cops & messes; A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TELEVZSION’S PORTRAYAL OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AND RELATED ISSUES Thesis for the Degree of M. S. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY JACK RAYMOND GREENE 1974 ‘ ’~F‘M_q~=ml, .. _ H ;' \ ‘1 P-y ‘fifl...v’ «1' an r“ m A -'_ " :3 5"; I'd. .x E i {A . r ’133fl‘23: y'flv“ \‘ o _. U ‘ "' 0 ~\«‘\/ ~ I: ,I,“ h . -. ~A-L‘4I.’;.~.,.f")' A "f "MW“ Jhams 13‘ “ "-i*‘5&'m*l:&~vev‘ w, . PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. . * $9}le MTE DUE DATE DUE we mm.“ Q 55 IO. \2; ABSTRACT COPS & ROBBERS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TELEVISION'S PORTRAYAL OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AND RELATED ISSUES BY Jack Raymond Greene This study examined television's characterization of crime, criminals, victims, and police officers and compared these images with information contained in the professional literature in an effort to delineate any disparities which may have existed. The study essentially pursued the following ques- tions: To what extent is violence portrayed in tele— vision's depiction of the law enforcement officer? Violence perpetrated by the police? Violence perpetrated against the police? How is police authority presented on television? How are victims of crime portrayed on tele- vision? How are criminals portrayed? What relationship between victim and criminal is presented? How are the police portrayed in their occupa- tional setting? Jack Raymond Greene 5. What preportion of a police officer's time is devoted to law enforcement? To service-related functions? 6. To what extent does television accurately por- tray crime in America? To investigate the preceding questions, two major hypotheses, which were further operationalized in the form of eight subhypotheses, were advanced. To facilitate data collection, two detailed observation schedules were con- structed. The study involved a content analysis of tele- vision programing using four independent researchers to insure reliability of the coding instruments. A selected sample of 48 hours of television program- ing portraying police officers in a modern context was observed during the research period. Twelve Variables were identified for observation using the structured observation schedules. Data analysis consisted in tabulating the recorded observation for each variable and a series of cross- tabulations to determine network and individual program variations. The resultant information was then compared with survey and research materials contained in the profes- sional literature. The analysis revealed that television's portrayal of crime, criminals, Victims, and police officers is Jack Raymond Greene incongruent with the existing literature in that television portrays: l. 2. disproportionate levels of violent crime, criminals as belonging to the middle and upper classes, to the exclusion of lower class crimi- nality, victims as predominantly from the middle and upper classes, the image that criminals are victimizing strangers, and the police in a strict law enforcement context with little reference to service-related functions. The major implications derived from the findings indicate that television may function to reduce community understanding regarding the prevention of crime, reinforce criminal behavior, particularly in the lower class, and impede the selection and retention of qualified police per- sonnel. Finally, the conclusion which was drawn from the findings indicated that the television industry has abro- gated its social responsibility to inform the public on issues relating to the control of crime in favor of a more sensational approach. cops & ROBBERS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TELEVISION'S PORTRAYAL OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AND RELATED ISSUES BY Jack Raymond Greene A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE School of Criminal Justice 1974 COPS & ROBBERS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF TELEVISION'S PORTRAYAL OF LAW ENFORCEMENT AND RELATED ISSUES BY Jack Raymond Greene A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Approved By: UKLIE‘LQW Dr. Victor G. Strecher, Chairman WC/ Dr. Robert C. Trojanowicqg K nneth E. Christian The material in this project was prepared under Grant No. 73-NI-99-1023 from the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, U.S. Department of Justice. Researchers undertaking such projects under Government sponsorship are encouraged to express freely their professional judgment. Therefore, points of view or Opinions stated in this docu- ment do not necessarily represent the official position or policy of the U.S. Department of Justice. To my parents, whose love and encouragement have been continuing sources of inspiration. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my appreciation and gratitude to Dr. Victor G. Strecher for his assistance and advice, not only in connection with this research but throughout my graduate course of study. I would also like to extend appreciation to Dr. Robert C. Trojanowicz and Mr. Kenneth E. Christian for their participation as committee members and to Ellen Christian, Kathy Klump, and Marilyn Szedlak for their assistance in the data collection phase of this pro- ject. Special thanks is extended to Dr. Victor Mishra for his guidance and encouragement during the initial stages of this project. Finally, this thesis would not have been completed without the confidence, encouragement, patience, and sacri- fice of my wife Ramona. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter I. THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . . . . SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROBLEM . . SCOPE OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . DEFINITION OF TERMS . . . . . . OVERVIEW . . . . . . . . . . . . II. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS . . . . The Authoritarian Model . . . The Libertarian Model . . . . The Soviet-Totalitarian Model The Social Responsibility Model FOUR FUNCTIONS OF TELEVISION . . The Information Function . . The Instructional/Educational Function The Advertising Function . . The Entertainment Function . . THE COMMUNICATION PROCESS . . . iv Page viii ix ll 12 13 15 17 20 24 25 29 32 34 37 Chapter Page TELEVISION AND ITS EFFECTS . . . . . . . . . £2 HYPOTHESES . . . . . . . . . . 52 III. DESIGN OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 POPULATION AND SAMPLE . . . . . . . . . . . 55 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION . . . . . . . . . 58 OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS . . . . . . . . . . 62 Setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Estimated Socio-Economic Level . . . . . . 64 Sex and Race . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Criminal/Victim Relationship . . . . . . . 66 Additional Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Police Authority Level . . . . . . . . . . 68 Scene Tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Police Violence Level . . . . . . . . . . 69 Police Viewed in Other Social Contexts . . 70 Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 DATA ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 LIMITATIONS IN DESIGN . . . . . . . . . . . 72 IV. ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 THE NATURE OF TELEVISION CRIME . . . . . .'. 74 TELEVISION AND ITS CRIMINALS . . . . . . . . 8i Offender Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . {l sé Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter Race . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Socio-Economic Level . . ... . . . . . Legitimacy of Occupation . . . . . . . TELEVISED VICTIMIZATION . . . . . . . . Victim Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sex . . . . . . . . . Race . . . . . . . . . . . . . Socio-Economic Level . . . . . . . . . Victim/Criminal Relationship . . . . . THE POLICE FUNCTION .‘. . . . . . . . . POLICE AUTHORITY . . . . . . . . . . . . POLICE SOCIAL INTERACTION . . . . . . . THE POLICE AND VIOLENCE . . . . . . . . VIOLENCE PERPETRATED BY THE POLICE VIOLENCE AGAINST THE POLICE . AUTHORITY AND VIOLENCE . . . . . . POLICE AUTHORITY AND SOCIAL INTERACTION POLICE VIEWED IN OTHER SOCIAL CONTEXTS . NETWORK VARIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . SUPPORT OF MAJOR HYPOTHESES . . . . V. SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . . . . . . SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS . . . . . . vi Page 83 85 87 89 89 90 90 92 94 96 100 103 107 110 113 117 120 123 123 126 132 132 136 Vii Chapter Page The Police and Crime Prevention . . . . . 136 Reinforcing Criminal Behavior . . . . . . 137 The Selection and Retention of Police Officers . . . . . . . . 139 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH . . . 142 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. LIST OF TABLES Selected Sample of Television Programs Relating to the Law Enforcement Occupation The Nature and Frequency of Television crime 0 O O O I O 0 Crimes Against People/Crimes Against Property 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 . Racial Distribution of Televised Offenders . Television Offenders by Socio-Economic Level Comparison Between Socio-Economic Level and Legitimacy of Occupation for Criminal Characters . . . . . . . . Racial Distribution for Victim Characters . Distribution of Victim Characters by Socio— Economic Level . . .f. . . . . . Justification for Police Involvement . . . . Police Authority Index . . . . . . . . . . . Rank by Police Social Interaction Index . . Frequency of Occurrence for All Violent Acts Violence Index for Sample Programs . . . . . Sample Programs by Police Violence Index . . Police Danger Index . . . . . . . . . . . Comparison Among Networks for Violence, Authority, and Social Interaction Indexes Rank Order of Networks by Violence, Authority, and Social Interaction Indexes viii Page.“ ~ 57 76 77 83 86 88 91 92 97 104 126 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF FIGURES Rationales for Mass Media . Basic Communication Process . . . . . . Successive Communications . . Mechanical Model for Communications . . Communication With Feedback . . . . . . Communication With Noise . Frames of Reference . . . The Communication Process in Social Situations . . . . . . Data Collection Schedule of Demographic Information . . . . . O O O O O I I 0 Television Observation Schedule . .6. . Matrix of Criminal/Victim Relationship Police Authority Index by Police Violence Index . . . . . . . . Police Authority by Police Social Interaction . . . . . . . ix Page 23 39 39 40 41 42 44 45 60 61 66 118 121 Chapter I THE PROBLEM Most conceptions, and misconceptions, of law enforce- ment are derived from motion pictures, television shows, and mystery stories. . . . The myths persist, and the over-dramatized portrayals of the past, plus the few misfits of the present, have succeeded in cruelly smearing the ordinary policeman, in fact the entire police service. Law enforcement activities have recently acquired a high degree of visibility in the press, motion pictures, and television. As the public's concern over the rising crime rate has increased, and the slogan "Law and Order" has become the political platform for many a would-be candidate, the mass media have begun to focus their attention on the activities of the police. In particular, the television industry has demonstrated a dramatic increase in its pro- graming of police shows over the past two decades. The police officer has been portrayed on television since the early 1950's. Police programing has increased each year, and today the adept viewer may, with almost no interruption, View the "police-in-action" every night of the week. To the casual observer, this television fascination 1Michael J. Murphy, "Improving the Law Enforcement Image," The Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science, LVI, l (1965), 106. with the activities of the police appears to be entertaining and harmless; however, upon closer examination the question may be raised whether the content of these police shows con- tributes to the public's understanding of the police role. There is a strong possibility that the media, par- ticularly television, have become a major source contribut- ing to the public's misunderstanding of the police officer's role. Both the media and the public seem somewhat ambiva- lent about what the role of a police officer is, or, for that matter, what it should be. "Television drama and the literature of detective fiction illustrate this ambivalence toward policemen, portraying them either as supersleuths or as mental pygmies, constantly outwitted by daring crimi- nals and dashing private eyes."2 Additionally, the police officer's role is misunder- stood in terms of function. Television portrays the police officer in the sensational role of "crime fighter and "crook catcher," with little attention to his service responsi- bility. This skewed presentation of the police function led one commentator on the subject to note: This is the season of the cop shows. There are dozens of them. They are all around us. The only thing they all share is heroes carrying shields and guns. That plus an incredible collection of ‘ 2Charles B. Saunders, Jr., Upgrading the American Police (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1970), P. 15. prime-time half-truths, illusions, stupidities, and outright lies.3 It must be noted that television, or the mass com- munications industry, is not totally responsible for its content. After all this industry, like any other, must be responsive to its consumers. George Gallup once wrote, "There is no denying that a constant and ready market exists for anything sensational, whether it be in a newspaper, a magazine, a book or a motion picture"4--or, one might add, a television program. However, if the laws of supply and demand are left to operate regardless of their effect on the community, we as a civilization may cease to exist. For this reason, government regulation has been imposed upon the television industry and certain "evils" have been legislated against. For instance, such topics as sex and overt violence may not be shown on television. But what about depicting an occupational role in an unreal fashion, particularly when a public understanding of that role is crucial to its ful- fillment? Arthur Niederhoffer, in Behind the Shield, con- sidered the media image of the police officer as a major 3Robert Daly, "Police Report on the COpS Shows," The New York Times Magazine, November 19, 1972. 