AA —-...4_‘“__‘ I) I ‘ I '1‘ 1mm; 3' I)“ 3 M'tw.:f-"' '3 " "7 ... " II. . ‘ o ‘9‘, I'J’_l’t.(.t I:I;‘_ ‘ 1 c a ' u ' . '. I LICENSED PROSTITUTES IN TEHRAN Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY LlLI SHASHAANI 1977 I.' . - o. - -V IIIIIIIIIIIIIZIIIIIIIIIIILIIIIIIIIIIIII IIIIILIIIZIIIII . _ _., ' ‘ '.' .1 “1. ABSTRACT LICENSED PROSTITUTES IN TEHRAN BY Lili Shashaani This thesis is concerned with the problem of prostitution in Tehran, the capital city of Iran. The purpose of this study has been to provide an overview of the significant objective and subjective factors associated with prostitution in Tehran. The definition of prostitution used in this paper is as follows: a prostitute is a woman who frequently offers her body indiscriminately to other persons, mostly of the opposite sex, to earn money. Prostitution is tolerated in Iran as a necessary evil. One can distinguish between four types of prostitutes, namely, licensed prostitutes, street walkers, call girls, and prosti- tutes in the slums. The criteria normally used to distinguish these categories are residence and licensure. Our study is confined to licensed prostitutes who live in "Ghaleah". The methodology employed in this study is the survey method. Since it was impossible to interview all prostitutes of "Ghaleah", a random sample of two hundred was selected. In order to explore social background variables, forty—four ques- tions were constructed and used in the interviews. The data was collected and then analyzed using statistical methods of comparison. Lili Shashaani Data from the total sample indicated that most of the prostitutes are from the lowest social strata in Iranian society. They are mostly illiterate and unskilled workers. A majority of them are migrants who came from broken families. Most of them were previously married, but none of them were married at the time of the study. These prostitutes had joined the profession at an early age. None were satisfied with their profession. They reported that they were forced to remain in the profession because they needed money and a shelter. Predominantly, they wanted to leave what they viewed as an undesirable job and find alternative ways to survive. It was concluded that licensed prostitutes in Tehran are primarily products of poverty, discrimination and limited Opportunities, all of which are related to the social strati- fication system of Iranian society. Until these aspects of Iranian society are considerably reduced, the problem of pros- titution in Iran will persist. LICENSED PROSTITUTES IN TEHRAN By Lili Shashaani A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1977 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my advisor, Professor Elianne Riska, for her help in all phases of the study, her encouragement and criticism. With- out the assistance of Professor Riska this research would not have been undertaken. Sincere thanks are extended to other members of my committee; Professor J. Allan Beegle, and Professor William A. Faunce, who read the thesis and made many valuable sugges- tions. I am deeply grateful to the faculty of Tehran University for their help in collecting data. Special appreciation is due my husband, Ahmad Khalili, for his help and encouragement. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER CHAPTER I: II: II: III: IV: INTRODUCTION Problem Setting and Relevance of the Study Definition of Prostitution A Comparative Perspective on Prostitution Thesis Outline PART 1: STRUCTURE OF IRAN Geographic and Demographic Characteristics Brief History of Iran Socio-Economic Structure Family Sexual Relations PART 2: TYPES OF PROSTITUTES IN IRAN "Ghaleah" and its Prostitutes Street Walkers The Call Girls Prostitution in the Slums METHODOLOGY Procedure of Study Sampling Procedure Limitation of Study THE BACKGROUND DATA Age of Respondent Educational Background Residential Background Respondents' Family Situation Socio-Economic Background Marital Situation Pattern of Mate Selection Husbands' Socio-Economic Position Reasons for Joining the Profession Age of First Sexual Experience Financial Situation of Respondent Working Hours Number of Clients iii 29 30 31 32 33 33 34 36 38 42 48 50 51 53 59 60 60 62 Income Expenditures Satisfaction with Prostitution Respondents' Evaluation of Their Lives Respondents' Relationships Recreation Respondents' Future Plans Respondents' Advice CHAPTER V: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Summary Conclusions APPENDIX: INTERVIEW SCHEDULE SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY iv £11304 NH OO\]C\ 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 LIST OF TABLES AGE DISTRIBUTION DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND EDUCATIONAL STATUS PLACE OF BIRTH PLACE OF BIRTH RESPONDENTS' PARENTS LIVING OR NOT BEFORE SHE JOINED THE PROFESSION EVALUATION OF PARENTS' MARITAL HAPPINESS CAUSE OF PARENTS' MARITAL UNHAPPINESS RESPONDENTS' RELATIONSHIP WITH PARENTS BEFORE JOINING THE PROFESSION RESPONDENTS' RELATIONSHIP WITH PARENTS AT PRESENT TIME EDUCATION OF RESPONDENTS' FATHERS EDUCATION OF RESPONDENTS' MOTHERS EDUCATIONAL STATUS OF IRAN'S POPULATION OCCUPATIONS OF RESPONDENTS' FATHER OCCUPATIONS OF RESPONDENTS' MOTHER PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF TOTAL POPULATION RESPONDENTS' FAMILY SIZE (INCLUDING PROSTITUTE) PARENTS' SOCIO-ECONOMIC POSITION DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND MARITAL STATUS SITUATION OF MARRIED PROSTITUTES RESPONDENTS' CHILDREN PATTERN OF MATE SELECTION HUSBANDS' EDUCATIONAL STATUS HUSBANDS' OCCUPATIONAL STATUS HUSBANDS' SOCIO-ECONOMIC POSITION REASONS FOR JOINING THE PROFESSION RESPONDENTS' AGE AT THE TIME SHE JOINED THE PROFESSION DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND LENGTH OF TIME IN THE PROFESSION PREVIOUS OCCUPATION OF RESPONDENT MOST DESIRABLE OCCUPATION AGE AT FIRST SEXUAL EXPERIENCE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND WORKING HOURS A DAY DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND NUMBER OF CLIENTS A DAY DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND INCOME PER MONTH RESPONDENTS' MAIN EXPENDITURES DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS' NECESSITY TO BORROW DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY ABILITY TO SAVE DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENT BY AGE AND SATISFACTION WITH HER WORK 34 34 36 37 39 39 4O 41 42 43 43 44 45 45 46 47 48 49 49 50 51 51 52 52 54 56 57 58 59 6O 61 63 64 65 66 66 67 38 39 4O 41 42 43 RESPONDENTS' EVALUATION OF THEIR LIVES AFTER HAVING BEEN IN THE PROFESSION CIRCUMSTANCES UNDER WHICH RESPONDENT WOULD LEAVE PERSONS BEST LIKED BY RESPONDENTS USE OF LEISURE TIME RESPONDENTS' RESPONDENTS' FUTURE PLANS ADVICE TO OTHERS vi 68 70 71 72 72 74 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Problem Setting and Relevance of the Study In the sociological literature we find few studies of prostitution. Most of the literature deals with the question of why women become prostitutes — a rather normative approach. In reviewing studies of prostitution, one finds four major perspectives presented on prostitution: sociological, criminological, psychological, and historical points of view. The data in these diverse studies have predominantly been col— lected through observing ”night clubs", by interviewing prosti- tutes in a ”public house” or arrested prostitutes. Most of the literature on prostitution emphasizes the psychological perspective. In fact, the central focus in this approach has been on the prostitute as an individual rather than on viewing prostitution aszlsocially produced phenomenon. Glover, a representative of the psychological approach, points out: Although the prostitute has apparently broken away from the family at an unusually early age, this some- times ostentatious and rebellious independence is only skin-deep. Under the surface there exists a strong ”fixation" as it is called, to the Oedipus phase.1 1Edward Glover, The Abnormality of Prostitution, (New York: Dell Publishing Co., 1943), pp. 247-273. The criminological approach to prostitution is different from the sociological approach and this difference has brought about some arguments between sociologists and criminologists. The central critical issue in this argument is whether or not prostitution can be considered a form of criminal behavior thereby falling under penal law, or a product of the social system to be studied as a "social problem" in the context of social science. As far as criminal behavior is concerned, prostitution in itself is not always regarded as a crime. It becomes a crime when this action is associated with other forms of violation such as drug addiction, drunkenness, and gambling.2 As Walter Reckless points out, "Behavior becomes criminal when it transgresses legal norms and is brought for- "3 ward for official action. Furthermore, Reckless indicates that, "the prostitutes themselves frequently commit violations 4 The word ”prostitution" is other than prostitution per se.” not included in the penal law of most countries, but, the police are allowed to define a prostitute as a vagrant and 5 In short, crimino- penalize her under such a legal statute. logists adOpt a conservative stance when they consider prosti- tution as an offense to the social order — as a crime -, whereas sociologists are mostly concerned with the social mechanisms producing prostitution. 2Walter C. Reckless, American Society of Criminology, (Colum- bus: Ohio State University, 1955), p. 269. 