FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHER SOCIALIZATION: A MULTIPLE CASE STUDY OF
FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS IN AN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION
INSTITUTION
By
Baburhan Uzum

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
Second Language Studies – Doctor of Philosophy
2013

ABSTRACT
FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHER SOCIALIZATION: A MULTIPLE CASE STUDY OF
FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHERS IN AN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION
INSTITUTION
By
Baburhan Uzum
Early teacher socialization research in the 1980s examined student-teachers
during their transition from pre-service to in-service contexts, and argued for a limited effect of
teacher education programs compared to students’ initial socialization into the profession of
teaching as past-students or apprentices of observation. Although teachers' transition from preservice to in-service contexts is well-studied in the literature, to date, there is still a paucity of
research investigating teachers' socialization at an intercultural level. Parallel to the increasing
rate of globalization, language teachers find themselves working in diverse contexts where they
teach students from different backgrounds. This trend has been most common for English
teachers going to other countries, but it is becoming more common for teachers of Chinese,
Arabic, and other critical languages, who come to the U.S. to teach their first language. In order
to respond to the growing interest in foreign languages, many large U.S. universities have
recruited or imported international teaching assistants (ITAs) and faculty to teach foreign
language courses. However, introducing foreign teachers into the American educational context
is not always a straightforward process and has its own complexities. In multilingual classrooms,
the cultural differences between teachers and students might create potential breakdowns in
teacher-student relationships. Students may become distracted by their teacher’s cultural ways of
being, the ways they communicate, and the ways they teach, none of which are purely linguistic
or pedagogic. In order to create a cohesive classroom community and respond to the

expectations of their students, it is important for teachers to adapt to their new teaching
environment.
The present study focuses on Fulbright Language Teaching Assistants (FLTA) who come
to the U.S. to teach their native language for a year. FLTAs constitute a representative example
of teachers who go through a professional socialization process in which their beliefs and
practices are transformed in order to meet the expectations and requirements of their new
workplace. Using a language socialization theoretical framework and a qualitative multiple case
study design, I address these research questions: a) how are novice Turkish and Uzbek language
teachers' pedagogical beliefs and practices negotiated and transformed over time? and b) what
factors are associated with these changes? The analysis focuses on teachers’ beliefs and
practices regarding: (a) teaching and learning; (b) teacher role; (c) teaching methods; (d)
corrective feedback; (e) classroom interactions; and (f) teaching culture. For purposes of
triangulation, data are drawn from multiple sources such as interviews, video-recorded classroom
observations, and classroom materials.
The findings indicate that biographical factors (e.g., teachers' personal history, experience
as learners and EFL teachers), contextual factors (e.g., interactions with students and institutional
resources), and dialogic factors (e.g., teachers' use of theory in classroom practice, theorypractice interplay) guide the process of teacher socialization. Through these factors, teachers are
able to reconstruct their beliefs about language teaching and gradually rework their classroom
practices. The study will contribute to the knowledge base of language teacher education
exploring the “process” of teacher socialization, and the findings can be implemented in
language-teacher-education programs.

Copyright by
BABURHAN UZUM
2013

DEDICATION

To my loving family and teachers: it was your continued support and faith in me that kept me
focused and motivated throughout my entire education.

v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to Dr. Debra Hardison, who guided me in this
study as the chair of my committee. I am also grateful to Dr. Debra Friedman who advised me
throughout my doctoral studies and offered me extensive feedback on my research papers. My
committee members Drs. Debra Hardison, Colleen Tremonte, Paula Winke, and Patricia Spinner
were pivotal in shaping my identity as a researcher, and their support and encouragement helped
me overcome moments of frustration. The faculty and colleagues in the Interdisciplinary Inquiry
and Teaching Fellowship Program at James Madison College were very instrumental in shaping
my research interests, and our conversations at these meetings helped me locate useful resources
in the field of teaching and teacher education. Through my stimulating discussions with Betsy
Ferrer, I was able to think more effectively about practical implications of my research in terms
of teacher education.
My research participants Sebahat, Nargiz, Bakhrom, the students in their classes, and the
language teaching supervisor also deserve special appreciation. I would not be able to complete
this project without their willingness to participate in this study. I am also thankful to my friends
and colleagues, Ali Fuad Selvi, Bedrettin Yazan, Mete Akcaoglu, Asli Aslan, Amy Thompson
Oztan, Katie Baker, Shakhnoza Abdurakhmonova, and Le Anne Lucia Spino who not only
provided their friendship, but also were willing to discuss my project with me and offer their
comments and suggestions. Turkay Nefes kindly located several important articles and book
chapters that I was not able to find in my local library. Lora Hamilton was very patient and
helpful while reading my early chapters to give content and style feedback. My colleagues in the
dissertation writing group, Soo Hyon Kim and Tomoko Okuno, encouraged me to bring this
project to completion and offered me both a space to work and their valuable friendship.
vi

Finally, I would like to thank members of my family for their unconditional love and
support during this project. My wife, Heather Baker Uzum, was incredibly patient with me and
supported me throughout the hardest days of my doctoral studies. My parents, Zeki and Emine
Uzum and my sisters, Beyhan Ozturk and Melike Uzum, were always receptive to the slightest
changes in my tone of voice when I called them, and always included me in their prayers. I am
also grateful to all my former teachers and professors including, Sibel Tamara Gore, Kismet
Kesim, Muruvvet Akdere, Sebahat Colak, Gungor Caliskan, Ahmet Yolcu, Soner Kose, Aydin
Ozdemir, Drs. Golge Seferoglu, Joshua and Ayten Bear, Nurdan Ozbek Gurbuz, Betil Eroz,
Hanife Akar, Elizabeth Heilman, and Susan Gass who have affected my life so greatly and
instilled in me a deep interest and appreciation for teaching, learning, and intellectual growth.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................ xii
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................................... xiii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Background to the Study ....................................................................................................... 2
1.1.1 Fulbright Language Teaching Assistant Program .......................................................... 2
1.2 Turkish and Uzbek Language and Educational Contexts ..................................................... 3
1.2.1 Turkish Language and Educational Context .................................................................. 4
1.2.2 Uzbek Language and Educational Context .................................................................... 6
1.3 Teacher Beliefs and Practices ............................................................................................... 8
1.4 Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................... 12
1.5 Research Design .................................................................................................................. 13
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................................. 14
2.1 Teacher Socialization .......................................................................................................... 14
2.1.1 Pre-service Teacher Socialization ................................................................................ 14
2.1.2 Socialization in the Workplace ..................................................................................... 15
2.1.3 Foreign Language Teacher Socialization ..................................................................... 19
2.2 Foreign Language Teacher Beliefs ..................................................................................... 20
2.3 Overview of Language Socialization .................................................................................. 29
2.3.1 First Language Socialization ........................................................................................ 30
2.3.2 Academic Discourse Socialization ............................................................................... 33
2.3.3 Language Socialization for Teacher Development ...................................................... 36
2.4 Research Questions and Direction of Present Study ........................................................... 43
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................................................... 44
3.1 Methods ............................................................................................................................... 45
3.1.1 Research Setting ........................................................................................................... 46
3.1.2 The Researcher’s Role .................................................................................................. 49
3.2 Data Collection .................................................................................................................... 49
3.3 Data Analysis ...................................................................................................................... 51
CHAPTER 4
THE CASE STUDY OF SEBAHAT ............................................................................................ 54
4.1 Beliefs About Teaching and Learning................................................................................. 55
viii

4.1.1 Inspirational Teacher Influencing Sebahat’s Teaching ................................................ 56
4.1.2 Past Experience as an EFL Student .............................................................................. 58
4.1.3 Past Experience as an EFL Teacher ............................................................................. 59
4.2 Teacher Role in the Classroom ........................................................................................... 60
4.2.1 Teacher as a Guide ....................................................................................................... 61
4.2.2 Student Feedback Shaping Teacher Role ..................................................................... 62
4.3 Teaching Methods ............................................................................................................... 63
4.3.1 Teaching Methods in Past Experience ......................................................................... 64
4.3.2 Teaching Methods in Turkish Language Classes ......................................................... 65
4.3.3 Implicit and Explicit Teaching Methods in Teaching Grammar .................................. 67
4.3.4 Meaningful Collaboration in Teaching Vocabulary ..................................................... 68
4.3.5 Teacher's Growing Understanding of Her First Language ........................................... 69
4.3.6 A Comparison of Teaching Methods Between Turkey and the U.S. ........................... 70
4.4 Corrective Feedback ............................................................................................................ 71
4.4.1 Explicit Corrective Feedback ....................................................................................... 72
4.4.2 Which Errors Should be Corrected? ............................................................................. 73
4.4.3 Student Uptake to Corrective Feedback ....................................................................... 73
4.5 Classroom Interactions ........................................................................................................ 74
4.5.1 Classroom Interactions with Students in Turkey.......................................................... 74
4.5.2 Comparison of Classroom Interactions with Students ................................................. 75
4.5.3 Inhibitions in Classroom Interactions ........................................................................... 77
4.6 Teaching Culture ................................................................................................................. 78
4.6.1 Teaching Culture through Mini Stories ........................................................................ 78
4.6.2 Cultural Comparisons ................................................................................................... 79
4.7 Summary ............................................................................................................................. 80
CHAPTER 5
THE CASE STUDY OF BAKHROM .......................................................................................... 82
5.1 Beliefs About Teaching and Learning................................................................................. 83
5.1.1 Inspirational Teacher to Learn English and Find a Good Job ...................................... 83
5.1.2 Learning English in Uzbekistan ................................................................................... 85
5.1.3 Learning Russian in Uzbekistan ................................................................................... 86
5.1.4 Use of a Communicative Approach in Teaching English in Uzbekistan ..................... 88
5.2 Teacher Role in the Classroom ........................................................................................... 90
5.2.1 Teacher Roles as Responses to Context ....................................................................... 90
5.2.2 Teacher Role as a Facilitator ........................................................................................ 92
5.2.3 Teacher Role in Practice ............................................................................................... 93
5.3 Teaching Methods ............................................................................................................... 94
5.3.1 The Use of Traditional Methods in Teaching English ................................................. 95
5.3.2 The Use of Modern Methods in Teaching Uzbek ........................................................ 96
5.4 Corrective Feedback ............................................................................................................ 98
5.4.1 The Use of Corrective Feedback in Practice ................................................................ 99
5.5. Classroom Interactions ..................................................................................................... 101
ix

5.5.1 Early Experiences in Teaching English ...................................................................... 102
5.5.2 Classroom Interactions in the Uzbek Language Class ............................................... 105
5.6 Teaching Culture ............................................................................................................... 106
5.6.1 Teaching Culture Through Visual Aids ..................................................................... 107
5.6.2 Teacher as a Learner of American Culture................................................................. 109
5.7 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 109
CHAPTER 6
THE CASE STUDY OF NARGIZ ............................................................................................. 111
6.1. Beliefs about Teaching and Learning............................................................................... 112
6.1.1 Inspirational Teacher to Learn English Perfectly ....................................................... 112
6.1.2 Strategies Learnt from the Inspirational Teacher ....................................................... 113
6.1.3 Students' Limited Opportunities to Speak Uzbek Outside the Class .......................... 115
6.1.4 The Complexity of Uzbek Grammar for English Speakers........................................ 115
6.2 Teacher Role in the Classroom ......................................................................................... 117
6.2.1 Teacher as a Knowledge Giver and a Model Speaker ................................................ 117
6.2.2 Teacher as a Learner ................................................................................................... 118
6.2.3 Teacher as a Motivator in Previous Teaching Contexts ............................................. 119
6.2.4 Teacher as a Material Designer .................................................................................. 121
6.3 Teaching Methods ............................................................................................................. 122
6.3.1 Observing Teachers' Methods as a Learner ................................................................ 122
6.3.2 The use of Communicative Approach ........................................................................ 124
6.3.3 Classroom Activities in Communicative Approach ................................................... 125
6.4 Corrective Feedback .......................................................................................................... 127
6.4.1 Offline Corrective Feedback Practices to Identify Mistakes in Writing Portfolios ... 128
6.4.2 Implicit and Explicit Corrective Feedback in Classroom Practice ............................. 130
6.4.3 General Feedback Instead of Individual Feedback .................................................... 133
6.5 Classroom Interactions ...................................................................................................... 134
6.5.1 Being a Strict Teacher ................................................................................................ 135
6.5.2 A More Relaxed Classroom Atmosphere ................................................................... 136
6.5.3 A Friendly Classroom Atmosphere in Uzbek Classes ............................................... 137
6.6 Teaching Culture ............................................................................................................... 140
6.6.1 Learning about American Culture .............................................................................. 140
6.6.2 Teaching American Culture in Uzbekistan ................................................................ 141
6.6.3 Teaching Uzbek Culture in the United States ............................................................ 141
6.6.4 Language Teachers as Cultural Ambassadors ............................................................ 144
6.6.5 Students' Interest in Learning about Uzbek Culture ................................................... 145
6.6.6 Teacher Learner of American Culture ........................................................................ 146
6.6.7 Teaching Culture with Notions of "what’s okay" and "what’s not okay" .................. 148
6.7 Summary ........................................................................................................................... 149
CHAPTER 7
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ........................................................................................ 151
x

7.1 Biographical Factors ......................................................................................................... 153
7.1.1 Biographical Factors Shaping Contextual Factors ..................................................... 154
7.1.2 Biographical Factors Shaping Dialogic Factors ......................................................... 156
7.2 Contextual Factors............................................................................................................. 159
7.2.1 Contextual Factors Shaping Biographical Factors ..................................................... 159
7.2.2 Contextual Factors Shaping Dialogic Factors ............................................................ 161
7.3 Dialogic Factors ................................................................................................................ 164
7.3.1 Dialogic Factors Shaping Biographical Factors ......................................................... 166
7.3.2 Dialogic Factors Shaping Contextual Factors ............................................................ 167
7.3.3 Dialogic Factors for Conflict Resolution ................................................................... 168
7.4 Conclusion and Implications ............................................................................................. 170
7.5 Limitations ........................................................................................................................ 172
7.6 Future Directions ............................................................................................................... 174
APPENDIX ................................................................................................................................. 176
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 179

xi

LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 The summary of participants ........................................................................................... 48
Table 2 The data collection instruments ....................................................................................... 51
Table 3 The discourse markers for analytical factors ............................................................... 153

xii

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 The dynamic interactions among biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors ....... 151

xiii

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Parallel to the increasing rate of globalization, language teachers find themselves working
in diverse contexts where they teach students from different backgrounds. This trend has been
most common for English teachers going to other countries, but it is becoming more common for
teachers of Chinese, Arabic, and other critical languages, who come to the U.S. to teach their
first language. According to the survey of the Modern Language Association of America, 2,795
higher education institutions reported enrollments in at least one language other than English in
Fall 2006 (Furman, Goldberg, & Lusin, 2007). In order to respond to the growing interest in
foreign languages, many large U.S. universities have recruited or imported international teaching
assistants (ITAs) and faculty to teach foreign language courses. However, introducing foreign
teachers into the American educational context is not always a straightforward process and has
its own complexities.
In multilingual classrooms, the cultural differences between teachers and students might
create potential breakdowns in teacher-student relationships. Students may become distracted by
their teacher’s cultural ways of being, the ways they communicate, and the ways they teach, none
of which are purely linguistic or pedagogic. Similarly, teachers might have certain expectations
from students about the roles and identities of a “good student” that may not necessarily be
fulfilled in a given academic context. In order to create a cohesive classroom community and
respond to the needs and expectations of their students, it is important for teachers to have the
capacity to adapt to their new teaching environment. Therefore, foreign language teachers who
teach outside of their home communities must be better prepared to work in multilingual settings
and to teach students from various linguistic, social, cultural, and educational backgrounds.
1

In the present study, I focus on Fulbright Language Teaching Assistants (FLTA) who
come to the U.S. to teach their native language for a year. FLTAs constitute a representative
example of teachers who go through a professional socialization process in which their beliefs
and practices transform in order to meet the expectations and requirements of their new
workplace. With a special focus on the bidirectional nature of teachers’ socialization, the macroand micro-level structures (Kumaravadivelu, 2006) inherent in the teaching practice are
investigated through the lens of language socialization theory (Duff & Talmy, 2011; Ochs &
Schieffelin, 1984). One advantage of viewing teacher socialization as an interactive process is
the acknowledgement of teachers’ agency and subjectivities. Teachers influence and shape the
structures they are being socialized into and at the same time they are being formed by a variety
of factors on several levels (Zeichner & Gore, 1990). In my qualitative multiple case study of
Turkish and Uzbek FLTAs at a Midwestern university, I aim to explore teachers’ beliefs about
teaching and learning, teaching methods, how these do or do not change over time, and how
institutional factors impact teachers’ socialization.
1.1 Background to the Study
1.1.1 Fulbright Language Teaching Assistant Program
The FLTA program was first established in 1968 in order to improve foreign language
instruction in the U.S., and to create opportunities for both native-speaking teaching assistants
and American students to learn about each others’ cultures and traditions by encouraging mutual
understanding. The program now employs teachers from 45 countries and offers 32 languages in
nearly all 50 U.S. states and Washington, DC (Fulbright FLTA program, 2011). The program
originally started with a small group of teachers from France and later expanded to include
2

student teachers from European, Asian, and African countries. The number of enrollments
increased from 22 in 2001 with the participation of 5 countries, to 419 in 2008 with 48 countries.
Although it is a growing program with increasing federal funding every year, there is a lack of
research regarding the FLTAs’ experience during their participation.
Most of these teachers teach English in their native countries and have passed some form
of American English proficiency tests. Before FLTAs start teaching, they go through a Fulbrightbased intensive orientation program, and also an orientation program at their host universities. In
these orientation programs, FLTAs learn about: 1) foreign language instruction in the U.S.; 2)
best practices in language teaching; 3) challenges to learning a foreign language; 4) FLTAs as
cultural ambassadors; 5) learner-centered classrooms; 6) meeting U.S. student expectations; 7)
learners’ perspectives; and 8) resources on most campuses. Although FLTAs can benefit greatly
from the orientation programs, they still lack the educational context generated by 16 years of
American schooling that socialized their students (Lortie, 1975). The differences between the
host culture and that of the FLTAs’ home countries might create potential communication
breakdowns in teacher-student relationships.
1.2 Turkish and Uzbek Language and Educational Contexts
In order to understand the beliefs and practices of Turkish and Uzbek teachers, it is
necessary to examine the linguistic and educational contexts of these teachers. It is interesting to
note that both of these languages were adopted as official languages rather recently, and went
through revitalization and purification phases in which an extensive effort was put into
mobilizing the society around one language identity along with a reclaimed historical heritage. In
the purification process of Turkish language, foreign borrowings were removed from the

3

dictionary, and new words were coined using Turkish roots and affixes to replace their foreign
equivalents.

1.2.1 Turkish Language and Educational Context
Turkish was adopted as the official language of Turkish Republic in 1928. After the
collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the 1920s, the Turkish Republic was founded along with
several linguistic, social, and cultural reforms. The Ottoman Empire, which had housed several
ethnicities for more than 600 years, did not have a strict language policy, and granted its people
th

the right to speak their ethnic languages (Shaw, 1976). In the 19 century, there had been an
undisputable discrepancy among the citizens of the empire. While minorities used their native
language, the majority of Turkish people spoke Turkish, and the Ottoman language was only
used in the palace by the elite. In order to diminish this discrepancy and unite the people of this
young republic, Turkish Language Reform was adopted in 1928. Turkish was not a prestigious
language and was perceived as the tongue of nomads until it gained official status. In order to
refute the old beliefs about Turkish language and create an inclusive “Turk” identity, Mustafa
Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the republic, emphasized the significance of the language in his
speeches:
The language of the Turkish nation is Turkish. The Turkish language is the most
beautiful, the richest and the simplest language in the world. For that reason, every Turk
loves his language greatly and seeks to glorify it. Furthermore, the Turkish language is a
sacred treasure for the Turkish nation. Because, the Turkish nation realizes that in the
many difficult situations which it has experienced, it has preserved its morals, its

4

traditions, its memories, its interests, in short, everything which makes up its own
nationality through the medium of the language (Bear, 1985).

Turkish language reform, promoted by Ataturk with the goal of rescuing Turkish from
the influence of Ottoman, Arabic, and Persian, included the processes of purification (excluding
non-Turkish words from its lexicon) and coining new words from Turkic roots and affixes.
Following the language reform, nationalism, which was originally promoted for nation building
purposes, was often associated with ethnocentrism. Two extreme theories emerged in the 1930s,
overemphasizing the Turkish identity. These two theories are the "sun language theory", and the
“Turkish history thesis”. According to the former, Turkish language was the most ancient
language and it had provided linguistic elements for the creation of other languages (Aydıngün &
Aydıngün, 2004; Aytürk, 2004). The Turkish history thesis, on the other hand, argues that all the
nations within Anatolia descend from Turkish origins since the people who migrated from
central Asia were the first residents of the region (Aytürk, 2004).
Due to its fluid nature with old and new lexicons, Turkish speakers choose words
dynamically displaying their alignment with certain ideologies, such as conservatism,
modernism, or nationalism (Uzum & Uzum, 2010). In the course of several decades, Turkish
language has been at the center of social, cultural, and educational reforms, and its integrity has
been protected through the ongoing efforts of the Turkish Language Institute. In the present
study, the history of the Turkish language and the associated nationalism often come up in the
Turkish teachers’ speech as overt displays of allegiance to certain language ideologies and
efforts to bring legitimacy to the linguistic and cultural heritage.

5

The Turkish educational context also displays the country's linguistic and sociopolitical
experiences. The length of compulsory schooling is eight years (five years of elementary, three
years of secondary education); however, while this paper is being written, the current
government is discussing a 12-year compulsory education.
In the last year of high school (12th year), students typically take a national university
entrance test that cuts across several content areas such as math, physics, chemistry, history,
geography, and languages. The teachers participating in the present study all come from “English
language teaching” programs of Turkish universities. In these programs, they take classes on
English literature, English-Turkish translation, methods and pedagogy, and comparative TurkishEnglish morphology. The Turkish educational system values teacher centered approaches and
views teachers as nation building architects, as mirrored in Ataturk’s well known saying:
“Teachers, the new generation will be your devotion” and in a much older saying from Islamic
tradition: “For forty years, I’ll be a slave of the one who teaches me one letter”. Traditionally,
teachers expect their students to study hard, listen attentively in classes, and absorb the presented
content. Silence is appreciated as a sign of respect, and learning takes place as teachers transmit
knowledge of which students are the recipients. Because of these established and long-lasting
beliefs about teaching and learning, new teachers often have difficulties in subscribing to learner
centered classrooms (Özgün-Koca & Şen, 2006).

1.2.2 Uzbek Language and Educational Context
A member of the Ural-Altaic languages and a genetic neighbor of Turkish, Uzbek
language is spoken by around 20 million people in Uzbekistan and several neighbor countries.
Historically, Uzbek language has been influenced by various conquerors of the territory, such as
6

Persian, Arabic, and most recently Russian (Sjoberg, 1963). In the 1920s, the emergence of
Bolshevik power in Central Asia brought about a set of policies that aimed to impose Soviet
control and transform the regional communities into a communist society (Melvin, 2005). Until
Soviet reforms, all formal education in Central Asia was religious in nature, provided by two
types of schools: maktab, a primary religious school, and medresseh, a secondary religious
school. Giving educational opportunities to boys and girls separately, these institutions
emphasized rote-memorization of religious discourse and lacked concerns for universal
education (Hanks, 1999). Educational advances were at the center of Soviet reforms to transform
the Uzbek society, especially in liberating women and transforming traditional religious values.
The reforms aimed to create a universal and secular education system in Uzbekistan (Melvin,
2005). The compulsory education rapidly increased the rate of literacy in the nation: “Between
1926 and 1932 literacy rose from 3.8% to 52%, which is especially impressive with regard to
raising the literacy of Muslim women” (Melvin, 2005, p. 21).
In the 1960s, a growing interest in their national past emerged among the Central Asian
Muslims, which produced historical novels such as The Treasure of Ulugbek by Abil Yaqubov.
Explaining the birth of the Uzbek nation in a historical context, Melvin (2005) points to the
importance of links between past and present, as the former informs the latter:
Modern Uzbekistan and its population are, nevertheless, bound to the past in numerous
ways. While many of these connections are often more imagined than real, the past exerts
a powerful grip on the present. Since independence the precolonial past has been
rediscovered, re-interpreted and bound to the present, often in unpredictable ways. (p. 26)

7

Although Uzbekistan gained independence from Soviet dominance in 1991, it seems to
be the least changed in some ways among former Soviet republics (Lewis, 2006). Foreign
language education was affected by the literacy reforms in the post-Soviet era to some extent.
The English (EFL) classes in the late 1980s and early 1990s focused on helping students improve
their grammatical competence through reading comprehension exercises, memorizing
grammatical rules, and translation exercises. Although drastic changes have taken place in EFL
teaching and teacher training since 1992, such as moving from teacher-centered to learnercentered approaches and from traditional-grammar-translation methods to communicative
practices, there is still a lack of sustained teacher training to implement such fundamental
curriculum reforms (Hasanova, 2007). A central argument of the present study is that Uzbek
teachers’ previous schooling experience has been influenced by Soviet educational practices, and
this early socialization carries over to their teaching to a certain extent. Therefore, it is necessary
to examine the links between the teachers’ early schooling experience and their current beliefs
and practices.
1.3 Teacher Beliefs and Practices
Given the cultural differences in Turkish, Uzbek, and American educational settings,
teachers bring a set of established beliefs about American culture and educational context. These
beliefs may stem from teachers’ early exposure to secondary resources such as media and
internet that depict American culture in a monolithic way, and therefore teachers may subscribe
to essentialized beliefs about the culture and the people (Uzum, 2007). For example, one of the
teacher participants in Fall 2011 explained: “I thought that American students would be noisy,
disrespectful, and undisciplined, but the students in my class are wonderful. They are very

8

motivated to learn my native language; they are always on time; very hardworking; and they
respect me as their teacher”. In this example, the teacher held some assumptions about American
students based on her limited experience through secondary resources. However, these
assumptions were being negotiated, shifted, and possibly transformed through her primary
experience with the students in her class. In her comment, this teacher’s beliefs about American
students were still essentialized; in other words, the target community was represented as
homogenous and invariably the same. However, since this interview took place in the beginning
of the Fall 2011 semester, the teacher’s response was based on her first encounter with the
students. It is reasonable to expect that these actively forming beliefs will also go through a
transformation throughout the semester as teachers gradually become a participating member of
the community of teachers. Therefore, teacher socialization is an ongoing process (Duff &
Talmy, 2011) and can be best understood through longitudinal observations.
In addition to teachers’ sociocultural beliefs about American culture and people,
pedagogical beliefs and practices are also subject to transformation during the socialization
process. Pedagogical beliefs and practices refer to teachers’ understanding of how language
learning takes place and how it should be taught. Although the Fulbright program does not have
a restrictive agenda on which methods to use, the local institution where this research study takes
place requires communicative language teaching (CLT) strategies to provide learners with a
working proficiency in the target language. In teaching a communicative class; teachers are
expected to (a) teach communicative competence; that is, grammatical competence in addition to
appropriate use of grammar; (b) provide meaningful context in presenting functions and forms;
(c) create information gaps in the classroom so that meaningful conversation can take place; (d)

9

prioritize fluency over accuracy; and (e) create a learner-centered environment (Hymes, 1972;
Canale & Swain, 1980).
At the beginning of the fall semesters, teachers go through an intensive orientation with a
series of workshops on communicative language teaching methods. Teachers deliver mini
lessons using CLT, and in theory, are ready to conduct lessons using this approach. However, in
practice, teachers do not necessarily follow the CLT approach in class, and find themselves in an
ongoing socialization process whereby they need to figure out how to teach their first language,
meet student expectations, and achieve weekly and yearly objectives. Most teachers are likely to
blend features from their own language learning experience (predominantly grammar translation
method) and CLT methods. The explicit socializing role of the orientation into institutionally
preferred approaches has rather limited impact on teachers’ personal choices of appropriate
pedagogy. This level of impact is also supported by prior research on the effect of teacher
training on practice (e.g., Lortie, 1975), and brings into question the appropriateness of "best
practices" in each and every context. The golden standards of contemporary foreign language
education indicate the CLT approaches as the most effective methods (Hymes, 1972); however,
some scholars argue for moving beyond “best method” searches in order to develop a teacher
capacity to devise local pedagogical practices (e.g., Gordon, 2004; Kumaravadivelu, 2006). In an
argument of method/post method transition, Kumaravadivelu proposes that teachers need to
develop an awareness and capacity to design their own methodology in order to adapt to the local
context rather than following predesigned “best practice” guidelines that arguably “fit all”.
Similarly, in immigrant learning contexts, Gordon (2004) argues that textbooks and pedagogical
goals should aim to meet local needs and objectives. In an educational report on describing
tomorrow’s world language teachers, Guntermann (1992) argues that “language teachers should
10

understand the social, political, historical, and economic realities of the region(s) where the
language is spoken” (p. 2). Knowing content matter and pedagogy will not be enough, and
teachers should have knowledge about “human growth and development, learning theory, and
language acquisition, and also a repertoire of strategies for establishing community in the
classroom and for developing proficiency and cultural understanding in diverse learners” (p. 3).
The present study examines teacher beliefs and practices and how they change over time
through social interaction due to several socializing agents. In conceptualizing the focus of the
study, it is useful to start with the definition of the terms beliefs and practices. Teacher beliefs
are defined with respect to their previous conceptualization in second language acquisition
research (Horwitz, 1985). Teachers’ sociocultural beliefs are those about culture, lifestyle,
people, students, and academic context. Teachers’ pedagogical beliefs are about how languages
are learned and taught; the role of teacher and learner in this process; the use of the target
language; the use of methods; error correction strategies; mechanical drills and memorization;
the teaching of grammar and vocabulary; the value of pair and group work; and the teaching of
culture.
In the conceptualization of practices, it is useful to draw a distinction between method
and practice as used in foreign language education literature. For the purposes of this study,
method is defined as an approach to teaching based on research or theory (e.g., grammar
translation method, audiolingual method, CLT). A particular method is generally designed by a
theoretician with some guiding principles; it is fixed and has a set of distinctive rules. On the
other hand, practice is what teachers actually do in the classroom; practices may be based on a
method, but also may have a lot of individuality. Practices can blend particular methods and
reflect the influences of teachers’ earlier socialization into the profession of language teaching
11

either as learners or teachers. Teachers’ practices are dynamic and fluid, and they do a lot of
adapting to become accustomed to a new context. These adaptations may or may not be
congruent with initial or preferred methods, but are outcomes of teachers’ moment-by-moment
judgments of what will work for their teaching objectives.
1.4 Theoretical Framework
As the research questions also display in the next section, the goal of this study is not to
test a theory, but to use data in light of a language socialization perspective to understand
FLTAs’ socialization into the American educational context, and to propose a socialization
framework along with practical implications for foreign language teacher education. A language
socialization perspective is utilized to examine teachers’ beliefs and practices, which are shaped
by the macro-structures (e.g., the institutional factors and the linguistic, social, historical
background of teachers and students) that are inherent in the teachers’ native and target
communities, and the micro-structures (e.g., immediate events in the classroom) that are
embedded in the classroom communities. The analysis includes in-depth interviews and
classroom interaction data with a focus on language (e.g., exploring classroom discourse, as it
unfolds, rather than initial and final state comparisons) to track the changes in teachers’ beliefs
and practices. These changes take place “often as a result of dissonance created when teachers’
beliefs conflict with realities of the school context” (Watzke, 2007, p.65). Therefore, it is
important to capture changes as they are formed and transformed at an “interactional” (Zeichner
& Gore, 1990) and “communicational” (Staton & Hunt, 1992) level. In this section, language
socialization theory is reviewed with respect to its origins in first and second language
socialization, and how it is defined in the present study as a theoretical perspective.

12

1.5 Research Design
The study follows an ethnographic multiple case study design and uses content analysis
and discourse analysis methods in the analysis of interview and classroom interaction data
respectively. For purposes of triangulation, data are drawn from multiple sources such as videorecorded classroom observations throughout a semester; interviews with students, teachers, and
administrators; and course documents such as textbooks, course syllabi, class materials, and field
notes. I utilize a language socialization perspective to focus on teachers’ beliefs and practices,
which are shaped by the macro-structures (e.g., the institutional settings and the linguistic, social,
historical background of teachers and students) that are inherent in the teachers’ native and target
communities, and the micro-structures (e.g., immediate events in the classroom) that are
embedded in the classroom communities. The findings of this study could be implemented in
FLTA, (international) faculty and teaching assistant training programs, and teacher education
programs, in order to prepare teachers to work in diverse settings with various student
populations. This study will contribute to teacher socialization literature by bringing an analysis
at the interactional level with a focus on language and by focusing on two less-commonlytaught-languages—Turkish and Uzbek—in the American educational context.

13

CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Teacher Socialization
Teacher socialization is a situated, complex, dynamic, and multifaceted process whereby
a teacher candidate becomes a participating member of the society of teachers (Zeichner & Gore,
1990). Staton and Hunt's (1992) model of teacher socialization is a commonly used framework
across several studies. In their view of socialization, both pre-service (before starting teaching)
and in-service (during actual teaching) teachers are seeking membership not only to the
school/institution they are joining, but also to the profession of teaching. Therefore, socialization
is viewed as taking place in chronological phases: pre-service (university coursework) and inservice (first year and subsequent years). In this section, teacher socialization studies in preservice and in-service contexts will be reviewed with a special emphasis on the latter.

2.1.1 Pre-service Teacher Socialization
An important component of socialization is the impact of the new teachers’ biography on
their socialization process. An individual’s biography is the result of several years of schooling
as a past-student or “apprentice of observation” (Lortie, 1975). Before new teachers start teacher
education programs, they spend thousands of hours learning from their teachers not only the
content of a class, but also ways of being, thinking, and teaching. These experiences inevitably
shape their early socialization and beliefs about teaching and learning. To some researchers (e.g.,
Grant & Zeichner, 1981; Lortie, 1975), these beliefs are very rigid and difficult to change
through coursework or field practices. Lortie suggests that through years of close interaction with
14

teachers, education students acquire a model of teaching before they enter a teacher education
program. Hollingsworth (1989) maintains that education students’ prior beliefs and experiences
serve as filters to make sense of university coursework and to understand the classroom context.
According to Zeichner and Gore (1990), “[s]tudies of the influence of the formal curriculum of
programs suggest that pre-service programs are not very powerful interventions” (p. 20). A
relatively more influential aspect of pre-service teacher education, which has received much
attention in teacher socialization research, is the field teaching experience or the practicum in
foreign language education (eg., Kanno & Stuart, 2011; Peacock, 2001).

2.1.2 Socialization in the Workplace
Although early studies examined teachers during their first year (e.g., Bulloughs, 1987), a
few extend their focus into subsequent years of in-service teaching (e.g., Bulloughs &
Baughman, 1997; Watzke, 2007). In this section, the micro- and macro-level forces such as
classroom context, colleagues, students, university advisors, and broader institutional and
cultural communities that shape teachers’ socialization are considered. Much of the research
until the 1980s examined the influence of cooperating teachers and university supervisors as
socializing agents (Staton & Hunt, 1992). Subsequent designs adopted qualitative approaches to
explore the complex relationship between the student-teacher and several socializing agents.
A classic example is the sociolinguistic study of Haller (1967) who identified “pupils” as
a strong influence in the teacher socialization process. The author argues that “isolated from
colleagues and superordinates, the novice teacher has been compared to Robinson Crusoe.
Because they are closeted with pupils most of their working day, the opportunity for teachers to
interact with other adults is minimal” (p. 317).
15

According to Haller’s (1967) study, elementary school teachers who were teaching
grades one to three and four to six adopted a simplified speech, even in their interactions with
adults as a result of their teaching experience; thereby displaying a direct effect of their
socialization into their role as an elementary school teacher. In addition to the students as
socializing agents, physical classroom effects have an important role in teacher’s socialization.
Doyle (1979) acknowledged the impact of students on their teachers, and argued that the
classroom relationships are reciprocal and that “teachers face a complex set of demands
engendered by the distinctive features of the classroom environment” (p. 139). The socializing
role of students on teachers is consistent with bidirectional models of socialization that are
widely accepted in the current literature.
Pollard (1982) referred to the teacher socialization process as “coping strategies”, and
offers a conceptual framework that examines the teacher’s adaptation to her role and to the
classroom context at the interactional level, emphasizing the powerful linkages between the
macro- and micro-factors that shape the novice’s teaching practice. In this grounded
ethnographic research study conducted in a middle school, the author drew on his own
experience for “many years of coping as a teacher in primary schools” (p. 21) and argued that
previous research paid much attention to the macro-factors (e.g., political and educational
systems, social class, ideologies), and yet ignored the micro-factors (e.g., students, architecture,
physical layouts, resources) that shape the classroom practices. He argued that by means of a
balanced approach, a sociological analysis can reveal “the social, political, economic and
historical factors impinging on constraints on action in the classroom” (p. 27). For an
interactional analysis, he identified three analytical layers that can be illustrated as encompassing
circles: “the macro-layer of social structure and hegemony, the organizational layer of
16

institutional bias, and the micro-layer of the classroom social structure” (p. 32). According to this
model, teachers’ actions represent active and creative responses to the opportunities, conflicts,
and dilemmas raised in the classroom. The immediate context along with the wider structure of
the community deeply influences the practices of teachers. Although this study is conceptually
significant for teacher socialization research, it does not elaborate on the methodological
processes involved in documenting the socialization process as it happens at an interactional
level. Pollard’s argument is relevant to my conceptualization since the present study also adheres
to a multifaceted view of the classroom as a social and interactional space embedded in broader
ideologies and communities.
In their review of teacher socialization studies in the 1970s and 1980s, Zeichner and Gore
(1990) classified the trends in teacher socialization research into three approaches: functionalist,
interpretive, and critical. Arguing that a unidirectional understanding of teacher socialization
(e.g., teachers becoming participating members of the professional community) is too narrow
and limited, the researchers adhere to an interactive approach that acknowledges the bidirectional
socialization process as well as teachers’ agency in their socialization experience. The classroom
influence is reciprocal based on many classroom studies and review studies on teacher
socialization (Zeichner & Gore, 1990; Staton & Hunt, 1992). However, despite the immense
teacher socialization knowledge base, we currently have very little understanding of how the
particular characteristics of teachers and students contribute to the process of teacher
socialization at the social and interactional level.
In a review article on teacher socialization conceptualization, Staton and Hunt (1992)
identified the trajectories of teacher socialization as cognitive, affective, and behavioral changes.
They argued for a communicative method to teacher socialization research: “we still do not have
17

a clear picture of how these changes occur: the actual communication patterns, the
communication strategies, the language used, the speech situations, and the meaning of
communication events for prospective/beginning teachers and agents” (p. 132). The researchers
recommended that further studies should investigate the following questions:
1. What is the nature of talk among prospective/beginning teachers and various agents?
What are the topics of talk, functions of talk, and places for talk? What are the
communication strategies used to accomplish socialization goals?
2. How does communication with various agents in particular contexts affect cognitive,
affective, and behavioral changes? How do these various changes occur?
3. What is the nature of the influence of prospective/beginning teachers on the
classroom and school context and on various agents?
4. What is the communicative process by which prospective/beginning teachers
construct a new role and make sense of a new teaching environment? (p. 131-132)
Staton and Hunt (1992) cited several case studies on first year teacher development to
argue that these qualitative case studies set out to capture the experiences of new teachers in an
extended period of time, and their results suggested that “teacher socialization experiences are
distinctive not only because of the effects of biography, but because unique individuals interact
within unique environments” (p. 113). In their argument about the impact of students on
teachers’ socialization, the researchers argued that teachers tend to be unprepared to deal with
“the diversity and complexity they encounter within their students’ lives. The range of needs and
abilities can lead them to simplify instructional practices…forced to deal with diversity and
complexity, teachers develop a more elaborated cognitive framework from which to understand
students and, in turn, themselves” (p. 126).
18

The studies reviewed here on teacher socialization examined teachers in elementary and
secondary school settings. Further research is needed in higher education settings, particularly in
foreign language teaching contexts. In addition, the qualitative case studies have focused on
student-teachers who become teachers in the same language community, particularly in
American educational contexts. The present study aims to contribute to the literature on teacher
socialization with its ethnographic analysis of Turkish and Uzbek teachers who are employed at
a U.S. university to teach their native language. These teachers start teaching in the U.S. with
previously formed beliefs and opinions about teaching and learning. The present study
anticipates that the transition of these teachers is not only between institutions (e.g., from preservice to in-service), but also between cultures (e.g., from Turkish or Uzbek educational context
to American educational context). As teachers make this transition, their self-concept,
expectations, prior experiences with students, and other biographical forces continue to shape
their beliefs and practices. Therefore, the implications of this study are significant for the
discussions of multicultural, transnational, and global education.

2.1.3 Foreign Language Teacher Socialization
In the foreign language teacher education literature, there has not been much empirical
research focusing on teacher socialization. The closest concept is the “transformation of beliefs
and practices” which has been commonly investigated through questionnaires. This section
reviews studies examining foreign language teacher beliefs and practices.

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2.2 Foreign Language Teacher Beliefs
The flagship of foreign language teacher belief studies is the survey analysis of Horwitz
(1985). Horwitz designed the Beliefs About Language Learning Inventory, known as BALLI in
subsequent studies. Horwitz was intrigued by the fact that future foreign language teachers enter
the methods classes with “many preconceived ideas about how languages are learned and how
they should be taught” (p. 333). These beliefs were formed during the time when the teachers
were language learners themselves; “these preconceptions inhibit the prospective teacher’s
receptiveness to the information and ideas presented in the methods class particularly when the
perspectives are not in consonance with the student’s own experience as a language learner” (p.
333). Horwitz recommended that the teacher’s beliefs about language learning and teaching
should be explicitly discussed prior to any intervention as the first step in their professional
identity development. In her foreign language methods classes for prospective teachers, Horwitz
used the Foreign Language Attitude Survey (FLAS) and BALLI survey to understand studentteachers’ initial beliefs about language learning and teaching. After a pilot study with 150 firstsemester language students at The University of Texas at Austin, the resulting inventory included
27 Likert-scale items that addressed such areas as foreign language aptitude, the difficulty of
language learning, the nature of language learning, and appropriate language learning strategies.
Horwitz utilized prospective teachers’ beliefs as baseline for discussion toward a transformation
of former beliefs for developing effective teaching skills: “for example, students who believe
strongly in drill work and correct application of grammatical patterns may need to be prepared
for a discussion of free communication activities” (p. 335). Arguing that former socialization of
students as language learners may have a strong impact on their teaching, she explained an
anecdote:
20

One semester, after requesting a class prepare spontaneous communication activities, I
was disappointed that their planned activities invariably focused on having their students
prepare speeches in writing before an oral presentation. This assigned activity must have
seemed so unusual that the methods students ignored both explicit written instructions
and live examples, and instead created activities which corresponded more closely to
their own long-held conceptions about language teaching. (p. 335)

The impact of early socialization is especially visible in the story of this group of teachers
since foreign language teaching methodology has evolved rapidly over the last few decades. The
participants in Horwitz’s study in 1985 had their language learning experience with the Grammar
Translation Method, followed by an Audio-lingual Method, and yet were expected to teach in the
Communicative Approach. The transition is not an easy one, as shown in the teacher
socialization literature. For successful socialization into the preferred teaching methodology,
Horwitz recommended a systematic assessment of prospective teachers’ beliefs prior to any
intervention.
The BALLI survey was adapted in several subsequent studies focusing on a variety of
foreign languages. Horwitz (1999) reviewed several of these studies and pointed to the fact that
cultural and situational influences shape and reshape the language learners’ beliefs about
language learning. The cultural influence on beliefs is especially important for the present study
since the FLTAs come from different national and cultural backgrounds. In her review study,
Horwitz examined studies that adopted BALLI items with a focus on American learners of
French, Spanish, German, and Japanese; U.S. university instructors of French, Korean, and
Taiwanese; and Turkish EFL learners. Her research findings indicated that learners’ responses to
21

the questionnaire showed not only intercultural differences, but also intracultural differences.
Therefore, the differences in beliefs were not attributable to culture per se, but possibly to
instructional contexts and individual differences. Horwitz concluded that although learners’
responses may reflect some amount of cultural differences, “it seems more likely that they have
to do with the relative status of language learning in the various countries, and indicate that
social, political, and economic forces influence learner beliefs” (p. 517), thereby lending further
support to the discussions of how micro- and macro-level factors can shape learners’ and
teachers’ socialization experiences (e.g., Kumaravadivelu, 2006; Morita, 2004). For example, her
findings supported the notion that the Asian and Turkish EFL learners were instrumentally
motivated in learning English (Uzum, 2007); they wanted to learn English in order to attain a
certain career and accomplish educational and financial goals. However, American learners of
Japanese tended toward more intrinsic motivation (Gardner, 1985); they had a favorable attitude
towards the target language and culture and enjoyed the process of learning a language. Horwitz
recommended that future research should investigate contextual differences in the language
learning environment in addition to specific classroom practices.
Peacock (2001) conducted a longitudinal quantitative study that investigated changes in
the beliefs of 146 pre-service ESL teachers at the City University of Hong Kong. Adopting the
BALLI survey, the researcher tracked the participants’ beliefs about second language learning
over their three-year TESL (Teaching English as a Second Language) degree program. First,
participant beliefs that do not correspond to those of expert teachers were tagged for intervention
and tracked over the years with the hopes that they would transform due to the training in the
TESL program. “There was surprisingly little change over the three years on Horwitz’s two core
beliefs about vocabulary and grammar, or another important belief—about the role of
22

intelligence in language learning” (p. 184). A relationship between learners’ beliefs in these two
core aspects and proficiency was also observed: (a) participants who agreed that “learning a
foreign language is mostly a matter of learning a lot of new vocabulary” had significantly lower
proficiency than those who disagreed; (b) participants who agreed that “learning a foreign
language is mostly a matter of learning a lot of grammar rules” also had lower proficiency than
those who disagreed. Peacock identified these findings as “worrying” because “these beliefs may
inform novice teachers’ future teaching and therefore their students’ language learning. For
example, when preparing classroom tasks, materials and homework, [teachers] might
overemphasize the learning of vocabulary and grammar rules to the exclusion of other tasks” (p.
186). Peacock concluded that teacher beliefs should be openly discussed and contemplated prior
to teaching, and problematic beliefs should be targeted for intervention through such practices as
group discussions, comparisons with experienced teacher beliefs, and theoretical texts focusing
on the benefits of communicative approaches to ESL. One concern in the design of the study
(that the author also acknowledged) is that “it was not possible to quantify changes in trainee
beliefs, as it was not possible to have them complete the BALLI again” (p. 189) since the
institutional expectations would be obvious to the students after the intervention. In order to
track changes as they are formed and transformed, qualitative studies that examine classroom
practice at the interactional level are needed.
One of the seminal qualitative studies on teacher beliefs is that of Farrell (1999). The
researcher conducted a qualitative study to uncover the beliefs of 34 pre-service English teachers
in Singapore. Adopting the common view in the teacher socialization literature that prospective
teachers’ prior knowledge and schooling have an influential role in their professional
development, Farrell recommended uncovering teachers’ prior beliefs through a three-stage23

reflective-assignment so that “these prior experiences can be brought to the level of awareness”
(p. 4). In a Grammar Methods course offered in the BA in English program at the National
Institute of Education, pre-service teachers were taught such topics as planning grammar lessons,
assessing learners’ grammatical skills, selecting teaching materials, and developing a personal
philosophy to place grammar in their English language teaching. For the reflective assignments,
participants first wrote about their past experiences in learning English, then wrote a detailed
lesson plan on any grammar structure and taught it to a group of secondary students, and finally
reflected on their teaching to address the questions: “would you change any of your techniques
of teaching grammar?...I want you to reflect before, during, and after the lesson” (p. 6). The
research findings focused on five representative students, and indicated that “all five were
influenced by their past experiences as students in the system” (p. 9). The participant teachers all
agreed that “there is no one approach to teaching grammar for every context” (p. 10) and that
teachers need to be flexible and be ready to revise their plans according to the needs and level of
proficiency of their students. Farrell concluded that reflecting on prior experiences and current
practices is a powerful tool for prospective teachers’ professional identity development.
Burke (2006) adopted a qualitative case study approach to examine the transition of preservice teachers from world language education methods courses at an American university to
field experience in secondary school classrooms. Participants were undergraduate and master’s
students in the world-languages program and were prospective teachers of French, German,
Spanish, Latin, and Russian. The author noted that most of the pre-service teachers had
experienced a teacher-fronted, grammar translation language instruction in high school and had
not been required to communicate in their target languages until their college language courses.
The participants in Burke’s study first attended a 10-week methods course that focused on the
24

advantages and qualities of communicative language teaching (CLT). They were given the
opportunity to observe communicative lessons, create communicative lesson plans, and conduct
these plans with their colleagues. Following the methods courses, prospective teachers
participated in a 5-week field-teaching practice in secondary school-classrooms where they were
expected to design and conduct CLT oriented lessons. In order to examine how pre-service
teachers designed and taught their lessons, Burke analyzed the lesson plans and reflections after
their teaching. Based on the findings, the author identified three types of teacher profiles that
varied in their approach to teaching grammar: the hybrid teacher, the communicative-language
teacher, and the grammar translation teacher. The hybrid teachers were observed to blend
qualities of grammar translation approach and CLT dynamically, whereas grammar translation
teachers tended to prioritize accuracy over meaning: “[g]rammar translation teachers are
disturbed by ‘incorrect’ pronunciation and improper use of vocabulary” (p. 156). For CLT
teachers, fluency and meaningful communication were key factors, but grammar translation
teachers focused on perfect grammar instead of fluency and acceptable language. Burke argued
that the training in university methods courses and the field experience “is not enough to
convince new teachers to use CLT” (p. 162). The author concluded that in-service professional
development “that occurs during the school day, in the classrooms of world language teachers
when teaching their own students, could create opportunities where teachers learn through
experience” (p. 162). Burke referred to this process as “experiential professional development”, a
space for world language teachers to develop their own practical understandings of CLT. A
similar approach is applied in the training of FLTAs. After an intensive orientation on the use of
communicative methods, the FLTAs develop and appropriate their own methodology during the
actual practice of teaching.
25

One of the few studies that focused on language teacher socialization is the qualitative
case study of Farrell (2001). The author examined the in-service socialization process of one
ESL trainee teacher during his nine-week practicum at a Singaporean secondary school. The data
points included electronic mail discussions, telephone calls, classroom observations, and two indepth interviews before and after the practicum. The researcher was the supervisor of the trainee
teacher at the National Institute of Education, and had the chance to observe the participant in
both formal and informal settings, recording his observations in a “reflective journal” (p. 53).
Based on the qualitative analysis, the themes that emerged are instructional planning, teaching
approaches, professional relationships and responsibilities, and the teacher’s perceptions and
values. The findings indicated that “this trainee teacher had a tendency to focus on himself and
on his own teaching behaviors, rather than on his students’ learning” (p. 56). The researcher
added that this is a natural progression of teacher development for novice teachers “whose initial
focus on self as a teacher may be very important part of the socialization process” (p. 56). The
researcher concluded that two issues were important in shaping the socialization of the trainee
teacher in this study: (the lack of) support, and communication. In order to create a productive
and cohesive in-service experience, the researcher recommended a triad of relationships that
includes the trainee teacher, the cooperating teacher, and the university supervisor. Stressing the
importance of contextual factors, the researcher recommended that future researchers should
keep in mind “that each country has its own unique context with different traditions of schools
and schooling, teaching, and teacher education” (p. 60) and that the research findings should be
interpreted with caution through the filter of these contextual aspects.
Watzke (2007) reported similar findings based on a longitudinal qualitative study that
focused on how pedagogical content knowledge was initially represented and changed over the
26

course of two years. The participants were nine first-year teachers of French, German, and
Spanish studying in the Master of Education program at the University of Notre Dame. During
their participation, the in-service teachers submitted their journal responses to open-ended
prompts. The teachers initially relied on traditional methods of language teaching, drawing from
their own second language learning experiences, but later developed improved understanding of
student learning and teaching objectives. The changes that the teachers have all invariably
experienced were summarized under four main categories: (a) prior knowledge that frames
instructional decisions; (b) attitudes toward teacher control in the classroom; (c) instructional
goals for daily lessons; and (d) considerations for responding to student affect. The researcher
argued for a developmental approach to the analysis of foreign language teacher beliefs:
“Beginning teachers enter the classroom with a set of beliefs, based on prior knowledge, which
will be challenged and negotiated through interactions with students, colleagues, and the norms
of institutions” (p. 65). Teachers’ interactions with several socializing agents are framed as
micro- and macro- level forces. These forces have an influential role in shaping teachers’ beliefs
and practices: “The instructional decisions made by these teachers represent the process of
change in pedagogical content knowledge over time, often as a result of dissonance created when
teachers’ beliefs conflict with realities of the school context” (p. 65). The beginning teachers’
initial reliance on traditional methods should not be frowned upon, but considered as a coping
mechanism and part of their developmental trajectory (Watzke, 2007): “As is the case in other
content disciplines, beginning [foreign language] teachers may engage in a process of ‘trying
out’ instructional practices antithetical to their pre-service preparation as they satisfy a need for
control of task of teaching” (p. 75). The researcher concluded that teachers’ professional
development continues over an extended period of time, and that teacher education programs
27

should adopt a developmental model “that includes in-service teaching as a primary component
of professional development” (p. 75).
Freeman's (1993) qualitative study explored the in-service professional development of a
group of foreign language teachers in the U.S. educational context. The participants were four
high school French and Spanish language teachers who were enrolled in an in-service teacher
education program that leads to a Master of Arts in Teaching degree. The data collection
procedures included interviews, observations, and written documents over the course of 18
months. The analysis of the intensive case studies focused on the shifts between local and
professional languages in teachers' thinking and classroom practice. Teachers used local
discourse (e.g., reflections on teaching through personal stories) and professional discourse (e.g.,
facts and procedures and language pedagogy) together to make sense of their classroom practice.
Through articulation of their beliefs, teachers were able to combine the new professional
discourse of the in-service program with their local explanations to reflect on their classroom
practice. The researcher coded the interview data to identify and display the dynamic shifts
between local and professional discourses. The research findings indicated that "as these teachers
learned to express their tacitly held ideas about teaching through the shared professional
discourse of the in-service program, they gained greater control in shaping their classroom
practice" (p. 487). Throughout the in-service program, the teachers reconstructed their beliefs
about teaching and learning, adopting professional discourse to rename their existing
conceptions. Freeman concluded that this process was not simply a technical substitution of
terms teachers already knew through their local language explanations of practice, but a
dialectical process "in which renaming allows for the attachment of new meanings to familiar

28

perceptions so that tacit knowledge interacts with, and is reshaped by, newly explicit
understandings from the professional discourse" (p. 495).
2.3 Overview of Language Socialization
In the present study, language socialization is defined as the process in which novices
learn about the values and practices of a community and gradually become competent members
through their interactions with the experienced members and their peripheral participation in the
practices of that community (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984; Lave & Wenger, 1991). Language
socialization theory draws from sociocultural approaches to language learning and teaching
(Johnson, 2009; Lantolf, 2000) and situated learning (Lave & Wenger, 1991), sharing the notions
that learning takes place within a context and through a novice’s interactions with the context. It
was started by two linguistic anthropologists—Bambi Schieffelin and Elenor Ochs— in the
1980s “to consider aspects of the sociocultural environment of children’s communicative
practices that were left out of linguistic, psychological, and anthropological studies” (Ochs &
Schieffelin, 2012, p. 2). Ochs and Schieffelin both studied first language acquisition in nonWestern communities. In their observations (Schieffelin in Papua New Guinea; Ochs in
American Samoa), they noticed that child language acquisition did not take place in these
communities as described in the existing linguistics and psychology literature that tended to
focus on Caucasian middle class children’s first language acquisition. These anthropological first
language acquisition studies by Ochs and Schieffelin are briefly reviewed here.

29

2.3.1 First Language Socialization
Ochs and Schieffelin (1984) argued for an ethnographic perspective through which the
three developmental stories (White American, Kaluli, and Western Samoan) of children’s first
language acquisition can be analyzed with respect to the culture in which the acquisition takes
place. The researchers argued that previous linguistic literature was dominated by white middleclass children’s language learning experiences; in some cases linguists studied their own children
or their friends’ children. The researchers pointed out the situated nature of acquisition and
socialization with culturally assigned roles for caregivers and children in dyadic interactions:
The literature on communicative development has been largely based on middle- and
upper middle-class households. These households tend to consist of a single nuclear
family with one, two, or three children. The primary caregiver almost without exception
is the child’s natural or adopted mother. Researchers have focused on communicative
situations in which one child interacts with his or her mother. (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984,
p. 286)

In white middle-class dyadic interactions, an infant is treated “as a social being and as an
addressee in social interaction” (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984, p. 286, italics original). Although this
type of interaction may not be unique to white middle-class families, it is immensely different
from that of Kaluli and Western Samoan families. In the white middle-class families, from birth
on, caregivers interpret infants’ vocalizations and physical movements as meaningful and
respond verbally, thereby taking infants as legitimate conversational partners. In this way,
caregivers can maintain extended conversations through several strategies such as taking the
perspective of the infant by simplified and affective baby-talk. In white-middle class caregiver30

infant interactions, adults accommodate to infants’ linguistic and cognitive level often as a result
of “discomfort with the competence differential between adult and child” (p. 287). Adults adopt
two strategies to reduce this gap: simplifying or self-lowering one’s own speech and richly
interpreting the infant’s speech. White middle-class caregivers (e.g., parents, babysitters, adults)
assume the responsibility of accommodation by making an effort to understand a baby through
eye-contact, expansion on baby’s utterances, offering choice questions, and introducing literacy
practices at an early age through stories and books. Through these discourse strategies, adults
accommodate to infants’ communicative abilities and include them in interactions as direct
addressees.
On the other hand, accommodation rules in Kaluli and Samoan communities are
different. In the Samoan community, adults would not talk to the baby, but talk with the baby as
a third party in a dialogue. In such a stratified society, babies are at the bottom of the hierarchy,
and are assigned the responsibility of accommodation and expression; in other words, to make
themselves understood. The burden of accommodation, therefore, is on the shoulders of the
babies who are gaining membership through their peripheral participation (Lave & Wenger,
1991) in adult interactions. The researchers attributed these variations to cultural differences and
argued that language acquisition theories should take culture into consideration since individuals
in different societies have different ways of socialization. As a result of different socialization
patterns, linguistic variations can be observed in the hierarchy of acquisition: “Samoan children,
for example, acquire the verb ‘give’ prior to the verb ‘come’ because the latter is an action that
can only be requested by a person of higher status” (Howard, 2012, p. 346). Therefore, the
descriptions of child language acquisition have to be understood as cultural rather than universal.
In addition, child language acquisition is beyond the mastery of a language system, but it is a
31

process of gaining membership into a linguistic community through the enactment of thinking,
talking, acting, and being in the world. From their caregivers, children learn their place in
society: how to be a competent person and what the values and beliefs are in a particular society.
It is therefore necessary to examine the language of caregivers for its socializing functions rather
than just its input functions.
In their comparison of three developmental stories, Ochs and Schieffelin (1984)
concluded that their work on socialization should not be viewed to be suggesting a fixed pattern
of behavior, but an ongoing process through a lifespan:
We advocate a view that considers human beings to be flexible and able to adapt to
change, both social and linguistic, for example, through contact and social mobility. The
ways in which individuals change is a product of complex interactions between
established cultural procedures and intuitions and those the individual is currently
acquiring. (p. 311)

Ochs and Schieffelin’s (1984) definition of language socialization, culturally bounded
and ongoing through a lifespan, is relevant to the present study since the FLTAs are
representative examples of novices socializing into the norms and preferences of a new
educational context. However, the transition is not a straightforward one, and novices are often
not passive subjects being socialized into the existing structures; on the contrary, they may
accept, resist, reject, negotiate, appropriate, form, and transform the very structures that they are
being socialized into.
Language socialization literature examined two kinds of socialization: (a) socialization to
use language; (b) socialization through language. Earlier socialization research focused on the
32

former while more contemporary research studies the latter. Socialization to use language
includes the process in which a novice acquires forms and the social meanings of these forms.
For example, a novice learns to say “please” with its orthography and phonology as well as its
social function: when, where, and to whom to say “please”. Socialization through language is a
more implicit process in which language is utilized as a medium to transmit sociocultural
knowledge such as the local beliefs and values of a particular community. Some of the
contemporary examples of socialization through language focus on academic discourse
socialization. In these studies, international students’ socialization into oral and written discourse
communities is examined with a focus on language.

2.3.2 Academic Discourse Socialization
Foreign language classrooms have a widely accepted role in socializing students into
certain linguistic and cultural behaviors. These language classrooms are not isolated from the
realities of life, but are strategically embedded within an institutional context and a broader
sociopolitical context. Therefore, institutional, social, historical, and political settings create
multiple layers around these classrooms.
The social, cultural, political, and historical macro-structures also influence the language
ideology taught in classes. Byon (2006) studied the ways Korean-as-a-foreign-language (KFL)
students are socialized implicitly and explicitly into the social values and cultural norms of the
Korean language, such as the use of honorifics to index hierarchy and authority. For example, the
teacher, in this study, used assertive directives to signal a position of authority. This hierarchy
came up several times in teacher talk through assertive directives, personal
pronouns/occupational terms (sensayngnim [teacher honorific title]) and error corrections (to use
33

the humble personal pronoun while speaking to someone of higher status). Byon’s findings
contrast with that of Poole (1992), in which Poole found that teachers aligned with the students
in an effort to minimize the appearance of power differences. In Byon’s data set, the hierarchical
differences were highlighted through implicit and explicit socialization, and students were
socialized into these cultural norms. In contrast, in Poole’s data set, the teachers used inclusive
we (e.g., Where should we put the things in the room?) to avoid an overt display of asymmetry,
employing indirect strategies to run the classroom practices and avoiding directly telling students
what to do. Students in these two studies were sometimes successful in responding to these
signals, and sometimes not. In the latter, the teacher corrected them or provided them a model,
lending further support to the consideration of corrective feedback as an implicit socialization
practice (Friedman, 2010).
In her review article, Duff (2010) addressed the question: “How do newcomers to an
academic culture learn how to participate successfully in the oral and written discourse and
related practices of that discourse community?”(p. 169). She reviewed early and recent studies
that explored novices’ socialization to oral and written discourse communities, academic
publication and textual identities, and electronic modes of discourse such as Computer Mediated
Communication. Early work on discourse socialization, drawing on sociology, rhetoric, and the
history and sociology of science, tended to focus on written discourse socialization, neglecting
oral discourse practices, such as classroom discussions or conference presentations. Emphasizing
the importance of oral discourse socialization, parallel to the expansion of multicultural
communities, Duff argued for “joint responsibility” between instructors and students,
“appropriate mediation”, and “scaffolding” (p. 186) for the successful socialization of novices.

34

An important example of oral discourse socialization is the study of Morita (2004) at a
Canadian university. In her ethnographic multiple case study, Morita investigated the discourse
socialization experiences of six female graduate students from Japan. The theoretical framework
was guided by communities of practice, activity theory, and critical discourse research. The
author argued that learners’ discourse socialization to oral classroom activities was diverse and
contextually situated, and therefore cannot be explained with the folk view of cultural and gender
roles ascribed to Japanese female students. The learners in this study participated in a variety of
ways in different classes. For example, their silence was not to be interpreted by being
uninterested or the assumed cultural value, but it reflected personal preference, resistance,
struggle to gain membership, and position-taking. In addition to their internal conflicts, their
access to classroom discussions and opportunities given for them to speak were also limited.
Therefore, their struggle was situated on the cognitive plane and in social interactions. Learners
continuously negotiated their modes of participation, and in many cases sought out help from the
instructors. Morita’s argument of giving legitimacy to learners as “valuable intellectual and
cultural resources” (p. 598) also resonates with Duff’s (2010) suggestions of “scaffolding” and
“joint-responsibility” of the instructors in this shared endeavor.
In the present study, the Turkish and Uzbek classes taught by the FLTAs are placed
within an American higher education institution; therefore, the academic discourse produced in
this institutional setting may reflect the beliefs and values of the larger community. Furthermore,
academic and disciplinary discourses may be different across institutions and cultures. An Uzbek
FLTA, previously socialized into the Uzbek ESL teacher community, brings her initial beliefs
and practices to the new educational context, which will inevitably result in negotiation and
appropriation of earlier beliefs and practices with contested new ones. The studies reviewed here
35

on academic discourse socialization are in line with the previous literature on the transformation
of teacher beliefs, suggesting sustained support provided to novices and reflective practices, in
order to increase novices’ awareness of their existing beliefs about teaching and learning. Most
research on academic discourse socialization examined students’ transition into new academic
communities. Duff and Uchida (1997) and Kanno and Stuart (2011) are among the most recent
ones and studied ESL teacher socialization in the overseas and the U.S. educational contexts
respectively.

2.3.3 Language Socialization for Teacher Development
Second language classrooms implicitly or explicitly socialize students into certain
cultural and epistemological ideologies (Watson-Gegeo & Nielsen, 2003). Although teachers are
cast as main socializing agents in classrooms, it is reasonable to expect that teachers themselves
are transformed through the day-to-day interactions with several socializing agents, such as
students, classroom context, and supervisors. Recently, the language socialization framework, or
in a similar vein social identity development, was taken up in language teacher development
research.
An exemplary study examining ESL teachers’ socialization to an intercultural context
was conducted by Duff and Uchida (1997) in a Japanese language school. Following an
ethnographic case study design, the researchers focused on two American and two Japanese
teachers to address the questions: “how are teachers’ sociocultural identities, understandings, and
practices negotiated and transformed over time?” and “what factors are associated with those
changes?” (p. 457). The data collection instruments included teacher/student questionnaires,
weekly teacher journals, audio- or video-taped classroom observations, field notes, audio-taped
36

post-observation interviews, life history interviews, and a review of instructional materials. The
research findings indicated that teachers’ perceptions of their sociocultural identities were deeply
influenced by their earlier socialization as learners or teachers, and the contextual factors in their
new workplace. Parallel to the previous literature on teacher socialization (Zeichner & Gore,
1990), the teachers’ biographical background included their “past learning experience, past
teaching experience, and cross-cultural experiences” (p. 468). These factors served to be a lens to
make sense of the new environment. Lending further support to the discussions of micro-level
forces inherent in the classroom setting, “the contextual basis of teaching included the classroom
culture, the institutional culture, and the textbook or curriculum” (p. 469).
All four teachers experienced and responded to these micro- and macro-level forces
differently. They sometimes accepted or rejected the impositions on them, or transformed in
relation to how these ideologies aligned with their established beliefs and practices. Although the
teachers’ socialization to this new environment was unique in many ways, common themes or
issues that cut across all four teachers’ experience emerged in the analysis. In the process of
negotiating their roles as cultural informants or language experts, the teachers depended on their
existing beliefs and experiences about teaching, learning, and culture, and interacted with such
institutional factors as textbooks, curriculum, classrooms, and the larger institution. These
interactions yielded issues of (a) connection, (b) control, (c) complexity, and (d) change and
continuity. Duff and Uchida (1997) argued that novice teachers’ self image as teachers is deeply
influenced by their own experience as learners, and to improve the socialization process, “having
student teachers or in-service teachers reflect on the cultural foundations of their practices and
their own self-image is one place to start” (p. 477). Drawing a potential trajectory for subsequent
research, the researchers concluded that “future studies would benefit from a complementary
37

analysis of classroom discourse using constitutive ethnography in order to examine at a more
micro-linguistic, interactional level the negotiation of identities and L2 teaching practices on a
moment-by-moment basis” (p. 480).
A final study on foreign language teacher development to be reviewed here was
conducted by Kanno and Stuart (2011). In their longitudinal case study research, the researchers
examined the professional identity development of two novice ESL teachers studying in a
TESOL program at a U.S. university, throughout a three-quarter academic year. The data for this
study included classroom observations of 49 lessons, stimulated recall sessions of video-recorded
classes, interviews (at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of each quarter), field notes by
both researchers, and relevant documents such as course syllabi and class handouts. The
researchers addressed the overarching question: “how do student teachers of an L2 learn to
become professional L2 teachers” (p. 5), situating their focus on the pre-service to in-service
transition of novice teachers. Based on a qualitative analysis, mixed results were reported (e.g.,
positive and negative changes on teacher practices). The teachers in this study initially “acted”
the role of a teacher, and only later integrated a teacher identity. At the beginning of the second
quarter, one of the teachers asserted “This quarter, I feel like I’m more their teacher” (p. 8);
another teacher was not used to embodying a teacher authority: “It’s not like something changed
and all of a sudden now I am capable of this…I don’t know how I’m any different from 5 or 10
years ago. Why are people listening to me now?” (p. 9). The researchers argued that particular
classroom practices shaped teacher identities, and teacher identities in turn informed new
practices. Teachers’ concerns in the early stages of their development centered around displays
of a lack of competence, such as not giving clear instructions, not engaging students in an
activity, and not being able to define a word or a grammar rule. In the second and third quarters,
38

teachers’ concerns shifted toward student learning rather than their own teaching, and they
started to address higher order questions such as “to what extent they were meeting students’
needs or whether they were delivering purposeful lessons” (p. 10). The negative changes in the
teachers’ practices, on the other hand, included “a growing disengagement and a more businesslike attitude toward their jobs” (p. 13). The researchers concluded that moving from the identity
of a graduate student to that of a teacher is not a quick and straightforward path, and further
research should examine teacher’s identity development as central to the research of the second
language teacher knowledge base.
The language socialization theory informs the present study to examine the formation and
transformation of teachers’ beliefs and practices at interactional time with respect to macro- and
micro- level factors such as teachers’ and learners’ biography, classroom context, and
institutional context. Using language socialization theory to understand the relationships in an
intercultural setting will inform the literature by providing an ethnographic examination of
Turkish and Uzbek language teachers in a North American educational context (Moore, 2008).
Since its emergence in the 1970s (often referred to as first wave studies), the language
socialization theory has been adopted in several areas, acquiring subfields and analytical
approaches. While early socialization research examined predominantly first language
acquisition, second wave research expanded its focus and methodology. For example, critical
approaches to the study of second language acquisition incorporated the concepts of inequality,
power, and transformation to examine language learning in postcolonial and minority settings
(Bronson & Watson-Gegeo, 2008). As the number of studies using language socialization for
theoretical framework rapidly increased, some criticisms appeared addressing the boundaries of
the theory and claiming to protect its integrity.
39

Bronson and Watson-Gegeo (2008), in a conservative effort, suggested an informal
taxonomy to categorize language socialization research, and suggested readers look for high
quality adaptation. The researchers asserted that “[language socialization] (LS) research in its
most robust implementations is very difficult and time-consuming, and only a few will ever have
the access to resources required and the requisite motivation—on par with an extensive PhD
dissertation—to do it fully” (p. 48). Their suggested taxonomy included LS as topic, approach,
method, and intervention. LS as topic refers to studies with language socialization as a focus, but
do not have to follow the methodology or a longitudinal design. LS as approach includes studies
that adopt LS ontology and epistemology, but may not follow a longitudinal design or a thick
description using primary discourse data. LS as method characterizes studies that are the highest
quality “including full-blown longitudinal ethnographic research and discourse analysis of
relevant data” (p. 50). In order to qualify for this category:
The scope of the research must include all relevant macro- and micro-dimensions of
context, and incorporate whole events and behavior rather than short strips of time that
have been coded into pre-set categories; most categories must be generated from and
grounded in data…[it will] involve fine-grained longitudinal [study] of language and
culture[;] learning in community and/or classroom settings that have been systematically
documented through audiotape, videotape and careful field notes of interaction. In-depth
ethnographic interviews with learners and others involved are an essential part. (p. 50)

The researchers concluded that critical language socialization theory can come into its
culmination through collaborative efforts with the researched who can participate as coauthors in
this shared endeavor. Although the present study does not fully endorse the informal taxonomy
40

of Bronson and Watson-Gegeo (2008), it strives to achieve the design features and qualities
listed in the category of LS as method.
In contrast to Bronson and Watson-Gegeo’s (2008) attempts to categorize LS research
with certain guidelines, Duff and Talmy (2011) suggested that such prescriptive efforts may
restrict the scope of the theory and discourage further research from finding productive avenues.
The researchers examined the trends in language socialization research and argued that language
socialization has distinctive contributions to SLA research, and that its scope and methodology
should be broadened as opposed to the efforts claiming “genuine” research guidelines, which
may harm the theory in the future by imposing restrictive prescriptions. The researchers argued
for three waves of language socialization research, where the third wave can include changes to
broaden the scope and the methodology of the theory. In terms of methodological descriptions,
longitudinal designs are suggested, but short-term studies are not dismissed. “A focal social
practice, speech event, or activity, may be selected so comparisons can be made over time.
Within this activity, particular interactional routines (e.g., greetings), linguistic elements (e.g.,
sentence-final particles in Japanese), or turn-taking behaviors may be examined” (p. 101).
Addressing the concerns of earlier socialization studies in monolingual settings, Duff and
Talmy (2011) stressed the importance of broadening the conceptual focus with a dynamic view
of socialization, expanding analysis to “socialization of older youth and adults, socialization in
more heterogeneous, multilingual, and transnational contexts, and the multiple modalities
through which language socialization can occur, including computer mediated communication,
academic discourses, and popular media ” (p. 101). The implications of such critiques involve an
expansion in the scope of the theory in the areas of (a) population (from children to youth and
adults); (b) settings (from monolingual to multilingual, from home to school and workplace
41

contexts); (c) empirical focus (from successful socialization to unsuccessful or unexpected
outcomes); and (d) modality (from face-to-face to multiple modalities) (Duff & Talmy, 2011). A
refurbishment of the theoretical background of language socialization research will also have
methodological implications. For example, “potentially shorter-term research engagements,
smaller data sets, data generated primarily or even exclusively from interviews (e.g., participant
reports of socialization experiences)” (p. 101) will constitute valid and legitimate methodology.
Addressing the anticipated arrival of the third wave studies in language socialization research,
the researchers expect that future studies will transform the past and present foci and include:
(a) more in-depth analysis of language capabilities and how they evolve over time;
(b) a wider range of target languages and language practices;
(c) greater attention to L1, L2, L3, etc. socialization in bilingual and multilingual settings;
(d) increased consideration of the essential unpredictability, contestedness, and fluidity of
socialization, as it is or is not achieved, in ways anticipated or not;
(e) more investigation into the multiple and ever-changing modalities through which L2
socialization does (or does not) occur, including computer-mediated socialization through
social networking sites, synchronous and asynchronous chat/texting, online gaming, and
“simulated” environments such as Second Life;
(f) more sustained examination of language socialization in workplace and institutional
settings in the current era of globalization, transmigration, and internationalization. (p.
111)

42

2.4 Research Questions and Direction of Present Study
The present study aspires to address the future directions provided in the reviewed
literature (e.g., Duff & Talmy, 2011; Zeichner & Gore, 1990; Staton & Hunt, 1992) by
examining the socialization process of Turkish and Uzbek teachers into teaching their native
language in an American language classroom. This process is not a straightforward trajectory,
but rather complex, bidirectional, contested, and negotiated through formal and informal
interactions in and out-of-class contexts.
Several of the studies examining foreign-language teacher beliefs and practices focused
on ESL and EFL teachers (e.g., Farrell, 1999, 2001; Peacock, 2001; Watzke, 2007) or commonly
taught languages such as French, German, and Spanish (Burke, 2006). The present study aims to
focus on the teachers of less commonly taught languages, examining their beliefs and practices
concerning foreign language teaching and learning and how these do or do not change
throughout an academic year in the American educational context. In addition, the previous
literature on foreign language teacher beliefs explored the transition from pre-service to inservice contexts (e.g., Farrell, 1999; Burke, 2006). To date, there has been a paucity of research
examining foreign language teachers’ socialization into a new academic discourse community at
an intercultural level. The present study aims to fill the gap in the literature by bringing a
language socialization perspective to the examination of FLTAs’ socialization into the American
educational context. With respect to the biographical and contextual factors surrounding the
socialization of the teachers, the study addresses the following research questions:
1) How are novice Turkish and Uzbek language teachers’ pedagogical beliefs and practices
negotiated and transformed over time?
2) What factors are associated with these changes?
43

CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

In his taxonomy for qualitative research in social sciences, Crotty (1998) identified four
important elements that are embedded in the questions: (1) what methods does one propose to
use?; (2) what methodology governs choices and use of methods?; (3) what theoretical
perspective guides the methodology in use?; and (4) what epistemology informs this theoretical
perspective? If we consider these elements in a funnel shape, epistemology will be at the top of
the funnel informing theory, methodology, and methods respectively. In its most basic definition,
epistemology is the nature of knowledge and truth (Somekh & Lewin, 2007) and is a key
element in the selection of theoretical frameworks and methodology. Theoretical perspective is
an epistemic stance guiding the methodology and providing a context to understand the question
at hand. Methodology is not only a set of methods, but also a strategic plan of action weaving the
methods in an intricate way to create an analytical framework. Methods are at the bottom of the
funnel and constitute the techniques or procedures used to gather and analyze data for a research
question or hypothesis (Crotty, 1998).
The present study adheres to a constructivist epistemology, describing a theory of
knowledge that emphasizes the dynamic processes involved in building and acquiring knowledge
rather than a static view of facts and figures to be memorized or understood (Somekh & Lewin,
2007). Often portrayed in contrast to objectivism and positivism, which embrace the notion that
meaning is inherent in the object and there is an objective truth to be discovered, constructivist
epistemology postulates that meaning is created through collaborative interaction of social
beings (Crotty, 1998). Accordingly, a language socialization theoretical perspective situates
language acquisition in social interaction and views language acquisition as gaining membership
44

into a community through social interactions with more competent members of that community
(Lave & Wenger, 1991; Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984). However, this should not mean that
acquisition or socialization is unidirectional and straightforward, where experts facilitate
novices’ socialization into preferred outcomes; on the contrary, it is often a contested process
where novices can accept, appropriate, resist, or reject the structures they are being socialized
into (Duff & Talmy, 2011).
3.1 Methods
The study is qualitative in nature, and follows an ethnographic multiple case study design
using content and discourse analysis methods. Given the objectives of this research study,
ethnography is an effective methodology to gain understanding of participants’ social context,
and to explore how they construct and interpret their worlds (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003).
Ethnography traditionally focuses on a cultural community to understand and describe the
beliefs, values, and practices that are central to the behavior of that community (Merriam, 1997).
Sometimes this cultural group can be small (e.g., a few teachers, students), but typically involves
many people interacting over time (Creswell, 2006). In terms of methods of data collection,
extended observations of a group, most commonly through participant observation, the
researcher is immersed in the practices of the focal community observing and interviewing the
group participants (Creswell, 2006). The term ethnography might be adopted and understood
differently in anthropological and educational studies. In the present study, it is conceptualized
as: (1) a set of data collection techniques such as participant observation, interviewing, document
analysis, longitudinal observations, and researcher field notes; and (2) as “a sociocultural
interpretation of the data” (Merriam, 1997, p. 14). According to Crotty (1998), “ethnographic

45

inquiry in the spirit of symbolic interactionism seeks to uncover meanings and perceptions on the
part of the people participating in the research, viewing these understandings against the
backdrop of the people’s overall worldview of ‘culture’.” (p. 7). In order to bring an insider's
perspective, I immerse myself in the video-recorded data prior to a detailed analysis and look for
themes that are unique to a single participant or shared across other participants. The case study
method requires a rich account of processes and outcomes in a social setting. Ethnographic work
“tends by its very ambitions and nature to focus on a limited range of cases, often only one case
or social setting” (Goldbart & Hustler, 2007, p. 16). In the present study, each of the teachers
constitutes the cases to be studied longitudinally and in detail.

3.1.1 Research Setting
This study involves the program on Less-Commonly-Taught-Languages (LCTLs—world
languages that are less frequently studied by Americans) at a Midwestern university. The
students at this university come from the U.S. and 130 other countries. Students at this university
have a lot of options for foreign languages such as African, Asian, Germanic, Romance, and
Slavic languages. Every year, around 10 to 15 FLTAs are recruited to teach LCTL languages.
The FLTAs work closely with a supervisor and have weekly or biweekly meetings to discuss
curriculum, material, and assessment issues. When teachers confront a problem, they seek out
and rely on their supervisor’s guidance, and need such assistance less and less as they progress
during the semester. The FLTA supervisor scaffolds teacher’s professional development on a
day-to-day basis through individual meetings, group meetings, and email exchanges. The
participants in this study are Turkish and Uzbek FLTAs and students enrolled in these classes.

46

Turkish and Uzbek classes are chosen because, as the researcher, I am familiar with these
languages and will be able to translate and analyze classroom observations.
The Turkish LL 151 class meets four times a week, and each session is 50 minutes in
length. The Uzbek LL 151 class meets twice a week, and each session is 100 minutes in length,
sometimes with a break and sometimes as a block lesson per the teacher’s preference. There is a
curriculum for each class handed down by previous FLTAs, which transforms every year with
new contributions. The curriculum objectives of these beginning and intermediate level courses
include providing learners with an operational linguistic and cultural background in Turkish or
Uzbek, and developing language skills in four areas: reading, writing, listening, and speaking.
The teacher’s specific objectives, perpetuated by the assumed role of cultural representative
through Fulbright, focus on meaningful learning through the presentation of cultural and
historical exemplars. The representative role is explicitly communicated to the teachers, as one
of the participant teachers noted: “The Fulbright wants us to represent our culture here. They are
not really concerned if we teach classes or how many hours we teach. For them, it is more
important that we attend the cultural activities here such as the global festival”. Table 1 displays
a summary of participants.

47

Table 1
The summary of participants
1

Biography

Bakhrom

Sebahat

30, Male
Tashkent, Uzbekistan
Uzbek, Russian, and
English
BA in World
Languages and
Cultures

29, Female
Izmir, Turkey
Turkish, English, and
German
BA, MA and PhD in
Foreign language
education

EFL 6, Uzbek 2 years
EFL at college level,
Uzbek for adults

EFL teaching 6 years
EFL to adult learners,
EFL at college level

None

None

None

Fall 2011-Spring 2012
3 ROTC students in
Fall; 2 in Spring
Language Teaching
Methodology,
Sociolinguistics, U.S.
Foreign Relations,
Qualitative Research
in SLA, Feminism
Effective teaching
takes place when
students learn by heart
and speak like a
native speaker

Fall 2010-Spring 2011
2 ROTC students in
Fall and Spring
Elementary German,
Intermediate German,
Blended Learning,
U.S. History

Fall 2010-Spring 2011
6 undergrad. students
in Fall; 5 in Spring
Elementary and Intermediate German, The
American Civil War,
Qualitative Research,
Research Methods,
Topics in SLA
Effective teaching
takes place when
students enjoy
learning and develop
self-confidence

Nargiz
26, Female
Tashkent, Uzbekistan
Uzbek, Russian,
English, and German

Age and Gender
Residence
Languages

2

Degrees

BA and PhD in
World Languages and
Cultures
EFL teaching /3 years
EFL at college level

Profession/Years
Previous teaching
3

experience
Previous experience
in the U.S.
Time in the U.S
4

Students in the U.S.

Professional
development courses
taken in the U.S.

Dominant teaching
philosophy
throughout the study

1
2
3
4

Effective teaching
takes place when
students learn through
different kinds of
technology

Pseudonyms are used instead of real names throughout the paper.
Nargiz and Sebahat were PhD students during their participation in the FLTA program
Previous teaching experiences are listed in a chronological order
LCTL classes often involve smaller numbers of learners compared to other foreign languages.
48

3.1.2 The Researcher’s Role
In the induction and data collection stages of the study, I took a non-participant observer
role (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003); that is, I attended the foreign language classes every week and
communicated with the teachers and the students, but I did not participate in class activities
except in some rare occasions where the teacher publicly asked me questions after depleting
several different resources. To the teachers, I was an insider: We spoke the same language, had
taught ESL in our home countries, were studying in the U.S., and even shared similar academic
interests (e.g., qualitative research in language and culture). This insider role helped me better
understand teachers’ needs, preferences, and expectations, and therefore created opportunities for
mutually constructed understanding of their experience. I also acted like a co-author to them in
the projects concerning their socialization. By the end of an academic year and their time in the
U.S., the teachers and I presented the preliminary findings of their experience at local
conferences on language and education. Including participants’ voices in the analysis is not an
innovation, but has been frequently emphasized (e.g., Bronson &Watson-Gegeo, 2008) in studies
drawing on constructivist epistemology.
3.2 Data Collection
For purposes of triangulation, data were drawn from multiple sources: (a) observation
and field notes from the FLTA orientation that was held at the host university in August; (b)
collection of orientation materials and handbooks; (c) interviews with FLTA administrators at
the beginning of the study; (d) audio- and video- recorded classroom observations throughout an
academic year; (e) collection of classroom materials, lesson plans, and syllabus; (f) detailed field
notes from the observations; (g) student and teacher interviews at the beginning, in the middle,
49

and at the end of the academic year; and (h) retrospective video commentary interviews with the
teachers. A summary of data collection instruments is given in Table 2.
The first set of interviews with the teachers aimed to explore teachers’ educational and
professional backgrounds, beliefs about teaching and learning, and issues faced by FLTAs. The
second interview at the end of Fall semester aimed to explore the teachers’ experience during
their first semester and their plans for the next semester. The questions generally fall under these
categories: the teacher’s role in teaching grammar and vocabulary, teaching methods, classroom
management, corrective feedback, interaction with students, exchanging cultural information
bidirectionally, meeting students’ expectations and needs, adaptation to the teacher role, aligning
with students’ level of understanding, and any changes in these categories over time. These
questions were designed using the findings from the pilot study (Uzum, 2012) in Fall 2010. The
third interview was a retrospective video commentary interview to be conducted at the end of
Spring semester. The teachers were shown excerpts from their teaching and asked to comment
on their classroom practices. Teachers paused the recording to comment on what they were
thinking while doing a particular practice, and compared this with the rest of the semester to
address whether this practice changed or remained the same over time. In addition to the
teachers, students were interviewed at the end of Fall and Spring semesters to learn about their
perspectives of the teachers’ socialization into the U.S. academic community.

50

Table 2
The data collection instruments
Methods
Data Collection period
August 2010-May 2012
Interview with an
Once at the onset of the
administrator.
study in August 2010
Interviews with teachers
Interview 1: Beginning of
academic year
Interview 2: End of Fall
semester
Interview 3: End of Spring
semester
Classroom observations
Once a week for 15 weeks
in Fall semesters.

Field notes

During video-recorded
observations

Interviews with students

Interviews: End of Fall
semester
Throughout data collection
period

Documents

Data
Audio-recorded and transcribed
interview, 45 minutes in length
Audio-recorded and transcribed
interviews, 30 to 45 minutes in
length

Video-recorded classroom
observations
2 teachers in 2010 and 2011;
1 teacher in 2011 and 2012
Careful and detailed notes on
classroom events and the
researcher’s thoughts
Audio-recorded and transcribed
interviews,
Orientation documents
FLTA and LCTL handbooks
Class syllabus and lesson plans
Textbooks and worksheets

3.3 Data Analysis
Analyses and interpretations are conducted in a recursive, reflexive, and triangulated
manner (Denzin & Lincoln, 2003). The written documents and interview data are analyzed using
a content analysis method, by coding and categorizing emerging themes within and across
participants. These themes are used as a basis to identify supporting excerpts in the classroom
interaction data. In the analysis of the latter, a turn-by-turn discourse analysis method is utilized.
In order to explore the factors influencing teachers’ socialization as it unfolds in the teachers'
reflections, beliefs and practices that the teachers comment on are traced in the classroom
interaction data for comparisons throughout the semester.
51

In the following chapters, teachers' comments on their beliefs and practices are listed
under the subheadings: (a) teaching and learning; (b) teacher role; (c) teaching methods; (d)
classroom interactions; (e) corrective feedback; and (f) teaching culture. The analysis of teachers
reflections yielded a teacher socialization framework with three guiding factors. In each excerpt,
biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors that influence the negotiation and transformation of
teachers' beliefs and practices are explored and identified with the following initials: biographical
5

factors (B); contextual factors (C); and dialogic factors (D). Biographical factors are defined as:
(a) teachers' personal history; (b) past experience as learners of other languages; and (c)
professional experience as English as a Foreign Language (EFL) teachers in their home
countries. Contextual factors are those pertinent to the U.S. educational setting including: (a)
teachers' interactions with students; and (b) interactions with institutional resources. The dialogic
factors include teachers' making sense of theory in their practice such as: (a) teachers' theoretical
knowledge; and (b) theory-practice interplay. It is important to note that teachers' beliefs and
practices are not shaped by a single factor or by the sum of these factors, but these factors are
dynamically interacting with each other in guiding teachers' transformation of beliefs and
practices.
The excerpts in the following chapters are taken from the interviews and presented in its
most natural form with minimal revision, but some restructuring was done to avoid redundancy.
Stylistic choices by the speakers such as pauses, false starts, self-corrections, and translation

5

A second rater was consulted in coding decisions, and final decisions were made after

discussions in cases of disagreements.
52

errors are left intact. The italicized words and phrases are important for the focus of analysis and
are meant to attract readers' attention.

53

CHAPTER 4
THE CASE STUDY OF SEBAHAT

This chapter presents the qualitative case study of Sebahat. Sebahat taught Turkish
language in Fall 2010 and Spring 2011 semesters at a major Midwestern university in the U.S. In
Sebahat’s beginner Turkish language classroom, there were four female and one male students in
the Fall semester, and four female students continued to study pre-intermediate Turkish in the
Spring semester. The students were from a variety of majors and planned to go to Turkey for a
study abroad program or short personal visits. Over the course of two semesters teaching Turkish
in the U.S., Sebahat was able to reconstruct her beliefs about language teaching and revised her
practices accordingly. In comparison to Bakhrom and Nargiz, Sebahat had more advanced
education in language teaching methodology. During her participation in the Fulbright program,
she was pursuing a PhD degree in Teaching English to the Speakers of Other Languages
(TESOL) at a major university in Turkey. By Fall 2010 and Spring 2011, she had completed her
coursework and was writing her dissertation on “Communicative language teaching in Turkish
educational context”. Her advanced educational background in second language pedagogy was
6

often reflected in her beliefs and practices. The interviews presented in this chapter are from
September 2010, December 2010, and April 2011.
Among other possible factors, three major factors were found to shape and reshape
Sebahat’s pedagogical beliefs and practices: a) biographical factors (e.g., teachers' personal
history, experience as learners and EFL teachers); b) contextual factors (e.g., interactions with
6

The interviews with Sebahat were conducted in Turkish based on her preference, and

translations are presented in this chapter.
54

students and institutional resources); and c) dialogic factors (e.g., teachers' use of theory in
classroom practice). In the following excerpts, the biographical (B), contextual (C), and dialogic
(D) factors are identified in Sebahat’s reflections, and the accompanying letters (B, C, and D) are
inserted at the beginning of a sentence or group of sentences that correspond to a given factor.
For example, in a hypothetical situation, the letters can be applied in the following way: “(B) I
learnt so much about languages from my father, (C) here I don’t have many people around me to
talk about languages, and (D) I think people learn the best by interacting with others.” The
analysis of each case study focuses on six themes that emerged in the pilot study. These themes
demonstrate teachers’ beliefs and practices regarding: a) teaching and learning; b) teacher role;
c) teaching methods; d) corrective feedback; e) classroom interactions; and f) teaching culture.
4.1 Beliefs About Teaching and Learning
Sebahat is a female in her late 20s, and has worked as an EFL teacher in an adult
education program for four years and the intensive English language program at a major
university in Turkey for two years. Sebahat’s past experience as a student and an EFL teacher in
Turkey served as a filter to interpret her new experiences in the U.S. educational context. She
went to primary and secondary school in Turkey, where she first took English classes. She
explained that these classes were very enjoyable and inspired her to be an English language
teacher. She explained that grammar was very important in these classes, and was often
introduced in reading or writing activities:
We had tons of worksheets to complete. There was a rule, and following the rule, we
would write hundreds of sentences. The speaking and listening activities would be in the
book, but grammar and writing would be homework. For vocabulary, we would write

55

each word several times. This would be homework and sometimes punishment.
(September 2010)

Similar to Nargiz and Bakhrom, Sebahat talked about an inspirational teacher who
influenced her teaching today. In her reflections, Sebahat drew from her biographical experience
and dialogic understanding of language teaching and learning. Please note that the switches in
perspective from narrative (e.g., biographical/experiential) to expository (e.g.,dialogic/
theoretical) took place through the adoption of generic you to mean one, similar to Bakhrom's
and Nargiz’s responses. Through the use of generic you, the teachers performed an impersonal
and disengaged perspective. Therefore, these reflections denoted an abstract discourse space
instead of coming from personal and experiential knowledge.

4.1.1 Inspirational Teacher Influencing Sebahat’s Teaching
7

R : Do you remember any language teacher that you thought was effective?
T: (B) Of course, Mahmut bey [Mr. Mahmut]. Actually, compared to today’s methods, he
might seem like grammar traditional method or audio lingual method, but he was
exceptional. He didn’t teach the way we call ‘modern methods’ now, but really inspired
me. That’s why I became an English language teacher.
R: How did you decide to become an English language teacher?
T: Why? (B) I was inspired by my English language teacher in high school. Maybe, I
didn’t have a natural talent to learn English, but I really enjoyed it. He gave me that

7

R is used to refer to "Researcher" and T is for "Teacher" throughout the paper
56

positive attitude. I studied willingly. Even though I had difficulties, these didn’t wear me
out, and I persisted. For this reason, I wanted to be an English language teacher, and I
wanted to be like him. I wanted my students to like studying English. I mean, (D) even
though they may not be successful, they should not develop a negative attitude towards
studying English. I wanted to transform the attitudes to positive.
R: Was there any influence of the English language classes in college?
T: (B) Of course. Since I was going to be a teacher of that language, I was able to think
about my own language learning experience when I took second language acquisition
courses. In the second language acquisition courses, it was helpful for me to learn about
how students think and feel in this process.
R: Do you think there are any similarities between you and him in the way you teach
today?
T: I think my teaching style is like his now. For example, I cannot abandon grammar
focus in my teaching. (D) You know in communicative approach, grammar should be in
the background, (B) but I cannot do that. Somehow, grammar overtakes. I think that may
be because of his influence. (September 2010)

One of the most important qualities of Sebahat’s beliefs about teaching and learning is
affective change. In addition to creating cognitive change, Sebahat focused on changing learners’
attitudes to positive. She realized that as long as learners had positive attitudes, they could make
up for their disadvantages and learn to use the language effectively. However, in the absence of
such positive attitude, it is not possible to create cognitive change. Therefore, according to
Sebahat’s beliefs about teaching and learning, affective change comes before cognitive change.
57

Sebahat acknowledged that she may not have been able to transform her students' English
language knowledge, but at least she was able to have them develop positive feelings towards
learning English. Sebahat’s own learning experience is influential in making these decisions. For
example, since she was a visual learner and could learn better by seeing and visualizing, she
adopted visual illustration habits such as effective use of blackboard and writing practices as
homework. Therefore, her biography as a learner shaped her dialogic understanding of effective
teaching and learning.

4.1.2 Past Experience as an EFL Student
R: Do you think there is any effect of your experience as a student on the way you teach
today?
T: (B) Yes, there is. Let me put it this way, since I remember how I felt when I was a
student, I think today that my students might feel the same way, and I act accordingly.
R: How do you describe yourself as a student?
T: (B) For example, I had great visual memory and learnt better by writing. Even if
teachers may not give homework, I would still write things down, for example, make
summaries. I would choose some words from reading texts, and write them down several
times, and not just writing for the sake of writing, but I was very careful, for example,
would use colorful pencils and markers. For example, if you ask me now, ‘how did you
learn X?’ I can visualize it, and tell you the day I learn it with the book and the page
number. I pay a lot of attention to visual memory, and therefore, in my teaching today, I
use at least three colors of chalks on the board. That’s why I use a lot of powerpoint
presentations and I make students write. Oral words fly and are temporary, but written
58

ones are permanent. I mean, it feels like writing leads to a more permanent learning. I see
the influence of all of these in my teaching today. (September 2010)

Sebahat’s past experience as a language learner shaped her professional experience as an
EFL teacher. When she came to the U.S., her biographical experience as a learner and an EFL
teacher reshaped the dialogic ways she thought about how effective teaching takes place. In her
early teaching experience in Turkey, Sebahat did not have a traditional classroom, which created
a lot of discomfort and ambiguity. She expected to be in a public school teaching teenagers, but
was assigned to teach in an adult education institution. In her classroom, there were students
from diverse socio-economic backgrounds. The students included retired government officials,
high school drop-out students, college students, and students with learning disabilities. Sebahat
had a lot of trouble relating to the students and meeting their needs, so eventually she fell back to
her original teaching philosophy: “teach to create affective change”. The students were from
such diverse backgrounds that she realized it was not possible to help them all transform their
knowledge.

4.1.3 Past Experience as an EFL Teacher
R: Do you remember your early teaching experiences? Can you talk about them a little?
T: (B) I remember, first I was very nervous. I was expecting to be assigned to teach in an
elementary or secondary school, but I was assigned to teach in an adult education
institute. The class population was very diverse. The students were 15-16 year old drop
out girls, retired government workers, and housewives. This shocked me. (D) You know,
some students learn really fast, and some don’t learn at all. Some students cannot
59

pronounce, and they get really discouraged. (B) This was a big problem, but from the
human side of this experience, it was very pleasant. The classes were very enjoyable. In
terms of proficiency development and learning, I think it was very weak. I thought the
same way back then too. I think I was able to help them develop some positive attitude
though. (September 2010)
4.2 Teacher Role in the Classroom
When Sebahat taught EFL in Turkey, her overarching teaching philosophy, “teach to
create affective change”, shaped her dialogic understanding of teacher role in the classroom. In
devising this teaching philosophy, Sebahat’s biographical experience learning English was
instrumental. When Sebahat was a high school student, one of her inspirational teachers
encouraged her to develop positive attitudes towards English language although she was not a
successful learner in the beginning. This positive experience transferred to Sebahat’s future
professional experiences. In the first years of her EFL teaching, she acted like a guide and helped
students along the way. She thought that learners wanted to feel that they are learning something
and constantly sought her approval in their work. However, Sebahat’s contextual experiences
also transformed through her participation in professional development activities. She started off
with a teacher centered instruction, but moved to a more student centered instruction since her
research topic for her Master's degree was on collaborative learning. Therefore, Sebahat’s
biographical experience as a learner initially informed her contextual experiences and later
transformed due to the ongoing professional development courses and her interest in theoretical
concepts in second language acquisition when she was in Turkey.

60

4.2.1 Teacher as a Guide
R: Can you describe your role in the classroom?
T: (B) First, students expected me to make them feel that they are learning. This really
made them happy. Second, if they were going to do something, they wanted me to tell the
steps clearly. They didn't like getting lost. They did not like ambiguous situations and
wanted me to be very clear. In the tasks they did, they wanted me to always support them
and encourage them. Actually, since I did this from the beginning, after a while, it
became an expectation on their side. When they worked on an activity, they would keep
bringing it to me to have my approval if they are on the right track.
R: In these classes, would you generally lecture or would students actively participate?
T: (B) I generally included the students in the activities. Especially, during the second
semester, since my thesis was on collaborative learning, there would be a lot of student
interaction in classes. I was mostly in the background. Maybe in my first year, I was
more in the center, but in my second year it was more student centered. (September 2010)

Drawing from her past teaching experience, Sebahat constantly sought feedback from
students in order to shape her instruction according to students' reactions. In example 4.2.2, her
biographical experience shaped her expectations of the current context. However, students in the
Turkish language class were not as responsive as Sebahat's former students in Turkey. Sebahat
tried to create a classroom community similar to the one in Turkey. For example, she used to do
a lot of social activities with the students in Turkey, but was not able to engage in such activities
with the students in the U.S. First of all, she was discouraged in the FLTA orientation program at
the beginning of the year. In the orientation, she was told many preemptive qualities about
61

American students, and this stopped her doing many things that she originally wanted to.
Therefore, her biographical experience as a student and EFL teacher in Turkey was in conflict
with the contextual factors. In resolving this conflict, she yielded to the contextual requirements
and suppressed her original beliefs and thoughts. She was probably still loyal to her original
beliefs, but temporarily adopted the contextual expectations in her practices. This adoption was
exactly what she was taught not to do when she was in college in Turkey: "Stand by your beliefs
of what is good and what is bad practice. