.V. 1 W ‘ "\:. an - «- «>0”*0"V‘r?“‘oflc .- a-O..on-o-~-~ cwfi»-~~O-—0- "" ‘«“" ’ ‘ -'.~.-"'. “" "O'. fl"....~€ .1 '. "”Q.. ‘ ""‘....'-‘~... _ ..* ‘— ' v w \ I .0 o ‘. ~ - O ‘ . ‘ I I v I. “We ‘3‘ r “l‘ i k.' ' d" - n ‘ - . I U ‘ . a VI ‘ - ‘ . - _ . _ I ‘ C 1“ 1 . - . ‘ - n l. . . - t o . . , I .‘C - O . . . . . u ’ - . . . - . I ‘ l‘. n - . q . . . ' . . . - ' - Y ’ “ I - - . . _ - . , . , . _-’, . V ' ‘ 0,. -.. .- - . - . - - | ‘_ . . _ ' . ‘ '- - "’. J ' ‘. ' : ' . ~~ - v . g ' _ - : . r v ‘ - ' . -u _ - . . .‘ o 0 - I ' ‘ ‘ \ ‘ _ ‘ I u. 0 ~ - a . . , . - -_ . 0.". ' ..Q'.‘A “pd-0.. ”far. .- I l V 4 I a .' VARYATYGYS m VALUE ORYENIAHONS AS i § INFLUENCE!) BY FOREYGN EDUCATIONAL ExPERIENCES , _ _ AYOREAYY CASE i Thesls fQY the Degree 9? M A "f; I;.;,.;,;;;; - ‘ MCHYAY YTATEUMYYRSYYY , 1mm CHARLES THRUSH ; ? 97-97-7711? 1le wYYYYYYYYI YYYYI 3 1293 ABSTRACT VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS AS INFLUENCED BY FOREIGN EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES: A KOREAN CASE by John Charles Thrush This research focused on the process of "intercultural experience" and its relationship to student value orientations. It was suggested that as individuals move from one socio—cultural setting to another, differing shades of agreement and conflict, with regard to value orientations, become apparent. And individuals in this position will attempt to achieve some cognitive balance in order for them to continue meaningful interaction within this setting. The study dealt specifically with South Korean students who have voluntarily placed themselves in a position of both living and competing in a socio-cultural milieu which differs from their "native" setting. The position was taken that by virtue of this decision they are confronted with a situation of overtly man- ifesting selected societal norms subscribed to by this new socio-cultural group, if they are to achieve success in their attempt to acquire their desired goal. The general hypothesis tested was: "Foreign students' value orientations will more closely align themselves with the value orientations of the host culture as their length of residence in that host culture increases." Varying value orientation emphases have a relationship to the importance placed upon one kind of activity as opposed to another in an attempt to solve problems. Based upon this assumption, three dimensions were explored in an attempt to investigate the hypothesis. Within the three dimensions: familial, national-international, and occupational, there exist problem situations which John Charles Thrush are common to all peOple. Forty South Korean male students, from two mid-Western universities, were asked to respond to situational and attitudinal items, in Korean, within the three dimensions. The South Korean subjects were divided into two groups: 1) Short residence, 1 to 12 months; and 2) Long residence, 25 months and over. The responses elicited from these two groups were compared with responses from forty American male students to whom the English version of the questionnaire had been administered. Attempts were made to stratify the samples on the basis of "level of education" and.bccupational intent." Limited support for the hypothesis, using the "Fisher exact" test, was found within the familial dimension. Within the occupational dimension, while not statistically significant, directional support for the hypothesis was exhib- ited by one question. In both dimensions it was shown that the "family of origin" enjoyed a more influential position with resPect to decisions made by South Koreans of shorter residence when compared with both American subjects and those South Korean subjects of longer residence. The results of a large percentage of the questions show a high degree of agreement between the two Korean groups and the American response pattern. Future research should suggest that there are basic sets of pre-existing beliefs and value orientations which these sojourners have upon their arrival, ones which are not too dissimilar from American value orientations. These prediSpositions are believed to exist primarily as a result of the selective screening process each sojourner experiences. Future research should further indicate that the sojourner's experience in the United States, irrespective of the temporal factor, has not significantly influenced many of these predispositions. VARIATIONS IN VALUE ORIENTATIONS AS INELUENCED BY FOREIGN EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES: A KOREAN CASE by John Charles Thrush A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1967 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is impossible to adequately acknowledge the many people who have helped me in the formulation of this presentation, either knowingly or unknowingly. I would,however, like to single out a few for Special mention. I owe a great intellectual debt to Professor Hideya Kumata, my chair- man, who offered encouragement and significant direction to me in all phases of this project. I also owe a large debt to Professors Jay W. Artis, Frederick B. Waisanen and John Useem, all of whom provided both inspiration and stimulating advice to me during my work. A special debt of thanks is due my colleague Tai Sung Kim for his useful suggestions and patient assistance in so many areas. Finally, my gratitude to my wife and sons, who had far more to do with this thesis than they will ever realize. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 II. THE CASE FOR KOREA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 III. PROBLEM STATEMENT: Theory and Background . . . . . . . . . . 3 IV. OBJECTIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10 V. POPULATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11 VI. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16 A. Operationalization of Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . .16 B 0 Data COllection . O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O .17 VII 9 EMPIRICAL FINDINGS o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 18 A o Familial DimenSj-on o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o O 1 8 B 0 National - International DimenSiOD o o o o o o o o o o o 30 C. Occupational Orientation Dimension . . . . . . . . . . .31 VIII. CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . . . . . . 39 FOOTNOTES 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 a” BIBLIOGRAPHY o o o 0 Q o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o c o o o o O ”'9 APPENDIX I o oo- o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 052 APPENDIX II 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O 0 59 iii Table 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 LIST OF TABLES Level of Education: Sample Populations Compared with total Korean Student Population in the United States in 1966 . . . . . . . . . Major Field of Study: Sample Population Compared with total Korean Student Population in the United States in 1966 . . . . . . . . . Occupational Intent of Sample Population . . . . . . . . . . . . ReSponse Pattern: Item 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 8, Korean Student Sample, Married . . . . ReSponse Pattern: Item 8, Korean Student Sample, Single . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 9 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ReSponse Pattern: Item 10 (Korean Questionnaire) . . . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ReSponse Pattern: Item 5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 11 (Korean Questionnaire) . . . . . . . . Nationalism-Internationalism Continuum (Desire) . . . . . . . . Nationalism-Internationalism Continuum (Expectation) . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 7; Korean and American Sample Compared with Japanese National Samples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Response Pattern: Item 12 (Korean Questionnaire) - Item 10 (American Questionnaire) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Weighted Response Pattern: Item 17 (Korean Questionnaire)- Item 1H (Amricarl Questionnaim) . O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O 0 iv 1“ 15 2O 2O 21 22 23 25 26 27 28 30 32 32 3Q 35 37 I. Introduction The world of the 1960's has been characterized by an immense growth in the interdependence of nations as well as an increase in the emergence of societies entering newly incorporated portions of the world. This new geo- graphical composition of the 20th century presents an enlarged spectrum of problems to the members of this world. A search for new relationships with our fellow men and an attempt to locate some appropriate position in these new societies are two exemplary dimensions of the problems confronting Twentieth Century man. One of the significant features of this new development has been the drastic increase in "intercultural eXperience," a feature which simultaneouSly presents as well as answers problems of this world.1 For the purpose of this presentation, the process of "intercultural experience" will be limited to what Bennett, et al., define as a "movement by educated persons across the boundaries of national cultures, with some degree of awareness of what this movement may imply for him as a person and as an actor in the social scene."2 While foreign study is by no means a new phenomena3 it is true that an ever increasing number of foreign students are attending American universities and are returning to their native "nation—states" upon completion of their education. These individuals are people who, for the most part, hold a relatively articulate perception or "image" of themselves in relationship to their environments -- environments in which they have both contact and experience. By and large, they are members of educated classes and as a result "share in some degree a conscious- ness of national differences, the nature of learning, and the meaning of national imagery...”u What happens to these foreign students, whose foundation is based on dif— fering societal and cultural norms and values and whose social interaction has been different in composition, when they are confronted with this institution and its orientation? Foreign education is a unique and personal experience for these individuals and if we view it in the context of cultural patterns, it is an ex- perience which is of critical importance as an influential factor in the formu— lation of this group's career patterns and overall attitudes. However, these students are by no means a "tabula rasa," they are complex individuals with feelings, goals, and frames of reference with which all people perceive as well as evaluate their environment. The frames of reference develop from the individual's experience in his environment as well as from the "historically conditioned atmosphere of his own culture. The historically conditioned images of his background society and culture determine or influence his view of America, and in turn, his experience 0 O O O O O O 5 1n and with America influences hlS image of America." II. The Case for Korea In the Asian area, one nation in particular, the Republic of South Korea, has undergone relatively rapid growth in the past ten years and has emerged as one of the significant voices in this region.6 It has been noted by social scientists that "underdeveloped nations" might benefit more, especially during the early stages of development, and experience a more rapid rate of growth, if they were to look about themselves and evaluate the applicability of pro- grams and developmental processes exhibited by their neighbors, as opposed to attempting to import developmental schemes from