31bid., p. 1. 41bid., p. 269. 51bid., p. 267. The sociological perspective on prostitution, by contrast, focuses on how prostitution is socially perceived in a given cultural setting. The sociological approach asks how prosti— tution as a social phenomenon differs from one culture to another or, in fact, how it is perceived even by different social groups within the same culture. Another concern of sociologists has been to explore how prostitution affects various organizations in society. In short, then, the soci- ological perspective sees prostitution as a reflection of society in general rather than looking at the personal charac- teristics of prostitutes to explain the existence of prosti- tution. Some sociologists adOpt a functionalist approach to prostitution: that is, prostitution is seen as having an important role or ”function" in society. Prostitution, in this view, is seen as a universal phenomenon and this fact is itself presented as evidence that prostitution is a neces- sary element in every society. A different perspective to social problems has been pre- sented by Marx, who distinguished between the substructure and superstructure of a society. His central thesis is that the mode of production determines the nature of the superstructure in a society, i.e., the nature of the family, political insti— tution, forms of art, phi1050phy and theology. A Marxist approach sees social problems like "prostitution" rooted in the context of the economic structure. In this way, prostitu- tion becomes a product of the infrastructure: that is, the mode of production. According to this view, poverty, unem- ployment and unequal distribution of national income are the results of the dynamics of a capitalist society, and are conditions which contribute to the existence of prostitution. The present study is about licensed prostitutes in Tehran, the capital city of Iran. Iran's socio-economic structure is changing as a result of industrial development in large cities. These urban areas are presently absorbing a large volume of the surplus labor population from the rural areas and smaller cities. This migration pattern causes a change in the culture and social organization of the bigger cities. Prostitution is, as we will document in this study, mostly a product of social stratification. The main concern of this study is to discover subjective and objective factors associated with prostitution in Tehran. Objective factors include characteristics which the prosti- tutes themselves have no control over, such as poverty, dis- crimination, illiteracy, broken family life, and the like. From a subjective point of view the concern is with how the prostitutes respond to or manage their day-to-day life. This will include a close examination of how they see their child- hood, how they see their present family life, their Opportu- nities or perceived life chances, and their satisfaction with the profession. Definition of Prostitution A review of the literature on prostitution provides us with a range of definitions of this behavior. We will present the definitions of psychologists, criminologists, and socio- logists and then we will analyze some of the common elements in these definitions. In general, we find that the Oxford English Dictionary defines prostitution as ”The offering of the body to indiscriminate lewdness for hire”. Ellis, a psychologist, suggests the following definition: "A prostitute is a person who makes it a profession to gratify lust of various persons of the Opposite or same sex”.6 On the other hand, Bogner, a noted criminologist, defines prostitution as follows: "The act of prostitution is intrinsically equal to that of a man or woman who contracts a marriage for economic reasons".7 Finally, Henriques offers this definition: "Pros- titution consists of any sexual acts including those which do not actually involve c0pu1ation habitually performed by indi- viduals with other individuals of their own or the opposite sex for a consideration which is non-sexual”.8 In analyzing these definitions above, one realizes that the definitions have some elements in common. For example, the most frequent features are ”lewdness", "gratification" and "sexual act”. The definitions in the sociological literature emphasize the transactional element in prostitution. For example, Gebhard's definition of female prostitution is: "A female prostitute is a person who for immediate cash payment will 6Havelock Ellis, Studies in the Psychology of Sex, (New York: Random House, vol. vi, 1913), pp. 225-226. 7W. A. Bogner, Criminality and Economic Condition, (Boston: Little, Brown, 1916), p. 19. 8Fernando Henriques, Prostitution and Society, (London: Macigibbon, vol. 1, 1962), pp. 17-18. engage in sexual activity with any person (usually male) known or unknown to her, who meets her minimal requirements as to age, sobriety, cleanliness, race and health."9 Another scholar in the field of deviance, Gagnon points out that:"The prostitute is indulged in through the exchange of money, and in this exchange the client allows himself all of the sexual freedom that he represses when in contact with women in whom he has invested emotional meaning."10 As we can see in this excerpt, Gagnon's notion of prostitution refers to an economic transaction. He sees the prostitute as a com- modity, an object for sale, rather than the prostitute as a social actor. Therefore, any request that the buyer (the client) makes is perceived as legitimate. An alternative interpretation of prostitution has been put forward by Mancini: ”Prostitution is the act of women repeatedly and constantly practicing the sexual relationship with anybody on demand, without choosing or refusing any partner, for gain, freely and without force, her principal object being profit and not pleasure."11 Finally, May in his definition of prostitution (in the Encyc10p§dia of Social Science, vol. 12, 1933, pp. 553-559) captures the dimensions of prostitution that the definitions 9P. Gebhard, Medical Aspects of Human Sexuality, (New York: Hospital Science Publications, 1969), p. 29. 10J. Gagnon, Sexual Deviance, (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), p. 105. 11J. Mancini, Translated by D. G. Thomas, Prostitutes and Their Parasites, Paris: Universities de France, 1962), p. 14. above have listed. May emphasizes three basic elements of prostitution which make it a distinct institution in society. These elements are: promiscuity, payment, and emotional in- difference. In the words of Kingsley Davis, summarizing the same elements in his definition: ”The prostitute's affront is that she trades promiscuously. She takes money and other valuables for each act of intercourse. She is indifferent not only to sexual pleasure, but also to the partner. Her selling and her indifference, therefore,ref1ect a pure com- mercialization of the sexual relation.”12 The definitions of prostitution above represent various perspectives. Psychologists, economists and sociologists have interpreted prostitution using different conceptual frameworks. Ellis talks about prostitution from a bio-psychic perspective, since he emphasizes the gratification aspect of those who drift into the profession without considering eco- nomic factors. Bogner points out that even marriage contracts entered for economic reasons can be considered a form of pros- titution. Taken to its logical extreme, one may conclude that a large number of women can be regarded as prostitutes using the two definitions above. Henriques regards prostitution as any sexual act that is practices for a nonsexual consideration with the Opposite sex. This definition emphasizes again the economic aspect of prostitution. Gebhard's definition of fe- male prostitution is more comprehensive. It includes two 1ZKingsley Davis, "The Sociology of Prostitution," American Sociological Review, vol. 11 (No. 5, 1937), p. 360. dimensions of prostitution, economic factors and indiscrimi- nality. Gagnon's notion of prostitutes, which emphasizes the transactional aspects of human relations, also explains pros- titution from the economic dimension. Among all the definitions of prostitution it seems that Mancini and Kingsley Davis have Offered the most comprehensive definition of prostitution. They suggest that prostitution not only involves the earning of money but also the repeated and constant performance of the behavior and the lack of plea— sure prostitutes feel while engaged in that activity. The definition of prostitution which will be used in this paper most closely focuses on May's and Kingsley Davis' conceptualization of the phenomenon. In other words, we will define a prostitute as a woman who frequently Offers her body indiscriminately to other persons, mostly of the Opposite sex, to earn money. A Comparative Perspective on Prostitution Throughout the history of mankind prostitution has existed but it has varied in its nature. In primitive societies a woman was an Object for trade; who was bought, sold and ex- changed. This slave-like status hardly gave her a possibility for making any contracts for the economic transaction in her "service”. Among the Greeks, prostitution was associated with reli- gious life. As Henriques notes: ”Among the ancient Greeks, copulation itself was at times an act of worship. But it is in those societies where prostitution becomes an essential part Of the worship of the gods that the most powerful expres- sion of the union of sexuality and religion is to be found."13 The Babylonians had institutionalized prostitution for all country girls. Every young woman had to sacrifice her virginity for Venus. The custom was that she would reside in the temple of Venus and Offer herself for sexual intercourse with the first man who so wanted in order to satisfy the gods.14 In Indian society, the prostitutes were more respected because the girls sacrificed their virginity to the temple and were engaged in temple prostitution. The custom of sacrificing virginity to the temple and acting as a prostitute for worship was prohibited by Constantine after he had destroyed the temple Of Heliopolic. There was a custom among the Cyprians in ancient times in which they sent their daughters as prosti- tutes in order to same money for their dowry. This custom was found in the Mediterranean area during the Christian times, in Egypt in the classical period, among the Japanese in the nine- teenth century, and it still exists in some parts of Africa.15 Among the Eskimos, on the other hand, prostitution has reflected hospitality. It was customary to Offer the women to passing guests, and for this service, the males acquired some advantage for the family or the clan. 13Henriques, Prostitution and Society, p. 21. 