4George Gallup, "What Is Public Opinion?" National Probation and Parole Association Journal, IV (October, 1958), 306, cited in Stephen Schafer and Richard D. Knudten, Juve- nile Delinquency: An Introduction (New York: Random House, 1970), p. 239. obstacle in the professionalization of the police. "A warped conception of policemen has been cultivated in the mass media. The public holds fast to the derogatory stereo- types of the grafting cop, the sadistic cop, the dumb cop, 5 These stereotypes pervade cit- and the thick-brogued cop." izen attitudes and contribute immensely to the low status accorded the police. If we are to attempt rationally to confront the prob- lems of the police image, we must determine what image is being projected to the public by means of television. If no attempt is made to ascertain the image television is pro- jecting to the public, the police will remain relegated to the position of playing cops and robbers in the public's eye, and, accordingly, to low professional status.* STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM The present study involves an examination of the content of television programing relating to the law enforce- ment occupation. Additionally, the study seeks to establish any discrepancy that might exist between television's char- acterization of the law enforcement occupational role and the role enunciated in the professional literature. Essen- tially, the study attempts to answer the following questions: 5Arthur Niederhoffer, Behind the Shield (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1969), p. 21. 1. To what extent is violence portrayed in tele- vision's depiction of the law enforcement officer? Violence perpetrated by the police? Violence perpetrated against the police? 2. How is police authority presented by television? 3. How are victims of crime portrayed by televi- sion? How are criminals portrayed? What relationship between victim and criminal is presented? 4. How are the police portrayed in their occupa- tional setting? 5. What preportion of a police officer's time is devoted to law enforcement? To service-related functions? 6. To what extent does television accurately por- tray crime in America? SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PROBLEM For the police to function effectively within the community, the public and the police must understand the role of law enforcement in a democratic society. "Law enforce- ment in America is not the maintenance of a monarch, the suppression of pOpular Opinion, or the protection of elites. It is every man's function of maintaining security of person and property, delegated to specialists--the policemen."6 6Victor G. Strecher, The Environment of Law Enforcement-—A Community Relations Guide (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1971), p. 15. However, despite efforts to develop community understanding regarding the law enforcement occupation, certain evidence suggests the community is not fully aware of the occupa— tional role of the law enforcement officer. The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice noted that "there is limited understanding by the public of 7 The Commission also noted the nature of the police task." that the public's image of the police or "police work" "conjures up in some minds a dramatic contest between a policeman and a criminal in which the party with the stronger arm or the craftier wit prevails." An additional variable that further exacerbates this already complex situation is the pervasiveness of tele- vision in American society. The Surgeon General, reporting on television's importance in American culture, noted the significance of television, in America, as a twentieth cen- tury cultural medium: In the span of only a quarter century, television has achieved a place in American homes unmatched by any other appliance, convenience, or medium of communi- cation. Not only is it ubiquitous-—over 96 percent of our homes contain at least one set-~but audience rating services indicate that the amount of daily use 7The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, Task Force Report: The Police (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 134. 8The President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1968), p. 239. made of these sets is truly staggering. The average home set is said to be turned on more than six hours per day.9 Television crosses ethnic, socio-economic, age, and cultural barriers; research indicatestflun:"television plays a part in our daily lives far beyond actual viewing."lo Research in the area of mass communications has indi- cated television is a primary source of information about occupational roles,ll and that individuals use the informa- tion obtained from viewing television to reinforce existing values and attitudes and to serve as a source of norms and values that offer solutions to personal problems.12 Theoret- ically, the information obtained from television will be contrasted and compared with additional sources of informa— tion, i.e. the school, the family, the peer group, and con— tact with individuals in their occupational roles. However, 9George A. Comstock, Eli A. Rubenstein, and John P. Murray (eds.), Television and Social Behavior: Reports and Papers, A Report to thefhnxfixniGeneral's Scientific Committee on Television and Social Behavior, Vol. III (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1971), p. l. lOIbid., p. 15. For a complete review of the information potential of television regarding occupational roles, see: Melvin L. DeFleur, "Occupational Roles as Portrayed on Television,“ Public Opinion Quarterly, XXVIII, l (1964), 57-74, 12Walter M. Gerson, "Mass Media Socialization Behavior: Negro-White Differences," Social Forces, XLV, l (1966), 40-50. information regarding the occupational role of the police officer is difficult to obtain. Police contact is often very minimal, with few people encountering the police officer in his occupational role. The police acting as intervention agents are seldom called by the majority of the public; con- sequently, the police role as perceived by the general pub— lic becomes largely a product of television's depiction of the law enforcement occupation. It is hypothesized that given the significance of the law enforcement occupation in an urbanized, hetero- geneous, and sometimes frustrating society, the difference between television's presentation of the law enforcement agent and the reality of that occupational role creates many problems for modern law enforcement. These problems mani— fest themselves in terms of the public's ambivalence toward police, police applicants' distorted expectations of "police work," and working police officers' role dissonance. The significance, then, of this research is that it attempts to ascertain the police image as depicted on tele- vision and to separate fact from fiction, in an effort to assist in the resolution of a practical problem confronting modern law enforcement—-namely, improving public and police understanding of the law enforcement occupational role. SCOPE OF THE STUDY From a criminal justice viewpoint, research in mass communications has traditionally centered upon the contro- versy over free press and fair trial. There is a veritable plethora of literature on this subject; however, research undertakings relating to the police image as presented by the media are, for all practical purposes, nonexistent. This study, then, deals specifically with the image of the police that television is presenting to the public. Television programing, for the purpose of this research, is restricted to those television programs appearing on the three major networks between the hours of 7:30 p.m. and 11 p.m. Program selection includes only those programs dealing specifically with the law enforcement occupational role in a modern context. This study also attempts to assess the difference between the television police image and the reality of the occupation as depicted in the writings of leading police experts on the subject. DEFINITION OF TERMS In an effort to acquaint the reader with terms used in subsequent chapters, it seems appropriate to delineate these terms in the contexts in which they are used. The fol- lowing terms are defined in an attempt to fulfill this task. 10 Communication: Refers to the process through which thoughts, images, ideas, and attitudes are communicated to the audience. In the case of television, this communication is presented in two distinct forms—-visua11y and audibly. The term also refers to the message itself. Communications: Refers to more than one communica- tion or message. The term denotes either multiple messages that are received by the audience or multiple institutions, i.e. radio, television, movies, newspapers. Mass Communications: Refers to the process through which communication is carried out to a widely scattered, heterogeneous audience through the use of multiple communi- cations institutions, i.e. television, radio, movies, news- papers. Networks: For the purpose of this study, the term refers to the three major national mass communications net- works--The American Broadcasting Company (ABC), The National Broadcasting Company (NBC), and The Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS). Media: Refers to the plural of medium; the term is synonymous with mass communications. The Press: Refers to the print media in mass com- munications, i.e. books, magazines, and newspapers. 11 OVERVIEW The primary concern of this research is to conduct a content analysis of television programing relating to the law enforcement occupation and to compare these data with the established norms contained in the professional liter— ature. Additionally, this research is concerned with assess— ing the role of television as an agent in the socialization process. Therefore, in Chapter II the philosophical, political, sociological, and psychological considerations of mass communications in general and television in partic- ular are reviewed. Chapter III delineates the research methods employed in this study, including the population and sample, vari— ables to be examined, and operational definitions. An analysis of the results of the study is presented in Chapter IV using as a comparative base available survey and literary materials collected from the professional lit- erature. Chapter V is devoted to presenting the major findings, the implications of these findings, and recommen- dations for future research. Chapter II THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS The purpose of this section Of the study is to acquaint the reader with certain philosophical and theoret- ical considerations that define the operation of the mass communications industry. TO comprehend fully the impact Of mass communica- tions on society--any society——it is first necessary to examine the nature of the society in which mass communica- tions Operates. It must be realized at the outset that mass communications does not exist in a vacuum; it is molded and shaped by the society it serves. To study mass communica— tions, then, is to study the political, economic, and cul— tural parameters that delimit its Operation. Mass communication is shaped and colored and flavored from the beginning by society. Each society controls its mass media in accordance with its policies and needs. The controls may be legal and political (through laws and censorship), economic (through owner- ship and support), or social (through criticism and the giving and withholding of patronage).l Since the beginning of mass communication there have existed four climates or philoSOphies that have influenced . William L. Rivers and Wilbur Schramm, Responsibil- ity in Mass Communications (Rev. ed.; New York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 29. 12 13 its structure, its relationship to society, and its subse- quent effect upon society. It has been argued that two of these phiIOSOphies are merely extensions of the others; however, for the sake of perspective, it is necessary to highlight each historically and Operationally. These phil- osophies have commonly been known as the Authoritarian, Libertarian, Soviet-Totalitarian, and Social Responsibility philosophies Of the mass media.2 The Authoritarian Model The Authoritarian model of mass communications has been the most pervasive of all the models, from both a his- torical and a geographical context. This philosophy had its origins in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries during the Renaissance period, and has continued to influence mass communications in modern times. During the Renaissance period much political and social thought was engaged in contemplating the relation- ship between the individual and the state. The early influ- ences Of Plato and Machiavelli, and later, Thomas Hobbes, were used by the state to justify its superiority over the individual. In that period the individual could not realize his potential without the state, and when the press emerged 2Fred S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson, and Wilbur Schramm, Four Theories Of the Press (Urbana: UniverSity of Illinois Press, 1956). 14 it was destined to assume its place as a subordinate to the state. The monarch was absolute; therefore, the chief pur- pose of the media was to serve the state by advancing the policies Of the government. "The press therefore functioned from the tOp down. The rulers of the time used the press to inform the peOple Of what the rulers thought they should know and the policies the rulers thought they should support."3 The state, in attempting to coerce compliance from the press, constructed licensing and patent regulations that enabled the state to regulate the flow of information. Additionally, if the press ventured into a critical posture toward the state, legal sanctions were imposed to force compliance. Truth, under the Authoritarian model, emanates from those in power. Under this philosophy, the source Of truth has two characteristics: "(1) It is restricted: not every man has access to it. (2) It becomes the standard for all members of the society."4 The leaders of the time, for what- ever reason they were empowered tO lead, dispensed the only truth for that society. "An Authoritarian state always places a man or a few men in position to lead or to be obeyed; these rulers and their advisors stand at the locus Of power."5 3Ibid., p. 3. 4Rivers and Schramm, Op. cit., p. 30. 5Ibid. 15 The Authoritarian model of mass communications is not restricted to the past. Many modern nations have embraced this philosophy, particularly "Japan, Imperial Russia, Ger- many, Spain, and many of the Asiatic and South American governments."6 The Authoritarian model has most definitely influ- enced the Operation of mass communication over many years, and has become the foundation from which additional philos- ophies have develOped. The Libertarian Model During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, political and social thought began to drift from the estab- lished Authoritarian views, and a new theory of mass commu- nications emerged. The sovereignty of the monarch came under attack and the political, social, and economic writings Of Locke, Milton, Mills, and Jefferson rejected the Authoritar— ian principles Of the past and proclaimed the rights of the individual. NO longer was the individual subordinate to the state; instead the reverse was true. The essence Of the Libertarian model Of mass communications was captured in the following excerpt: 5Ibid. 6Siebert, Peterson and Schramm, Op. cit., p. 10. 16 The task Of society is to provide a free market place Of ideas so that men may exercise reason and choice. In place Of more formal controls, libertarianism choses tO trust the self-righting process of truth. This implies that ideas must have an equal chance and that everyone must have access to the channels of com- munication.7 Under the Libertarian model, the press could not be coerced by the state tonwintaincm-advocate the support Of state policies. To the contrary, "It [the press] was charged with the duty Of keeping government from overstepping its bounds. In the words Of Jefferson, it was to provide that check on government which no other institution could pro- vide."8 The media, under the Libertarian model, served society additionally by providing information, entertainment, and advertising goods and services. Access to media owner— ship was no longer controlled by the state; instead, owner- ship was based On the economic ability to sustain such an enterprise. The libertarians Opposed government monopolies of the owners of communication. They argued that anyone, cit- izen or alien, who had the inclination should have the unrestricted Opportunity to own and Operate a ugit of mass communication. The field was Open to all. Ownership was based on free enterprise and Operated in the Open marketplace. Success or failure would result from 7Rivers and Schramm, Op. cit., p. 39. 8Siebert, Peterson and Schramm, Op. cit., p. 51. 9Ibid., p. 52. 17 the product produced; government control was considered intolerable. The Libertarian model embodied the philosophy Of individualism. Under this system the press flourished, par- ticularly in Great Britain and the United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Media ownership increased at a tremendous rate, and "many Small, privately owned newspapers represented every shade and variety of vieWpOint."lo This philosophy was embraced by the many western democracies, and even today the spirit Of the Libertarian movement is vital. However, the unrestricted activities of the media eventually were challenged and a more sophisticated philOSOphy has emerged. This is not to say that the Liber- tarian movement or philOSOphy was uneventful, for despite the criticism it has received, its presence marks a profound departure from the philosophies Of the past; "it has struck Off the manacles from the mind Of man, and it has Opened up . .11 new Vistas for humanity.' The Soviet-Totalitarian Model The Soviet-Totalitarian model or philosophy of mass communication may be viewed as an extension or modification 0Rivers and Schramm, Op. cit., p. 39. lSiebert, Peterson and Schramm, op. cit., p. 71. 18 Of the earlier Authoritarian philosophy. This concept, ironically, had its origins during the nineteenth century when most of the world was caught up in the Libertarian movement. At that time Karl Marx, the father of modern communism, developed his theory of the relationship between the individual and the state. "Marx concluded that productive forces would always change faster than the relationships of the producers-- workers and capitalists--thus throwing society out of bal- 12 This imbalance would be evidenced by a growing and ance." more desperate working class, which eventually would "rise, liquidate the surviving capitalists, take over the means of "13 As his- production, and then build a classless society. tory has witnessed, the Marxist philosophy never reached fruition; instead, it was modified by Lenin and Stalin and the state once again became supreme. Marxist—Leninist doctrine became the political phil— Osophy of the Soviet Union, and "far from the concept Of the press as a Fourth Estate that would watch and report on and criticize the government, Soviet Mass Communication became . l4 . . an instrument of government." Mass communication, under 12Rivers and Schramm, op. cit., p. 41. l3Ibid. l41bid., p. 42. 19 the Soviet system, is seen as an instrument Of the state to indoctrinate, persuade, mobilize, and direct the population.15 The Soviet—Totalitarian philosophy of mass communi- cations initially appears to be closely identified with the Authoritarian philosophy of the past; however, closer exam— ination reveals important distinctions. Under the Authori- tarian approach, the chief purpose of the media, it will be remembered, was to support the policies of those in power. However, since under Marxist—Leninist doctrine the Party reigns supreme, and theoretically the Party encompasses the body politic, the media are seen as supporting the entire social system rather than the individual policies of those in power. The second major distinction between the Author- itarian and Soviet-Totalitarian models lies in the control and ownership of the media. The Soviet—Totalitarian model affords no private ownership; everything is the property Of the state. No licensing and patent regulations are imposed on the media, as was the case in the Authoritarian model. In fact, even the direction the media take is controlled by the state. "Communist rulers direct the communication media primarily through careful selection and training Of journal- ists and other personnel concerned with the spreading of 15See: W. Phillips Davison, International Political Cgmmunication (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1965), p. 103. 20 ideas, general directives, and a series Of mechanisms for supervision and guidance."16 The Soviet—Totalitarian philOSOphy Of mass communi- cations has dominated such modern nations as the Soviet Union, Communist China, and Chile, and represents a philo- SOphical orientation toward mass communication that has had a lasting impact on much of the world's population. .The Social Responsibility Model The Social Responsibility philosophy of mass commu- nication is largely a product of the nineteenth and twen- tieth centuries. Social, political, and technological advances made at that time ultimately affected the communi- cation industry and reshaped the existing Libertarian phil- osophy. Although the Social Responsibility model adheres to the Libertarian principles, greater emphasis has been placed on the effects of the communication process. Under Liber- tarian philOSOphy, the media were unrestrained and free to conduct their own affairs. However, it was soon realized that "freedom carries concomitant Obligations; and the press, which enjoys a privileged position under our government, is obliged to be responsible to society for carrying out certain essential functions of mass communication in contemporary l61bid., p. 109. 21 society."17 If the press or the mass communications industry realizes this obligation and attempts to operate in a respon- sible manner, then the Libertarian system of communication is Operable. However, if responsibility is not realized and attempts to operate in a responsible manner are not under- taken within the industry, "some other agency must see that the essential functions of mass communication are carried out."18 What are the functions of mass communications that fall under the Social Responsibility model? The following six functions have generally been assigned to the mass com- munications industry under the Libertarian approach: 1. To provide a medium for discussion, debate, and exchange of information on public affairs. 2. To enlighten the public so as to enhance the system of self—government. 3. To act as the Fourth Estate as a check on the powers Of government. 4. To service the economic sector by advertising products. 5. To provide entertainment. 6. To maintain its own financial resources so as not to be controlled by special interest groups. l7Siebert, Peterson and Schramm, op. cit., p. 74. lBIbid. 22 These six functions have generally been accepted under both the Libertarian and Social Responsibility models. However, the Social Responsibility model is much more criti- cal of the Operation and ownership of the media. An additional factor that has led the press into a position of assuming responsibility for its Operation is the increased emphasis on professionalism in the field of journalism. Today, when newspaper publishers speak about their calling, such phrases as "the public's right to know" and "the public responsibility Of the press" are likely to creep into their talk. Such ideas and the press performance resulting from them represent an important modification of traditional libertarian theory, for nothing in libertarian theory established the public's right to information or required the publisher to assume moral responsibility.19 This feeling of personal responsibility in the mass communications industry is generally advocated by those in the industry, and government regulation has been employed to intervene where the media have overstepped their bounds. The preceding discussion has outlined the historical, philosophical, and operational development of the mass com— munications industry. Figure 1 presents a comparison of those rationales. 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Let us turn our attention to four of these functions that relate to the content of media presentations. FOUR FUNCTIONS OF TELEVISION The television industry in America, Operating within the constraints of the Social Responsibility model of mass communications, serves essentially four functions in modern society. First, it serves society by providing information and informing the public about current situations in the political, social, and economic sectors. Second, television performs an instructional or educational function by culti— vating and molding public opinion. Third, television is engaged in an advertising function in which the consumer and the supplier are provided a medium for exchange. Finally, television fulfills an entertainment function, thereby pro— viding the public with a means of relaxation from the frus- trations of everyday life. Each of these functions may be reviewed in terms of individual segments of television pro- graming, i.e. news programs, documentaries and educational programing, commercial air time, and the bulk of television 25 programing-~the specials, movies, and situational dramas. It should be realized, however, that separating these tasks becomes difficult when faced with programing which, in effect, simultaneously performs all of these functions. Although the major concern of this study is to analyze the police image as presented in the entertainment sector, it is necessary to identify each of television's functions in an effort to ascertain the impact television has had on the lives of millions of Americans. The tele- vision industry has a tendency to emphasize its entertainment and advertising functions rather than its information and educational functions. "Typically, the broadcast media pre- fer entertainment while the print media favor news and "20 information. However, closer examination reveals tele- vision fulfills the educational function, as well. The Information Function The mass media are society's institutionalized channels of communications. Like all institutions, they must have a raison d'etre which is functional for the society. They must fill an existing need or a need that is created and, unless they are responsive to changing conditions within the society and the complex of interrelated insti- tutions serving it, they may cease to be functional and will disappear.21 Americans, like any modern peOple, thrive on infor- mation. We collect it, store it, disseminate it, and 20Robert K. Baker and Sandra J. Ball, Mass Media and Violence, Vol. IX (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1969), p. 29. 211bid., p. 187. 26 occasionally reevaluate it. "To survive, individually or grouped into societies, we need continuing inputs of infor- mation both on changes in the physical environment and ontflme "22 activities of other individuals and societies. This insatiable need for information was well documented in research conducted during World War 11.23 Studies conducted during that period found that because of the war effort the mass communication industry was unable to fulfill the pub- lic's need for information. Because of this "information shortage," the public began to seek out other sources of information. When this occurred, rumors began to flourish and continued to do so until the media were able to fill that void. Television, in particular, has an extraordinary ability to disseminate information. In recent years tele- vision has brought the Viet Nam War into the homes of mil- lions of Americans, projected to the viewing public the sur- face of the moon, and probed its lenses into the sensitive political debates over the Watergate incident. At no other time in American history, or for that matter the history of the world, has the public at large had the Opportunity to witness, through television, the making of history. 221bid., p. 188. 23Gordon W. Allport and Leo J. Postman, "The Basic Psychology of Rumors," Process and Effects of Mass Communica- tion, ed. Wilbur Schramm and Donald F. Roberts (Rev. ed.; Urbana:' University of Illinois Press, 1955). 