areas more culturally divergent. For this reason it is likely that we will see in the near future, coinciding with greater international contact, a greater emphasis being placed upon regional assistance. Based on this assumption, the Republic of South Korea may well become an important donor, with respect to her Asian neighbors. The Republic of South Korea has experienced a steady increase, in the past ten years, of her youth attending American universities. The impact which this educational experience has had on these students is worthy of investigation, not only from the standpoint of the conceivable influence this may have on Korean society and the developmental process therein, but, also if the "donor" hypothesis holds true in the future, the possible in- fluence this educational experience may have for the entire Asian area. It is for these reasons that a student population, from South Korea, was chosen for the present investigation. III. Problem Statement: Theory and Background The American university serves as a major socializing institution rein- forcing and imparting the values and norms which cultivate in American youth an ability or capacity to enter occupational as well as other roles in American society. The occupational life in the United States has been characterized as being "efficiency dominated, rationally oriented and impersonal in nature." In Parsons' terms it would be characterized as "universalistic" in orientation.7 As a major socializing institution in American society, the university's orientation can be seen as working both implicitly and explicitly toward an instillation of these values and this normative behavior. The South Korean occupational life, on the other hand, is highly person- alized, and following Parsons' schema again, could be conceived of as "partic- ularistic" in orientation. To the South Korean college student preparing him/her self for a specific occupation and the future in general, in their native land, problems conceivably may arise if the students adopt personal qualities or modes of behavior (i.e., stress on personal initiative, drive, efficiency, etc.) which are neither necessary nor suitable in occupational or personal interaction in their own country. Character traits such as pa- tience, politeness, deference to superiors, dislike of flat confrontation, compromise, high esteem of family name and family honor, importance of honorifics, etc, are characteristics which are for more important in de— termining one's success and as such could be conceived of as significant requirements for a returnee to have.8 "...., the governments of nations intent upon economic and social development are not necessarily concerned that the fellowship students they send here acquire any very deep appreciation of American life. In fact, such appreciation may serve only to create in certain students disturbingly critical attitudes toward their own countries upon return. Rather, the intent of certain foreign governments in supporting exchange programs may extend no further than training in skills that will be relevant to the welfare of their nation. In some countries, students returning from America will be critically scrutinized to determine whether they have 'sold out' to the U.S. If they are too much 'Americanized,‘ they may find themselves handicapped." Students in American universities from the country of South Korea have delineated, if not Specifically at least in general terms, occupational a5pir- ations for themselves which have university level educational prerequisites. As such, they are in a position of at least overtly manifesting many of the American societal norms in order to achieve success and obtain their desired degrees. These students are also confronted with a situation in which they may perceive Western orientations as more significant means to their desired ends than 'native' orientations, by virtue of: 1) their being students; 2) their coming from a nation which is presently undergoing what has been called a "developmental process." As such, it would be hypothesized that the student's value orientation is undergoing some form of transformation over time if he is progressing toward his desired degree. At this point there is a necessity for some elaboration or clarification, with regard to two points noted above: 1) How the concept of "value" is viewed, and 2) On what basis lies the present contention that there is in fact a differing set of value orientations existing in Korean society from those exhibited in American society. The concept of value has been viewed in the same manner in which Clyde Kluckhohn defines it: "A value is a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection from available modes; means and ends of action." Values are thus highly inclusive goals or standards which implicitly persist through time, around which systems of action are organized. They are the final development, resulting from processes of selection which "produce long-range consistency and organization an individual behavior."11 Conceived in this manner values are one level above attitudes or "attitude patterns" which are viewed as potential indicators of value orientations.12 Considering the concept of value in this manner values are operative when a person selects one line of thought or path of action as opposed to another, to the extent that the selection is influenced by generalized codes rather than based on impulse or a "rational calculus of temporary expediency."13 Values are thus considered of critical investigative importance. The overall consequences as well as the causes of social change should be con— sidered in terms of the value systems of societies. Concepts such as "mod- ernization," "Westernization" and "development" are normally treated in terms of technolOgical and economic changes. However, as viewed here, "values may govern the manner in which economic activity is conducted and the way in which resources are manipulated."1u The value system of a population numbering approximately 25,375,000, living under relatively varied conditions ranging from primitive village life to cosmopolitanism of Seoul, is not readily describable. However, it is not the purpose of this research to present an accurate or comprehensive picture of the national distribution of values. An attempt has been made to isolate, and investigate, one Specific group from this society, with the feeling that it is the youth of South Korea and their values which will play a dominant role in the future of Korea. It is this segment of the society which has been influenced by recent changes in South Korean society and who by virtue of their being members of the educated stratum of South Korean society will provide leadership for social change. In attempting to partially answer the second point mentioned above and too, at the same time develop some base line from which to start, it is neces- sary to investigate the social structure of Korea, within a historical frame- work. Korea has a history dating back some u,ooo years, and directly traceable through documents to at least 2,000 years ago. However, it is the period of the Yi dynasty (1392-1910) which holds some of the major keys to Korean develOpment. It was during this period in history when Korea was governed by strict application of Confucian precepts. (Confucianism had been transmitted from China during the Three Kingdoms period in China, 221—265 A.D., but did not flourish until the early part of the Yi dynasty.) It was during the Yi dynasty, primarily due to official patronage, that Confucianism eventually came to dominate every aspect of Korean life. It became an exceedingly important factor in molding the thought patterns of the people as well as the culture, political, social and economic patterns of the nation.15 While total elaboration of the significance of Confucianism is beyond the sc0pe of this presentation it may serve as some importance to isolate an illustrative example of the social system and the impact Confucianism had. Social relationships within Korea during this period were dominated by the well-known "Five Human Relationships" of Confucianism and stemming from this fact immobility was a characteristic of the social system during this period.16 The rigidity of the stratification system far exceeded that which existed in China.17 (i.e., In China the civil service exams were the primary means of ascending the social ladder; in Korea, however, only the upper class (Yangban) family members were allowed to take the exams.) Each class was bound by minute restrictions which defined the mode of life and enforcement was ensured by the aristocrats at the top.18 Invasions by the Japanese (1592-1597) and the Manchus (1627-1636) were major causes for Korea becoming what has been termed by historians a "hermit Kingdom" which lasted until 1876, when Japan forcefully opened Korea's ports. The Yi dynasty was thus a period of isolation and strong control and direction was exerted on the population by the upper class. All villages were practically self-sufficient and as a result commercial activities were very limited. The land tenure system, unlike that of China, where both public and private plots were recognized, was one in which private ownership was not recognized. "The official doctrine was that the dynasty owned the entire domain and the farmers tilled the land as a 19 privilege." ’4”: 5 These as well as numerous other features of this period have led to the- f./ following classification of Korean "elitedom" characteristics by C. Lee: "a. Formalistic and ritualistic b. Attachment of more importance to familial and personal relationships than to impersonal and institutional relationships c. Factionalism d. Provincialism"20 This briefly then, is the orientation with which Korea entered conceivably the most important period in her modern history, 1876 to 1905. In 1876 Japan forced Open the Korean ports, and with this came new contact not only with several East Asian countries but also with the West, contacts in the form of trade, missionaries and on the diplomatic level. Internal dissatisfaction with several aspects of the social system led to the outbreak of rebellion in 189u (Tonghak Rebellion) which lasted until 1895. The Tonghak Rebellion was both a symptom as well as a cause for internal change. It was a mass movement on the part of the lower classes and tranSpired in nearly every part of the kingdom. It was a movement against both the philosophical and intellectual orientation and the corruptions in both the social system and the government. Above all, however, it took on a xenophobic characteristic as a movement against the Japanese and an attempt to raise "national identity." This rebellion in many ways was not too dissimilar from the Taiping Rebellion of 1850—6“ and the Boxer Rebellion of 1900 within China. The Japanese, primarily through military strength, were able to control the rebellion to a limited extent. The Japanese influence by this period in history was sufficiently strong, so that by 1905 she had taken over the foreign relations of the kingdom and imposed a so-called "protectorate." By 1910 Japan had worked herself into a sufficiently strong position to annex Korea, at the same time forcing the militant nationalists into Manchuria. \“1 Numerous changes, socially, politically and economically, occurred in Korea during the period of Japanese domination, which lasted until 19u5. Many of these changes were superficial in nature, however, and as a result, with the end of Japanese rule, it is this author's thesis that many of the "traditional" patterns once again appeared. For example: In 1910 the Japanese abolished by decree the traditional class distinctions within Korea. In so doing they alienated the Yangban class, who were needed in many ways by the Japanese for the adminis- tration of the country. Because this class was the only one through which the Japanese could "effectively" work, the abolition of class distinction became meaningless. Abolition by decree but not action thus succeeded in estranging the lower classes as well. The entrance of an independent Korea in 19H5 saw a nation with strong nationalistic orientations, partially as a result of Japanese occupation and also as a result of the activity of the returned exiles, and what can be characterized as numerous "traditional" value orientations, permeating it's society in many areas 0 10 IV. Objectives The object of the present study, as aluded to previously, is an investigation of: a) value orientations of South Korean students in two U.S. universities; b) the comparison of these value orientations with those of American students; and c) the hypothesized change in the value orientations, over time, by the Korean students. This specific hypothesis may be stated as follows: South Korean students' value orientations will more closely align themselves with American value orientations as their length of residence in an American university increases. A more general interest of the study is a focus on whether foreign students do, in fact, deveIOp more positive orientations or attitudes toward American values in general, as a consequence of their experience in the United States. In referring to these subject students as Koreans I am fully aware of the tendency to, as the host sub-culture, the university, tends to do, erase their individual differences. Nor should it be taken for granted that the individuals investigated necessarily behave like, or identify themselves as, a "typical Korean." The latter is in fact one of the important problems of the research, namely the determination of the subject's identification. Thus the determination of various dimensions of Korean and American culture which are perceived by these individuals and either learned or rejected on their part, are factors sought in the investigation. The investigation is not then an analysis of the two cultures, but a study of individuals who are living and are being educated in a foreign social and cultural milieu. The research task is limited by a number of Shortcomings: a small and highly selected sample,21 the inability of measuring change which may or may not occur upon the return of the subjects to their "parent culture," and the absence of Korean control group in South Korea. 11 V. Population The design initially was to have a universe containing all of the male South Korean students at two mid-Western universities; Michigan State University and the University of Michigan. According to Michigan State University records, the Fall 1966 Korean-student (male) enrollment was 30. Of this number, one was used for translation purposes and one refused to answer the questionnaire, leaving a total of 28 subjects from M.S.U. According to the University of Michigan records, the Fall 1966 Korean-student (male) enrollment was 38. Of this number, 22 and 18 did not return the questionnaire. 8 were not eligible due to their major The final usable number was no, or 67% of the total eligible population of 60; yielding the following "N's." MSU = 28 U of M = 12 N =uo 7-3 An equal number of American students from Michigan State University were chosen. Numerous factors prevented the choice of the American sample from being a random sample of the entire university. Attempts were made to stratify the sample, on the basis of: 1 ) education level, (i.e., graduate/undergraduate,) and 2 ) equivalent "occupational intent;" with that of the Korean sample. Regarding education level, 77.5% of both the Korean and American sample were graduate students while the remaining 22.5% were undergraduates. The sample distribution, as noted in Table 1, does not deviate drastically, on this variable, from the figures for the total Korean student population in the United States at the time of the study. 12 TABLE 1 - LEVEL OF EDUCATION EXHIBITED BY SAMPLE POPULATIONS COMPARED WITH TOTAL KOREAN STUDENT POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES Korean Korean American Students Sample Sample In U.S., 19661 percent/number percent/number percent/number 22.5 22.5 36.8 Undergraduate 9 9 794 45.0 32.5 ”0.1 M.A. Program 18 13 865 32.5 “5.0 23.1 Ph.D. Program 13 18 u98 100.0 100.0 100.0 TOTAL no no 21572 1. Source: Institute of International Education, Open Doors (New York: Institute of International Education, 1966), p.2u. Note: I. I. E. figures include both male and female students. 2. Does not include 509 students who fall into either "special" student, "graduate, unspecified degree," or ”no answer" category. While an attempt was made to stratify the samples on the basis of major field of study it was felt that some balance between field of study and occupational intent should be sought. The fundamental reason being that while a relatively high percentage of students may specialize in a particular field their ultimate desired occupational goal may not be in the "so called" "pure" field but rather in the "applied" area. For example, a major may be designated as engineering Since it is the while occupational aSpiration is that of a university instructor. general occupational category which is of major interest, rather than the 13 Speciality, it was felt some reasonable "happy median" should be met in the stratification of the sample on these two criteria. As can be seen in Table 2, the largest percentage of the Korean reSpondents, u7.5, fell within the "physical science" category, whereas physical science as a major was accounted for by only 12.5% of the American sample. The largest percentage of the American sample was accounted for, Specifically, by education. In Table 2 comparisons were again made between the Korean sample and the total Korean student population in the United States at the time of the data collection. The sample represents 1.8% of the total Korean males in the United States, in universities, in the Fall of 1966.2” The greatest deviations appear in the "physical and natural science" category where the Korean sample exhibits a higher percentage than the total Korean population, and in the "humanities" category, which is a totally void category for the sample. With the exception of these discrepancies, the sample population appears to be closely representative in terms of choice of major field of study, of the total Korean student population in the United States at that time. The largest percentage in both the Korean, u7.5%, and the American, 75.0% samples fall within the "education" category. Beyond this, however, we find some discrepancies. The major discrepancy being represented by the second most popular choice which is "business" for the Korean sample (30.0%) as opposed to "public service" (12.5%) for the American sample, as noted in Table 3. 1H TABLE 2 - MAJOR FIELD OF STUDY OF SAMPLE POPULATIONS COMPARED WITH TOTAL KOREAN STUDENT POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES Korean Korean American Students Sample Sample In U.S., 1966 percent/number percent/number percent/number 15. 5.0 18.8 Social Sci. 6 2 501 10.0 17.5 35.3 Natural Sci. u 7 1 u7.5 12.5 n Physical Sci. 19 5 9H0 0.0 2.5 23.8 Humanities O 1 636 10.0 2.5 11.6 Business u 1 310 17.5 60.0 10.5 Other2 7 2a 279 100.0 100.0 100.0 TOTAL NO NO 2,666 Note: Sample breakdown includes male students only, figures for total Korean students in U.S. in 1966 include both male and female. 1. I. I. E. figures include both physical science and natural science majors in one category. 2. The following majors have been included in the "other" category: agriculture, education and medicine. 3. Source: Institute of International Education, Open Doors (New York: Institute of International Education, 1966), p. 30. n. This figure includes engineering majors. 15 TABLE 3 - OCCUPATIONAL INTENT vOF SAMPLE POPULATIONS Korean American Sample Sample percent/number percent/number 30.0 2.5 Business 12 1 10.0 / Government* u ‘1 3 H7.5 75.0 Education 19 30 0.0 M Public Service 0 _/ 5 0.0 2.5 Other 0 1 12. 0.0 Unknown , 5 0 100.0 100.0 TOTAL 40 HO * Includes civil service work Only male students were chosen for two reasons: 1) Insufficient female sample available. 2) For a more important reason, the male is the student who is preparing himself for a life-long occupational goal and upon his return to Korea, statistics indicate males comprise a more significant proportion of the employed labor force, holding agriculture constant. For this reason, the male segment would be more highly influenced by the ramifications resulting from his value orientations, upon his return, than the female. 16 The Korean sample had a predominantly urban background, with 90% indicating a hometown size in excess of 50,000. It should be noted that as of 1950 only 18.5% of the total p0pulation of South Korea were located in cities over 20,000 in size.25 While there has been an increase in urbanization since the end of the "Korean War," as of 196”, the United Nations' estimates indicate 30.3% of the total population live in cities over 100,000.26 The sample population; thus comes from a relatively small segment of the total South Korean population and without the existence of a control group it is difficult to establish how representative they are of this urban segment. One of the underlying assumptions in this research is, however, the feeling that those who receive a foreign education and return to their homeland may in fact be significant leaders in the innovation process. For this reason it is not the intention here, as alluded to previously, to identify value orientations of the "typical” South Korean, if in fact there were such a thing. Unlike the Korean sample, only 65% of the Americans indicate an urban background, the remaining 35% coming from hometowns of less than 50,000. However, with tranSportation and communications facilities developed to the stage they are in the United States, this distinction may in fact hold little significance with regard to the American sample, on the areas under investigation. VI. Research Design and Methodology A. Operationalization of Variables: The first problem in the area of design is how does one define which values are more American. Following Hyman's path the researcher can: 17 1) Compare Korean profiles of values with those established for American or possibly other Western countries in earlier investigations, or 2) Designate certain value innovations as more compatible on logical grounds with American or "Western," and identify other values which historically seem to be part of a constellation of Korean or "non—Western" values. A compromise of both of the above was used in the design of the questionnaire. Some questions included had been used in other studies with similar objectives, modified so as to conform with the stated objectives of this study, and other questions were designed by the researcher on logical grounds, using various historical and anthropological works as a base. The Korean student value orientation is considered a composite of those characteristic and prevalent orientations exhibited by the subject students in response to items previously used in value studies dealing with a Korean population or a similar non-Western culture (Japan). Attempts were made to investigate the pervasiveness of certain "traditional" elements. ("Traditional elements" being defined as those 'ways of life' which are controlled or strongly influenced by