14Ibid., p. 21. 15Ibid., p. 23. 10 The form of prostitution changed gradually from being a hospitable (among Eskimos) and religious practice (in Greece and India) to institutionalized and legal prostition. Pros- titutes worked for themselves and the priests could no longer exploit them. In this way prostitution became a business. Even from the ancient times there were two systems (in Greece and Egypt) which had opposite concerns about prostitution and they continue into the present. One system prohibits prosti- tution, the other one tolerates it and attempts to limit it. In Greece, Salon was the first person who controlled prostitution. There were three types of prostitutes in Greece: The low grade prostitutes (mostly slaves), enter- tainers, and hetaerae. As Mancini points out: ”There were three categories of prostitutes in Greece in ancient times. the hetaerae for the pleasures of the mind, prostitutes for the satisfaction of senses and between them the flute player and dancing girls to delight the eye and ear."16 In Rome, before the Empire, the society was full of idle people. Sexual intercourse was free, although there were two groups Of women; the women who were freely promiscuous, and the slaves who did not have any rights (even regarding where they lived) and who were badly treated by their pimps and clients. During the Roman Empire there was no restriction on prostitution. In fact until the fifteenth century there was no control or prohibition on prostitution in Roman society. 16Ibid., p. 18. 11 The first great step was taken by the enactment of the Jus- tinian laws. This law not only prohibited prostitutes, but also pimps, keepers and procuresses. Most of these prosti- tutes were involuntary victims; they fell into the hands of pimps and were exploited by them. The essential causes of prostitution, poverty and procuring, were present then as they are now. During the Christian times, sexual intercourse outside of marriage became forbidden. The prostitute now became punishable under a religious code. During the Middle Ages, this view Of prostitution was reinforced. However, the number Of prostitutes increased because, during this time, any woman who wanted to become free Of serfdom drifted into prostitution. There was strong social control of prostitution and we find not only that the prostitute was punished but many times her family was punished as well. Although there were prohibitions and strict control regarding prostitutes, prostitution still existed because of poverty. Charlemagne prohibited prostitution in an ordinance, and this is the first document in the history of French law on the subject. The law was hard on the woman,who was whipped in the public square. Nevertheless, Louis XIII felt that prostitution was neces- sary for the peace of the family, so he reopened the brothels in Paris in 1254. Across the English Channel, Henry II ordered the establishment of a brothel in London in 1161. Henry IV later (1469) prohibited prostitution and ordered prostitutes 12 to be punished as well as their pimps (by lashes for the first Offense, and hanging for the second). Yet there were some rulers, like Joan 1, Queen Of Sicilies, who administered brothels as a source of state revenue. During the sixteenth century, increasing Protestantism in Europe ended the dominance of the church in the political, social and economic sphere, in many countries. The change in society from a predominantly feudal, agricultural society to a more urbanized and industrial one also brought about changes in the way Of life. As a response to the transformation of society, affecting values, norms, family life and the role of religion, stricter laws were enacted,notab1y toward prostitu- tion. A center for reform was established in Paris, "The court at Versailles attracted many disreputable peOple who brought women for the soldiers in the nearby camps. Louis XIV, who wanted to keep his trOOps fit, took terrible measure; anybody who protected prostitutes had his nose and ears cut Off The woman was whipped and exhibited on a wooden horse.”17 The strict legislation against prostitution in France evoked the anger of some people, in 1770, against the crude- ness and vocabulary of the police and the administration. After the revolution in France, new laws were enacted for prostitu- tion. According to the law of July 19, 1781, ”A message from 17Ibid., p. 26. 13 the Directory to the Council of the Five Hundred on the 17th 'of Nivose in the fourth year of the Republic shows clearly that the situation needed clarification. The message suggested that notoriety and recidivism should be the test of prostitution."18 As a result Of the French revolution, human rights were not only recognized socially but legally as well. Prostitution became publicly recognized as an institution in society and public measures were initiated to control and regulate it.19 Today, although the social mores are more flexible, pros- titution is still perceived as a social problem. Most societies have some kind of legislation prohibiting prostitution. How- ever, the extent Of prostitution has hardly declined and the reason is not so much biological as it is social. Modern society is witnessing its members become increasingly automized from meaningful contacts with other peOple, poverty and crime are increasing as the products Of unequal growth in a capita- list society, and the family is changing its character and function. Hence, prostitution is a structurally produced phe- nomenon . Thesis Outline This study consists of five chapters. The first chapter is confined to the problem setting and the objectives Of this study. Chapter Two is composed of two sections: the first will deal with the structure of Iran and the second will pre- sent the different types Of prostitutes in Iran. An emphasis is placed on licensed prostitutes from whom we selected our sample. Chapter Three will discuss the methods used in this 19Ibid., p. 29. 14 study and the variables selected for examination. Chapter Four presents an analysis of the data. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the socio-economic background of licensed pros- titutes and their parents, the prostitutes' relathionships with their parents, their perceived life chances, and their satis- faction with their occupation. The last chapter is devoted to a summary and conclusions. CHAPTER 11 PART 1: STRUCTURE OF IRAN This chapter is composed of two sections. The first section is devoted to a brief description of the structure of Iran including its history and demographic characteristics, socio-economic structure, family and sexual relationships. In this part we compare the rural and urban sociO-economic ‘ aspects and also explain the changes in the social structure of Iran after land reform. The second section will discuss the different types of prostitutes in Iran, with an emphasis on licensed prostitutes who live in "Ghaleah". Geographic and Demographic Characteristics Iran with an area of 636,000 square miles is situated in Southwestern Asia between the Caspian Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the Gulf of Oman. It borders Russia to the North, Iraq and Turkey to the West, and Afghanistan and Pakistan to the East. Differences in altitude cause great climatic variation, i.e., the temperature varies from cold in the highlands to extreme heat in the lowlands. Mountains border all sides of Iran with the exception of its Southeastern corner. The pOpulation of Iran has reached 34 million according to the last census held in November 1976. The rate of pOpu- lation growth in Iran is one of the highest in the world, i.e., 3 percent per year. The pOpulation density is 20 persons 15 16 per square kilometer. Most of the population is concentrated in the Northern part of Iran where agricultural and industrial activities are concentrated. Migration from rural areas and small cities flows toward the Northern part and to Tehran (the capital city), in particular. This movement has accelerated during the last five years. The prOportion of rural residents has declined from 63 percent in 1966 to 52 percent in 1976. The rate of the population growth in Tehran is 6 percent per year, one of the