27 Recently, however, television has been severely criticized for what is perceived to be the manipulation of information and a distortion of reality. Much of the crit- icism has been directed at the amalgamation and consolida- tion of mass communications and its control by large corpor- ate interests. Economic conditions have pressured the media toward bigness and consolidation. This has produced within some segments of the public a perception of increasing uniformity and blandness in media content which these people feel reflects manipulation of the media by the agencies or persons in control. . . . These persons feel the "free and open marketplace of ideas" on which a democracy is predicated is diminishing.24 PrOponents of this position argue vehemently that media manipulation of information has succeeded in reducing public understanding of crucial issues confronting modern society, and, as a result, many of these groups "now feel it necessary to launch their own periodicals to present their 25 This phenomenon is not limited to side of the argument." the print media, but pervades the entire mass communications system. Additional criticism leveled at the media refers not to the quantity of information disseminated but to the qual- ity of that information. Critics from a law enforcement vantage point have begun to realize that much of the 24Baker and Ball, 0p. cit., p. 189. ZSIbid. 28 information that is disseminated fails to reflect the prob- lems of law enforcement. The media have been criticized for portraying the sensational nature of crime and urban vio- lence. The Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders captured this widespread dismay about the sensationalizing effects of media coverage in the following excerpt: We have fOund. a significant imbalance between what actually happened in our cities and what the newspaper, radio, and television coverage of the riots told us happened. . . . Lacking other sources of information, we formed our original impressions and beliefs from what we saw on television, heard on the radio, and read in newspapers and magazines. We are deeply concerned that millions of other Americans, who must rely on the mass media, likewise formed incorrect impressions and judgments about what went on in many American cities last summer.26 The Commission did relieve the media of some of their responsibility for distorting reality during those disburbances, but also stated that the media should be more responsible and Operate more professionally when covering riot situations. The Commission concluded that "the media too often did not achieve this level of sophisticated, skep- tical, careful news judgement during last summer's riots."27 However credible the media are in their efforts to disseminate information, their impact on American society 26Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (New York: Bantam Books, 1968), p. 363. 27Ibid., p. 366. 29 is tremendous. Fulfilling society's need for information has become and will continue to be a function Of the tele- vision industry in modern society. The Instructional/ Educational Function In‘addition to being a primary source of information, television serves society by educating the public and by cultivating and molding public Opinion. It is hardly neces- sary to belabor the potential television possesses as an educational or Opinion-modification instrument. One need only view the local news commentator delivering an editorial essay or a political candidate proposing a political platform to appreciate the instructional value Of television. Addi- tionally, television has matured over the years in its efforts to educate those in society who, for one reason or another, have been unable to participate in formal educa- tional institutions. Not only are educational institutions broadcasting on local UHF channels, but the television indus- try itself, in the form Of the Public Broadcasting Corpora- tion, has established educational and cultural programing to educate the public on various political, social, economic, and cultural subjects. 2 Television usage does not stop here, for in thousands Of educational institutions across the country television technology has been applied to educate students in the class- room setting. Closed-circuit television has invaded the 30 education sector and has become firmly entrenched as a modern educational tool. Educational television was given its initial impetus by many philanthropic organizations and in 1952, after much debate, the Federal Communications Commission established 28 Since 252 channels exclusively for educational television. that time public television has increased its programing and audience, and Offers a variety of educational programs. The commercial television industry, as well, has realized its potential and responsibility in the area of public education. The National Association of Broadcasters, to which the television industry subscribes, has established a set Of guidelines for television programing. The "Tele- vision Code" clearly recognizes the educational responsi- bility of television, and states: Commercial television provides a valuable means Of augmenting the educational and cultural influences of schools, institutions of higher learning, the home, the church, museums, foundations, and other institu- tions devoted to education and culture.29 Furthermore, the "Television Code" states that: It is in the interest Of television as a vital medium to encourage and promote the broadcast Of programs 28For a critique on public television see: Charles S. Steinberg, "EYT: Public Television," Mass Media and Communi- cation, ed. Charles S. Steinberg (2nd ed.; New York: Hastings House, 1972), pp. 341-350. 29"The Television Code,‘ cited in William L. Rivers and Wilbur Schramm, Responsibility in Mass Communication (Rev. ed.; New York: Harper & Row, 1969), p. 257. 31 presenting genuine artistic or literary material, valid moral and social issues, significant, controversial and challenging concepts and other subject matter involving adult themes. ' The "Television Code" also vilifies those broadcast- ers who would ignore their educational responsibility for more sensationalized programing: The highest degree of care should be exercised to pre- serve the integrity Of such programs and to insure that the selection of themes, their treatment and presenta- tion are made in good faith upon the basis Of true instructional and entertainment values, and not for the purpose of sensationalism, to shock or exploit the audi- ence or to appeal to prurient interests or morbid curi- osity.3_ " — - ' ““ , F Criticism, from a criminal justice or law enforcement perspective, has been directed at television and the media regarding their educational or instructional abilities. The Kerner CommisSion reported a failure on the part Of the media to educate the public on the causes Of social disorder and the underlying problems inherent in the urban city.32 Tele- vision was severely criticized for its coverage Of the riots that accompanied the Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Allegations have also been made, and in some instances substantiated, that certain media employers actually 30Ibid. 311bid., p. 258. 32Report Of the National Advisory Commission on Qiyil Disorders, loc. cit. 32 staged riot situations in an effort to make their coverage more sensational.33 Instances like these point heavily to a reevaluation within the television industry of the content Of its educa- tional material. Without this reevaluation, the value Of commercial television as a viable educational source will quickly dissipate and its potential as an educational resource will be lost forever. The Advertising Function Advertising has come to play a unique and central role in the functioning of the American economic system. Our skills in producing goods and services have grown so great that production no longer is our primary con— cern. . . . Instead, distribution has the principal task Of maintaining a high level of employment and gen- eral prosperity. And the distribution of goods and services depends largely upon the effective use Of advertising in the media.34 Television not only provides an extensive medium for the producers of goods and services to advertise their products to the public, but also receives its economic support from those advertisers. In 1968, the television industry received 49 percent of the total annual expenditure for advertising in this country;35 the estimate of advertising 33Ibid., p. 377. 34Edwin Emery, Philip H. Ault, and Warren K. Ager, lgtroduction to Mass Communications (3rd ed., New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1970), p. 324. 35Ibid., p. 140. 33 revenue paid to the television industry exceeded three bil- 36 It is estimated that by 1975 the annual lion dollars. expenditure for advertising in all media will exceed 25 bil- lion dollars,37 much of which will be captured by the tele- vision industry. The sheer dollar expenditure allocated to the television industry establishes it as the most exten— sively used vehicle for advertising in American society. But what Of the content of these advertisements? What effects do they have and how are they presented? Stan Freberg, comedian and satirist, addressing the state of the art Of American advertising in the television industry, commented: "I have been asked to bring what light I could to the underdeveloped area of television and the overdevelOped area of advertising. . . . First, let us appraise the state of advertising in television, and secondly, the programming which interrupts it."38 Although Freberg's commentary has been written Off by many, his ironic statement strikes the core of the issue. Television advertising is unduly repetitious, vulgar, and irritating. It is biased, involves conflicting claims, 36Ibid., p. 139. 37Ibid., p. 324. 38 Stan Freberg, "The Freberg Part-time Television Plan," Mass Media in a Free Society, ed. Warren K. Agee (Lawrence, Kansas: The University Press of Kansas, 1969), p0 630 34 and appeals to the emotions Of the viewer rather than to his intellect.39 McLuhan saw advertising as a "redundant barrage of repetition,"40 and likened the advertising pro- cess to brainwashing. Law enforcement Officers have been portrayed in television advertising to elicit sales for cars, tires, throat lozenges, and motorcycles, to mention only a few. In many Of these commercials the Officer is pictured in a demeaning manner or, even worse, totally removed from his occupational setting. The automobile commercial, depicting a belligerent, degraded, and otherwise stupid southern sheriff, provides an excellent example of this type of characteriza- tion. Whether advertising has any effect on attitudes about law enforcement remains to be seen. What can readily be appreciated, however, is that this type Of image presented through advertising does not help the law enforcement occu- pation. The Entertainment Function In 1946 there were six television stations on the air in the United States. Twenty-five years later the 39Emery, Ault and Ager, Op. cit., p. 141. 40Marshall McLuhan, UnderstandingpMedia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964), p. 227. 35 total exceeded 800.41 The growth of television as an enter- tainment institution in America has been phenomenal. "A leading show, such as 'Here's Lucy,‘ may be viewed by over 40 million persons, and NBC's "Saturday Night Movie" may have an audience equal to two-thirds of the total paid attendance for all the nation's movie houses during the entire week."42 People, for the most part, appear to use television for per- sonal enrichment and as an agent for escape or relaxation. Jack Lyle, commenting on television usage, noted that "the crucial question, of course, becomes the degree to which persons may become so dependent upon this relief that they begin to divorce themselves from the real world.“43 Although the concern Of this study lies with the content of television programing rather than the individual's use of that program- ing, Lyle's statement becomes axiomatic to the resolution of the inquiry at hand. How close to reality is the image television presents? An investigation of television's reality orientation regarding occupational roles led DeFleur to comment: 41Broadcasting Yearbook, "The ABC's of Radio and Television," Mass Media and Communication, ed. Charles S. Steinberg (2nd ed.; New York: Hastings House, 1972), p. 250. 42 Baker and Ball, Mass Media and Violence, p. 207. 43Jack Lyle, "Television in Daily Life: Patterns of Use Overview," Television and Social Behavior: Reports and Papers, A Report to the Surgeon General's Scientific Committee on Television and Social Behavior, Vol. III, ed. George A. Comstock, Eli A. Rubenstein and John P. Murray (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1971), P. 15. 36 TV provides children with much superficial and mislead- ing information about the labor force of their society. From this they acquire stereotyped beliefs about the world Of work. Given the deep significance Of occupa- tional roles for both the individual and his society, any learning source which distorts reality . . . may be laying the foundations for difficult personal and social problems.44 DeFleur's statement hinges on the assumption, alluded to earlier in this section, that while television may be channeling its efforts toward entertaining the public, in reality the television-audience relationship is a communicator- receiver transfer of information. This transfer Of informa- tion induces learning, whether consciously or unconsciously. Schramm contended that much "incidental learning" takes place from vicarious contact with television. "Children, like adults, go to the television receiver primarily for enter- tainment rather than edification, but while being entertained they absorb much 'incidental' information about their "45 society. Additionally, Schramm asserted that the latent content of the communication may be more significant than the manifest.46 44Melvin L. DeFleur and Lois B. DeFleur, "The Relative Contribution Of Television as a Learning Source for Children's Occupational Knowledge," American Sociological Review, XXXII, 5 (1967), 789. 4SIbid., p. 778. 46Wilbur Schramm and Donald F. Roberts (eds.), The Egocess and Effects Of Mass Communications (Rev. ed.; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971), p. 19. 37 Bearing this in mind, a review of the communication process would seem appropriate to define more clearly the relationship Of television as a communicator to its viewing audience. The following section of this study attempts to delineate the television communication process, with partic— ular regard to the projection of the law enforcement image. THE COMMUNICATION PROCESS A discussion of the entire communicative process is beyond the scope Of the present study. However, it is pos— sible to glean from the existing literature a communications model that may be applied in an explanation of the television industry. TO accomplish this task, it is necessary to over- simplify the communicative act and to accept the existence of language as a uniquely human phenomenon. Communication between and among human beings is fun- damental to society's existence. The communicative act is the means by which a group's norms are expressed, by means Of which social control is exerted, roles are allocated, coordination of effort is achieved, expectations are made manifest, and the entire social process is carried on. The communicative act may be simplified in the fol- lowing manner: Language may be viewed as a set of signs or symbols that have been learned by the society and that have 47Melvin L. DeFleur, Theories Of Mass Communication (New York: David McKay, 1966), p. 90. 38 a conventionalized meaning to those individuals.48 This conventionalized meaning relates to referents that are inter- nalized within the individual and give "meaning" to the signs and symbols. When an individual communicates with another, the communicator selects from his repertoire Of referents, translates this into a symbol or sign, and projects it to the individual with whom he is communicating (the receiver) in the form of a message. The receiver, through his senses, receives the message, which is in the form of a symbol or sign, translates it into a referent, and thus finds "meaning" in the communication. It is important tO note, however, that to have effective communications the symbol or sign used to convey the message must arouse the same general response within both the individual initiating the communication and its receiver.49 This concept of "shared meaning"50 is essen- tial in comprehending the communicative act. Communications, then, may be visualized in the fol- lowing manner (see Figure 2). A communicates to B by select- ing a referent, assigning it a symbol, and producing it as a communication. B accepts the communicated symbol and 48Ibid., p. 89. 491bid. 50Franklin Fearing, "Human Communication," People, Society, and Mass Communication, ed. LeW1s Anthony Dexter and David Manning White (New York: The Free Press, 1964), pp. 37-67. 39 A :mf $B Figure 2. Basic Communication Process assigns it a referent, thus internalizing A's communication. It must be noted that the message does not simply pass from A to B, but is encoded by A, transmitted to A, and then decoded by B. Accordingly, successive communications or interactions between A and B_might be diagramed as shown in '... Figure 3. A —__~“_________~. m \‘B m / /. 1 A ——___________. n1 Figure 3. Successive Communications A communications model developed by Shannon, reproduced as Figure 4, represents this encoding-decoding 51Schramm and Roberts, Op. cit., p. 23. 521bid. 53C QfigCommunication (Urbana: 1949). Shannon and W. Weaver, The Mathematical Theory University Of IllinOis Press, 4O process in the communicative act and incorporates the concept of feedback, which can best be described as the reaction of the receiver to the message of the sender (Figure 4). Source —4 Encoder messagei Decoder DCStinaftion ( 1 (feedback) Figure 4. Mechanical Model for Communications54 This reaction may manifest itself in compliance with a directive, acceptance or rejection of an idea, or acknowl- edgement of the interaction, to name only a few possibilities. The form of the feedback, for our purposes, is not as sig— nificant at this time. What is significant is the concept that feedback is integral to the communication process. Although the mechanical scheme presented incorporates a feedback component, two forms of feedback are actually necessary to complete this system. Figure 5 shows a return to the original diagram Of A communicating with A, and includes the essential feedback components. When the individual forms and sends a message, two elements of feedback become Operable. First, the message 54Schramm and Roberts, Op. cit., p. 23. 41 is encoded by the communicator and presented as a message. Thus the communicator receives his own message and can determine for himself whether or not he has used the prOper symbol or sign to convey it. Second, the receiver Of the message, after encoding and internalizing it, produces feedback to the communicator. From this feedback the com— municator may determine the effectiveness Of his communica- tion and its impact on the receiver. ,,-fcedback “ / ~\\ K \ ’/ —————————— feedback . . 55 Figure 5. Communication With Feedback There is, however, an additional variable that com- plicates the communication process. This variable may be called noise,56 and it operates as shown in Figure 6. The receiver may not be totally receptive to the communicator. He may be distracted, disinterested, or oblivious to the incoming message. Additionally, the message itself may be foreign to him and a response on his 551bid., p. 26. 56Ibid. 42 part may be misunderstood, avoided, or ignored. Factors such as these reduce the possibility of effective communi- cation. ’ feedback ‘ noise 3 A, ‘x \\ 4 m i. ‘ / ......... feedback Figure 6. Communication With Noise57 While it is highly improbable that an individual has any effect on certain types Of noise, i.e. distraction or disinterest, he does have an effect on or can be effective in reducing other forms Of noise. These other forms of noise can best be referred to as semantic noise, a term that refers to an improper selection Of signs transmitted to the receiver. To appreciate this concept fully, let us return to our initial example of A communicating with B. It will be remembered that when A first decided to communicate with B he selected a symbol that corresponded to a referent with which A was familiar. A then processed this referent into a message for B's edification. Beyond this, if the communication was to be effective, A, either 57Ibid., p. 27. 43 consciously or unconsciously, selected a symbol that would correspond to a referent in B's repertoire of experiences. To be an effective communicator, A has made certain assump- tions about the referents A would use to interpret A's symbol. A has done this tO ensure a "common meaning"58 for both himself and B. To illustrate this further, in a rather simplistic manner, let's assume that A is a rural farmer and he is trying to communicate with B, an urban city resident, about the type Of livestock A is raising. Additionally, let's assume that A raises chickens for sale in the local market. But instead Of just raising chickens, A specializes in raising South American chickens called the Aracuana. If A tells A he raises Aracuanas it is doubtful that the mes- sage will be understood or the communication effectively transmitted. If A realizes this prior to communicating with g, he may choose to select a symbol that will have more mean- ing tO A. Thus, A tells B that he is raising chickens and, consequently, has included B's reference point in the choice Of the symbol. The message, then, can be said to include both A and 2's frames of reference,59 and semantic noise has thus been reduced. Figure 7 represents a visual depiction 58Fearing, "Human Communication," p. 41. 59Schramm and Roberts, Op. cit., p. 31. 44 of the message being contained or subsumed within the frames of reference of the participants. Figure 7. Frames of Reference60 Within the context Of any social situation or rela- tionship, the communication process requires all the afore— mentioned criteria to be effective. Particularly important is the concept of "shared meaning" in this process. Without messages being encoded and decoded from similar frames of reference, the process is reduced to people talking past one another rather than tO one another. Figure 8 represents a series Of communicative acts using all Of the previously mentioned principles. To be effective, the mass communications industry, particularly television, must Operate within the parameters Of the communicative act; the television industry holds no mystical power to circumvent these principles. Although 6OIbid. 45 61 . . . . . McLuhan would disagree With this pOSition, because he asserted that the medium alone constitutes the message, most observers Of the mass communications phenomenon would agree with this statement. social situation and relationships frame of reference A. i frame of reference .A‘V’//’///w:in Figure 8. The Communication Process in Social Situations6 Now that the basic process Of communications has been established, it is important to explore just what effect television has on the viewing public. The following section 61McLuhan, Understanding Media. 62Schramm and Roberts, Op. cit., p. 33. 46 briefly reviews research on the effects of television, with particular attention to the socialization process. TELEVISION AND ITS EFFECTS The socialization or behavioral modification effects Of mass communications, particularly television, on modern culture have been Openly debated for many yearsj' Arguments, both pro and con, abound in the literature without reaching conclusive results. Positions on the subject may be viewed on a continuum from a conservative extreme, asserting that television has little effectcnithe viewing audience, to a radical extreme, which contends that television has ruined modern civiliza— tion. Most positions, however, are assumed to lie between these extremes and, although they may vary by degree, most accept the notiodithat television has become a primary agent in the socialization process Of modern societyx Mass media have broadened the scope of modern communi- cations, as they have extended the influence Of actions and ideas. . . . Theoretically whatever is written, said, or pictured in mass media is either learned or at least unconsciously absorbed by the masses of readers, listen- ers and viewers. Research generated in the early 1900's viewed mass communications as having a profound effect on its audience. 63Stephen Schafer and Richard D. Knudten, Juvenile Delinquency: An Introduction (New York: Random House, 1970), p. 238. 47 Schramm and Roberts64 called this influence the‘"Bullet Theory" Of media effect. Under this proposition, the audi- ence is considered passive and Open to suggestion. The medium provides the necessary suggestiOn and the audience immediately modifies its behavior to conform to the position the medium is presenting. i As research continued, however, the concept of a passive and inactive audience came under heavy attack. Research of a more SOphisticated nature, conducted in the late 1950's, rebuffed the notion Of audience passivity and replaced it with the idea that the individual is an active participant in this communication process. In 1960, Joseph T. Klapper66 delineated the selec— tivity and activeness of the media audience.’ He proposed that individuals "selectively expose" themselves to the media on the basis of their existing Opinions and beliefs.’ 430nce the individual has exposed himself to certain media content, he "selectively perceives" that which reinforces his existing attitudes, values, and beliefsq) Additionally, the individual exercises selectivity in his perceptions by 64Schramm and Roberts, Op. cit., p. 10. 65See: Raymond Baner, "The Obstinate Audience," American Psychologist, XIX, 5 (1964), 319-328. 66Joseph T. Klapper, The Effects of Mass Communica- tions (New York: The Free Press, 1965). 48 "selectively retaining" that information with which he 67 Klapper additionally identified those vari- identifies. ables that mediate the influence Of the media upon the indi- vidual viewer. The individual's personal commitment to his group's norms, the effects of Opinion leaders who dissem- inate information, the process Of interpersonal dissemina- tion of information, and varied effects of different media are seen as intervening variables that mediate the impact of the media.68 "These mediating factors are such that they typically render mass communication a contributory agent, but not the sole cause, in a process Of reinforcing the existing conditions."69V Unfortunately, longitudinal studies on media effects have not been undertaken. As a newly emerging field, research in mass communication regarding prolonged periods of viewing time is painfully absent. Researchers such as Lazarsfeld and Merton, Lang and Lang, Gerson, and DeFleur7O have 67Ibid. 681bid. 691bid., p. 8. 70Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Robert K. Merton, "Mass Communication, Popular Taste, and Organized Social Action," The Process and Effects Of Mass Communication, ed. Wilbur Schramm and Donald F. Roberts (IkwuexL; Urbana: Universitycnf Illinois Press, 1971), pp. 554-578; Kurt Lang and Gladys Engel Lang, "The Unique Perspective Of Television and Its Effects: A Pilot Study," American Sociological Review, XVIII, l (1953), 3-12; Walter M. Gerson, "Mass Media Social- ization Behavior: Negro White Differences," Social Forces, XLV, l (1966), 40-50; DeFleur, Theories of Mass Communica- tion, pp. 141-158. 49 indicated the socialization potentialities Of television and have isolated variables in this process. Although research opinions vary, there appears at least to be con- sensus that the media function to modify behavior, Opinions, and beliefs. In the absence of more definitive research on the subject, this Opinion has been assumed to provide a credible basis for further generalizations regarding tele- vision's effect on the viewing audience. Although Klapper's approach adhered to the principle of selectivity, he pointed out that "repetition, particularly repetition with variation, has been consistently found to increase the efficacy Of persuasion."71 Coupling this state- ment with the aforementioned modifying tendency of mass com— munications, a review of research directed at television's portrayal Of crime, criminals, and law enforcement officers reveals a continued dominance of these themes for over 20 years. Head,72 in 1954, determined that professional crimi- nals were heavily emphasized in children's television pro- graming. Furthermore, criminal characters were overly 71Klapper, op. cit., p. 131. 