Confucian teachings.) "American values" were defined as those values which are characteristic and prevalent in American university students. Attempts were made to ascertain value orientations of the subjects along three dimensions: 1) with regard to familial situations; 2) with regard to a nationalistic/internationalistic orientation; 3) with regard to occupational variables. The independent variable, length of residence in American Universities was measured on a monthly basis and a dichotomization was made: 18 1. Short residence 1 to 12 months 25 months and over 2. Long residence Nineteen or H7.5% of the Korean sample had been in attendance at American universities for 25 months or more. Twelve or 30.0% of the Korean sample fell into the "short residence" category. Those subjects who fell in the category between 12 and 2a months are con- sidered "transitional." While it would be interesting to examine this group, their size, (6 or 15.0%) Prohibits any justifiable comparison and for this reason they were not considered in the analysis. B. Data Collection A mailed questionnaire was used to gather the data from all Korean and American students. All questionnaires for Korean students were translated into Korean by a panel of three judges and the reSponses which required other than fixed choice for coding were translated into English by the above mentioned panel. C0pies of the questionnaires appear in Appendices I and II. Three questions nos. 10, 11, and 13 were eliminated from the American version due to the lack of corresponding equivalence. VII. Empirical Findings A. Familial Dimension Overall the hypothesis was not supported by questions designed to tap the familial dimension. In two cases there were statistically significant differences exhibited on the part of those South Koreans who had been in the United States for a longer period 19 as compared with those of shorter residence. In one instance it was in support of the hypothesis. A second question exhibiting support for the hypothesis was not asked of the American sample due to conceptual equivalence problems. A third question exhibited support for the hypothesis through direction but not at a level statistically significant. The result of the remaining five questions designed to investigate the familial dimension tend to support the null hypothesis of no difference. Two questions were asked which deal with both familial relationships and the woman's position, with regard to occupational endeavors, in present day Korean society. While the 1952 census, in its elaboration of the occupational distribution, indicates that a relatively large proportion of Korean women were employed, 59.u% were accounted for by two categories, "agriculture" or "home-work."28 In both instances indications are that these are occupations engaged in solely in an attempt to support the family income. More recently professions have opened for women within Korea. Whether women will fill these new openings, however, will be to a large extent influenced by the male orientation and attitude toward women working in these positions. " or "disapproved When asked if they, "approved of full-time or part-time, of any career or occupation outside the home for married women," those Koreans who had resided in the United States for a longer period of time, more closely aligned themselves with the American sample in their approval of "part-time" careers and occupations. There was statistically significant support for the hypothesis, using the "Fisher exact" statistical test, at CL ( .01. Table u illustrates the relationship in terms of percentages and numbers. 20 TABLE 4 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 8 Korean Korean American Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. Sample* Total* or less and over percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number Approve 37.5 7.5 0.0 5.3 (full-time) 15 3 0 1 Approve no.0 35.0 8.3 52.6 (part-time) 16 1a 1 10 17.5 52.5 83.3 36.8 Disapprove 7 I 21 ,1 10 7 * 5.0% or 2 respondents did not reply It was felt that marital status might be an influential factor with regard to the re3pondents' replys in this instance. However, when the sample was con- trolled for marital status, (see Tables 5 and 6), the hypothesis continued to be supported. TABLE 5 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 8; KOREAN STUDENT SAMPLE, MARRIED PART-TIME OCCUPATION Disapprove Approve Korean 25 MOD. 5 5 10 and over Korean 12 Mon. u 0 u or less 9 5 1n "Fisher exact" test. * Statistically significant at p‘(.05 using 21 TABLE 6 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 8; KOREAN STUDENT SAMPLE, SINGLE PART-TIME OCCUPATION Disapprove Approve Korean 25 Mon. 2 5 7 and over Korean 12 Mon. 6 1 7 or less 8 6 1n 9‘ Statistically significant at p(.051 using "Fisher exact" test. In 1950, Gillespie and Allport, asked the same question of both Japanese and American university students. Of the 111 American males asked to respond, 43.0% indicated that they disapproved of any career or occupation outside the home, and 5H.0% of the 68 Japanese males responded similarly.2g The results of both the present study as well as the Gillespie-Allport work indicate a stronger disposition for students to favor married women working, than has been exhibited in the past. When asked a similar question with regard to "unmarried" women there proved to be little discrimination on the basis of length of residence. In both groups we find "approval" in the direction of the American response, as seen in Table 7. 22 TABLE 7 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 9 Korean Korean American Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. Sample* Total* or less and over percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number Approve 97.5 80.0 66.7 8n.2 (full-time) 39 32 8 16 Approve 0.0 12.5 25.0 10.5 (part-time) o 5 3 2 0.0 5.0 8.3 5.3 Disapprove O 2 1 1 * 2.5% or 1 respondent did not reply These results do indicate the existance of a double-standard on the part of Korean male sojourners with regard to Korean women seeking employment out- side the home, based on the woman's marital status. A double-standard which tends to diminish as the Korean students length of residence increases. It has been noted by the researcher that certain overt behaviors often given little thought by American students were seldom exhibited by Korean students. For example, the eating of food on the street, smoking cigarettes in the presence of strangers, etc. On the basis of limited questioning it was ascertained that this behavior was considered impolite by some. Often this expression of the behavior being improper was placed in the context of its reflection upon one's family. Considering the importance of the family and the individual's subordination to its wishes, traditionally in Korea, it was decided that the inclusion of a question designed to investigate this phenomena might shed some light on the hypothesis. 23 The following question was asked of the Korean students only: "Do you think it is proper or improper for a younger man to smoke in the presence of an older man who is a friend of your father?" The results support the hypothesis of differential orientation and are statistically significant at “(.05 level as can be seen in Table 8. TABLE 8 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 10 (Korean Questionnaire) Improper PrOper Korean 25 Mon. 4 7 11 and over A ‘— Korean 12 Mon. 9 2 11 or less 13 9 22 * Statistically significant at p«(.05 using "Fisher exact" test. Social maturity has been something which for a long period of time in Korea was not attained until a period much later than physical maturity. In fact it was something which was not completed prior to marriage and often required even a longer period of time. For this reason parents have been extremely influential factors in mate selection. They have exerted their influence primarily to pro- tect their children as well as their own family from the consequence of improper judgment. Traditionally the entrace into marriage is something which is not just an individual matter but is of concern for both the individuals and their parents. 21+ Thus, when confronted with a question dealing with the individual's attitude toward marriage we would expect those Koreans who have been in the United States for a longer period to more closely align themselves with the individualistic orientation exhibited by the American students, if our hypothesis is to hold in this regard. When asked where the decision for marriage lies, 90.0% of the American sample indicated that it should be a decision left to the individuals, 82.5% of the total Korean sample indicated that it should be based on "mutual consent plus parental approval." In no instance was what would be considered as a purely "traditional" response, namely arranged marriage, chosen. While a slightly higher percentage, 15.8, as opposed to 8.3, of those Koreans who had been in residence for 25 months or over, felt marriage Should be based only on "mutual consent" of the individuals involved, as can be seen in Table 9, the hypothesis was not statistically supported. It is apparent that the family retains a position of importance with regard to the marital decision process, among this group of Koreans. This position is statistically significant when compared with the American sample, and one which is apparently not heavily influenced by increased exposure to the American held value, which is primarily individualistic in orientation. 25 TABLE 9 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 1 Korean Korean American1 Korean 12 Mon. or 25 Mon. and Sample Sample* less (N=12)* over (N=19) percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number Decision 36 6 1 3 Mutual C°nsent 10.0 82.5 83.3 8n.2 Plus Parental Approval '4 33 10 16 Decision 0 0 0 4! 0 100.0 97.5 91.6 100.0 TOTAL ”0 39 11 19 * "Don't know" accounted for by 2.5% or 1 respondent Comparing the total American and Korean sample on "individual" vs. "mutual consent" categories, the relationship is statistically significant at p <_.0005 using the 1" test . The continuation of the family has been considered by several scholars of great importance in Korean society because the society itself is based very firmly on the family.31 It would thus be hypothesized that those who place high value on family continuity would choose to adopt a child if they were unable to have their own natural children. In a Similar question asked of a national sample of 3,000 in Japan in both 1953 and 1958, 73 percent and 63 percent, reSpectively, answered that they felt it was "necessary to adopt a child in order to continue the family line."32 Evidence based on the present sample shows no statistically significant difference between the Korean and American sample with regard to their reply. The variable was not affected by length of residence when comparing the two Korean sub-groups as indicated in Table 10. 26 TABLE 10 — RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 2 Korean Korean American Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. Sample* Total** or less and over percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number yes 10.0 17.5 8.3 5.3 fl 7 1 1 no 75.0 50.0 58.3 68.5 30 20 7 13 * "Don't know" accounted for by 15.0%, or 6 respondents * "Don't know," "other" and no response accounted for by 32.5% or 13 reSpondents While the extended family has for a long time been the "ideal" within many of the East Asian countries, economic and other factors have made it impractical. The essential social unit in Korea is the nuclear family, however, the oldest son and his family often remain with the son's parents. This would be especially true for those who strongly subscribe to the tenants of the "Five Human Relation- ships." Because of new economic pressures, a higher degree of social and physical mobility, and subscription to more individualistic orientations there has been an increase in the establishment of separate households. It would be hypothesized that those Koreans who were in a position of attaining a higher degree of social and physical mobility upon their return and who subscribed to a more individualistic orientation would in turn have a desire to establish their own household if they were placed in the position of the eldest son. This is not to say that there is a complete rejection of certain perceived responsibilities to the parents. The findings do not support the hypothesis, as can be seen in Table 11. A higher percentage of those Koreans who have been in the United States for a 27 period of 25 months or longer feel that the eldest son should live with his parents, than those who have been in the United States for a shorter period of time. A relatively high percentage of the Korean respondents, 37.5%, chose either "Don't know" or qualified their answer. Those who qualified their answer in the majority of cases indicated that their response was highly dependent upon the parents' financial situation. While not statistically Significant these results do indicate a conceivable variation in value orientation on the part of those Koreans who have only recently arrived in the United States. The results may in fact reflect a change which is transpiring in Korea itself, thus causing a modification in the sojourner's predisposition. TABLE 11 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 3 Korean Korean American Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. Sample* Total** or less and over ~ percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number 0.0 12.5 8.3 21.1 yes 0 5 1 u no 97.5 50.0 50.0 31.6 39 20 6 6 * 2.5% or 1 respondent = "Don't know" ** 37.5% or 15 reSpondents = "Don't know" or "other" The results of this question also indicate a possible lack of conceptual equivalence with regard to American and Korean samples. In no instance did an American respondent qualify his answer in the manner of the Koreans, indicating the possibility that they were not considering the situation from a financial standpoint. Filial piety has been a significant binding force in Korean society. 28 Traditionally the parents have maintained a dominant position within the familial structure, as prescribed by the "Five Human Relationships."33 While the 'traditional' orientation required a strict superordination-subordination relationship between the aged and the young, respectively, a more equalitarian orientation has appeared in recent years. In many matters there still remain vestiges of the 'deference to the old' characteristic. In a question designed to tap the value orientation with respect to the deference given to familial members, 50% of the American sample stated that their children should be given preference when confronted with a question of who should be given priority, parents or children, (see Table 12). While a higher percentage, u1.7, of the Korean sample from the category "12 months or less," as Opposed to 15.8% of the Korean sample, "25 months and over," felt the parents should be given priority, the question proved to be statistically non-discriminating and the results did not support the hypothesis. The high number of respondents answering "Don't know" or qualifying their answer indicates the necessity of greater specificity with regard to the situational context. TABLE 12 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 5 I Korean % Korean American Korean 12 Mon. g 25 Mon. Sample* Total** or less f and over percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number es 50.0 25.0 25.0 21.1 y 20 1o 3 u no 20.0 22.5 u1.7 15.8 8 9 5 3 * 30.0% or 12 reSpondents ** 37.0% or 15 respondents 15.0% or 6 reSpondents "other" "Don't know" and "other" "Don't know" 29 There is an intimate relationship between language and culture, a relation- ship which if explored can be quite revealing. It is possible to conceive of the Korean language as reflecting, verbally, many of the nonverbal elements in Korean culture. Differential status relationships on the basis of age, sex, and social class have for a long time been apparent in Korean society. The relationship between language and society in Korea is perhaps best illustrated in the use of honorific and humble forms of language that reflect the existance of a hierarchical system of social classes. The use of kin terms to indicate differential status in terms of age, sex and social class and relationships it is hypothesized, is exemplary of subscription to normative behavior derived from Confucian teachings, and as length of residence in the United States in- creases the subscription to this type of terminology should decrease on the part of those who no longer endorse these social norms. A question was asked of only the Korean sample, due to problems of phenomenal equivalence, in an attempt to investigate the stated hypothesis. The respondents were asked to choose between kin designation and proper name form of address for a cousin of approximately the same age. The results do not support the hypothesis, and in fact prove to be statistically significant in the opposite direction of the hypothesis as can be seen in Table 13. 30 TABLE 13 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 11 (KOREAN) Disagree (Hypothesized Traditional Agree Orientation) Korean 25 Mon. and over 6 9 15 Korean 12 Mon. or less 9 2 11 15 11 26 * Statistically significant at p«(.05 using the "Fisher exact" test. B. National - International Dimension In one question the respondents were asked to indicate which of four possible solutions to the present international situation they desired, and which they expected to occur. The four possible solutions could be arranged along a continuum ranging from a nationalistic to internationalistic orientation. Con- sidering the response set for the American sample there is a trend, with regard to desire, for those respondents to favor the international end of the con- tinuum. While a strong base of nationalism exists in Korea, as previously aluded to, it was hypothesized that those Koreans in residence for a longer period of time would rank higher on the internationalistic end of the continuum. The hypothesis was not supported in this instance, as may be seen in Table 1a. The reverse of the hypothesis in fact is the apparent trend, though neither case proves to be statistically significant. 31 Apparent problems with regard to interpretation of the instructions led to multiple response patterns on the part of several Korean respondents which resulted in a drastic reduction in the "N" for each group. On this basis salient patterns are difficult to ascertain and the generalizability of the findings is on very weak ground. When asked to choose a position on the continuum which they "expected” would transpire there is a general trend on the part of both groups to favor the nationalistic position, as did the American sample. There was no statistical support for the hypothesis on this question. Once again the "N" size is a significantly limiting factor, as can be seen in Table 15. In both of the above instances comparisons were made with the sample data and the results of the GilleSpie and Allport study. Gillespie and Allport asked the same question of students in the United States and Japan in 1950. Their results point to a strong "desire" for international solution but an "expectation" which moves in the direction of nationalism-regionalism.3” This pattern is not to dissimilar from the one exhibited by the sample respondents. C. Occupational Dimension In no instance was statistically significant support for the hypothesis found within the occupational dimensions. In fact a relatively high degree of agreement between the American sample and the total Korean sample appeared on all questions, with one exception. The exception being the level of importance given to the family with regard to choice of occupation on the part of the two Korean sub-samples. The relationship between the worker and his supervisor in Korea is not the same as the "oyabun-kobum" relationship which was exhibited in the early stages 32 TABLE 1” - NATIONALISM-INTERNATIONALISM CONTINUUM (DESIRE) (Actual) Alternative (in %) N 1 2 3 8 American Sample 38 12 15 10 58 Korean Sample 20 23 5 2 20 Korean (12 or less) 10 33 O O 50 Korean (25 and over) 7 21 5 0 11 (GilleSpie-Allport Sample)1 American 733 5 8 9 78 Japanese 172 6 6 5 83 * Note: Percent reSponse in terms of total "N's" per group 1. Source: James Gillespie and Gorden Allport, Youth's Outlook on the Future (New York: Doubleday Papers in Psychology, 1955), p. 55 TABLE 15 - NATIONALISM-INTERNATIONALISM CONTINUUM (EXPECTATION) (Actual) Alternative (in %) N 1 2 3 8 American Sample 35 MO 20 15 13 Korean Sample 17 20 18 0 5 Korean (12 or less) 7 33 17 0 8 Korean (25 and over) 1 8 16 21 0 5 (Gillespie-Allport Sample) American 726 27 36 28 9 Japanese 135 25 H9 13 13 * Note: Percent response in terms of total "N's" per group 1. Source: James GilleSpie, op. cit., p. 55. 33 of industrialization in Japan. Like Japan, the formalized "oyabun-kobun" has generally been transmuted into milder forms of paternalism, in Korea. Industrial and commercial concerns tend to be heavily paternalistic, looking into the welfare of their personnel in a manner which goes far beyond the demands of rational business. It would be expected that as functional substitutes for kinship arise within Korean society, that the emphasis in employment would shift to a more impersonal relationship between employer and employee. With the awareness of the existance of these new substitutes and as those students in the U.S. become aware of the heightening of their abilities, they may well desire recognition on the basis of talent. In a nationwide survey, conducted in Japan in 1953 and a followup in 1958, in which 3,000 persons were involved, the "Research Committee of Japanese National Character of the National Institute of Statistical Mathematics" found a slight decrease, over the five year period, in the number who favored a working relation- ship in which the "department chief" looked after individuals in their personal matters.35 The findings in the present study indicate a larger preportion of the American sample would choose the relationship in which the supervisor "looks after you personally" as opposed to one in which he "never does anything fer you per- sonally." While the same patterns hold for both Korean sub-samples, the difference here is only approximately 2 to 1, whereas the difference in the American sample is over A to 1, as can be seen in Table 16. 3“ TABLE 16 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 7; KOREAN AND AMERICAN SAMPLE COMPARED WITH JAPANESE NATIONAL SAMPLES Korean Korean American Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. Sample* Total* or less and over percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number a. 17.5 35.0 33.3 31.6 7 1L: 8 6 b, 75.0 57.5 66.7 57.9 30 23 8 11 N.I. S.M.1 N.I. S.M.1 Japanese Japanese study ('53) study ('58) percent/number percent/number a. 12 1” ho V 77 * 7.5% or 3 respondents (in both samples) = "Don't know" 1. Source: Tatsuro Yamamoto, "Recent Studies on the Japanese National Character," in Cross-Cultural Understanding, ed. by F.S.C. Northrop and H. Livingston, (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), p. 101. In a question designed to investigate the strength of economic as opposed to prestige motivation with regard to occupational choice, the reSpondents were asked to place themselves in the hypothetical situation of choosing a position at a university with higher prestige for lower pay as opposed to one with lower prestige for higher pay. Seoul National and Harvard were used as 35 the high prestige universities, and Han Yang and the University of Toledo were chosen as the lower prestige universities. While the equivalence of these universities on each level is an argumentative point, the Student selection criteria and the faculty composition indicates there is a pres- tige separation.36 It was hypothesized that the American sample would choose economic reward above prestige and the Koreans, of longer residence, would exhibit a trend in this direction. The findings do not support the hypothesis and indicate the monetary factor is not more significant when compared with prestige for either the American or Korean samples. In both instances over 60% of the two groups chose the "prestige" institution, as may be seen in Table 17. When asked "why?" they made the selection they did, a majority of those choosing the "high prestige" universities indicated, "money was not that significant as long as they were paid enough to live on." The primary hypothesis was not supported in that there was no statistically significant difference in the Korean sub-samples in the direction hypothesized. TABLE 17 - RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 12 (K.) 10 (Am.) Korean Korean American Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. Sample Total or less and over percent/number percent/number percent/number percent/number Seoul National/ 67.5 62.5 50.0 63.2 Harvard 27 25 6 12 Han Yang/ 25.0 25.0 33.3 21.1 U. of Toledo 10 10 g u u 36 A possible bias effecting the response pattern for this question may stem from the over representation of prospective college teachers in both samples. There is undoubtable an awareness on the part of the respondents that identification with a prestigeful institution may in the long run bring greater economic reward. This situation may also have an additional factor influencing the responses in this direction, namely the knowledge that an opportunity to work in an environment which conceivably may be more conducive for professional maturation is also more beneficial in the long run. A final question in the occupational dimension was designed to tap occupa- tional aspirations and value orientation and was presented in a form whidh would enable the researcher to develop a scale. The scale used was a device for determining whether one group was higher or lower, more favorable or less favorable than other groups, with regard to a Specific reason for occupational choice. The development of a scale made it possible to consolidate the re- sponses to all the possible reasons presented, rather than having to rely on a single item. A single score was arrived at for each group, for each possible response by assigning weighted values to the "Very significant, Significant, Neither Significant nor unsignificant, Unsignificant, Highly unsignificant," choices, of +2, +1, 0, -1, -2, respectively. The resulting weighted points were placed on a continuum for each group for comparative purposes, (see Table 18). 37 TABLE 18 - WEIGHTED RESPONSE PATTERN: ITEM 17 (KOREAN) - 114 (AMERICAN) TOTAL SAMPLE KOREAN SUB—SAMPLE American Korean 12 Mon. or 25 Mon. and (N=u0) (N=u0) less (N=12) over (N=19) Item Total Points Total Points Total Points Total Points a +58 +68 +18 +3u b +56 +55 +18 +2u c +13 +38 +11 +17 d +u0 +27 + 6 - 5 e -27 -1u + 2 —11 f - 7 - 2 - 3 + 5 g +31 +29 + 9 +11 11 +142 +30 +12 +12 i +22 -13 - u -10 j +1u -1A -12 ~12 ADJUSTED RANK ORDER BASED ON INTENSITY American Total Korean Korean Korean 12 Mon. 25 Mon. or less and over a a a 8 b a b b h b h c c c (+) d h g h g g d g i d e f 3' - _ - -c ............................ f f d (_) e 1 i i e 8 j j e 3' VS S NN U HU 1. Weighting Assignments: +2 +1 0 —1 «2 X number responding 2. For American and Korean total sample the continuum (intensity) ranges from +80 to -80. 3. For Korean sample (12 months or less) the continuum (intensity) ranges from +2” to -24. n. For Korean sample (25 months and over) the continuum (intensity) ranges from +36 to -36. 38 It was felt that the views held by the reSpondents would provide a basis for inferences concerning various features of their social views. These features in turn may suggest patterns or themes which are dominant in each group's orientation. The individuals reasons for choice are assumed to be idiosyncratic as well as culturally determined. However, with regard to the latter point it was felt that by virtue of their living and studying is a second culture, those students who have been in residence for a longer period of time would be more closely aligned with the American response set. The scale did not Show significant differences between the Koreans of longer as opposed to shorter residence. There was, however, a greater inclin- ation on the part of those who have been in residence fer 12 months or less to justify occupational choice in terms of the wishes of the parents, as opposed to both the Koreans of longer residence and the American samples. In both of the latter cases this response fell on the negative side of the continuum, whereas in the former case it lies on the positive side. Responses were classified on a basis similar to one used by Goodman, namely, "self-orientation" (items: a,b,c,d,e, and j), and "other-orientation" (items: e,g,h, and i).37 In all instances "self-orientations" ranked highest on the continuum with "humanitarian" or "other-orientation" achieving a close second or third place, in terms of intensity. There was no indication of a significantly higher degree of individualism, "self-orientation" exhibited on the part of those Koreans who had been in residence longer. 39 VIII. Conclusions, Limitations and Implications Works from the discipline of cultural anthropology have convincingly demonstrated that there is variability in the "ways of life" exhibited by human groups. While not denying the existance of the idiosyncratic dimension of behavior, the specific foundation for these "ways of life" lies in the social and cultural milieu. The value orientations which are at the base of the formulation of "ways of life" are basically socio-cultural products. This is not by way of making an argument for "cultural determinism" nor is it an argument that variations do not exist within cultures. The assumption here, has been made, that factors existing within social systems and cultural milieus, in which individuals are members, play a major role in the formulation of their basic value orientations. These value ori- entations in turn give direction to the individuals attitude formulation as well as his overt behavior. As individuals move from one socio-cultural setting to another, differing shades of agreement and conflict, with regard to value orientations, become apparent. Individuals in this position attempt to achieve some cognitive balance in order to continue interaction within this setting. Individuals who have voluntarily removed themselves from their "native" socio-cultural setting, for educational purposes, and find themselves living and competing in a different socio-cultural milieu are in a position of overtly manifesting societal norms subscribed to by this new socio-cultural group, if they are to achieve success in their attempt at acquiring their desired goal. 1+0 There are a limited number of problems which are common for all people and for which all peOple attempt to arrive at solutions. It is apparent, with a relatively high degree of certainty, that varying value orientation emphases have a relationship to the Significance placed on one kind of activity as Opposed to another in an attempt to solve these common human problems. Based on these assumptions three dimensions; familial, national-international, and occupational, within which common problem situations are confronted, on the part of the subjects investigated, were explored in an attempt to investi- gate a primary hypothesis. The hypothesis, expressed in general terms is: Foreign students' value orientations will more closely align themselves with the value orientations of the host culture as their length of residence in that host culture increases. Within one dimensional area investigated, the familial, there was a statistically significant differential orientation exhibited on the part of the two sub-units tested, with regard to two questions. This exhibited dif- ferential orientation was in support of the hypothesis. With regard to the respondents' attitude toward married women seeking part-time employment, those Koreans of longer residence did align themselves more closely with the American response pattern, irrespective of their marital status. In a second question, designed to probe the significance of the family with regard to overt behavior, those Koreans of longer residence took what was hypothesized as a more individ- ualistic orientation than the Koreans of shorter residence. A comparison, in this instance, was not made with the American sample due to conceptual equivalence problems. Within the occupational dimension, while not statistically significant, directional support for the hypothesis was exhibited by one question. Those H1 Koreans who had been in the United States for a shorter period of time indi- cated parential influence was of more Significance in their decision regarding occupational choice than was the case for either the American or Korean long residence, samples. The results of the remaining questions in all dimensions Show a high degree of agreement between the two Korean groups and in all instances except one, relatively high agreement with the American sample is also exhibited. The single exception appears again within the familial dimension. The results from the total Korean sample indicate the family is a more influential factor in the mate selection process than in the United States. In considering the findings in total it is apparent that there is limited evidence in support of the hypothesis. This lack of statistically significant empirical support in other areas conceivably is a result of one or more of several possible explanations. The first and most feasible answer to the researcher, lies in the fact that while some change does occur, there are basic sets of pre-existing beliefs and ideas which these sojourners have upon their arrival, ones which are not too dissimilar from American value orientations. The research has indicated that their experience in the United States, irreSpective of the temporal factor, has not significantly influenced many of these prediSpositions. Their experience may have strengthened or possibly weakened these pre-existing beliefs and ideas, but not to the extent where it is significantly noticeable. The group of Korean students coming to the United States are a relatively select group. These students come from a minority segment of Korean society by virtue of their educational level. They undergo a screening process imposed through Q2 quota systems which are employed by both governments. In addition the cost of education in a foreign country is considerably higher than native education and whether the student receives full financial support, from sources outside of the family, or pays his own way, financing presents still another selective screen. Not only should we consider these as factors which say something about this group, but we must also consider that by and large there is a desire on the part of the individual to obtain an education, in this instance in the United States, for he initiates the process. All of these factors lead to the conclusion that there is some predisposition toward selective Amerig§g_,,. -. value orientations on the part of a high percentage of these students, and, if 1‘...“ “h .—..... __ “h“ in fact changes occur, they are not in the form of drastic transformational processes, but occur rather in the form of a light strengthening or weakening process which was not measurable with the present instrument. The implications are then for further research to be conducted focusing on a comparison of those Korean students who receive their higher education in Korea and those who go overseas for this reason. This would present us with information as to whether differences in orientation are existent, and would give us a means of either supporting or negating the hypothesis of predisposition. A second explanatory factor may be the sample selection and Size. The American sample may be distinctively different from the American students who have high interaction rates with Korean students, and conceivably quite unlike other student samples which could have been drawn from other universities. The Korean sample, too, may not resemble Korean students in other American universities. The size of the Korean sample is small, and due to inadequate M3 questionnaire completion even further limitations were placed on the analysis of several items. The implication here is that a broader universe should be considered in a replication, increasing both the "N" and the ecological foundation from which the samples are chosen it would also be possible to investigate the hypothesis that differential academic standards imposed by universities may be a factor in the type of foreign student who is in attendance. A third possible conclusion must be drawn, namely that the instrument itself may be inadequate and not investigating the apprOpriate dimensions. A very limited amount of social scientific research has been conducted in Korea to date. It was on the basis of an evaluation of this literature and literature dealing with culturally similar areas that underlying assumptions, with regard to Korean value orientations were drawn. The influence of "traditional" orientations may in fact not be as powerful as one is lead to believe by the present limited and often somewhat dated research. The direc- tion here is clear; there is a necessity for further research, in Korea, concerning the concept of value to establish a foundation from which to work. The investigation on the whole, considering its limitations, has been of value in terms of a pilot study. Some new insights have been achieved with regard to the topic of differential value orientations and at the same time we have been pointed in the direction of significant future areas of investigation. Hopefully this research will lead to more extended and systematic research on value orientations, for knowledge in this area can provide new approaches toward better "self-insight" and in turn orient us in the direction of increased mutual understanding. l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Lu: FOOTNOTES Herbert Passen and John Bennett take notice of this characteristic of the process in their support of research in this area, stating: "Apart from.its theoretical importance for the study of culture contact and change, intercultural experience is of critical significance in inter- national relations today, characterized as they are, not only by the impact from afar of ideas and institutions, but also by the direct personal contact of foreigners with every level of the home pOpulations." "The Americaseducated Japanese, l. The student in America: Theory; Background; Images," in the Annals of h Am ri A m o ' W, Vol. 29%, 1951+, p. 81:. John.W. Bennett, Herbert Passen, and Robert K.. McKnight, In Search of Identity (Minneapolis. University of Minnesota Press, 1958), p. l. For a.hrief statement concerning the factors underlying the increase in foreign students and a historical perspective on this group see Guy S. Metraux, Exchan e of Persons. The Evolution of Cross-Cultural Education, Social Science Research Counc11, Pamphlet No. 9 (New York: SSRC, June, 1952). JOhn We Bennett. 02. Cite. Po 1. Passen, Op. cit., p. 89. A variety of indices are used by economists, sociologists and political scientists for the determination of a positional placement of nations of the World on a developmental continuum, for analytical purposes. Three of these indices are national income, gross domestic or national product and employment in manufacturing. To substantiate the position taken in this presentation, that the Republic of South Korea has undergone a develoPmental process, the following statistics, regarding the above mentioned indices, are offered: South.Korean Gross Domestic Product:* (In thousand millions of won) Year 1953 1955 1958 1961 1963 196” 1965 G.D.P. 46 111 201 291 968 662 761 *Note: Gross domestic product differs from GNP only in that income received from abroad has been excluded. South Korean National Income: (In thousand millions of won) Year 1953 1955 1958 1961 1963 1964 1965 National Income 42 103 181 261 ”16 601 681 7. 8. 9. 10. HS Employment in Manufacturing in South Korea Year 1961 1962 1963 1965 Employment (Per. 1000) 325.5 361.3 393.4 423.5 United Nations, Demographic YearboOk,rl965, (New York: United Nations, 1955). pp. 552, 210. Specific reference to the.concepts of "particularism" and "universalism" in this context may be found in Talcott Parsons and Edward Shels, (eds.) Toward a General Theory of Action, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), pp. 184-85. Consideration of a similar situation has been dealt with by Bennett, Passen and McKnight, with regard to Japanese student returnees. Op. cit., pp. 251-52, 255-55, and Chapt. 8. Cora DuBois, Foreign Students and Higher Education in the United States, (Washington: American Connoil on EducatiOn, 1958), p. 12. Clyde Kluckhohn, et al., "Values and Value—Orientations in the Theory of Action,'t in Toward a General Theory of Action, Op. cit., p. 395. For an extensive analytical decomposition of this definition see pp. 396-u03. ll. Theodore Newcomb, Ralph Turner and Philip Converse, Social Psychology, (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965), p. 1:5. l2. A more comprehensive statement summarizing the major assumptions underlying this orientation is in.the following one made by Clyde Kluckhohn: "There is a philosophy behind the way of life of each individual and Of every relatively homogeneous group at any given point in their histories. This _ gives, with varying degrees of explicitness or implicitness, some sense of coherence or unity both in cognitive and affective dimensions. Each personality gives to this philosophy an idiosyncratic coloring and creative individuals will markedly reshape it. However, the basic outlines of the fundamental values, existential propositions, and basic abstractions have only exceptionally been created out of the stuff of unique biological heredity and peculiar life experience. The underlying principles arise out of, or are limited by, the givens of biological human nature and the universities of social interaction. The specific formulation is ordinarily a cultural product. In the immediate sense, it is from the life-ways which constitute the designs fOr living of their community or tribe or region or socio-economic class or nation or civilization that most individuals derive their mental-feeling outlook.“ (See Kluckhohn, Op. cit., PP. “09-10. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2M. 25. H6 Kluckhohn, op. cit., p. #02. Herbert Hyman, Arif Payasleoglu and Frederick Frey, "The Values of Turkish College Youth," Public Opinion Quarterly, xxii, No. 3, (1958), p. 275. Chong-Sek Lee, The Politics of Korean Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963), p. 3. The "Five Human Relationships" are those between soverign and subject, father and son, elder and younger brother, husband and wife, and friend and friend. For an elaboration of their significance see Derke Bodde, China's Cultural Tradition (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1962), p. #3 and Shannon McCune, Korea: Land of Broken Calm (Rutland, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle, Co., 1956), pp. su-s. For a discussion of the mobility process through government examinations within China see Chung-1i Chang, The Chinese Gentry_(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1955) and Wolfram Eberhard, Social Mobility in Traditional China (Leiden: E.J.Brill Publishers, Ltd., 1962). The class structure consisted of four major categories: 1) Yangban; the civil officials and military; 2) Chung-in: the government workers and clerks; 3) the commoners: farmers, businessmen, and tradesmen; and u) the lowly: slaves, slaughterers, butchers, sorcerers, etc.; see Lee, op. cit., p. 10. Lee, op. cit., p. 11. Lee, op. cit., p. 18. It is also obvious that by virtue of the population sample there has been an obscuring of possible differences which may exist in those Koreans who are educated in other Western universities, not to mention other univer- sities in the United States. A further limitation was imposed in that no sociology, anthropology, or psychology majors were used, to avoid subjects who might have some familiarity with the questions used in the testing instrument. While some Of the questionnaires contained incomplete segments it was deemed necessary to include that information which was available due to the sample size. Institute of International Education, Open Doors (New York: Institute of International Education, 1966), p. 2n. Bruce Russett, et al., World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964): p. 108. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 1+2. 43. 44. 47 United Nations, op. cit., pp. 152-53. Hyman, Op. cit., p. 277. Kyung Oh Choe, Handbook of Korea, (New York: Pagent Press Inc., 1958), pp 0 60-1 0 James GilleSpie and G. W. Allport, Youth's Outlook on the Future,(New York: Doubleday Papers in Psychology, 1955), p. 60. Sidney Siegel, Nonparametric Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences, (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company Inc., 1956), p. 259. McCune, Op. cit., p. 34. Tatsuro Yamamoto, "Recent Studies on the Japanese National Character," in Cross—Cultural Understanding, ed. by F. S. C. Northrop and H. Livingston, (New York: Harper and Row, 1964), p. 101. McCune, Op. cit., p. 35. GilleSpie and Allport, Op. cit., pp. 11-12, 55. Yamamoto, Op. cit., p. 101. As an expos-facto point, a conceivably better approach in arriving at a more equivalent separation would be to request numerous students, both American and Korean to rank order several universities. We still, however, retain the difficulty Of degree of separation, which conceivably could only be overcome by choosing universities close to the polar ends. Mary E. Goodman, "Values, Attitudes, and Social Concepts of Japanese and American Children," in American Anthropologist, Vol. 59, No. 6, (1957), pp. 985-93. SanO Chiye, "Changing Values of the Institutional Family, in Japanese Character and Culture, ed. by Bernard Silberman, (Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1962), pp. 113, 116. Yamamoto, pp. cit., p. 101. T'ai-gel Kfim, "The Changing Morals of Korean Students," in Korea Journal, Vol. 6, No. 3, (1966), p. 27. Gillespie, op. cit., p. 47. Yamamoto, op. cit., p. 101. Gillespie, Op. cit., p. 44. Ibid., p. 44. us. 46. 47. 48. 49. 48 David McClelland, The Achieving Society, (Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand Press, 1961), p. 240. Ibid., p. 241. Gillespie, op.'cit., p. 51. Adapted from the results of a study by Mary Goodman, Op. cit., pp. 979-99. The Korean sample had a mean age of 29.0 with 52.5% falling within the age range of 26 to 30 years of age. The American sample's mean age was 30.5 and they exhibited a more even distribution over all age categories from 20 to 45 years of age. 49 BIBLIOGRAPHY Bennett, John W.; Passin, Herbert; and McKnight, Robert K. In Search of Identity. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1958. Bennett, W. C. "Research in Cross-Cultural Education," Items, Social Science Research Council, Vol. 6, 1952. Bodde, Derk. China's Cultural Tradition. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. Chang, Chung—1i. The Chinese Gentry. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1955. Chiye, Sano. "Changing Values of the Institutional Family," Japanese Character and Culture. Edited by Bernard Silberman. Tuscon: University of Arizona, 1962. Choe, Kyung Oh. Handbook of Korea. New York: Pageant Press Inc., 1958. DuBois, Cora. Foreign Students and Higher Education in the United States. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1958. Eberhard, Wolfram. Social Mobility in Traditional China. Leiden: E.J. Brill Publisher, Ltd., 1962. Gillespie, James, and Allport, Gordon W. Youth's Outlook on the Future. New York: Doubleday Papers in Psychology, 1955. ' Goodman, Mary Ellen. "Values, Attitudes, and Social Concepts of Japanese and American Children," American Anthropologist, Vol. 59, No. 6, (1957), 979-99. Gullahorn, Jeanne, and Gullahorn, John. "American Students Abroad: Professional Versus Personal Development," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 368, (November, 1966), 43-59. Hyman, Herbert; Payasioglu, Arif; and Frey, Frederick. "The Values of Turkish . College Youth," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. XXII, No. 3, (1958), 275-91. Institute of International Education. Open Doors, New York: Institute of International Education, 1961. . Open Doors, New York: Institute of International Education, 1964. 50 , Qppn Doors. New York: Institute of International Education, 1966. Kim, T'ai—gil. "The Changing Morals of Korean Students," Korean Journal, Vol. 6, No. 3, (1966), 21-7. Kluckhohn, Clyde, et al. "Values and Value-Orientations in the Theory of Action," Toward a General Theorygof Action. Edited by Talcott Parsons and Edward Shils. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962 Lee, Chong-Sik. The Politics of Korean Nationalism. Berkely: University of California Press, 1963. McClelland, David C. The Achieving Society. Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand Press, 1961. McCune, Shannon. Korea's Heritage. Rutland, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1956. Morris, Richard T. The Two Way Mirror. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1960. Newcomb, Theodore; Turner, Ralph; and Converse, Philip. Social Psychology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965. Oliver, Robert. "A Brief for Korea? The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 294, (1954), 61-79. Parsons, Talcott, and Shils, Edward, ed., Toward a General Theory of Action. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962. Passen, Herbert, and Bennett, John. "The America-educated Japanese, 1. The Student in America: Theory; Background; Images," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 295, (1954), 26-41. Russett, Bruce, et al. World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964. Sellitz, Claire, et al. Attitudes and Social Relations of Foreign Students in the United States. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1963. Siegel, Sidney. Nonparametric Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company Inc., 1956. Smith, Howard. "DO Intercultural Experiences Affect Attitudes," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 51, (1955), 56-8. United Nations. Demographic Yearbook 1965. New York: United Nations, 1966. 51 Watson, Jeanne, and Lippet, Ronald. Learning Across Culture, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1955. Yamamoto, Tatsuro. "Recent Studies on the Japanese National Character," Cross—Cultural Understanding. Edited by F.S.C. Northrop and Helen Livingston. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1964, 93-104. APPENDIX I AMERICAN QUESTIONNAIRE The following is a list of the corresponding questions on the Korean and American questionnaires, by number. American Korean IcoooqmmszI-A CDGDQOUTJIOJMH I HWA H-0 10 11 12 13 11+ IAIAIAIAIAYA \Jciuwsroakb 52 53 Schedule Number A- This survey is interested in your attitudes and reactions toward social phenomenon. All information obtained will be treated confidentially. Only those directly involved in this research project have access or your name and this information will not be revealed to anyone who is not directly involved in the project. To begin with, we would like to have your reSponses to a umber of situational items. The best answer to each statement is your personal opinion. Please indicate your feelings toward all of the statements by placing an 2(_ on the appropriate line preceding the response you regard as coming closest to your Opinion of that statement. 1. "At a marriageable age a man or woman will still be socially immature, too ineXperienoed to be trusted with certain important decisions, including that of mate selection. Consequently, the responsibility of making arrangements for the marriage of young adults (should) rest primarily with their parents."38 Please indicate your feeling toward the above statement by choosing one of the following alternatives. Marriage should be based on the decision of the man and woman involved. Marriage should be decided by the parents Don't know Marriage should be based on mutual consent and approved by the parents 2. If you have no children, do you think it is necessary to adopt a child in order to cggtinue the family line, even if there is no blood relationship? Yes NO Don't know Other 3. Do you think the eldest son should live with his parents even after he is married? Yes No Don't know Other 54 4. When a man is born, the success he is going to have is already in the cards, so he might just as well accept it and not fight against it. I agree with this statement Neither Agree nor Disagree I disagree with this statement 5. Although our parents and children are equally precious, is it right to give preference to your children when {cu are confronted with the question of who should be given priority? 0 Yes No Don't know Other 6. What three things or activities in your life do you expect to give you the most satisfaction? Please mark the most important source of satisfaction with the number 1, age next most important with the number 2 and the third with the number 3. Your career or occupation. Family relationships. Leisure-time, recreational activities. Participation as a citizen in the affairs of your community. Participation in activities directed toward national or’inter- national betterment. Religious beliefs and activities. 7. Suppose you are working in a firm. There are two types of department heads. Which of these two would.you prefer to work under? a. A man who always sticks to the work rules and never demands an unreasonable work, but, on the other hand never does anything for you personally in matters not connected with the work. b. A man who sometimes demands extra work contrary to the work rules, but, on the other hand, looks after you personally in matters not connected with the work.” b. Don't know 55 What is your attitude toward careers or occupations outside the home for married women? I approve of full-time careers I approve of part—time occupations I disapprove of any career or occupation outside the home. What is your attitude toward careers or occupations outside the home unmarried women? I approve of full-time careers I approve of part-time occupations I disapprove of any career or occupation outside the home. 10. Place yourself in the following hypothetical situation. You have recently received your Ph.D. in physics. It is your desire to become a university professor. You have received offers from Harvard and the University of Toledo. The latter offer was for higher pay. Which of the offers would you accept and why? Harvard University of Toledo Why? 11. for Planningsonly makes a person unhappy, since your plans hardly ever work out anyway. I agree with this statement Neither Agree nor Disagree I disagree with this statement 12. Science has its place in the world, but there are many important things that can never possibly be understood by the human mind. I agree with this statement Neither Agree nor Disagree I disagree with this statement 13. 56 As a solution to the problem of international relations, four principal possibilities have been suggested. Please mark the one you yourself favor, and the one you think most likely to come about in your lifetime. (Mark only one blank for each column.) A situation of strong nationalism, where each country retains its full sovereignty, much as in the recent past. Development of Regionalism. For example, Pan-American Union, a United States of Western EurOpe, etc. Federal union of most non-communist countries, with door Open to Russia and other nations not at first participating. A world government, worked out perhaps through an extension of the United Nations. You You Would Expect Like 14. 57 You have made an occupational choice for your life. Below are listed several reasons which people have given for their choice of occupation. There are five responses to all statements. The reSponses are: VS = Very Significant S = Significant NN = Neither Significant nor Unsignificant U = Unsignificant HU = Highly Unsignificant Please indicate reasons which have influenced your choice and the d gree of significance by circling the appropriate response for each item. Personally like it or want to enter it. VS S NN U HU Feel it will bring personal pleasure. VS 8 NN U HU The occupation pays quite well. VS 8 NN U BU It is a position which will enable me to achieve a reSpectful position in society. VS S NN U HU It is the position which my family feels is the one I should enter. VS S NN U BU It is a job which will bring me personal fame. VS S NN U HU It is an occupation which will aid in the development of my country. VS S NN U HU It is an occupation which in many ways will benefit all of mankind. VS S NN U HU It offers many opportunities for social contacts. VS S NN U HU It presents an Opportunity to travel. VS S NN U HU 58 We would appreciate it if you would give us the following information about yourself and your family. 1. Age (at your last birthday) ug 2. Hometown a. Approximate Size (population) of hometown 3. What is your present major 4. Please indicate your present level of education (completed) College Master's Program (yrs.) Ph.D. Program (yrs.) Fresh. Soph. Jr. Sr. 1 2 3 u 1 2 3 u 5 5. Please indicate the city and country in which you obtained your a. High School education b. Undergraduate University education 6. What are your occupational plans? (i.e., U.S. government economist, High School teacher, Lawyer, etc.) 8. Are you a U. S. citizen 9. Have you lived all Of your life in the U. S. ? Yes No a. How long have you been a student at M.S.U.? b. Have you attended any other American Universities? Yes No If yes, for how many years? c. Have you attended any foreign universities? Yes No If yes, in what country? 10. Are you married? Yes No a. 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