
3-1 40 5 15 12 50 18 2.45
Total group 73 3 15 8 45 29 2.20
American husbands
of Rumanian F—l
females 20 10 20 15 45 10 2.85
Total Detroit,
1950 Census* 551,688 8 IO 15 21 31 2.39
Native white of
foreign mixed
parentage, Detroit,
1950 CenSuS* 224,150 9 10 16 25 29 2.40
Foreign born
white, Detroit,
1950 Census* 161,605 6 13 10 28 28 2.23

_

* Totals less than lOOfl because service workers and laborers are not

included.

Detroit, the group is still 19 points below the Detroit aggregate.

This

seems to be due to the very low index attain d by the first generation

relative to the second generation.

The highest in the groups compared are the native American born

husbands of Rumanian females with an index of 2.85.

This seems to be

related to their concentration in the skilled craft, clerical, managerial

and professional categories.

This group was not included within the total

Ruranfan group considering that the main interest of the study is in
the adaptation of the Rumanians as a group. This higher status index
seems to denote acceptance of the group and an upward movement of

the group.

C. Income of the Group

 

One important variable in the behavior of the group is the
acquisition of income by males. As previously shown the first
generation began as plain laborers in the heavy industries. Sub-
sequently the second generation concentrated within the same industries,
however th y moved into skilled jobs with higher pay. WOrk, "hard
work", seems still to be a virtue through which the men justify them-
self and insure their existence; to the individuals of the group, to
subsist one must work, and to work is to work with one's hands, to
manipulate visual objects. Furthermore, to make and save money and
goods seems to be of primary interest of the group. Therefore there
is a tendency for them to move into those occupations that "pay the
most" and which offer the most security in terms of steady work and
other benefits. Thus most of the jobs held by the group are union-
ized, secure jobs. As seen under occupations, 50$ of the second
generation are in the skilled crafts that are highly paid. This may
be seen in Table 9 where the median income of each generation and the
total group exceeds the median income of total Detroit and the other
groups compared. Only the first generation concentrate in the same

$3,000 to $3,999 category as the other groups compared do. The

TABLE 9

IESEIT IYCCME OF THE GROUP-
COHPARED WITH TOTAL DETROIT

 

 

Annual Income

 

 

Grouping Fumber $2999 or $3000 to $5000 and rot Median
less 4999 over Reported

-------- Per Cent - ~ - - — ~ - -

P—l 28 14 57 8 21 $3600

P-2 12 O 49 51 0 35000

Total F—l 40 0 28 72 0 $6000

Total Group 80 5 40 47 8 $5000

Total Detroit 868,110 34 47 16 3 $3465

native white

of foreign

or mixed

parentage,

Detroit 426,480 49 34 11 6 $2885

Foreign born '

white, Detroit 259,830 45 35 12 8 $3033

 

 

first generation, second generation and total group, however, concentrate
in the $6,000 and above category 385, 50% and 31% reSpectively.

It is primarily due to such high incomes that the group could afford
to move lately into the above average socio-economic areas. In giving
reasons for leaving the colony very few recognized this economic factor.
However, to the writer, it seems a case of replacement rather than dis—
placement. Thus the frugality of the group, its high regard for hard
work, and desire for security contributed to its economic advancement

which in turn became a factor in its dissolution.

DL Educational Attainment

Pertinent to the extent and type of mobility achievement in both
the residential and occupational categories is the extent and type of
educational advancement attained by the group. The group does value
education p§§_§§_-— "education is good“ type of outlook —- without
being aware of its disruptive effects upon the values of the group.
To the group, education is especially valued when it aids in securing
a "better job," 1.6., higher pay. To deal with abstractions, :ith
"ideas" still is the hardest thing for the group to do: for exalple,
one of the most difficult tasks of the writer to cope with during
interviews was to eXplain what "good" the information will do and
what exactly does the writer "take and do" in school. This was
especially true of the first generation.

That education is valued may be seen by the difference between
the first and second generation medians of school years completed.
Thus,in Table 10,P has 5.3 years and 3-1 has ll years of school
completed. The second generation seems to concentrate in the high
school category with very few going to college. Thus for total ,
Detroit 11 per cent have completed one or more years of college,
whereas only 3 per cent have done so in the total group. The other
groups compared are also ahead of the group in the college category.
Most of the second generation, upon partial or total completion of
high school went into trade schools and thence into the higher
paying craft jobs.

Thus the group seemed to have utilized the school system to ad-

vance in the trade and craft skills but not in the professional field.

”I

TABLE 10

EDUCATIONAL ATTAIITI-IEII T - CUE-TAKE WITH
OTHER GROUPS IH TOTAL DETROIT

 

 

Years of Schooling Completed

 

 

Grouping Fumber Zone 1 to 8 9-12 13 or fiedian
years years more years
— — - --Per cent ------
P 40 28 55 17 O 5.3
3-1 42 0 8 84 8 11.0
Total group 82 13 31 53 3 9.2
Total Detroit, 1950 1,143,670 2 42 44 12 9.9

Native white of

foreign or mixed

parentage, 1950

Detroit * 305.395 0 30 51 14 10.9

Foreign born white,
1950, Detroit* 201,870 5 52 28 8 8.5

 

 

* Totals less than 100% because not reported cases are not
included.

By so doing they were able to acquire more valuable prOperty and other
material goods in accordance with the American culture.
In this chapter the mobility achievement of the group in relation

‘
D

to the technical system has been snown. The extent and type of adjust--
ment affected in this category seems to have been dependent upon the

skill potential and value orientations of the group. Having no Special
skills and no capital, the group started at the level of plain laborers

in the industries that paid the most. These were the heavy and factory

industries. Once established in these industries the group continued

65

to make adjustments in terms of the occupations found in them. Thus
the second generation moved into the skilled crafts.

Education was utilized to advance in the same occupations.
Though the educational attainment of the group is not as advanced as
that of total Detroit, the median income of the group is higher than
median income of the Detroit group. This seems to be due to the
relative concentration of the group in the highly paid skilled craft
occupations. Finally this economic increment became a factor in both
the group's dissolution as well as its adaptation to the American

culture at large.

66

CHAPTER V
CULTURAL PATTERNS AID SOCIAL ADAPTATION

According to the data already presented one may conclude that the
group under consideration is in the third stage of acculturation, as
viewed by Linton,”7 i.e., complete absorption of the minority group by
the dominant group or complete assimilation. This may be deduced from
the group's residential diSpersion, gradual occupational differentiation,
and the rate of inter-ethnic marriages. /In other words the group seems
to becoming fast acculturated on the behavioral level of the technical
and social systems of the donor society. Thus the group displays a
high degree of mobility aSpirations and the dominant group seems to
permit it a moderate degree of mobility achievement at least on this
behavioral level. It may be recalled that by the behavioral level is
meant those elements that are easier to perceive such as the material
culture elements of the donor group.

Thus by the fact that most of the reSpondents have moved into
higher socio-economic areas implies the possession of certain material
goods as "modern" houses with the apprOpriate furnishings as carpets,
sofas, drapes, the latest automatic gadgets, good cars and garages.
For example the writer does not recall any house of the respondents
that did not have television, refrigerators, automatic heating systems,
etc. The writer also noted a tendency for the seCOnd generation
respondents to have in the basement the "recreation room" with a bar,
card tables, shelves for books and a place for dancing. lany'reSpond-

ents took pride in showing to the writer the different gadgets,

 

47Linton, The Acculturation 9:; Seven American Indian Tribes, 1'). 519.

 

67

number and dimensions of rooms, and the different arrangements. One
of the most descriptive terms used was the price of the items possessed.
Such possessions also implies the accentance of the proper behavior
that goes with them; for example, having the prOper drinks on hand, "even
though I don't drink," and wearing the prOper clothes for given social
occasions such as going to church, weddings and dances.

The next question we shall be concerned with is whether or not
the group is also abandoning their former social system or group identity
in favor of the social system of the dominant grmup. WOuld it follow
for example that, due to their renunciation of living together as a
physical group, they would also renounce their group identity. To

.——.—.,..—v -

answer this_guestion we shall take a look at the group's friendship
pattern, their church affiliation and attendance and the voluntary
associations to which they belong.

At this point it might be well to recall that the group's originators
were once part of a society that was highly integrated in terms of offer-
ing objectives and purposes to the individual. Such a society, as we
have seen, is a sacred society in which, according to Gillin "the whole
culture is tied together, as it were, by a system of mental patterns,
projective patterns in truth, which rationalize/ emplain and justify the
overt aSpects of the culture in terms of the relation of the peOple to

48
the supernational." The projective patterns mentioned create for the

average individual an "unseen world" which is felt to be present all

 

“8.1mm Gillin, The l’fays _o__f_‘_ Man, Ap‘oleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.,
New York, l9b8, p. 526.

about,-ouerating according to given rules and which.usually involves
sanctions which are thwught to be beyond the cantrol of ordinary
humans. Gillin puts it this way: "In a well-integrated 'sacred'
culture the basic policies are not determined.by human actions -
they have already been settled in the unseen Sphere which permeates
all aspects of human life. Man's duty is to follow faithfully the
patterns of the culture in order to keep in line with these fore-
ordained directives, to escape the punishment which follows failure
or deviation, and to receive the rewards which.come either in this
life or the next from activity consistent with the structure of the
supernaturall.."L"9

It was such a social system that the group has recreated to a
certain extent in their former colony in Detroit by re-establishing
the various social roles, rights and duties of the priest, the sex
and age categories. However, whereas in their former habitat the
religious aspect permeated all their activities including the tech~
nological when the priest would bless the fields and pray for rain,
in the new setting the religious aSpect began to be restricted to
only certain phases. For example the religious influence had nothing
to do with the technical system and only partly with the educational
system, for all children were attending public schools. Thus the
result was that many individuals through their mobility aspiration,
and through the permissiveness of the host society, began to feel

caught in the middle, so to Speak, between the integration offered

 

“9mm. 10. 529.

69

by the colony and the attractive force of the American society at
large.

Gillin gives two reasons why religion as an integrative force is
not achievable in the American culture. "First, most of our religious
and sacred culture consists of mental patterns which are not consistent
with certain other large segments of the culture." He cites as an
example the difficulty of linking the current religious concepts and
the scientific-experimental method. "Second, the skeptical attitude
and its associated pattern of having everything 'proved' are firmly
imbedded aspects of the culture and are grossly inconsistent with the
'believing' attitude and the pattern of taking the unseen world on
faith.”0 A third reason, as noted by the writer, seems to be the
Opposite means of achieving ends by a hierarchical religious system
and a democratic system. As will be seen some of the reSpondents
rebelled towards the authoritarian powers assumed by the priest on
the ground that "in th;§_country nobody can tell you what to do in
your private life."

When the colony began to disintegrate some of its leading ex-
ponents began to be concerned with keeping its integrity in some form
or other. One of the factors that facilitated their movement out of
the colony was the willingness of the Negro pOpulation to buy the
prOperty in the area. The Negroes were willing, however, to buy the
prOperty long before 1940. In fact, it was learned that some of the

parishioners prOposed that the parish buy the houses from those

 

5°Ibid., p. 527.

7O

Humanians that wanted to move out and then resell them only to other
Rumanians or at least to other whites. When the mass movement was
obvious, another scheme was prOposed whereby the parish would buy

a large tract of land somewhere on the out-skirts of the city, to
build houses and a church and then the whole colony to move there
§p_§§§§g, However, individuality prevailed for one by one the peOple
began to move out, "even to Spite one another," was the comment of a
reSpondent. The wife of a respondent, when the subject was mentioned,
became quite emotional as she said: "We just do not have the leader-
ship! There is no one interested enough in all of us to lead us, to
show us what we can do and.where to go. Everybody now is on their
own. Look at the Polacks how they are sticking together. Why?
Because they have leadership!"

Amid the general disinterest, when everyone was going their own
way, the priest began to take leadership. This is the way he related
his activities and roles: "Here I was, standing and witnessing all
this movement away from the Church. For awhile there I did not care.
But when they began to go to other churches I began to take a stand.
It was not only the distance that bothered them. They were complaining
about the condition of the church, the small streets with no place to
park and the general deterioration of the neighborhood. So I began to
plead for some organization,for a new church somewhere centrally
located. For about two years we argued and made decisions,but nothing
happened. They all disagreed all the time. Even today they still
disagree, eSpecially the young and the old. That is when I decide to
take matters in my own hands. I did not beg any more. I did not wait

for committee decisions. I began to tell them what to do. I literally

71

took a whip in my hands and went to work on them. I sat down with a
pencil and figured out the type of church we needed, the cost and so
forth. I divided the cost by the number of families and at a meeting
I just told them; 'Eow look, good peeple, this and this is what we
are going to do. How much does it cost? One thousand dollars on a
family. You should have seen them: They jumped up and down and
started to argue again. They could not believe me; But I stuck to
it. After that I divided all the families into groups of ten, with
those that were more inclined to participate together and those that
were not, again together. Okay. Then I took the first or easiest
group at hand. In each group also I started with the person that was
most likely to give. Then when I went to the second I showed him the
name of his friend who just gave. 'Eow are you going to refuse when
your friend already gave?‘ I would ask him. And so on and on it went
until I got all of them except for a few hard headed ones."

The writer spoke with some of these "hard headed ones" and was told
by one of them that "in this country you don't tell anybody what to do.
I do something because I want to do it and not because the priest tells
me to." Changing his aggressive tone and coming closer to the writer,
he continued, "I will tell you something, however, I cannot Speak good
English and I go to the neighborhood Catholic church for the last two
years. I don't know what they are saying in English, I don't know
what they say in Latin. So I don't go to confession either. That is
for two years. I don't know what to do. Sometimes I feel I will
give the thousand dollars and forget all about it. Two years without

confession! YOu know, that is a long time!"

72

Thus in response to various cultural patterns, either submission
to the higher authority "from above", or the sheer denial of a pattern
practiced for years, the various members are still frequenting the
group church.

The finished church and rectory at Woodward Avenue and Eight Mile
Road cost a total of $360,000. Of this amount, $60,000 has been paid
from the sale of the old church and the remaining $300,000 will be
paid by the parishoners. Half has already been paid and the other
half is pledged and the peOple are paying monthly installments.

In the end all of these procedures amount to group activity and
group involvement, or, rather, group reinvolvement. The priest once
told the writer, "You know, I am beginning to get donations and hear
from peOple that I thought were dead or gone for goodl And not only
that, but even attendance in church is increasing. Why? There are
two reasons. In the first place the new church is a beautiful building
with parking space, something to be proud of. New everybody likes to
say that 'I contributed to that church.‘ They feel good to come into
the parish house and see it furnished with the latest things. They
don't feel they are walking into a hole anymore. Yes, they are proud.
The other reason is that they do not live close together anymore where
they could see each other every day. How they live all over the city
and the church is one place where many friends can see each other as a
group on Sunday. So there are more people coming to church than when
they were living close to the church."

In these passages the central role played by the priest ay be

seen by his assumption of the traditional role of directing his charge,

73

and the submission of the group to the recognized cultural patterns.,/
In a period of general disorganization, the stand of such a person
with endowed authority directed towards a group congenial to such
direction seems to produce concrete results. For example, the de-
scriptive term of "miracle" was heard by the writer many times in
relation to the completion, the very physical presence, of the new
church with its many modern features.

Furthermore, the priest seems to have recognized that the group,
though dispersed, still maintain some of their former social relation-
ships and that the church facilitates this attempt.

To make the church even more acceptable, especially to the
younger generation, the priest instituted two masses, one during
which the epistle, gospel and sermon and announcements are made in
English. During the other mass the same are said in Rumanian.
Furthermore, the seating arrangements have been changed so that the

men and women may sit together wherever they please.

A. Church Affiliation

 

Let us now take a look at the church affiliation of the group by
generations. In Table ll it may be noted that for each generation,
except for the females that married out of the group, the highest
percentages are in the Group Church. The respective figures are 70%,
33%, 50% then 70% in the Roman Church: 355, 923 for the first gen-
eration and 58$ for the total group. These percentages would be even

higher if to them were added the per cent that belong to both the Group

7L9

TABLE ll

CCU? CH 3:: ILI.1TIOK — DISTRIBIT ION OF EACH G-QTERATIOH

TO THE VnRI US CmTRCH CATE"3£ES

 

 

Church Affiliation:
Grouping Rumber Group Roman Group & Roman
Church Catholic Catholic Both Other

 

-------- Per Cent - - — - - - - -

Second Generation
Males

F—l In—group 13 70 l5 l5 0

F-l Out-group 21 33 19 29 19
Second Generation
Females

F—l In-group 6 50 0 17 33

E—l Out-group 20 10 70 10 10
Total Second Generation 60 35 33 18 lb
Total First Generation 40 92 5 0 3
Total Group 100 58 22 ll 9

 

 

and Roman Churches, considering that these percentages signify identity,
even though partially, with the Group Church. For example if the 18%
of the total second generation that identify with both churches were
added to the 35;o that identify er clusively with the Group Church,
there would be 53% that still identify with the Group Church. Similarly
for the total group; if 11% and 58% were added a total of 69% of the
total group would still identify with the Group Church.

At the other er treme it may be noted that the lowest percentages
are in the category 0t er Churches. This table also shows that the
Roman Church is an institution which some members of the group utilize

as a step towards assimilation. This is understandable considering

75

that the Group Church is a branch of the Roman Church. The lead again
is taken by the females that married outside the group, who, significantly,
seem to marry Roman Catholics in preference to other persons.

In Table 12 the degree of identity of each generation with.the given
church category may be noted. Thus 62§ of the Group Church is made up
by the first generation and the remaining 38% by the second generation.
Of the second generation the males, esnecially those that married
Rumanian females, identify strongly with the church. In looking at the
Roman Church we find that fully 90% of those that chose it are of the
second generation and of these 63% are females that married out of the
group. Whereas only 18% of the males that married out of the group
identify with the Roman Church, 5% of them identify with both the
Roman and Group Churches showing a transitory period for that group.