2Sydney Head, "Content Analysis of Television Drama Programs," Quarterly Of Film, Radio and Television, IX (1954). 175-194, cited in Charles K. Atkin, John P. Murray and Oquz B. Nayman (eds.), Television and Social Behavior: An Annotated gibliography Of Research Focusing on Television's Impact on Children (Maryland: National Institute Of Mental Health, 1971), p. 7. 50 represented as belonging tO the upper and middle classes, and homicide was 22 times more prevalent on television than in real life. In 1958, Himmelweit, Oppenheim and Vince73 found that British television depicted themes or values that undermined the concept of law and weakened support for law enforcement Officers. In 1964, the National Association for Better Radio and Television issued a report on the level Of crime aired on television in the city of Los Angeles.74 Research find- ings from this study indicated that the number of crime programs had increased 90 percent over those aired in 1952. Finally, in 1969, Baker and Ball75 indicated that the vio- lence and criminal activity presented on television was disprOportionate to that of society and conflicted with societal norms and values. 73Hilde Himmelweit, A. N. Oppenheim, and Pamela Vince, Television and the Child: An Empirical Study of the Effects Of Television on the Young (London: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1958), cited in Charles K. Atkin, John P. Murray and Oquz B. Nayman (eds.), Television and Social Behavior: An Annotated Bibliography Of Research Focusing on Television's Impact on Children (Maryland: National Institute of Mental Health, 1971), P. 7. 74National Association for Better Ratio and Tele- vision, Crime On Television: A Survey Report (Los Angeles: National Association for Better Radio and Television, 1964), cited in Charles K. Atkin, John P. Murray and Oquz B. Nayman (eds.), Television and Social Behavior: An Annotated gibliography Of Research Focusing on Television's Impect on Children (Maryland: National Institute of Mental Health, 1971), p. 7. 75Baker and Ball, Violence and the Media, pp. 363-369. 51 Although the preceding review Of research on tele- vision programing of crime, criminals, and law enforcement agents related more to the content of this programing than to its effects, the following generalizations are advanced in an effort to summarize our present knowledge Of the effect of television programing in general,and television h programing Of law enforcement in particular, on the American viewing public. i 1. Television, like all media instruments, serves to modify attitudes, beliefs, and Opinions. 2. Repetition, particularly repetition with varia- tion, has been found to increase the power Of this modifi— cation. 3. For over 20 years the American public has been subjected tO television programing that has been inundated with crime, criminals, and law enforcement Officers depicted in an unreal and distorted fashion. 4. In addition, the American peOple, over the past 20 years,1mnmahad little Opportunity to avail themselves of information relating to the "realities" of modern law enforcement. 5. Therefore, in the absence of definitive longi— tudinal research, it is highly probable that the general public's understanding or perception Of the law enforcement occupation is largely a product of television's depiction of that role. 52 Using the preceding statements as underlying assump- tions regarding the effects of television on the viewing audience, as well as the information contained in previous sections, the following hypotheses are advanced in an effort to assess the law enforcement image presented by tele- vision. : HYPOTHESES , Television, as a medium in the mass communications industry, Operates within the parameters Of certain philo- SOphical, sociological, and psychological constraints that delineate its Operation. These parameters, discussed in preceding sections Of this chapter, provide the necessary foundation from which hypotheses relating to the law enforce- ment television image may be advanced. Although the preced- ing section contained an effort to assess the socialization potentialities Of television, the focus of each of the fol- lowing hypotheses is directed at the police image currently being displayed on television. Following each stated hypothesis, a subhypothesis is advanced. Each subhypothesis attempts to define and Operationalize the import Of the major hypothesis. Hypothesis I: The television industry, in attempting to cultivate a viewing audience and profit finan- cially from its endeavor, has chosen to ignore its social responsibility for program content relating to the activities Of the law enforce- ment agent. 53 It is hypothesized that: Hypothesis Ia: Television depicts police officers in a strict law enforcement context without accurately portraying a service or order maintenance orientation. Hypothesis Ib: Television depicts law enforcement Offi- cers as highly authoritarian, cruel, and demeaning toward the public. Hypothesis Ic: Television portrays police Officers as perpetually in a Violent context. Hypothesis Id: Television fails to portray police Officers in significant social relationships that are removed from their occupational role. Hypothesis II: The television industry's depiction of crime, criminals, and victims is disproportionate and distorted when compared with the reality I. 1. . of the situation. It is hypothesized that: Hypothesis IIa: Hypothesis IIb: Hypothesis IIc: Hypothesis IId: Television displays a level of criminal activity disproportionate to the level of crime in society. Television portrays criminals as belong— ing to the upper and middle classes, to the exclusion of lower class criminality. Television displays an inaccurate and distorted relationship between victims and criminals for those crimes being committed. Television portrays victims in a dis- torted manner. Using the preceding hypothetical statements as a basis for investigating television's presentation of crime, criminals, victims, and police Officers, a detailed observa- tion schedule was constructed. In the next chapter the 54 method used in collecting data, the variables to be Observed, the Operational definitions, and the analytical procedures of evaluation are explained. CHAPTER III DESIGN OF THE STUDY The research design employed in this study involved a content analysis Of television programing relating to the law enforcement occupation. Its purpose was to ascer- tain the "police image" currently being characterized in television crime drama programing. A structured Observa- tion schedule was constructed to facilitate data collec- tion, and Observations were recorded for each program analyzed. An examination Of this television "police image" will contribute to a further understanding of perceptions of the law enforcement occupational role. POPULATION AND SAMPLE The target population for this study consisted Of television programing that specifically characterizes the law enforcement Officer in a modern context. The pOpula- tion was further limited to only those programs that are presumably being televised nationally for an adult audi- ence. This definition Of the target population anticipated that: 1. Local or regional variations are inevitable; therefore, television programing wasljndimxito those 55 56 programs broadcasted on the three national networks (ABC, NBC, CBS). 2. The predominant audience for such programing would consist primarily of adultsfl' therefore, the pOpula— tion was restricted to those programs televised between the hours of 7:30 p.m. and 11:00 p.m. Although content and audience differ during the weekend, this time limita- tion was imposed for the entire week. 3. Certain programs, although dealing in a broad sense with law enforcement Characteristics, were considered to align more closely with private police or pseudo-police functions. For this reason, programs devoted to the activities of private detectives were excluded from the population. 4. Occasional programs concentrate on the law enforcement Officer in a historical context, e.g. the town marshal or western sheriff. It was assumed that this per- spective would contribute little to the modern law enforce- ment image; consequently, historical law enforcement pro- grams were excluded from the target population. A selected sample of 48 hours of television pro— graming was drawn after meeting the aforementioned criteria 1Although it is apparent that children contribute to the Viewing audience, it was assumed that adults are the prime targets for this type of programing. 57 of the target pOpulation. An attempt was made to draw a sample that would afford equal representation to each pro- gram involved. However, certain programs did not receive "equal time," because Of length (one-half hour versus one hour) and network pre-empting. The data—collection period was extended to gather further Observations of those pro- grams that were continually pre-empted during the initial period. Table 1 represents the 12 television programs that met all the criteria, the number of hours each was Observed, the network that produees the program, and the percentage Of the sample each program represents. Table 1. Selected Sample of Television Programs Relating to the Law Enforcement Occupationa . # Of Programs # of % of Program Title Network Viewed Hours Sample The FBI ABC 3 3 6 NBC Mystery Movie NBC 3 5 6 The Rookies ABC 5 5 10 Adam-12 NBC 3 1-1/2 6 Hawaii Five—O CBS 5 5 10 Police Story NBC 4 4 8 Chase NBC 4 4 8 Kojak CBS 4 4 8 Chopper I ABC 5 2-1/2 10 Ironside NBC 5 5 10 The Streets of ABC 5 5 10 San Francisco Toma ABC 4 4 8 Total 3 50 48 100% aThe sample was collected over a five and one-half week period, beginning March 17, 1974, and ending April 24, 1974. 58 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION The data for this study were gathered through the use Of a structured Observation schedule that delineated the variables to be Observed. The observational schedule was adapted from one used by Melvin L. DeFleur in an article entitled "Occupational Roles as Portrayed on Television," which appeared in Public Opinion Quarterly in 1964.2 The schedule used in this study extended that used by DeFleur, and is specifically Operable in a content analysis relating to law enforcement activities. Although DeFleur's design was extended, the basic premises remain intact. A further discussion of the Operational definitions used in this study follows this section. Because of the rather unique phenomena television presents-~i.e. the ability to present Visual as well as audible data, the ability to project various images simul- taneously, and the ability to change images, themes and scenes instantaneously-~the researchers were equipped with tape recorders to code data that were displayed tOO rapidly for coding the schedule. During commercial breaks and imme- diately following the presentation, the researchers were instructed to reconstruct what they had Observed using both 2Melvin L. DeFleur, "Occupational Roles as Portrayed on Television," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXVIII, l (1964), 57-74. 59 the tape recorders and the Observation schedules. This pro- cedure enabled the researchers to capture the essence of the presentation and effectively code the variables specified. Fifty percent of the sample was subjected to validation by three independent research assistants. Each assistant was trained by the writer and was continually monitored to ' r ensure coding accuracy. The consensual Observations of all four observers substantially validated the data for analysis. ii An additional research assistant was employed to time sequences Of programing relating to the amount Of law enforcement time spent engaged in various activities, such as criminal work, service work, and personal life. Finally, the initial data relating to program length, network, time of viewing, and summary of program content were collected through the use of television-programing schedules. This information was conveyed to the research assistants in an effort to acquaint them with the content of the program prior to viewing. The structured observation schedule contained 12 variables for Observation. Each variable and the criteria for coding are discussed at length in the following section, entitled Operational Definitions. Figures 9 and 10 represent the structured Observation schedule and the initial data collection schedule used in this study. 60 FORM I--Data Collection of Demographic Information Date Of Viewing: Hour Of Viewing: Program Title: Network: Length of Program: THEME: 1"! Major Theme: SETTING DATA: City of Occurrence: Brief description from T.V. listing as to program content: Figure 9. Data Collection Schedule Of Demographic Information 61 "111.111.111181113 .31 1111.1 no 51.411... 1 .1 1 ~ 1 :11 111.111 15186.1 .11 89.11211 11111.1 1 .1 1 m 1 -11 "815m . 1118.. 11211111111 .11 81136 811.1. 1 .1 1 m 1 «1.1 i ”Egon. 811.1 112.8 m .1 1 ~ 1 -11 m .1 n m 1 :01 Ill Sufi 1 >513: 5111.81.61.18 .1 1 m. 1 -1. If I "I'll-lull!!! 3.1111 1. .1 1 m 1 11 £19.28 11:08 «1111.8 .11 and; 1161.18 20111.1: $111.1 m .1 1 m 1 -1. 319111311 .11 11914111111135 111~1$ 8311mm“: BS1139. m1 m41~1im m 1 20131511111 9.3 m1. 11151.4 . .1 m 1 ...1 .1 E11 151311111111 111118 m .1 n m 1 in BEE m1 - «111111110 $5.1. m .1 n N 1 um i 8.1511115 mamas E11111 Smcson; ~1 11111110161111.1111 "AWE Hugo; muse "Hz? wzumom 1.5;": Emmga< ”3301— M N H m I r .H. U m x 1 e o m z 1 e o u z 1 e u 111x1eu1> 1 ~ n J 13118:. 1120191113 11 z 1 .1 o n ~ 1 i .1. A.|I|H~.||.1 Lo; .1 .1 l. .1 11 -1 .1 x -m .1 11 -1 "31.11.5111 11 11 1 .1 o 11 x 1 e o 11 x 11 a o 11m11uoum mufiaom oomaocmum cam mo muomuum one mfl>oz >umum>z omz .1.mnh ere oc1mcouu mfiiEmu< omozu o-m>11 11636: xmflox Police Authority by Police Social Interaction Figure 13. 