highest rates in the world. The above figures indicate a large volume of migration in Iran from rural to urban areas. Brief History of Iran Iran is one Of the Oldest nations in the world. It has a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system of govern- ment. The history Of Iran dates back to 1000 B.C. when a large group Of peOple migrated from the Northern mountain of "Gaf- ghaz" and settled in the central plain of Iran. They estab- lished the first civilization of the Persian Empire. Since then, various political systems have come to power in Persia (Iran). During the age of the Persian Empire, the social class system consisted of aristocrats, priests, soldiers, peasants, and slaves. This social system persisted until the country was exposed to several invasions which changed the socio-cultural structure drastically. Alexander the Great, the Arabs, the Mongols, and the Turks invaded the country over the centuries and these invasions changed the structure of the society. The 17 Iranian culture is, therefore, the product Of different cul- tures that penetrated the society during its long history. Socio-Economic Structure The economic system of the country has been mostly agra- rian and feudal. Most of the pOpulation has resided in the rural areas and been peasants. They were exploited by land- owners and deprived of elementary human rights. Feudal lords had great influence on the political structure which shaped the economic, cultural, religious aspects of the society. That system continued until 1962, when land reform was ini- tiated. It is important to point out that the social hier- archy in Iran, as in most agrarian societies, reflects the kind of access that different groups had to land. Within these groups, individual status determined the amount and quality of land commanded. Many complex factors influenced the pattern of land ownership and land use; the political system, the structure of the economy, the social system, the legal system, the demographic situation, and the agricultural system. Thus, the network of social relationships arose from the above social institutions. When the idea Of land reform came about, it was not only a physical distribution of land, but it also established a new socio—economic structure which totally changed the society. Most of the property of land holders has been purchased by the government and distributed among the peasants. Some village COOperatives were established to help the peasants. After the 18 land reform, village farmers owned the land, but they lost services which their landlords had traditionally provided, such as agricultural means (seeds, water, agricultural equip- ment), and consequently economic support. Thus, most of the farmers left the rural area for the towns and cities, where they hOped to find work and achieve a higher standard of living. Rapid industrialization and urbanization further stimulated the peasants to leave rural areas, especially those who were displaced by land reform. Lack of training and edu- cation meant that many could not find permanent jobs. While land reform came about, Iranian society was growing rapidly toward industrialization. The industrial sector in different parts of Iran and in Tehran in particular, began to improve. A melting steel factory established Isfahan, one of the large cities of Iran,as the greatest industrial center. In Tehran, several automobile factories grew, and in the South- ern part of Iran Oil refineries began to develop. Other parts of the country improved as well. This industrial sector had a great demand for a labor force, and a large proportion of the Iranian pOpulation which was isolated in rural areas was ready to join the industrial labor force. Tehran's pOpulation more than doubled from 1966 to 1976, seven million peOple were added to the urban population, whereas the rural pOpulation increased by only two million people (1976 census). The central pro- vince, including Tehran and a few small cities, now has 20.6 percent Of the total population. 19 Migrants to cities came largely from the Southern part of the country to Tehran where slums have emerged. The pat- ltern of settlement in urban areas follows regional criteria: migrants from specific areas tend to reside in the same loca- tions where they can find friends and relatives. As a result of the growth in the gross national product due to increasing oil production, other economic activity in the society began to develop,and as a consequence, economic activities increased dramatically. Migrants who were able to get jobs adapted more easily to the urban life style and moved rapidly up the social ladder and joined the urban middle class. The unskilled migrants were less likely to find work and were concentrated in slums and increased the number of poor peOple in the cities. During the last five years the middle class has become richer at the expense of the lower class. The emerging income differences in urban areas increased the gap between classes. This social differentiation is reflected in the pattern of urban differen- tiation Of major cities. The upper class occupies zones in the city which enjoy a better condition, climate, and other public and social facili- ties, whereas the lower class districts and working class areas are completely separated from this ”Gold Coast." In short, there are clear cut class differences between the upper, middle, and lower classes in Iran. Most of the power, wealth, prestige and advanced education have been concentrated within the upper class or elite. The upper class comprises the Shah and his family, high government 20 Officials, wealthy industrialists, top religious and military leaders and large landholders. Since 1970 this group is esti- mated to be one percent of the total population. The middle class, increasing rapidly after the land re- form, is divided intozniupper and lower middle class. The upper middle class consists Of professionals, leaders of ba- zaars, and less wealthy industrialists. The middle class is well educated but does not have as much power and wealth as the upper class. The lower middle class is comprised of the craftsmen, shOpkeepers, and low level government employees. They usually take other part time work to supplement their in- come. The lowest social stratum in the urban centers is composed of factory workers, servants, and migrant laborers. The latter belong to the ”agricultural reserve army” who were displaced by mechanization in agriculture and were attracted to the in- dustrial sector. The lower class has retained a traditional life style in the cities.’ At the bottom of the stratification scheme is the "lumpen proletariat," prostitutes and beggars.20 Family Family, by definition, consists of a group Of persons united by the ties of marriage, blood or adoption. It provides security, identity and social orientation for its members and its functions are social, economic and religious. The family is an important basic unit in the Iranian society. 20Harvey H. Smith, Area Handbook For Iran,(Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1970), p. 127. 21 In general the structure of the family and the pattern of marriage in the rural areas of Iran is dramatically dif- ferent from that Of the urban areas. The type of family one finds in the rural areas is mostly the extended-patriarchal family. It consists of a man, who is the head of the family, his wife (or wives), his unmarried children and sometimes his married sons with their wives and children. When the sons are married, it is traditional in the rural areas for them to remain in their parents' household but the daughters are ex— pected to leave the parents' household and live with their husbands' family. The patriarchal family is authoritarian; absolute power and control is in the hands of the father. His wife and his children are subordinate to his authority. He makes all decisions in the family and only rarely does his wife influence him. The sex roles of men and women can clearly be distinguished from each other in the rural life style. The male role is related to activities outside the home. If a hus- band does help his wife in the home, he will be despised by others. A village woman is not only considered a housewife, but she does work together with the men on the farm, for example, milking and making dairy products. In other words, she has a very important role in the family's economy. Rural families have many children, because the children can work and help the family budget. Thus children, especially sons, are greatly desired and valued in a rural family. In contrast, the nuclear family has become more prevalent in the urban areas, especially among the upper and middle 22 classes. This type of family consists of a father, mother, and unmarried children. The children are independent of their parents after marriage. There is a notion of equality of the husband and the wife. Decisions are made by the husband, his wife and sometimes with the participation of their older children. Some of the women have part time jobs outside of the home and contribute tO the support Of the family. The father and the mother share in rearing the children, but in the earlier ages the mother has more responsibility for the children. Marriage and family are closely related to each other in Iran. "Family as an organization is a consequence of marriage, and therefore the patterns of marriage determined several or— ganizational and functional characteristics of the family. Similarly, the pattern of marriage of an individual is deter- mined to a great extent, by the structural and functional characteristics of the family in which he is born.”21 Thus the pattern of marriage is different in the urban and rural areas. In general, marriage tends to be contracted among persons of similar social background. The degree of freedom in selecting the marriage partner is determined by customs and economic posi- tion. In rural areas and among the lower classes, marriages are arranged by families and traditionally the bride and groom are not supposed to meet before the marriage. In urban areas, marriage Offers_men and women greater freedom and influence in the selection Of their spouses. 21Jeffrey K. Hadden, Marriage and the Family,(ltasca: Illinois, Inc., 1969), p. 81 23 Marriage in all social classes entails some kind of material transaction between the families Of the bride or groom. The transaction may take the form Of a dgwry (e.g., some house appliance is made by the bride's family for young partner) or shirbaha, a practice in rural areas. The purpose Of this shirbaha paid by the family of the groom, is to com- pensate the bride's family for the losses of the bride's ser- vice. In Iran, women usually marry at an earlier age than men. Article 1041 of the Iranian Civil Law specifies a minimum age at marriage of 15 for females and 18 for males. If a girl wishes to legally marry before this age, she must have the permission of her parents as well as be examined by a court doctor to establish whether she has reached the age Of puberty.22 In spite of this law, one can find in rural areas a lot of married women, eleven or twelve years Old. The marriage rate is higher in rural than urban areas, because urbanities tend to delay this decision. Polygamy is regulated by tradition as well as Islamic law, but the Family Protection Law of 1968, forbids a hquand to choose a second wife unless his first wife permits. Until the passing of the Family Protection Law, it was,in almost all cases, a man's prerogative to initiate divorce. He could even divorce his wife in absentia. After the passage of this law, 22Jacqueline R. Touba, Marriage and Family in Iran,(Tehran: Institute for Social Studies and Research, 1972), p. 12. 24 women were given the right to initiate divorce. Moreover, all cases of divorce were henceforth to be mediated by the court.23 The rural-urban differences in family structure and the pattern of marriage is related to influences of industriali- zation and urbanization. Sexual Relations Premarital sexual relationships are restricted for both sexes, especially for girls in Iran. Girls are expected to preserve their virginity until marriage. Virginity at mar- riage has an important value, because if a bride was not a virgin the marriage could be terminated. If a girl becomes pregnant before marriage she must leave her home. In the rural areas the expectations are much more severe than in the urban society because of strong traditional values and customs re- lated to virginity in the rural society. A girl who loses her chastity easily drifts into prostitution because of normative sanctions exhibited in her community.24 Iranian men have more sexual freedom than women. They seek sexual relations from the age of 14 or 15. A man can al- ways have sexual intercourse with a prostitute or by deceiving girls and inducing them to make love. As we have described above, the family and the sex roles in the Iranian society are quite traditional in nature. The 23Smith, Area Handbook for Iran, p. 138. 24Herbert H. Vreeland, Iran, (New Haven: Human Relation Area Files, 1957), p. 260. 25 rigid norms of female behavior, restricting the women in their choices in life, leaves little flexibility for ”deviance" caused by structural changes in the Iranian society. Existing migration patterns by the rural surplus population to cities have not seen equivalent changes in the nature of sex roles in the urban society. For many lower class women, prostitution is one Of the only routes they can resort to in order to inde- pendently earn an income. Prostitution is tolerated in Iran as a necessary evil, and in most cities one can find special districts where prostitutes Offer their services. One can distinguish between four types Of prostitutes-—the licensed prostitutes, street walkers, call girls, and prostitutes in the slums--using the criteria of residence and licensure. PART 2: TYPES OF PROSTITUTES IN IRAN ”Ghaleah" and its Prostitutes ”Ghaleah" (135,000 square kilometers) is located in the Southwestern partof Tehran. It is almost a city in the heart of Tehran. It is not only physically separated from the rest of Tehran, but also in terms of values, customs, and culture. In 1920, the prostitutes who had been located in other places were removed by the government to this place which later became called "Ghaleah". Since then, this part of the city has become a place for prostitutes to conduct their business. In 1952, ”Ghaleah” was fenced in by the police, and the police 26 authorities were assigned the task of collecting all prosti- tutes, scattered throughout the city, and moving them to the "Ghaleah".25 "Ghaleah" has two streets, and thirty alleys which con- nect the two streets to one another. The streets and alleys are dirty and rough and the prostitutes are housed in 417 old, unkept and rundown buildings. Each house has on the average of seven rooms. The inhabitants of ”Ghaleah" in- clUded 1395 prostitutes, 210 supervisors, and 347 custodials. The inhabitants Of "Ghaleah" have their own groceries, their own tailors, and their own varieties of shopping places. There are two theaters, nine tailor shOps, two restaurants, twelve bafiter shOps, eight small grocery stores and sixteen appliance stores which usually sell used appliances. Each prostitute occupies a private room, furnished according to her budget. Most of the prostitutes live permanently in "Ghaleah" and just a few of them have another place for sleeping. The supervisors were formerly prostitutes and work in UGhaleah” as part of the prostitute pOpulation. They supervise the prostitutes and attain around 50 percent of the prostitutes' income, as tax, rent and loag’interest. The supervisors are the middle women between prostitutes and clients. When the client enters the houses, he confronts the supervisors who Offer him a ticket while selecting one of the prostitutes. The fee of prostitutes is related to her age, sobriety, and appearance. The 25Satareh Farmanfrmaeian, Prostitution, (Tehran: Tehran School of Social Work, 1970), p. 3. 27 custodians who live in ”Ghaleah” are responsible for cleaning and cooking in the house. Usually every four or five prosti- tutes have a pimp. The pimps, who are males, protect prosti- tutes from clients' threats. The role of the pimp is not con- fined tO protection, for he also tries to find more customers for prostitutes. Unwanted children by prostitutes are kept in a child-care center outside of ”Ghaleah", and social workers and volunteer groups care for the children. Licensed prosti- tutes have to carry a health card, which is renewed every three months by doctors who check for venereal disease. Street Walkers This group of prostitutes practice illegally and find their clients on the streets. They dress in very eye-catching clothing and colorful make-up so that clients can easily recog— nize them. The client frequently has a car and he invites them inside his car. After they agree about the price, they go to a place that the client suggests. Prostitutes must, however, be careful about their clients, because some of them may cheat and not pay them, and others may be policemen arresting them. The Call Girls This type of prostitute practices illegally in her own home. Clients cannot directly get in touch with them. The pimp ar- ranges for the prostitute and her client to meet. This group of prostitutes is able to make more maney than other prostitutes. They dress in expensive clothing and live in the most expensive residential section of Tehran city, where most of the upper class lives. They charge high fees for their services. 28 Prostitution in the Slums Among poor peOple who live in slums, in the Southern part of Tehran, one can find some illegal prostitutes. This group of prostitutes usually has the poorest clients and low prices for their practice. The districts where they live have very poor sanitary conditions. Sometimes residents in this area rent their rooms to street walkers to conduct their trade. CHAPTER III METHODOLOGY This chapter presents the methodological and technical aspects of this study before presenting and discussing the results. The nature of the sample and related variables are discussed in this chapter. The present study is concerned with the socio-economic aspects and professional life of licensed prostitutes in Tehran. As was mentioned earlier, the prostitutes in Tehran can be classified into four categories; prostitutes of "Gha- leah,“ call girls, street walkers, and prostitutes of the slums. Only licensed prostitutes situated in ”Ghaleah," the Official district allocated to the prostitutes, were included in this study. Research on prostitution in Tehran seems more difficult than other kinds of studies. An examination of an illegal pro- fession like prostitution provides several methodological problems in terms Of data collection which might affect the degree of reliability of the results. Yet a study of prosti- tution in an Official place like "Ghaleah" in Tehran represents a fairly representative sample of licensed prostitutes because the prostitutes are aggregated here from most parts of the country. Our study of prostitution in Tehran has been conducted for the purpose of describing the nature Of this form of 29 3O prostitution in this city. The unit of the analysis is the prostitutes who are practicing in "Ghaleah". Procedure of Study An examination of the nature of prostitution has long been neglected in the social research in Iran. The only scientific research that has been done so far is, "The Study Of Prostitution in Tehran”, conducted by the Tehran School Of Social Work in 1970.26 This study is a comprehensive study which obtained information about the sicio-economic situation of prostitutes in Tehran. The findings of this study were presented as numerical tables or a material framework without utilizing any sociological concepts which might have been use- ful in understanding prostitution as a social phenomenon. The neglected concerns in this study encouraged me to go beyond the statistical representation of the problem of prostitution and to try to give a sociological explanation Of this social problem. An expansion of the study required a review of the literature concerning prostitution and collection Of new data on prostitutes in ”Ghaleah”. The following data was collected in order to describe the sociO-economic situation of the prostitutes: I. Individual Status A. Age B. Place of birth C. Occupation (before joining the profession) II. Parents' Status A. Parents' educational status B. Parents' occupational status C. Parents"income III. Size of Family 31 IV. Family Atmosphere A. Parents' relationship B. Family members' relationship V. Family Build-up A. Broken family B. Unbroken family VI. Marital Status Of Respondents VII. Husbands' Status VIII. Professional Life Cause of joining the profession Period of joining the profession Economic status of responsents Life expenditures Prostitutes' aspirations for future Prostitutes' evaluation of their present job Respondents' advice ommdnw> In order to explore these social background factors a questionnaire of forty-four questions was constructed and used in interviews. The collected data were tabulated and compared. Sampling Procedure The population in "Ghaleah" was made up of 1399 prosti- tutes during the Summer of 1976. Since it was not possible to interview all prostitutes, I selected a sample size of 200. In order to get a random sample, I drew the sample from a list of all the resident prostitutes and selected 200 at random. The process was a systematic random selection; every seventh prostitute on the list was singled out as a subject in the sur- vey. The questionnaires were filled out through door-tO—door interview. Two students and one faculty member of Law and Political Science of Tehran University assisted me in the inter- viewing from July 30 to August 30, 1976. 32 Limitation of Study There is, of course, a limitation in terms of generali- zation of this study. All prostitutes under study were se- lected from the "Ghaleah". The prostitutes who lived in "Ghaleah" are the only group of licensed prostitutes. In general, our sample is selected from the licensed prostitutes who live in the "Ghaleah" which is located in Tehran. There- fore, the results of this research cannot be attributed to other prostitution groups in Tehran,or all prostitutes in Iran. CHAPTER IV THE BACKGROUND DATA In this chapter a number of questions related to the background of prostitutes are addressed and discussed. The background of prostitutes, their parents, and their profes- sional lives are examined. An emphasis is placed on the socio-economic background of prostitutes and their parents, the prostitutes' relationship with their parents, their Opportunities Of life chance, and their satisfaction with the profession. Age of Respondent Table 1 demonstrates the age structure of the group under study. The age of the respondents ranges from 15 to 55. More than 50 percent of the respondents are 20 to 30 years old, and 40 percent fall between 30 and 44. Only 3.5 percent are 45 years and over. The median age of the sample is 25 years, which indicates a very young population, a finding which is hardly surprising since youth is a most important factor in this profession. Usually the older women gradually leave the dis- trict, since they will not be able to continue to recruit clients. Thus, the age composition in this pOpulation is young, and those who are Older are not working as prostitutes. In- stead, they work as maids, custodians and supervisors. 33 34 TABLE 1 AGE DISTRIBUTION AGE NUMBER PERCENT 15-19 19 9.5 20-24 60 30.0 25-29 44 22.0 30-34 40 20.0 35-39 18 9.0 40-44 12 6.0 45-49 2 1.0 50-54 5 2.5 TOTAL 200 100.0 Educational Background One important dimension Of the social background of the prostitutes is their educational level. As Table 2 illus- trates, almost 71 percent of those interviewed reported that they had no education at all. The years Of schooling of the remaining 29 percent ranged as follows: 3.5 percent (1-3 years), 15 percent (4—6 years), 8 percent (7-9 years) and only 2.5 percent had (10-12 years) Of educational background. The low educational background of the respondents in our sample is related to their economic background, because most of the respondents' parents had not been able to afford to educate their children. As Table 2 shows, the rate of illiteracy is higher among the older respondents: Most of those over 39 years of age are illiterate. In a society like Iran, where 35 TABLE 2 DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND EDUCATIONAL STATUS EDUCATION Age Illiterate Elementary Secondary Total 15-19 10 5 4 19 20-24 40 ll 9 60 25-29 31 9 4 44 30-34 29 7 4 40 35—39 13 5 — 18 40-44 12 - - 12 45-49 2 - - 2 50-54 5 - - 5 TOTAL 142 37 21 200 PERCENT 71.0 18.5 10.0 100.0 more than 64 percent of the pOpulation is illiterate, it is not surprising that more than 71 percent of the prostitutes are illiterate. After further investigation of the prostitutes' ackground, we notice that they also have grown up in a family whose members also were illiterate. (This fact is illustrated in Table 10 and 11 which indicate that 62.5 percent of the re- spondents' fathers and 85 percent of the mothers were illiterate.) Those who suffer from illiteracy will find it hard to enter a professional career or a job that would enable them to enter the middle class, a status most migrants to urban areas are aspiring to. Women in developing nations who lack education 36 but need an income may enter prostitution as one of the rela— tively few available income sources. Residential Background Residential factors such as rural or urban residence or migration are often contributors to prostitution. As Table 3 indicates only 8.5 percent of respondents were from Tehran, and 89.5 percent Of the prostitutes were from other rural or urban areas in Iran. Tehran has not only emerged as the lar- gest city in Iran, but it is also a central place for trade, markets and tourism in both national and international terms. Tehran tends to attract migrants from other parts of Iran. As Table 4 demonstrates, 11 percent of the population under study came from larger cities and 80.5 percent from small cities and rural areas. TABLE 3 PLACE OF BIRTH Area Number Percent Tehran city 17 8.5 Rural and other cities 179 89.5 Foreign 4 2.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 The only distinguishing factor separating urban from rural in Iran like other societies, is the size of population. Areas including more than 5000 peOple are considered a city and less TABLE 4 PLACE OF BIRTH Area Number Percent Tehran city 17 8.5 Large cities 22 11.0 Small cities and rural 161 80.5 TOTAL 200 100.0 than 5000 is counted as a rural district. This statistical distinction is not considered a criterion for our analysis, since the purpose of the classification of rural and urban areas as separate is the difference in life styles. Among developing countries in general and in Iran in particular, there is a big difference between large cities and small cities, and small cities are very close to the rural areas from the point of view of simplicity and homogeneity. In the rural areas there is a similarity of economic activities, cus- toms, values, common laws, language usage, whereas this uni- formity cannot be found in the urban areas. In other words, there is less disparity between individual and group values in rural areas in Iran, where the process of urbanization has not been a long-time phenomenon, and the divergence between rural and small cities is not very wide from the point of above similarities. There are a number of cities with more than 30,000 pOpulation that are very similar to the rural areas. From a sociological point of view, population size is not the 38 only criterion for urban-rural differentiation, particularly in Iran, where there is a wide divergence between large cities and small cities. Migrants carry with them their norms, values, and customs to the cities. Many fail to adjust to their new environment and consequently fail in the job market, but they also become isolated and part of the anonymity of big cities. Respondents' Family Situation From a sociological point of view, the family is an im- portant institution which, however, varies in its form depending upon the sociO-economic structure of the society. In Iran, a developing country with rapid industrialization, the family is still a basic unit in society. In this section our attempt is to explore prostitution in terms Of the nature of the family in the Iranian society. The question here is, does type of family background influence the likelihood of becoming a prostitute? As Table 5 demonstrates, 48 percent of the respondents' fathers and 36 percent of the respondents' mothers were deceased at the time she joined the profession. This means that in most cases the main breadwinner of the family (the father) was not present, a circumstance which contributed to the poverty of the household. Table 6 indicates the general character of the family life and happiness in the respondents' childhood. 