It is significant to note that none of the first generation identify
with both churches, even though nine per cent of those that belong to
the Roman Church are of the first generation.

From these tables it seems safe to assume that the group still
identifies with the Group Church. By so doing they tend to cling to
their former social and religious systems they had formed in the colony.
As the priest said, "Now that they do not live together, the church is
a place where they can meet for sure at least on Sundays." Thus through
the religious system the group seems also to maintain their social
system. The church, as a matter of fact, is not used only for religious
services. In the basement of the church is a Spacious hall in which
the group has such social gatherings as communal dinners, showers, and

club meetings. During communal dinners the women of the parish prepare

TABLE 12

CHURCH AFFILIATION - COIPOSITICH BY EIERATICHS
OF THE VARIOUS CEURCH CATEGORIES

 

 

Church Affiliation

Generation Group Roman Group & Roman
Church Catholic Catholic Both Other

 

 

 

--------- Per Cent — - — - - - - - - -
F-l the In-group l7 9 18 O
F—l Male Out-group ll 18 54 44
F-l Female In-group 5 O 9 22
F-l Female Out-group 3 63 18 22
Total F—l 38 90 100 88
Total P-l 62 10 O 12
Total Number of Cases 58 22 ll 9

 

 

the traditional Rumanian dinner of chicken soup, chicken and stuffed
cabbage. At such a dinner the writer overheard one of the women in
charge say, "Everybody was ready for some home-made chicken soup."
Furthermore, theirectory is used as a meeting place for the
intelligentsia of the group to discuss such tOpics as the political
and religious aspects of Rumania. This group is composed primarily
of recent refugees who identify strongly with Rumania and its destiny.
The priest naturally welcomes the group because through it he main-
tains a nucleus of aggressive personages who act as his agents in
keeping the larger group informed and regulate its behavior. These

are the persons who are active in forming church clubs, both social

77

and religious, in the church choir, in keeping the financial accounts
of the church, and generally acting as channels of communication.

A good example of one of these persons is the present choir
director who, though born in the United States, has lived in Rumania
from age one to twenty-one. During his stay in Rumania he attended a
lyceum where he hecame an accomplished violinist, and learned also to
play the piano. he also learned to teach music. Upon returning to-
the United States in l9G6, he pronotly took over the choir from the
lay person in charge, rewrote the liturgical music and has ever since
been strongly identified with the church and its welfare. To put it
differently, the church offers him the Opportunity to organize his
life in terms of the past. Thus one reSpondent recalled that he
demands to be addressed to as "Professor," due to his former training
and present position in the church hierarchy, even though his
remunerative occupation on the "outside" is being a bank-teller.

The church also owns a park,_”Transylvania," equipped with a
pavillion for dancing, a kitchen for cooking, etc., where the group
meets during the summer months to dance to Rumanian music, eat
Rumanian foods, and generally interact with each other in the tradi-
tional manner. Another important aSpect of the group's activities is
that the children, even as babies, are exposed to the group's mode of
interaction during dinners, dances and weddings. For example at the
park or even in halls during wedding receptions, the children watch
and imitate the dancing and singing of the group. At a wedding
reception the writer witnessed a teenager turning around and around

to the fast tune of a Rumanian hora with her little sister who could

78

barely walk yet. At these dances, as in Emmania, the old peOple sit
around the dance floor - visiting, watching, approving and commenting

on the dancers' abilities - while the younger folk dance and sing.

B. Friendship Patterns

 

In order to ascertain the group's friendship patterns, the writer
asked each reSpondent to name the three closest friends with whom he
interacts the most, regardless if he were Rumanian or American. The
following tables summarize the reSponses of the group. In Table 13
the contrast may be noted between the second generation males and
females that married in and out of the group. For example,of the
males that married in-group 55% chose all three close friends from
the group; the females chose 40%. Of the males that married out of
the group 58% Chose non-Rumanians as their friends, whereas 50% of
the females chose one frienfi.from the group. Looking at the Total
Second Generation row, however, we find that only thirty per cent did
not choose any Rumanians as their close friends. This implies that
70% still choose some of their friends amongst Rumanians. Similarly
in the Total Group row; here we find that only 19% did not choose any
Rumanians which implies that fully 81% still find some of their best
friends amongst Rumanians. The first generation, especially, is
prominently identified with Rumanians as shown by the 92% that chose all
three of their best friends from the group.

In Table 1% may be seen that 29% of those that chose all three best

friends from the group are of the second generation with the rest made

FRIEEDSHIP PATTERN - DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GEIERATION

TABLE 13

IN TERHS OF CHOICE OF RUMAHIAN BEST FRIENDS

79

 

 

Rumber of Best Friends

 

 

 

 

Generation Number None One Two Three
------ Per Cent - - - — - -

Second Generation Males

3-1 III-group 13 7 7 31 55

F—l Out-group 21 58 14 14 14
Second Generation Females

F-l In—group 6 0 34 17 40

3-1 Out-group 20 25 5O 15 10
Total Second Generation 60 30 27 19 25
Total First Generation 40 3 O 5 92
Total Group 100 19 16 13 52

TABLE lb

FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS - HUI-{BER OF RU? ’IIAN BEST FRIEIIDS
CHOSEN BY THE GIVEN (ElERATIOlIS

 

 

Number of Best Friends

 

 

 

Generation None , One Two Three
------ Per Cent - - - - - -

Second Generation Males

F—l In-group 6 7 32 1 3

F-l Out-group 61 20 24 6
Second Generation Females

F-l In-group O 13 8 6

F-l Out-group 27 60 24 4
Total Second Generation 9“ 100 84 29
Total First Generation 6 0 16 73
Total Number of Cases l9 16 13 52

 

 

80

up by the first generation. However, the prOportion increases in the
two friends column in which 84% were chosen by the second generation.
In the None column we find that the males and females that married
out-group lead with 61% and 27% reSpectively.

In Table 15 it may be seen that of the males that married in-group
55% did not choose Americans as best friends, whereas of those that
married out—group 58% chose all three best friends as Americans.
.Approximately the same proportions seem to hold for the second
generation females. In F-l, the Total Second.Generation we find that
30% chose all three best friends from Americans, with 25% choosing
none. For the total group however, due to the overwhelming identity
of the first generation with the group, 52% did not choose any
Americans and only 19% chose all three best friends from Americans.

Table 16 shows that of those that chose all three best friends
from Americans are the males and females that married out of the group.
Similarly the same males and females that chose two such.friends lead
with 20% and 60%rreSpectively. Of those that did not choose Americans
29% are second generation and.73% first generation.

These tables also seem to demonstrate that the group, though not
living close together physically still interact mainly amongst them-
selves, maintaining their former social system, and.only gradually
becoming involved with the American social structure at large. This
involvement is most pronounced through those that married outside of
the group.

It seems that distance does not impair the relationships of friendp

ship formed by the in—group. The writer has witnessed many instances

FRIENDSHIP PATTERN - DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION

TABLE 15

IN TERNS OF CHOICE OF AHERICAN BEST FRIENDS

81

 

Number of Best Friends

 

 

 

 

Generation Number None One Two Three
------ Per Cent - - - - - -

Second Generation Males

F-l In-sroup 13 55 31 7 7

F-l Out-group 21 14 1Q 14 58
Second Generation Females

F-l In—group 6 40 17 34 O

F-l Out-group 20 10 I5 50 25
Total Second Generation , 6O 25 19 27 30
Total First Generation 40 92 5 O 3
Total Group 100 52 13 16 19

TABLE 16

FRIENDSHIP PATTERN - NUMBER OF AKERICAN BEST FRIENDS
CHOSEN BY THE GIVEN GENERATIONS

 

 

Number of Best Friends

 

 

 

Generation None One Two Three
------ Per Cent - - - - ~ -

Second Generation Males

F—l In-group 13 32 7 6

F-l Out-group 6 24 20 61
Second Generation Females

F-l In-group 6 18 13 O

F-l Out-group u 24 6o 27
Total Second Generation 29 8b 100 94
Total First Generation 73 16 0 6
Total Number of Cases 52 13 16 19

 

 

82

when the respondent either just got back or was just leaving to visit
some friends clear across town. Thus one reSpondent cautioned the
writer that he will not have too much time for the interview because
he had to go to Grosse Pointe, some seventeen miles away, to help
baptize the child of one of his Rumanian friends. The same respondent,
though an engineer involved with higher social class persons in his
daily routine, chose all of his friends amongst Rumanians with the
comment that "sure I know them, and we get along, but we never got

to be friends - you know how it is."

In another instance, while the writer was talking with the head
of the household, the family was watching a group of Yugoslav folk
dancers on television. Meanwhile the phone rang and the brother of
the reSpondent called to tell them about the same program so they will
not miss it. The respondent commented that "we always keep each other
informed when there is something good on television."

Thus through the car, television and telephone the group seems to
be able to keep in close contact and communication in spite of physical
separateness. Through these conveniences the former personal inter-
action between the members seems to be maintained and facilitated.
Through the phone they canconverse at will and transmit urgent messages
"like calling across the back yard fence," as one respondent put it.
With the car there is no problem in traversing the distance that
separates them. Even through television there seems to be a vicarious

feeling involved in that "they too are watching the same thing with uS."

Q. Vbluntary Associations

In relation to the tables on voluntary associations the numbers
represent number of choices and not individuals, considering that one
individual might have chosen all the given categories. In Table 17
it may be noted that the second generation males that married in—group
have chosen the Group Church Clubs six times or 38% out of the total
number of choices made by that group. Similarly for the Other
Recreational Clubs, there were 38% choices for that group. Those that
married out-group seem to emphasize the Other Clubs with 357% choices.
This seems to be the case for the husbands of the Rumanian females as
well as for the Total Second Generation. Hewever, the first generation
and the total group still place more emphasis upon the Group Church
Clubs. Fhrthermore, if the per cent choices made by the total group
of the Rumanian Associations were added to the Church Clubs, there
would be a total of 49% choices for Rumanian recreational clubs. This
seems to indicate that the group as a whole still identifies most with
Rumanian associations through their voluntary choices.

In Table 18 it may be seen that of those that chose the grmip
clubs 69% were first generation and 31% second generation choices. The
same distributions seems to hold.for Rumanian Association choices. How-
ever, an inverse relation obtains for the Knights of Columbus, a Roman
Catholic organization. or the 70;; choices, 47 were made by those that
married out—group. In looking at the Other Recreational Clubs, the
second generation leads overwhelmingly in choices, with those married
out-group again making the most choices. The second generation males

that chose other recreational clubs, chose the following by actual

TABLE 17

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS - DISTRIBUTION OF EACH GENERATION
IN TERMS OF NUMBER OF CHOICES OF THE VARIOUS CATEGORIES

 

n

Voluntary Associations

 

 

Generation Number Group Rumanian Knights Other None
Church Associa- of
Club tions Columbus
-------- Per Cent - - - - - - - - -
Second Generation Ihle
F—l In-group 17 38 O 20 38 14
F-l Out-group 26 _ 11 15 23 35 16

Husband of Second
Generation Females

 

 

In-group 5 2 0 O O 6 0 2 0

Total Second Generation 47 21 9 19 36 15

Total First Generation #5 48 20 10 6 18

Total Group 92 35 14 1G 20 17
TABLE 18

VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS - NUMBER OF TIME.EACH CATEGORY
WAS CHOSEN BY THE GIVEN GENERATIONS

 

~ Vbluntary Associations

 

 

Generation Group Rumanian Knights Other None
Church Associa— of
Club tions Columbus
-------- Per Cent - - - - - - - - —
Second Generation Male
F—l In-group 18 O 23 32 13
F-l Out-group 9 3O 47 47 26

Husband of Second
Generation Females

 

In—group 3 O O 17 6
Total Second Generation 31 3O 7O 96 45
Total First Generation 69 7O 3O 4 55
Total Number of Cases 33 13 13 18 15

 

 

- ‘—v
——_—

85

counts: five are work or neighborhood bowling clubs, two Elks, two
with VFW, two AMVETS, one with Lions Club, two neighborhood improvement
associations, three shon clubs, one Boy Scouts, and one an engineering club.
From this distribution and the two tables it may be seen that the
group's affiliation with the recreational or social clubs of the American
social strucutre is rather limited. The group's association with Rumanian
or at least religious structures, as the Knights of Columbus, seems to be
more meaningful to them as evidenced by their choice in this direction.
Thus from the church affiliation, the friendship pattern and
voluntary association it seems that the individuals still identify with
the group and thus maintain their former social structure to a great
extent. Even those that married out-group still identify themselves
to a certain extent with.the group. In some cases the "outsider" is
brought into the system of the group and seems to enjoy the "unusual
clannishness" of the group as one such person put it. Such closeness
and interaction is both a surprise and pleasant experience to some that
married within the group after being exposed to the more impersonal

associations of the American society at large.

D._ Extent of Acculturation

The last feature of the study is to note the overall degree of
acculturation of the group. This was done by rating the categories
used in the study on a scale with values from one to five. The sum
of such rating is added and then divided by the number of categories

used. The following degrees of subordination are assigned the numbers:

86

1) very slight, 2) slight, 3) moderate, 4) great, and 5) very great.

The light Caucasoids who are Protestants and Speak English would
get an index of one, and.the non-Christian Negroes an index of five,
thereby giving the first a rating of "very slight" and the latter a
rating of "very great" subordination.

It may be recalled that the group was classified as being racially
between the light and dark caucasoids and culturally as being Catholics
who speak an Indo-EurOpean language. According to this classification
the subordination of the group should be slight to moderate.

In light of the findings of the study the writer rates the categories
used as follows:

1) Freedom of residential choice..................... 2

2) Freedom to marry out of one's group............... 2

3) Amount of occupational restriction................ 3

4) The group's participation in the voluntary
associations of the donor society....... 4

5) Extent of vertical mobility of the group.......... 4
15

 

Dividing 15 by 5 an index of 3 is obtained which indicates that the de-
gree of subordination of the group is moderate. This is somewhat below
the expected slight to moderate which may be due to the group's strong
social identity. Such a degree of subordination implies that the group
is only partially acculturated and that it is still, therefore, in the

process of becoming assimilated.

87

CHAPTER VI

SUI-fl-IARY AND CONCLUSION

It may be recalled that the main hypothesis of this study is
that the group will be more advanced in its behavioral assimilation
than in its social structural assimilation. To demonstrate this
prOposition the residential, occupational and social adaptatidn of
the group was presented.

With reSpect to the residential movement it was noted that the
members of the group had initially arrived in the United States singly
or at best in small groups. Their original residence was in the Eastern
.Itates. Gradually, lured by the economic opportunities offered in the
automobile industry and in order to be with friends and acquaintances,
the individuals began to congregate in a given location in Detroit in
terms of religious affiliation. After a prolonged period of living as
a group in this area, or colony, the members of the group are presently
diSpersed throughout the city of Detroit and its suburbs. The factors
that seemed to influence this diSpersion are the mobility aspiration
of the group, the permissiveness of the dominant society, economic
mobility and education, inter-ethnic marriages, and the Opportunity
offered the second.generation to validate their acculturation during
the Second werld War.

In their occupational movement the first generation initially
became engaged as plain laborers in the heavy industries. This was
due to their lack of familiarity with any Specialized skill required

in a society that places great emphasis on mechanical processes. This

88

association, with heavy industries, however, seemed to have set the
pattern through which the group was to adjust to the occupational
hierarchy. It is thus that the second.generation became heavily
involved initially as apprentices and presently as workers in the

tool and die maker, electrical and other skilled crafts occupations.
By so doing, the group was able to capitalize on the high wages paid
by such occupations and thus accumulate the necessary capital to move
into higher socio-economic areas. Recently, however, there has been a
tendency for the group to disperse into other occupational categories
as salesmen, clerks, managers and.a few into the professional field.

The social structural assimilation of the group was ascertained \i
by the friendship patterns of the group, its church.affiliation and //
voluntary associations. In each of these categories it was found. I
that the individuals still have a strong group identity even though.
they do not live in physical proximity as they did in the colony.

The focal point of the group's social and religious activities in
the colony was the church. The homes of the members were located in
close proximity to each other and the church. In such a setting, and
under the leadership of the priest many of the former rights and duties,
privileges and obligations of the various age and sex groups were re-
established. These norms of behavior were usually assigned in terms of
the past cultural heritage of the group. Thus the priest still plays
the role of guiding the group, being recognized as the Spokesman of
that unseen world which has preordained the correct patterns of behavior.

The men, beside being the major producers of income, also became

involved in the governing of the church and in administering to the

89

group's welfare. The latter was done by instituting an insurance
plan for the group to which the members contributed monthly. In case
of disablement or death, the member in question received a given
amount of money.

The women, on the other hand, were relegated to the household
duties, the raising of children and the upkeep of the church. In the
new centrally located church, many of these cultural patterns are
still retained even though.the group does not live in physical proximity.

In the friendship pattern it was found that the individuals still
interact amongst themselves regardless of the distance that separate
them. This interaction takes place during individual visits, church
attendance, communal dinners, and picnics at the church-owned.park.

The second generation males and females that married within the
group have chosen more of their best friends from the group than have
the males and females that married out-group. Nonetheless, even those
that married out—group still associate with some Rumanians and they
still attend church picnics and other communal gatherings.

As to voluntary associations, the group seems to be involved
mostly with the group church clubs or other religious clubs as the
Knights of Columbus.

The foregoing support the hypothesis that the group is more
advanced in its behavioral than its social structural assimilation.
Though they have accepted most of the material culture of the donor
society, they still seem to cling to the traditional modes of inter-

action of the social and religious systems.

9O

Lastly, by rating the various categories in the study, it was
found that the degree of subordination of the group is moderate which
would indicate that the group is still in the process of assimilation.

From the study it may be concluded that the group is only partially
acculturated, that this acculturation took place in terms of the
cultural heritage of the group, that the mode of acculturation was a
function of the group's skill and abilities and of the Opportunities
offered by the host society, and that time is a factor that plays an
important role in the process of acculturation. In the final stage of
acculturation, which is assimilation, behavioral assimilation precedes

social structural assimilation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

91

BIBLIOGRAPHY

.; Beal, L. 3.. ”Urbanism, Urbanization and Acculturation.” Arnerigan
Anthrgpologist. Vol. 53. No. 1, January 1951.

Q Broom, Leonard,and John I. Kitsusey "The Validation of Acculturation:
A Condition to Ethnic Assimilation.” American Anthrggologist.
Vol. 57. No. 1, February 1955.

'~ Cheng, David Te-Chao, Acculturation 3f the Chinese _i_n_ the United States.
Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press. 1948.

Council of Social Agencies of MetrOpolitan Detroit, Research Department.
Administrative and Plannng Areas _i_._z_1_ Metrgpolitan Detroit. 1990.

Creanga, Ion, Amitiri din Cgilarie. (Childhood Memories), Editura.
Tineretului, Bucuresti. 1952.

Drutzu, S., and A. Papovici, Romanii i; Amsrica. Bucuresti, Cartea
Romaneasca, 1926.

Gelitzi, Avaghi C.. A Study p_f Assimilation Anong L130; Rumanians i; 1133
United States. New York, Columbia University Press, 1929.

‘Gillin, John, The Ways 3f yin. Appleton-Century-Crofts. Inc.. New York,
19118.

\Herskovits. Melville J.. Acculturation: Egg Study 9;, gglture Contact.
New York, J. J. Augustin. 1938.

. Man and Hi; Workg. New York, Alfred A. Knopf, Inc.. 1952.
Iorga, Nicolas, Istoria Romanilor _i_n_ Chipuri _si Icoane. Romuri. Criova,
Rumania, 1913.

Linton, Ralph, The Acculturation pi Seven American Indian Tribes. New
York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.. 19140.

, The 93AM Backgzouml ,9; Personality. New York, Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc.. 1916.

. The Study 9; gap. New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc..
1936.

92

Lungianu, Mihail, Claca _§_i_._ Robot. Editura Librariei and Comp., Societate
Anonima, Bucuresti, 1921.

A Malinowski, Bronislaw, The Qypamics _9_i_‘ Culture Chang; (Edited by P1571119
M. Kaberry) New Haven, Yale University Press, 19h5.

Pamfile, Tudor, Craciunul. (Christmas), Librariile Socec si Comp. si C.
Sfetea, Bucuresti, 1914.

Park, R. E., and E. W. Burgess, gig City. Chicago, University of Chicago
Press, 1925.

, and H. A. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted. Society for
Social Research, University of Chicago, 1925.

Radcliffe—Brown. A. ,R., "On the Concept of Function in Social Science."
American Anthrgpologis . V01. 37, No. 3, July 1935.

_mm—

Chicago Press, 19%.

, ”The Folk Society." American Journal 2; Sociology. Vol. 52.
No. 14, January 1947.

, Ralph Linton and M. J. Herskovits, "A Memorandum for the

Study of Acculturation.“ American Anthrgpologis . Vol. 38,
No. 1, January 1936.

. Peasant Society and Culture. Chicago, University of Chicago
Press, 1956.

Sanders, Irwin, Balkan Village. Lexington, University of Kentucky Press,
1949.

Spiro, Melford E., “The Acculturation of American Ethnic Groups."
American Anthrgpologist. Vol. 57, No. 6. December 1955.

Sumner, william G., Folkways. Boston, Ginn and Company, 1906.

Thomas, W. 1., and F. Znaniecki, The Polish Peasant i2 Eurcme and America.
(2 Volumes). New York, Alfred A. KnOpf, Inc.. 1927.

. icgpigl Jihavior and Personality. New York, Social Science
Research Council, 1951.

93

New Haven, Yale University'Press, 1941.

, and L. Srole, The Social System 2f.American Ethnic Grogpg.
New Haven, Yale University Press, 1945.

Wirth, Louis, The Ghetto. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1947.

Xenopol, A. D., lgtoria.Romanilor din Dacia Triana. (4 Volumes) Madrid,
Colectia Carpati, 1953.

Young, Pauline V., Pilgrims,gflfiussian-Town. Chicago, University of
Chigaco Press, 1932.

APPENDIX

1.

FAMILY VISTORY OF RESPONDENT.

 

 

 

 

 

94

Gener.

, 3) If Rumania:

 

Name , Address ,
1)Year Born , 2)Location

a)Village__ , b)City , c)Last job
d)Nhere , e)Duration

in Rumania? , a)Land: No. of Hectars

 

c)Va1ue

came to U.S.

a)Location

, 5)Date arrives in U.S.

 

, 6)Ed.

 

 

 

b)Ed.

, 8)Marriage date

 

10)Widdowed or divorced date

12)Data about second suouse: a)Nationality

.__.__.'b)0ther (Specify)

. 4)Property holder

, 7)Purpose

 

, 11)Remarried date

 

 

, 9)Data about spouseza)fiationality

, c)Arrived in U.S.

 

 

 

b)Ed. , c)Arrived in U.S.
II RESPONDENT'S CHILDREN
Name Born Ed. Date Reason Date Nation— Present Present Died
- came left wed ality of address job
Date Loca~
U.S. home Spouse

 

tion

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

III RESIDENTIAL HIST CRY

95

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

AddreeJ Dates Bent Ownlfieaeon for Type Residence No.0f Rel. Ooment
amt. value leaving Sing, Mul .APt. peeple to
Forc Will fem. fem. no. reap.
Wm Why no. no. me.
m8. ms.
I? OCCUPATIONAL AND INCOME HISTORY
Type Date: Wages Employer Locard Mode How was Unemployed
of or tion of Job ob- m— a” . r
work income Trane. tained.
V VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION
Organisation Date% 01111361! Non-Church Position Attend- Dues Cement
Sacred SeculaiF held ence LO ‘ ‘ '

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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L L \69 \63 \BA 90 656 \ , ) 195 19% 111 b
2 56 2 5 5 - \B'L \66 ‘ 55 6’ 95 ‘L 16
. ruuznron \1.‘ Q, 551 \ / 569 95 110‘: o 10% $3
1 354 355 358 206 207 209 2:3 “351% ‘69 5‘3 199. 1 e9 \ 1% .9
. 1 “5‘ it ‘06 0 he ° 51 o 6?" 1 66 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 e
I 2'2 \66 \6 \16 1 a 6‘.)\ i 6 2,50%.) 00““ 16A 1 i on”! 9 183 19.
y ’ 1° \ 'L o 1?. l ‘ .1 e
. 208 \e“ 1‘ \90 ‘61 \5\ 5‘1 b“ 5 163 11?, 11" 11. t
I \65 \‘1 9 6A6 659 7:5 1 66
. wast cmcaoo N ale 2” ’0‘ \61’ 07’; \5h ‘ ‘53 \57' 7} V‘ 3. no ‘3 A 5,199,) 106 t i a 16?:
El 356 357 205 204 g 203 202 ‘ezta \55 “E 7:: 5A.. 52 5“ 5 ‘5 19 ‘1“3 156 15A
3. “a 3,, ed“ a .. 6% 1 ‘2 5‘.
> 0. .°° a 5M3 6 51 * 1 16 2% 1 \
-' 40v 1 L 69 \6\ \61 \56 \6 7’6 5 ‘2.“ ta % 1,39 67’ 5‘“ “‘0 ‘3\9 1‘31 15° ’4) 1- 157, . r
5 z -= \9 2 6°
I g : E : \56 ‘6 ‘1 3 ‘2 “art“ 53“ $31 1 a 5\‘5 \e 1
_ EL :xI ° 4° A I) 9;, 63“ ‘37“) fi \1 5 15°
Hum . __ . _. . __L . __ . _ . \A 7/0 9.; 21 3\ $1 ‘3‘ \6 5 1‘99
l E 3526 35: m HZ He n9 2;? 19 0‘ 53° 53" 6
. g 0‘ . 5’ \7) \6 \‘5 0: 3.721;; “0 lo @000 6""; 6 §\° (97' )
LL'JI'L . _ . w I :l w. nun ‘7, I ’ 1’0 I 57—9 5% ‘
I 2 i :fi\\o \\1’ \\ (A 1 63‘ a 09 E)“ ‘;
. E \09 “1 \7'?’ 7 \0 9;. 37‘ 7;, 6
3 . ., 39 2.1 t, 501‘
I sum. 3 . . . \01 "« \\“ $ “6 '3‘ i ‘. \fi 30 35 3.. 606 I 50“ ' 60%
. /\ 359 [/\06 I“ ‘00 ‘59 660"“; \79 9 36 35 53° 606 606
e . \\ 1 ...
I/' . ‘1 51 1 "
\— . _l I Mum-mun 66 ’6 m “I A" ‘30
_ ' 6 \OA 1: o'L 0‘ 0 7, \
191 0—19 DISTRIBUTION 03‘ THE GROU? L. ‘° ‘° ‘ “ I
. ’ N
" 1 \ ) a“ 6‘) a, 1 5 eat ‘I
SOCIO—EC ONOMIC AREAS IN DETROIT ' 6E . ‘
6‘ 69 i 1 6‘ 0
- 69 e ‘I Q.
‘ Areas of above average and high soc io—ec onomic level . \_ a, 1% ’2; " e ‘ __
"' \. , .2 1o 3 \ o DETROIT- HAMTRAMCK—HIGHLAND PARK
. . “6° 6
Areas of average SOClo-economic level. \ 60 a B Y
1‘2 . CENSUS TRACTS
. 9 52 The typed numbers indicate the
.f‘f‘fl e e ‘3 e
f, I; Areas of below average and low socm-economlc level . \ 1. number of households 1n the tract.
‘._:.,-..f‘ :5 - - . LEGEND
A \ 6. 6“ 55 The I symbol Indicates that the
a o ‘ F. . . 0 o — - —-—
Based on ranking of combined data: rent , occupational . J- 51 \. ,) be head 0f households were f 11'St generation :31;ng T: 3.23:???
Status and educational attainment . Council of Social -\ * . P—l males that came to the U.S. after
Agenc 165 Of I‘IGtI‘OpOl itan Detroit ’ ResearCh Dept . , . $0 6‘3 ~ age 18 . COUNCIL OF SOCIAL AGENCIES OF METROPOLITAN DETROIT.
. . . . e 0 RESEARCH DEPARTMENT
Administrat Ive and Plam1ng Areas 1n Metrmoolitan ' 1:;
Detlfmd‘itJ 1940 3 p0 11- . ( 16 I . :S_(}_ALE I I I 9 I 3 I ’ Tues"?
_ ( -
LLTI : Colony \/.
4
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Administrative and Planning_Areas in Metronolita
Detroit, 1940, p. 11.

I

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' represents
" represents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ing the number signify the various
catagories of the group as follows:

 

 

 

°—' ' o . IHYMIL‘RD P.—. _.—. _.—_ .—. .—.—.
I 456 305 307 6I4 GT 6? a? 668 669 70-7—7
I 306
L 1' SEVEN NILE RD E. 5‘”... “I“ RD
455 603 60l 666 670 705 706
| GR IN a THOU'
. E 3 2 602 , 67I 704
I ‘54 g a a: c on; no g g: E 0‘. uni-"N‘s II 569 4— I
w m N McNIcNOLS "D c uousr u
I 415 258 I7I I72 ‘{;07 908 563 564 C 565 66. W”L“II 660 0658 61 65
o N 6
L \ :31: g 656
. II 3 5'1
~I .3: PIL Am 9‘ ”III _ 562 65‘!) 6
. E i K LER I T 5 \ :61 65“
I I, FENKELL ; I70 1“ —9 '—I 13" II
60 m
. 404 E 257 16 \ \\ be El 655 181
x 9 .J
EI II \ IIOII ..MA I 95391 «N 56' 665 664 662 16%
.' \ 9‘ II
III / \69 1 ‘I 5 ”III: 95“ VA“ 4: I 199 'III‘
5 :___/////;54 \16 90 553 * 5¢’\\ 1 59 566 567 90 166
I ‘ 3 t a 1
I g 2 w’ ‘ 4 /\9\ “ 967— 96' 6 6 3 191 19\ ‘34:. 1 9\
3 * g 559 95‘ 560 566 195 0
° ’ 5 566 11
\66 \6 \ ) 19‘.) 197. 1
2 6 \9 * 2.
l— . I rULLzaTon 256 11 \6 ‘6 551 III) \g/ 9 110% t 19%
\ 6 3 o
———I 206 \ \09 55L 6 19“ 19 169 1\ 16°
‘6 51° 1 1%
e \61 1 0 ,0 \90 91° 5‘6 9’) 67) 1 65 1 1 6 1
I ‘66 I 1 I5 56‘ 55° II ”III 1 5“ 2 a”
I’ a o I All g 57.71 I 3‘ 19
' n- I‘; ‘90 \‘9‘ 41 II 153 1 116
I \6 \91 5 11 11h
\65 \19 A6 13.9 6°
I i ‘3) \5'5 ‘61 'L I) I) 51$ ‘~ 1° 0 1 56 II
was: CNICACO AV ,0 \65 7’9 '2, A5 550 5 Jr). 6‘ 13 r. r I
El 205 ‘6 Ia ‘56 3 5““ 5 . 5» g I 1 15°
3. ‘32 ‘ 00 991:) 1 5A5 57'“ a 1 67' 1 61 ‘3)
> v t
I: JOY x 9 I6\ ‘51 \56 6 16 'LA 15% _ ' a 659 57") 6‘“ ‘0“ 6‘9 151 166 I)
1 g : \‘J \60 \g 7,5 a '. 530 ‘2‘; t ““0660
:1 I<I=I V. :I' \1 51 531 If,
I E g j ‘- 639 \6 53 9% gift 3 62’. 6 6“" 9%
3‘ ° 0 J t 3 'L 5°
' mum . —» . — II— . — e — . III 10 3%: ’11 III 5\ 5 5 .311 II 56’ 5‘6 5‘1 169 II
I II2 ||8 II9 %- 29 a 63 $36
. 5. \7,\ \‘3 we 41%; a 3% 51>" go 5"; )
3 III ‘ 5,0 7’ 0‘ 618 4
lu‘i'L. . — . :1 menu; I I 30 519
I III “III 1 (117' ’ II \0 II I55 37' III III: 509 III II
E ‘I 59 3. II; 5°3
2 “I 4 IIII II .0 ‘I III 3% 1,5 I 5“ 50° 60‘ I 1 I IIOIII
\00 I: 000..“ \7v3 9 36 53 53° ”06 50" .
Ifi Ia fl 4g
ulcquuI ) ~ m m
\OII \OIb \0'1 ‘0‘ B A q, \
.. “1° 5
IQZO-ZQ DISTRIBUTION OF THE GROUP g N
3 6“ 66 9 1 5 2i I I
. p , 5
SOCIO—ECONOMIC AREAS OF DETROIT \ " 69 21 .. O \
6
- 69 I I Q
'I'I Areas of abo e re d h‘ 1 soc'o conomic leveI I I I I
gfiagf o v ave .ge an IgI 1 -e . a w t 6 ~—
' II ' II a 1. 3 \ o DETROIT— HAMTRAMCK—HIGHLAND PARK
A . qc‘IIIII 6° 1\ 5 B Y
areas of avers e socio-economic level ' .
“5» ° ° 1., NUIITBERS AND SYMBOLS EXPLAINED CENSUS TRACTS
‘
. ‘39 V II 5%
- t n" a I‘ . . 1 .
Areas of below aveIage and low SOCIo—economic level. 1“ 9 The typed numbers In tracts LEGEND
,__. ‘ .) '9‘ indicate the number Of households in _ .__._ CITY OF DETROIT BOUNDARY
" e ‘ o q 1 0 ° .
Based on ranking Of COIIIIblIleO. data: rent , occupat 21,0618; \, - .6 that given tract. The symbols fOllOW~ ____ HAMTRAMCK e HIGHLAND PK.
status and educational attainment. CounCII of Sdeial I”%m
. 5
Agencies of Metr0politan Detroit, Research Dept., I

RESEARCH DEPARTMENT

I O I 2 3
l I 1

those first generation P—l maIes that came to the US after age 18.

those first generation Fez males that came to the US before age 18.

COUNCIL OF SOCIAL AGENCIES 0F METROPOLITAN DETROIT.

"b

97

c.“ I

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I 456 457 458 459 I [IGNI MILE ID. I ax k,
- 304 305 307 '
I 0 WW; L1_ . —
. PEIBROKfi N 6'5 GTI .6-6-7_T— . . . . — _ .
L 306 668 669 70., 7
. 455 453 452 a " 501" NILE no /
a: 45| 303 .
I 3 302 /
L 454 g ‘ 603 eon 666 670 705 706 1\
Mr § 3 g o .; V 607 I .
g. 4'5 4|4 4|3 4| " ""“C“0L$ RD E g 331' . 2:" u .4 60 5“ l" R m a 0
:‘L 0 409 253 259 262 J ’ V . 3 il#60 2 5 67| 704 \-
: . 264 I71 '7 .‘._. __ . L ~ g
_ 4| “ 2 907 908 9.3 K _ x cmcnou 60 x v. ”meets 9 * \ .
.1 2 a 1 _ I PURITAu \ ' \ 19 t “"5721. 'r 563 564 E 565“, Gel and“ 65° 65 Nousrouese 6— >00
' g . - 51‘ . 3 : 65I ,
I i ' ii 263 L M 3.“ 909 9p“? \ v“ 0“ 2** g 2 656 661 2
g i I? “ \ ' > )0 IO
' 404 Q 405 4 rcnmL ._ E u L" 3 \ “\°“\)‘ 3 a?“ 90‘ L"# 6% ”.2" 562 65" J '
ml 2 08 2 5 7 2 6 O l 7 0 (306 “.1". 91‘. \\ ’5 y- 951 653
E. J 26I \1“ 25‘: I? ' . '4‘“ 56 _ 53. 109
_a I “I", 9 —| 6
:I j \16 1 .\ 9\0 ‘3')!" -- 556 e 9602 “v ‘ 10¢ .
5. ACACIA 407 . on 901 a 95% 3 w \
S ‘03 402 40' ...; 25 mm on a R J \69 \ 5 q “maA 9539.; $5“ 56| 665 664 552 655 161 1\
I E 2 4 253 252 2‘5. 15 90 ' 1 ‘l 90-5 56‘; 95“ “““‘ 108 1\'L .
, z 5 ¢\ \ ‘3 661', N 6"" “23'“ I u :7
1' 1 9‘1 d/ \ 959 566 557 199 4‘ 0‘ 1\‘b I.
I— .. V. "v » 4' ‘9‘ “ 961 96' * 663 19° 166 1 /
' 1 r ’I \
—] SULLLRYON 256 255 1% \66 \63 ‘6“ 56 o 559 96‘ 560 553 6 19 19 6'04, 19‘ ‘0 0
35“ 355 . \B’L \90 b \ 19 4°“ f?» 7?»
. 358 206 207 I ‘l1 \66 5" e ) 196 197’ 11 )‘ .
I 209 2 | 3 ‘ 55“ \ 5 o 1
\9\ @5163"), \69 562‘ / 669 95 110$"; * e? 106
‘ ‘I s 1 ..
I 2|2 \66 \61 \19 1 17% ‘66 q9 he o 610 1g“ 169 1\ 16° C”)
_ 208 D. 8" BO 0’ ‘5 \ 6‘» \— b 5507’“ ‘3?) 165 1 6 11° .
... 6‘2 ‘6 \ ‘61 16‘ 5A1 6A?“ '1’: 5,52, cw“ 16“ ‘ 1“ o 163
El “8‘ CNICAao Av 2 \ \19 161’ b ’ t“ 19 10“
3. 356 557 205 I0 2” )0‘ 3 9’) 6“ 5 67' 5‘6 5A9 11?” 11 ‘
El 204 2 203 202 ‘6 @195 \ 1,, ‘6 \ 7"), 57.3 n. 169 11"
U'L "If; 6‘3 15; ‘30") A0 A 6109,) 166
o 0 7g) 9940 7:5 but) a.\ b ’ \ I 1‘53
353 o “ 6\ <1), 5‘ 0° 5 o 16 3 E 7
5‘, z \ \66 1) 5°“) 5'2,“ 0.1 q, 11 ‘36 A
I g C 2 O I ‘59 \60 ‘6‘ \9 7,6 72“ 1‘; 57,5 0* 1 6 1 e1 1 “r; 1 b .
' E : E : 0 "‘5 32% ‘ 639 9“ “I 5‘9 1‘91 6" 1% 16‘ \ I
E'I E- * 56 ‘1 9 53° ‘1 1 I * 16?—
I a ‘m ’ —— ° — ._L. D \ ‘6 o 29‘ 631 “t 5““ (,0 .7
g 352 2 35‘ - -— . __ . \10 0.3 a?) .d» 655 1 g
LL1""" E g m "2 ”8 I19 \“ 2.0 a, 7.1 6' a» 535 575:
I . — ' — ' | g. 7) \‘3 \b I): 7’9 ‘1 5‘55 57,1
0 l \ Q 0.23 2 31 51,6
: I J ’9 b ‘0
I E a \\ 09 \\ 'L \\ \ “\ 3 6719
PAUL " ' \ “1 \IL " 1 b \ ‘5
T 359 . _.. , __1 . \01 . M “6 t . \° 39 a), .1 a" 609
. 6 ‘ ‘ or 10"" ‘1 ‘£
l/ . ’\ . . [/\0 ‘6‘ \09 6’ “1| at: u 39 35 «5A 500
m 0- ‘ . _l I °' ‘00” \\ 9 36 33 53° 60‘)
'30 DISTRI '5 1 60"
J/ BUTIO ' IIcmOAN 3‘ 5
N OF TIE GROUP L. \05 \0h ‘03 ‘07— \o\ 66 e) m I AN 601
50010-300 ' A z \
. - NOMIC AREAS . ' 2 , b
. OF DETROIT \. : a. 6. a 1 5 o N
j‘ I ‘ Ar ‘ -\ 6 $““ ’1. <
i I eas 0f above average and high soc - ' b 6‘” 6‘ ~“ 0 \ I
L— 1 - ' ' 69 fl ‘
Ar no economic level, \ e. ,fi 6 . 6
I eas Of avGIi , .\ 1' 17’ Via “
age soc 1°“eCOn0mic level, .\ a 10 3 '01 e __
' f - , “t 5° 1‘ 6‘ MRS AND DET —
Areas of below average and lo 13 SYMBOLS EXPLAINED RO'T HAMTRAMCK—HIGHLAND PARK
' W Socio- - ' .« Th . B Y
Based On ‘ economic level, \_ 6" 1h -* 5" in dicgl’zme’ 13% numbers in tracts CENSUS TRACTS
Status ramcing of combined data: rent 0 , fin. L» .a 3 in tha‘ 6 number of households
Agen and educational attainment COun’ . l(3(3':Lf3.pational J 1 \ _) 6 ., foblo . U given tract. The Symb 01$ LEGE ND‘
cies of N - ° 01 o S ° ' 5 ' 5 Wing th
' Ietrooollt D . 0C1a1 ~ «I 6 number 61 if
Admi ' . a an etr01t Resear \ vario . gn y the _"“" °'" °F ”Em” aouuom
__ nistrat lve and Plann- 9 . Ch Dept. , . 90 95 118 categories of the ——__ ”mm“ a ...GHLAND PK.
D . ing Areas .r a you];
fiw’ 1940 ’ p 11 b. 1n I‘lle tr ODolitan - «r '1 as fOIlOWS: COUNCIL OF SOCIAL AGENCIES 0F
. . . 15' a . re a . METROPOLITAN DETROIT
f ( 0 P nts those f 1rst generation P~l males that came to th as"??? 05mm” '
: . . I r e t 1'
L5 Celony I '/ " Tepresents those first en mam-— ‘ A 9 " i i e age 218' .
. 1 5
g era-tion Putz es that came to was

the US before age 18.
d Rumilnian females (in-ogroufl
non- " (out-group)

married Rumanien males (in-group)
(out-group)

u non- I! II

 

 

 

 

I
1926, Southfield ‘
$-gy3nl-1%# _l

923 : LivoniaT

 

863A¢ Royal 0 ak 858, 'Erin ~ 99
' 1‘ 7 1H: ' TWP. 1i ‘ '
930. 171% . . 7%

 

 

 

 

 
   
  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

L_l
863 Hazel
2*# ’ ,
! —'--——--—---_~ . - O‘UGNHMEIOO 1 - o o o L01 . - .W'VLD—m.—o —.——.-—1—-—. .——-. o ._.
[. 456 457 450 459 ~“ 304 305 307 1.. 6:3 6|4 5:5 erg—l - - 667 see _ _ 669 707 7
l ’ ' 3% 1## 1*a 1#* 1*# - ' . ' /
L 1' SEVEN “ILE RD ' E 9EVEN “up! “D I ‘ Z
455 453 452 g 45: 303 a 302 g 605 603 so: see ' 670 705 706 ‘\\\\\
I . l n V , l . GNU" a 5 MI I: . \
. ' 3 u, a 2:: 1** \.
L E E E‘ E- 1# E “doc; 9° 6‘39 A ‘ >00
‘54 3 3 w mulcums an 3‘.‘ 3 .4 l: McNIGHOLS no “ct E‘“ uousrou " ‘ .
wl'“ , :7: :72 Yea—07 908 ‘ 91:1. 572 . 563 564 : 565 66: ?°"“ 660 ** 658 1 ‘65”
;. 4:5 4:4 4:3 4:0 409 258 259 262 ., 4 .. 10' 2" 2 g = e5 2’0
i 1 ' l# 1% \ # \ i- s» 7 a g 656 03
EL .- 4‘2 1 " PURITAN "o ?F%*' _ ~‘ \Ll’$:4\" 1 ** :1 ; 657' o
_] a ..., 263 ‘ 9., am 91>“ J9} .- 1% . . 562 - 651’ 109 _ /
o E 1% i «(new '7 3 \ “‘6“ . “LT h 90\ . V 951 ' ' I V " 65“ ' v: 102 O
I 3 5(NKILL ; ' 70 A 906 l u 4‘”, .3": 339‘: “99““ 956 ——960 ”(W‘vvw‘ \ “ " 1“
E 404 S 405 400 257 260 26: 16 ‘1 I 955 e 66 g .,»/’“; 65g 191 1 .
I g ‘ \ A ar 9 56' ..665 664 662 , 198 1‘ 17
E “N5 953:? “p“ ' ’ ,. A 1:! i 1‘.) :n
J 5“ 9"“ i w 7 " 9 V ' o\
:l I ACACIA 407 warm. on. a n J ‘69 ‘ 5 55" “ 9. 59 | //566 567 . o 1% 106 1 /
° : 254 253 252 25: \\ 9 9 : 663 19 , ‘
g 403 402 _ 40: a f 1' 1. a 957, 6 : 191 19\ a" 10‘ f» 0'0
| :3 l# E 1 ’ ’c ‘v 9 560 see ’ 95 _ ' 0°: ‘1; “ °
3 0 be 95\ 1
. l u 69 I \03 \o“ 656 \ ) 195 19% 111 6 ~
L L 255 255 \ ‘6'; ‘ \66 ‘90 1 65 \ .3. T I 11%. ‘ 1%?“ ‘6 a
. mummy: - . . ‘11 55?; 5‘.) / . 669 195 . v; 190 V?)
_| 354 355 358 206 207 1' 209 2:3 0‘ @513 \69 _ v o 193 ** 169 11\ . e
. ,4 ‘ \ 3 \66 ‘ B 6 5‘1 ’2) - _ 16" 16 11
1% # 1 ’o , ‘1 b“ ’) 5 1 ‘ 195
| \e" ‘6 ‘16 ‘ E 5:» t 550' 40"“ 16° s t 50““) 9 1°“ .
2l2 ; 80 c; 0 g 1 6‘“ a 57”), 6‘5 116 - 1 ‘
208 ‘6“ ¢ \ ‘01 \ 6“ 1 117' 113‘
I 1 ‘6‘, ‘ \19 z ”“6 539 579 ‘ . ' e 1 6% 16"
2:0 2:: 0‘ 5 9’) \fi“ ‘53 ‘6 17, “ 59.9% lb ‘ E r a '1
I wcsr cchco Av. 5 \5 67:9 - E, .. .505 6‘0 G. 15‘ ’ 11,5 56 5" i
n 0‘ .2 - \ 6.: g, ’9 A 0A 1 1 :
E 356 557 295 2°“ ~= 2‘” 202 ‘ t; \‘3 a do a a“ 2 ‘J z. 2 1a .. 61 a 1* 1:.»
3‘ I ° ‘2: 0° 3" \ A5 5 1 ’0
2| ‘6‘ \56 *2: 7’ 7'“ b ‘2’?- 4 439 56) n. "6* ”‘9 * 161 190 '6" 197’ \o
0..ng o ‘z \69 o \51 \ 16 7".) a?“ 4 1) 5\ “‘0 ~20
o ‘ ( ‘ 353 g : 20: \e “9 539 1 * 4t
| i g E E : > ‘59 \6 ‘1 4‘3 ' 2E: e die? 53"
. o E‘ - 1 . . . D i - \10 ,- l ‘35 63“.)
u - > nun" . ___.. . —— . _—h— - —— o — - "y, . ,. , \5 7’0 g 7'1 9 ‘5‘
I g ’ 352 2 35' . g. It” 1%; “é ”9 ‘ 7" \5 " a e at“ t 2 ‘ 020‘ 03?" '-
° ' E ' I 31:" .~. ' ‘4. : ~° 1" 3o . 3 ‘
V: Input _ ‘ . . u . ED 3 q I. manna — - ' ' , (L ,- . E 63‘
3‘ I . \\° 2 0‘9 ‘ 0‘“ " I .A \2’5 " \\ ‘ \o A v x I. 1<3, 1,?—
. 2' ‘ \0 “" '9‘ i
'5 a. . \6 s. w 2 7 '-\ 5 ,
I 2: - ° . \01 \\ , , \ _ u “ L 50 1.5: 3" fi
""L ' - -— ”—J t " ‘5‘ *‘r ' " ...~ ' .4 ,
I 359 [/ioa: * ‘09 _. ‘. "b may" ‘7‘? y 9 T... _ ' 3a A. . -' 33
. . " ' \w '1 “ a
\— . ' ‘_ au'cmou: . 66 ) A -\ . u “a
i, \05 50“ 03 ‘02 ‘0‘ e e A z - \
2914‘ 0—49 Dis TRIBUTI 0N OF THE GROUP" ' _ ‘1, . 7 , ' i N
\ " I?" 5" 66 $ 1 K 5 ‘3 fl 1
. e , \
SOCIO—J‘BCONOMIC AREAS OF DETROIT 6: as \v“ e1 . * o
- 69 ' 9
-, A 2% m5 \ f; 7:; 6 fl
‘; ‘47:".séwfi: , * ' .. ‘ . '2 1" '2, g ‘-
a L. eas of above average and high soc 10 so onomic level. \ 6% o a 0 DETROIT- H AMTRAMCK-HIGHLAND PARK
. 1
' on . 6‘ B Y
. . \ *‘qt$“ 6° .\. 1\ - ’
Areas of average soc io-economic level. - 1% 11, NUMBERS AND SYMBOLS EXPLAINED CENSUS TRACTS
. 69 0%
"'*"§r"i’-a'é;-’§i2. . . \ “ ‘ '
gfififig Areas of below average and low SOC1o—econom1c level. \ ,. 1 a“ The typed numbers in tracts LEGEND
,_.'\, ’56 . 6? 116.108.136- the number Of households in _____ CITY OF DETROIT BOWDARY
Based on ranking of combineddata: rent, occupational .,i a \ be Eggtngi¥en tract. The symbols following --"”- “”“M*“"m“”°"'
o o o 4 6 ' 7- ' m r S . . . o
S tatus and educational attainment. Come 1]. of Social \ , gm . of the gf‘ounlgglgag 135.133 Yarlous categorlemouncm OF SOCIAL AGENCIES 0F METROPOLITAN DETROIT.
Agencies of Metropolitan Detroit, Research Dept., a “' * ~ ws.

RESEARCH DEPARTMENT

' re esents those first generation P-l males thatgcame tolthe U.S., after age 18. , _J
“' represents those first generation P~l maf‘e‘s‘ that: came to the U.S. “before- age: 18. "”5
repfiesents those second generation F—l males that married Romanian females (in-group)

:: u u u n u: u: non~ u: u: (out-group)
repfiesents thgse second generation F—l females that married Romanian males (in-grow)

u» u: :: n. n :: non- n. :: (out-group)

ééministrative and Planning Areas in Metronolitan
Detroit., 1940, p.11.

 

Colony

 

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I
I
I I I
I 92?, 177:1 I I ' I I
H _ 3 ‘ 4 -
I 868 a Birmineham I ‘36 I I I " . ...
I 2 . A $732 3 o Q 0’ 1*III I 8614' Cl I I
9 5. Livoni - - 1 ’ 1“ I I I17II=IIaIIson I I863A’ ROyal Oak “02 I
1 .II II *31‘ '9 fi '— - I: I II 4 I O/ III? I' " I 1st I
e. ff” l 85": Oak rark 850 Fer 7 ‘ “7" I - vIo— I l ’ 244*, 514% ’lIt len- TI“ . 868 ROSVj-lle I IP88 '
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. 956, DISThlBUTION or TEE GROUP L. .. . 7 _ a
e 9 A
SOCIO-ECONOI~’IIC m ' 5, 7 " 3 I ‘
OF DETROIT \ I. .,
AI‘ I 6" 6“ 6 a» ' 1 5 ' ‘1 N
8848 O 7 \ "I“ I“ ‘l
f above average and high SOCiO—econonic 1 i\ 6 69 69 .7 a .7 \ I
V I eve I; . 0
wet? . . I I; '2, 7‘,“ I 6 9
i as of average s0010-economic level \_ 6% 1 e 4
O ”‘0“ O s __
It“ Areas f b I“ 17% II I "I II DETROIT
7}? "41’ iii: ' O 910*: . 3 I ~I "HAMT
.7 0.2.7 I! aver p- . 1 I RS . 4 R ..
a ace and low socio-economic level '\ 5., 6% ~ AND SYMBOLS EXPLAINED Alt/[CK HIGHLAND PARK
38636, O 0 . - 1“
70 rank- . {p CENSUS TRA
s ing of combined. data: 1' . ..4 I.» b. ‘ . . he typed numbers in tr t CTS
tatus and educational atta~ ent, OCCupatlonal ,— .\ -) 6.. Indicate the number f , an s
Agencies of Metronolitan D inmfilt. Council of Social/J “’1 5" . that given tract ‘1‘): Households in LEGEND
Administrative and Plannine Elt’ Research Debt- 4 \‘ " 3“” ing the number siqn'fe :IylmbOlS follow” —'—'— 0'" 0F DETROIT some“,
o a: . VI? :- 3,» I I5 M .. kI l . —--—
I' W. 1940’ p. 11. E; e s L1}. Letronolitan . . ‘ - categories Of the groy e Various _ IIIIIIIRMK a HIGHLAND PII'
I (.6 IS 4 ° I I'e‘OI'esents thos 1‘ up as fOllowsg COUNCIL OF SOCIAL AGENCIES 0F METROPOLITAN
1 L 3 i1, St . DETROIT
_ II II generation P—l RESEARc '
, . I. II mal e S t hat H DEPARTMENT
' represents those 3 “' 3°“ 2 “e '
\/° #399 " soond generation F—l e 3% ' 7: 7 5
" I: " males that married Ruman' 0 mr‘
:7: represents those Seco d . It I: u " non— " ian females (in-Mp)
** u n generation F—l f u (0 t-
" I: emales that - u gran )
I: u " married Rumanian mal . P
" I: non— " " es (1n~gr0up )
(Out-group)

 

 

 

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