122 constant throughout the sample, while the degree of author- ity displayed varied considerably. Thus, programs exhib- iting relatively low levels of authority were assigned approximately identical Social Interaction Indexes as pro- grams that exhibited relatively higher levels Of authority. An explanation of this phenomenon may be undertaken in the following manner. First, televised police characters were portrayed as having legitimate authority for their conduct. This authority was presented as being both moral (good ver- sus evil) and legal (police enforcing a legal code). The resulting portrayal of authority, as evidenced by this sample, indicates that the police exercised a packaged form of socially accepted authority. The absence of a chal- lenge to this authority appears to be closely related to the themes presented. The police were seldom portrayed in the role of enforcing controversial or questionable issues relating to specific crimes, such as homosexuality, prostitution, racial disorders, or the use of marijuana. Additionally, the underlying motive for criminal behavior was consis— tently found to be greed, or an effort on the part of the criminal to cover up other crimes, rather than social, political, or economic deprivation. The resulting author- ity, therefore, could be legitimized toward a perceived societal end (ridding society of greedy criminals), rather than the enforcement of a "middle class" status quO. 123 POLICE VIEWED IN OTHER SOCIAL CONTEXTS Television's portrayal of police Officers engaged in significant social relationships apart from their occu- pational role was Observed to be minimal in the sample observations. Of the 48 hours of television programing Observed, the police were presented on 13 occasions as engaged in social contexts that were not directly related to their occupations. The majority of these occasions, however, were of such a brief nature that to consider them as portraying the police as socially interacting apart from their occupational roles would be a misinterpretation of the data. The more pervasive attitude was that the police are always engaged in their occupational roles, with little or no attention to social contexts that are removed from the role of police Officer. NETWORK VARIATIONS When considering the televised images of crime, criminals, victims, and police Officers, it is important to assess any variations that might exist among networks, for in the final analysis it is the network's practices and policies that will ultimately affect the type of program— ing presented. Network or program variations regarding the classifications-~crime, criminals, and victims-—were by— and-large nonexistent. The predominant characterization, 124 for all network presentations, was white, male, middle to upper socio-economic level criminals assaulting or killing, for no apparent reason, white, male, middle to upper socio- economic level victims. Variations were noted, however, in a comparison of the Violence, Authority, and Social Interaction Indexes by network. Table 16 presents a comparison of all the network programs observed relative to the Violence, Authority, and Social Interaction Indexes recorded. The National Broadcasting Company (NBC) contained the greatest amount of high violence police programing, while the Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) exhibited a normal or lower than normal Violence Index. However, when considering authority, CBS ranked highest in authority and received the only negative Social Interaction Index. With the exception of The Rookies, which exhibited a high level of violence, the American Broadcasting Company (ABC) con- sistently exhibited low authority, neutral or positive social interaction, and normal or low violence. Table 17 presents a rank ordering of networks for each index, beginning with those indexes that are considered less vio- lent, less authoritarian, and socially interacting in a positive direction and ending with those indexes that are more violent, more authoritarian, and socially interacting in a negative direction. The data reveal that ABC is posi- tioned in a more favorable light than either CBS or NBC. Table 16. and Social Interaction Indexes 125 Comparison Among Networks for Violence, Authority, Program by Network Violence Authority Ini:::::ion Age The F.B.I. Lowa Normal Positiveb The Rookies High Low Positive ChOpper I Low Low Positive The Streets of San Francisco Normal Normal Neutral Toma Normal Low Neutral % of Total 42 mpg NBC Mystery Movie Normal Normal Positive Adam—12 Normal Normal Positive Police Story High Normal Neutral Chase High Normal Neutral Ironside Low Normal Neutral % of Total 42 SEE Hawaii Five-O Normal High Positive Kojak Low High Negative % of Total 16 Total 100 -- -- -- The terms low and high were substituted for the terms more or less, Violence and Authority Indexes. concerning program positions on the Social Interaction was classified as being either positive, neutral, or negative. 126 Table 17. Rank Order of Networks by Violence, Authority, and Social Interaction Indexes . . Social Network Violence Authority Interaction ABC 2 l 1 NBC 3 2 2 CBS 1 3 3 SUPPORT OF MAJOR HYPOTHESES A detailed observation of the variables identified in Chapter III was predicated on the structuring of two major hypotheses, which were further operationalized in the form of eight subhypotheses. The acceptance or rejec— tion of the major hypotheses, therefore, was attributed to the acceptance or rejection of each subhypothesis. In the discussion that follows, each major hypothesis is reiterated, followed by the supporting data for each subhypothesis. Hypothesis I: The television industry, in attempting to cultivate a viewing audience and profit financially from its endeavor, has chosen to ignore its social responsibility for program content relating to the activities of the law enforcement agent by (A) depict- ing police officers in a strict law enforcement context without accurately portraying a service or order main— tenance orientation, (B) depicting law enforcement officers as highly authoritarian, cruel, and demeaning toward the public, (C) portraying police Officers as perpetually in a violent context, and (D) failing to portray police officers in significant social relation- ships which are removed from their occupational role. 127 A. The television programing observed during the research period consistently portrayed the police characters in a strict law enforcement context as evidenced by the findings that: (l) the predominant justification for police involvement centered around the investigation of assaultive criminal behavior, (2) the amount of time devoted to service activities approximated (Hug! one-fifth of the time devOted to law enforcement activities, and (3) police Officers engaged primarily in service functions constituted only 12 percent of the sample Observations. B. While the data suggest that television portrays police officers in authoritarian contexts, the absence of an identifiable comparative basis precluded the support of this subhypothesis. Furthermore, as noted in Chapter IV (police social interaction), the television sample predomi— nantly characterized the police officer as positively interacting with the public. These findings required a rejection of this subhypothesis. C. In the absence Of a comparative base, the levels of violence for each program observed were categorized as being either high, normal, or low. It is important to note that "normal" was defined as approximately the arith- metic mean. The findings suggest that, as a result of consistently portraying the police in a law enforcement context, violence permeated the programing observed, in that: (l) 66 percent of all violent acts were committed by 128 the police, (2) the police employed the use Of deadly force, i.e. the drawing and firing of a weapon, as a primary reso- lution to conflict, and (3) the police as an occupational group were portrayed as being the (primary target for victimization. D. Television's portrayal of police officers engaged in significant social relationships removed from their occupational role was observed to be minimal in the sample observations. On only 13 occasions were the police depicted in a social relationship removed from their occu— pational role. On these occasions, however, the treatment of this subject was of such a brief nature that to construe this as an earnest attempt by television to portray the police in a social context apart from their occupation would be a misinterpretation of the data. The manifest image presented by the sample characterizes the police Officer in a strict occupational context. The concern in develOping this hypothesis was not that the police would be portrayed in a police context in the programing observed, but rather that the police would only be portrayed in their occupational role. Programing depicting the medical or legal profession, of course, pre- sents its characters as doctors or lawyers, but at the same time this programing portrays these characters as engaged in relationships that remove them from their occupational roles. The police image, as evidenced by the data, 129 consistently portrays the police officer as being apart from rather than part of the community he serves. Hypothesis II: The television industry's depiction of crime, criminals, and victims is disprOportionate and distorted when compared with the reality of the situa- tion, in that: (A) television displays a level of criminal activity disprOportionate to the level of crime in society, (B) television portrays criminals as belonging to the upper and middle classes, to the exclusion of lower class criminality, (C) television displays an inaccurate and distorted relationship between victims and criminals for those crimes being committed, and (C) television portrays victims in a distorted manner. A. The data reveal that the sample programing con- sistently portrayed more crimes against the person than crimes against property. Furthermore, the crimes of murder, assault and battery, and attempted murder constituted over 67 percent of the offenses committed, whereas the available professional survey data indicated that violent crime approx- imated only 15 percent of all reported crime. An inverse relationship between televised crime and national reported crime was noted in the data. B. Televised criminal characters were primarily assigned to the middle or upper class in the sample Obser- vations. Over one-third of all criminal characters were portrayed as belonging to the upper class, and fewer than one-fourth of the characters were assigned to the lower class. Additional disparities were noted in the area Of offender age and race. For instance, the television sample portrayed 43 percent of the criminal characters as being 130 between 40 and 60 years of age, and 92 percent of all crim- inals portrayed were white. These characterizations were found to be incongrunet with research findings conducted at both the local and national levels. C. The predominant victim-criminal relationship portrayed in the sample projected the image of criminals victimizing strangers. These figures were found to be particularly disproportionate, when considering the nature of the crime committed. According to previous research, the victim-criminal relationship in crimes against the person are consistently of an intense nature. Television, on the other hand, predominantly portrayed no relationship between the victim and the criminal. D. Television's portrayal of victims, as evidenced in the sample observations, was found to distort victim characteristics in the same manner that was noted in the characterization of criminals. This was particularly evi- denced in the consideration of the victim's race and socio— economic level. The victims were overwhelmingly portrayed as belonging to the upper or middle class, with only 20 per- cent Of the victims comprising the lower class. In addition, victims were predominantly white. These characteristics were found to be incongruent with victimization surveys conducted at the local and national levels. The data analyzed in this chapter support, either statistically or inferentially, the major hypotheses in this 131 research. Furthermore, the data suggest possible implica- tions of television's distorted presentation of crime, criminals, victims, and police Officers. In the next chapter conclusions, implications, and recommendations for future research are presented. Con- clusions were drawn from the supportive data contained in this chapter; implications have been postulated in an effort to assess the impact of television regarding issues relating to the criminal justice system in general, and the police in particular. Chapter V SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS SUMMARY The purpose of this study was to examine television's characterization Of crime, criminals, victims, and police Officers and to compare this image with information con- tained in the professional literature in an effort to delin- eate any disparities that may exist. The data analyzed in Chapter IV reveal many marked departures from reality in reference to the categories of crime, criminals, and victims. The major findings in this area may be summarized as follows: 1. An inverse relationship was Observed in the sample between television's portrayal of crime and the national statistics compiled by the F.B.I., with television portraying violent and assaultive crime in 82 percent of the Observations and the F.B.I. reporting 15 percent of all crime as violent. 2. Televised Offender characteristics were found to be incongruent with research conducted at the national and local levels. Television portrayed criminals predominantly between 40 and 60 years of age, white, and from the middle and upper socio-economic levels. The available survey 132 133 literature, by contrast, classified violent criminals as predominantly under the age of 25, black, and overwhelmingly from the lower socio-economic level. 3. Televised victim characteristics were found to be inconsistent with national as well as local victimiza- tion research. Television portrayed victim characters as predominantly white and from the middle and upper socio- economic levels. Existing research data, on the other hand, indicate that victims of violent crimes are predominantly black and from the lower socio—economic level. 4. The televised victim-criminal relationship, particularly for the crimes committed, was found to be incompatible with previous victimization research. The pervasive television characterization Of this relationship was that the offender was unknown to the victim prior to the commission of the crime, a relationship that is incon- sistent with previously documented research. In addition to the disparities that were noted in the areas of crime, criminals, and victims, the study sought to analyze television's characterization of the police officer. The variables identified to examine this char— acterization were Violence, Authority, Social Interaction, and Role. The major findings may be summarized as follows: 1. The police role portrayed on television was con— sistently found to be restricted to law enforcement, with little reference to service or order maintenance orientations. 134 2. Levels of police authority fluctuated through— out the programing observed; Kojak and Hewaii Five—O exhib- ited the highest levels of authority and Toma, Chopper I, and The Rookies exhibited the lowest levels of authority (Table 10. p. 104). 3. The levels of violence were found to vary throughout the programing Observed; Chase, The Rookies, and Police Story exhibited the highest levels of violence, and ChOpper I, Kojak, Ironside, and The F.B.I. exhibited the lowest levels of Violence. 4. An inverse relationship was found to exist between television's presentation Of Violence and authority (Figure 12, p. 118). When programing exhibited high levels of violence, authority levels tended to be low. The reverse of this situation was also found to be consistent in the programing observed. The inability of television script writers to develop intricate themes or relationships, pri- marily as a result of the limited amount of time devoted to each program, was postulated as an explanation for this relationship. 5. Television depicted no relationship between authority and social interaction in the sample observations. Again, this may be a result of time problems inherent in television script writing. 6. The sample programing consistently portrayed the police as interacting socially with the public in a 135 positive direction; one exception was Kojak, which portrayed the police as demeaning and sarcastic toward the public. 7. Television portrayed the police as the most heavily victimized occupational group in the programing observed. Variations were also noted among networks (Table 17. p. 126). The network variations are summarized below: 1. The National Broadcasting Company (NBC) was found to present the greatest number of high violence police programs, followed by the American Broadcasting Company (ABC) and the Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS), in that order. 2. CBS was found to present consistently high levels of authority in its police programing, whereas ABC and NBC presented "normal" or low authority levels. 3. CBS was found to present the only program that depicted the police as demeaning and sarcastic toward the public. The variations among networks and the distorted pre- sentation of crime, criminals, victims, and police Officers, as evidenced in this research, suggest possible implications of this programing regarding its effect on the viewing pub- lic. The following section presents implications that may be advanced in light of the stated findings. 136 IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Throughout this study, statements regarding the possible consequences of television's distorted presenta- tion of crime, criminals, victims, and police Officers have been advanced. The major findings revealed by the data suggest several areas in which the import of distorted television programing might have serious implications for the criminal justice system in general and the police in particular. The Police and Crime Prevention Although in recent years community participation in efforts to prevent crime has increased, public understanding of crime and its prevention is minimal. The typical citizen reSponse to the crime problem is a demand for greater action by the police, courts, correctional institutions and other governmental agencies. The citizen asks too infrequently what he can do himself. And when the public does decide to act, its activities are often short-lived, sporadic outbursts in response to a particularly heinous crime or one that occurred too close to home. Television's portrayal of crime may reinforce exist- ing public fears Of victimization and, as a consequence, increase pressure on the police to "clean up the streets." This type of public reaction may be predicated, to some 1National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals, Community Crime Prevention (washington: Government Printing Office, 1973). p. 8. 137 extent, upon the following observed images regarding crime and the ability of the police to deal with it. 1. Crime, as documented in the sample, is por- trayed as being vicious, assaultive, and indiscriminate in its choice Of victims. This presentation can only serve to heighten public fears of becoming a victim, particularly a victim of a violent crime. 2. The police, in an organizational context, are portrayed as being unable to prevent criminal activity. Television consistently projected the police in a reacting context, as Opposed to a preventing context. 3. The underlying causes of crime, as portrayed on television, are beyond the scope of societal reduction, resulting in the image that society can do little to reduce the causes of crime. The resulting composite image of this programing may reduce the individual's understanding regarding his role in crime prevention, the police role in crime preven- tion, society's role in crime prevention, and the inter- related responsibilities of each in the reduction and preven— tion of crime. Reinforcing Criminal Behavior An additional area of concern to the criminal justice system and in particular the police was the tendency of the Observed programing to reinforce lower class subcultural 138 definitions regarding the use of violence and the use of illegitimate means of goal achievement. The findings revealed by the data in Chapter IV suggest that certain latent images are being presented, which indicate that: 1. Crime does pay, as evidenced by a substantial proportion of the criminal characters being portrayed as belonging to the upper socio-economic level (over one- third), and 2. the predominance of illegitimate means portrayed as viable avenues toward "success," as evidenced by a pre- dominant characterization Of "successful" professional criminals. These images have particular relevance in light of research that has indicated "the poor and the less educated watch more [violent programs] than those with white collar 2 Addition— status and those who have gone on to college." ally, research has found a "particularly high rate of vio— lence viewing among male adults who were high school dropouts,"3 a group that was pointed out to have higher levels of reported violent behavior. This type of latent 2Jack Lyle, "Television in Daily Life: Patterns of Use Overview," Television and Social Behavior: Reports and Papers, A report to the Surgeon General's Scientific Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior,\kfl1,III, ed. George A. Comstock, Eli A. Rubenstein and John P. Murray .(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1971), p. 11. 3Ibid. 139 image may be reinforcing lower class subcultural definitions about what is normative behavior in the upper and middle classes and, consequently, may be serving as a lower class behavior model. The Selection and Retention of Police Officers The findings indicate that by portraying police officers in a strict law enforcement context television may be creating problems relative to the selection and retention of qualified police personnel. This implication is predi- cated on the following statements, which have been advanced in various sections of this report: 1. There is limited public understanding of the police role, primarily resulting from a minimal amount of communication between the police and the public. This assumption is verified by a recommendation by the National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals, which recognized this problem and recommended that "every police agency immediately should establish programs to inform the public of the agency's defined role."4 2. In many instances, the public's perception of the police role is a product of television's presentation Of that role. 4National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals, Police (Washington: Government Print- ing Office, 1973), p. 38. 140 3. The data suggest that the television police role is preoccupied with the sensational image of "crook catcher" and "crime fighter," thus portraying the police in a strict law enforcement context. 4. Repetition Of this image over prolonged periods of time may "condition" the police applicant to View the police role in a strict law enforcement context, and initial police training tends to reinforce these distorted percep- tions. 5. After receiving police training, police Officers may continue to perceive their role as primarily law enforce- ment oriented. This assumption is substantially verified by research indicating that a majority of police Officers felt it necessary to reconsider their perceptions of "police work" once they had been engaged in that role. 6. Television may serve as a reinforcing agent to police officers who refuse to reject their paSt perceptions when confronted with the"realities"of that role, thus con- tributing to role dissonance. 7. Television may reinforce existing police fears of being confronted with violence. The over-dramatization of the violent aspects of the law enforcement occupation can only exacerbate existing police perceptions of the threat of violence. The cumulative implications of television's dis- torted presentation of criminals, Victims, and police 141 officers, and its disproportionate levels of crime raise questions regarding television's ability to meet its social responsibility. In the following section the major conclu- sion that may be drawn from the preceding implications is discussed. CONCLUSION The major conclusion that may be drawn from the preceding findings and implications relates directly to the question Of television's social responsibility, which was referred to in Chapter II of this report. It would appear that the television industry has been faced with a choice regarding the type Of police programing it will present. The industry may either choose to meet its social responsi- bility by presenting programing that accurately reflects the nature and causes of crime, its treatment, and the police role in controlling crime, or the industry may choose to sensationalize, overdramatize, and distort the levels Of crime, the characteristics of offenders and victims, the relationship between Offender and victim, the role of the police, and the characteristics of police officers. The major findings of this study indicate that the television industry has abrogated its social responsibility in favor of sensa- tionalism by: l. displaying disproportionate levels of violent crime; 142 2. consistently portraying criminals from the middle and upper classes, to the exclusion of lower class criminality; 3. portraying victims as predominantly from the middle and upper classes; 4. creating the image of marauding criminals vic- timizing strangers; 5. restricting the police role to the sensational role of "crime fighter"; and 6. displaying high levels of violence, particu- larly violence perpetrated by the police. These conclusions have been drawn from the documen- tation of the disparities that were found to exist between television's treatment of these subjects and the writings contained in the professional literature, but many questions remain unresolved. The primary resolution of these ques- tions requires research that assesses the impact of these televised images on the public and the police. The follow- ing seetion presents recommendations for future research to resolve the question of television and its effects. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH The findings discussed in this chapter raise research questions that must be investigated to assess adequately the impact of television viewing upon issues related to the police. Although the documentation of this 143 disparity was established throughout this study, the fol- lowing questions were beyond its scope and are offered as recommended areas for future research. 1. To what extent is the public's fear of crime reinforced through vicarious contact with tele- Vision? To what extent do television programs portray- ing law enforcement officers affect public understanding of the law enforcement role? Is community awareness regarding crime preven- tion affected by television programs relating to the police? Is awareness increased? Decreased? Does television serve to reinforce lower class subcultural definitions of violence? The use of illegitimate means for goal achievement? Does televised criminal behavior serve as a model for criminal careers? In what groups and with what characteristics? To what extent does television programing regard- ing the law enforcement role affect prospective police applicants? Does television's characterization of the police officer contribute to role dissonance among in- service police officers? Can television be considered a reinforcing agent regarding police perceptions of violence? 144 9. Does television's characterization of police officers reduce community respect for the police? Is the low status accorded the police a reflec- tion of this loss of respect? 10. To what extent do network policies affect the content of television's police programing? A resolution of the preceding questions will con- tribute greatly to understanding the television phenomenon and, as a consequence, may increase insight into the prob- lems inherent in community crime control, police selection, and the administration of police organizations. As a noted researcher on the effects of mass media pointed out, "In this day of scientific measurement and social bookkeeping more data is kept on pig—iron production, annual rainfall, and flying-saucer sightings than on the very nature of what is being presented to masses via the media."5 Longitudinal research, therefore, must be initiated to assess the cumula- tive effects of television viewing upon the beliefs and attitudes of the society at large. This is particularly crucial for an agency such as the police, who without com— munity support and understanding can only function marginally in the prevention of crime and the protection of the cit- izenry. 5John P. J. 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