48 percent of the respondents indicated that their parents had a happy or average happy marriage, but 31 percent of them mentioned an unhappy re- lationship between their parents. 39 TABLE 5 RESPONDENTS' PARENTS LIVING OR NOT BEFORE SHE JOINED THE PROFESSION Father Mother Number Percent Number Percent Living 87 43.5 114 57.0 Deceased 96 48.0 72 36.0 No Response 17 8.5 14 7.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 200 100.0 TABLE 6 EVALUATION OF PARENTS' MARITAL HAPPINESS Degree of Happiness Number Percent Happy 62 31.0 Average 34 17.0 UnhaPPY 62 31.0 Do not know 42 21.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 The respondents were also asked to explain the cause of their parents' unhappiness. Their answers are tabulated in Table 7 where we find that 32 percent of them thought poverty had been the main reason for their parents' unhappiness, and 29 percent mentioned that their parents' remarriage had been 40 the main cause. Among the responses, parents' drug addiction was another factor in family disorder. Further, more than 16 percent asserted that the death of either parent was a reason for the parents' unhappiness. TABLE 7 CAUSE OF PARENTS' MARITAL UNHAPPINESS Cause Number Percent Poverty 20 32.0 Death of either parent 10 16.0 Parents' remarriage 18 24.0 Do not know 10 16.0 Narcotic addiction 4 7.0 TOTAL 62 100.0 Another experience to be examined in this context, is the relationship between the respondents and their parents before joining their present profession. Table 8 shows that the re- spondents felt closer to their mother than their father. 52 percent of the respondents were close to their mothers and 34 percent to their fathers. Considering that the family is an important unit in Iranian society and the relationships between the members of the family is very tight, it was expected that a large proportion of respondents would have a close relation- ship with their parents. Thus, the percentages suggest a sig- nificant lack of close relationships between respondents and their parents. 41 TABLE 8 RESPONDENTS' RELATIONSHIP WITH PARENTS BEFORE JOINING THE PROFESSION Degree of Intimacy Father Mother Number Percent Number Percent Close 68 34.0 104 52.0 Average 41 20.5 33 16.5 Not close 91 45.5 63 31.5 TOTAL 200 100.0 200 100.0 During the interview situation, the respondents expressed anger against their fathers. In some cases, respondents indi- cated that their fathers were to blame for forcing them into their present situation. Table 9 shows the respondents' answers to our question about relationship with their parents at the present time. 80 percent of the prostitutes said that they did not have any contact with their parents, but ten percent mentioned that they had a close relationship and even supported their family fi- nancially. Those who helped their family financially said that this action makes them feel less guilty and brings them psycho- logical satisfaction. In reviewing the data presented, one can conclude that the role of the family is most important in molding its members' behavior. A broken family does not provide the bond of economic 42 and moral support that a young girl needs in order to pursue a traditional way of life as prescribed by the sex role stereo- types in Iranian society. Looking at the family atmosphere of the prostitutes, one can conclude that the unhappy relation- ship between parents or between the respondent and one of the parents contributed to the lack Of a support group for these prostitutes. In a country like Iran, where the family is a very important institution, any threat to the family situation is a threat to the future security of its members. TABLE 9 RESPONDENTS' RELATIONSHIP WITH THEIR PARENTS AT PRESENT TIME Degree of Intimagy Number Percent Close 20 10.0 Average 20 10.0 Not close 160 80.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 SociO-Economic Background In order to analyze the socio-economic status of prosti- tutes, information was gathered about members of their family, parents in particular. As Table 10 and 11 show, not only were a majority of pros— titutes illiterate, but a high percent of their parents were also illiterate: 62.5 percent Of respondents' fathers and 85.5 percent of respondents' mothers were illiterate. 43 TABLE 10 EDUCATION OF RESPONDENTS' FATHERS Education Number Percent Illiterate 125 62.5 Elementary 52 26.0 Secondary 18 9.0 Do not know 5 2.5 TOTAL 200 100.0 TABLE 11 EDUCATION OF RESPONDENTS' MOTHERS Education Number Percent Illiterate 170 85.0 Elementary 23 11.5 Secondary 3 1.5 DO not know 4 2.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 The rate of illiteracy of respondents' parents, as com- pared with Iran's illiteracy rate, is much higher, a clear indication Of lower educational status among the parents of prostitutes. The illiteracy rates of respondents' parents are shown in Table 12. The illiteracy rate of respondents' fathers is 11.5 percent higher than the illiteracy rate of total male population and the illiteracy rate of respondents' 44 mothers is 11.0 percent higher than the illiteracy rate of total female population. TABLE 12 EDUCATIONAL STATUS OF IRAN POPULATION Education Percent Male Percent Female Illiterate 51.0 74.0 Elementary 37.3 19.8 Secondary 10.9 5.5 Advanced .5 .6 Other .3 .1 TOTAL 100.0 100.0 SOURCE: Plan Organization, Statistical Center, ”Statistical Report of 1971," no. 349, Tehran, Iran. Table 13 shows the occupational status of respondents' parents. 2.5 percent of those interviewed had fathers who were skilled workers, ten percent reported that their fathers were semi-skilled workers, and 55 percent were daughters of unskilled workers. However, 12.5 percent of their fathers were unemployed. The mothers' occupational status is shown in Table 14. 67.5 percent Of the respondents' mothers did not have access to any job outside of the home. Thus, the family income was restricted to the father's job or some other family members, if any. 21.5 percent of the respondents' mothers were unskilled 45 workers and one percent were semi-skilled workers. About 20 percent of the respondents could not identify their fathers' occupation and abouttxn1percent did not know their mothers' occupation. This failure may mean that they left home or lost their father or mother early. TABLE 13 OCCUPATIONS OF RESPONDENTS' FATHERS Occupation Number Percent Skilled worker 5 2.5 Semi-skilled worker 20 10.0 Unskilled worker 110 55.0 Unemployed 25 12.5 Do not know 40 20.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 TABLE 14 OCCUPATIONS OF RESPONDENTS' MOTHERS Occupation Number Percent Skilled worker 0 0 Semi-skilled worker 3 1.0 Unskilled worker 43 21.5 Unemployed and housewife 135 67.5 Do not know 20 10.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 46 The rate of unemployment of respondents' parents as com- pared with the nation's population is higher. The proportion of skilled and semi-skilled workers in our sample is lower as compared with the total population. See Table 15 for figures. TABLE 15 PERCENT DISTRIBUTION OF OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF TOTAL POPULATION Occupation M313 Female Skilled worker 13.1 6.3 Semi-skilled worker 29.3 10.1 Unskilled worker 46.4 18.1 Unemployed and housewife 9.0 59.0 Other 2.2 6.5 TOTAL 100.0 100.0 SOURCE: Plan Organization, Statistical Center, ”Statistical Report of 1971,” No. 349, Tehran, Iran. The subjects were also asked how many members there were in their family. More than half of them reported to have come from large families consisting of around 5-8 members. The average size of family is 7.4. The average size Of family in the nation is 6.5 in urban areas and 8.5 in rural areas. There- fore, the average size of our sample as compared with the nation's population is larger than the average urban family and smaller than the average rural family. This information is reflected in Table 16. 47 TABLE 16 RESPONDENTS' FAMILY SIZE (INCLUDING PROSTITUTE) Number of Members Number Percent l- 4 38 19.0 5- 8 105 52.5 9-12 35 17.5 13-16 18 9.0 More 4 2.0 TOTAL 200 100.0 In response to the question, "How do you estimate your family's economic situation?" most prostitutes perceived their family background as lower class. As Table 17 illustrates, only five percent of the respondents indicated that they be- longed to the richer stratum. More than 50 percent of the respondents said they came from a poor or very poor family background. 22.5 percent of respondents also marked their family' .as average, or in other words, they identified their parents as middle class. Considering the occupational and educational background of respondents' parents. It is obvious that the respondents perceived their parents' socio-economic position higher than was actually the case. Our findings concerning the respondents' family background such as education,OCCUpation and economic status document the fact that our sample Of prostitutes has been recruited from a lower socio-economic class. 48 TABLE 17 PARENTS' SOCIO-ECONOMIC POSITION Socio—Economic Number Percent Rich 10 5.0 Average 45 22.5 Poor 40 20.0 Very poor 70 35.0 Do not know 35 17.5 TOTAL 200 100.0 Marital Situation Since marriage and the family are two important institu- tions shaping the lives of women in Iran, we were interested in studying the marital situation of the prostitutes, expe- cially if they had any children from a marriage. Marriage is strongly supported in the Iranian culture and married women and men enjoy a higher social prestige than unmarried peOple. In contrast, any broken family is considered an economic dis- aster for women. Divorced women generally lose their previous social prestige. As Table 18 illustrates, 64.5 percent of the total pOpu- lation under study were already married and 35.5 percent of them had never married. 53 percent of those who had previously married, were between 20-29 years Old. None of the previously married prostitutes were married at the time of the study. This information is shown in Table 19. 49 TABLE 18 DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONDENTS BY AGE AND MARITAL STATUS Marital Status Age Married Never Married Number Percent Number Percent Total 15-19 5 3.8 14 19.7 19 20—24 40 31.0 20 28.2 60 25-29 29 22.5 15 21.1 44 30-34 26 20.1 14 19.7 40 35-39 13 10.0 5 7.0 18 40—44 10 7.7 2 2.8 12 45-49‘ 1 .8 l 1.4 2 50-54 5 3.9 - - 5 TOTAL 179- 100.0 5 100.0 366 TABLE 19 SITUATION OF MARRIED PROSTITUTES Marital Status Number Percent Divorced 94 72.9 Separated 22 17.0 Widow 13 10.1 TOTAL 129 100.0 50 Table 20 also shows that 38.8 percent of the married prostitutes have not had any children. Most of them asserted that their husband divorced them, because they were not able to have children. But 60 percent of prostitutes have a child, and 43 percent Of them have more than two children. The Table 20 RESPONDENTS' CHILDREN Number of Children Number Percent 0 50 38.8 1 45 34.9 2 21 16.3 3 8 6.2 4 3 2.3 5 2 1.5 TOTAL 129 100.0 prostitutes' children are raised in a kindergarten outside the district. Although the social workers and volunteer groups try to keep the children away from their mothers, some prostitutes reported that their daughters have followed their profession. Pattern of Mate Selection The married prostitutes were asked how they had selected their husbands. Around 49 percent of the prostitutes' marriages had been arranged by their parents, and 20 percent of them got 51 married by "suit selection” and parents approval. In other words, only 31 percent of them independently selected their spouse. These figures are shown in Table 21. TABLE 21 PATTERN OF MATE SELECTION Number Percent Parents' enforcement 63 48.8 Suit Selection and Parents' approval 26 20.2 Independent Selection 40 31.0 TOTAL 129 100.0 Husbands' Socio-Economic Position The prostitutes were asked about their husbands' educa- tion. Table 22 illustrates that 64.3 percent of their husbands were illiterate, 22.5 percent had only elementary school back- ground, and 13.2 percent had a high school background. TABLE 22 HUSBANDS' EDUCATIONAL STATUS Education Number Percent Illiterate 83 63.4 Elementary 29 22.5 Secondary 17 13.2 TOTAL 129 100.0 53 In our interviews, some prostitutes asserted that their husbands had pushed them to prostitution, because of poverty. Some of the prostitutes also mentioned that their husbands had not been able to support them and had deserted them. She needed a job to support herself and her children, and consi- dering the job Opportunities for this group of women, prosti- tution was one of the Open sources of independent income. Reasons for Joining the Profession The reasons for why and how the respondents entered the profession Of prostitution are summarized in Table 25. This Table shows that 22 percent of the respondents thought they became prostitutes because of deception. They asserted that pimps, other prostitutes, and males were responsible for their move in this direction. Other important factors were poverty, death of either parent or the parents' divorce. In fact, 8 percent of the subjects reported that the remarriage of their parents, especially the father, directly affected their lives. For example, one of the prostitutes pointed out: I was twelve years Old, when my mother died. After three months my father got married again. My step- mother did not like me. She did mind when my father took care of me. One day in the absence of my father, she invited a woman to our house and intro- duced her to me as a friend. She was so kind with me and every other day she met me. I did not know what was going on, and after two months I found myself in "Ghaleah". Nine percent of the respondents felt that the rejection by their families was the cause of being in prostitution. Many did not have a good relationship with their parents. For example, one of them asserted, "The client was the first person 52 Prostitutes were also asked about their husbands' occupa- tional status. As Table 23 shows, 2.3 percent of the husbands were skilled workers, 32.6 percent were semi-skilled workers and 53.5 percent were unskilled workers. However, 11.6 percent were unemployed. TABLE 23 HUSBANDS' OCCUPATIONAL STATUS Occgpation Number Percent Skilled worker 3 2.3 Semi-skilled worker 42 32.6 Unskilled worker 69 53.5 Unemployed 15 11.6 TOTAL I29 100.0 As Table 24 also shows, 67 percent of the prostitutes in- dicated that their previous husbands belonged to a poor or very poor class, 21 percent thought their husbands were average, and 11.6 percent marked them as belonging to a rich stratum. TABLE 24 HUSBANDS' SOCIO-ECONOMIC POSITION Positiop Number Percent Rich 15 11.6 Average 27 21.0 Poor 55 42.6 Very Poor 32 24.8 ——-—~. TOTAL 129 100.0 54 who cared for me and loved me, who was more kind to me than my parents". TABLE 25 REASONS FOR JOINING THE PROFESSION Reasons Number Percent Deception 44 22.0 Death of either parent 24 12.0 Remarriage of parents 16 8.0 Family rejection 18 9.0 Husbands' death 10 5.0 Divorce 24 12.0 Husbands' cruelty 16 8.0 Husbands' remarriage 10 5.0 Poverty 32 16.0 Enjoyment of profession 6 3.0 TOTAL 200- 100.0 Thirty percent of the respondents attributed their present position to breakdown in marriage and 5 percent indicated they became prostitutes because of the husband's death. Twelve per- cent mentioned that divorce was the only factor for joining the profession. Most of the respondents reported that they did not have any information about their husband before marriage, and their parents forced them to marry. The prostitutes also men- tioned that after divorce they were not able to go back to their families, so they became prostitutes in order to survive. 55 Five percent reported that their husband got married again and they could not tolerate the new rival so they left their husbands' home and ceme to this district, ”Ghaleah". Eight percent explained that they ran away from home be- cause of the husbands' cruel treatment. Since they did not have any place to go they became prostitutes. In fact, 16 percent reported poverty in itself had been the major cause for joining the prostitutes in "Ghaleah". Only three percent answered that sexual enjoyment had attracted them to the pro- fession. From the data in Table 25, it is clear that the most important reasons for joining the professionlunnabeen econo- mical in terms of a breakdown of the family, death Of either parent, remarriage Of parents, husbands' death, divorce or husbands' remarriage. It has already been pointed out pre- viously that a majority of the prostitutes came from lower class families. In conclusion, prostitution in ”Ghaleah" can be seen as a product of poverty and breakdown of the prosti- tutes' families. Table 26 illustrates the age of the respondents at the time they joined the profession. 56 percent of the respondents entered the profession before they were 22 years Old, and 40 percent became prostitutes between 28-34 years of age. These figures show that the prostitutes were fairly young when they joined the profession. According to Iranian law, there is no age limitation for licensing as a prostitute. However, pimps and supervisors try to hunt younger girls, because they tend 56 to attract more clients, stay longer in the profession, and are more obedient than older women. The data shows that 17.5 percent of all the prostitutes were between 11 and 16 years old when they started as prostitutes. TABLE 26 RESPONDENTS' AGE AT THE TIME SHE JOINED THE PROFESSION _Agg_ Number Percent 11—16 35 17.5 17-22 78 39.0 23-28 58 29.0 29-34 22 11.0 35-40 6 3.0 More 1 .5 TOTAL 200 100.0 We also asked the respondents the length of time they had been in the profession. Our findings show that nine percent of the prostitutes had been practicing for more than 18 years. As shown in Table 27, it is not surprising to find that as the age of prostitutes increases,the length of stay in the district becomes longer. This indicates that most prostitutes who entered the "Ghaleah" were young. Previous occupation Of the respondents is an important factor in our analysis, since not only does it give us informa— tion about their status, but it can also be used as a criterion for comparing what their desire is for the future. 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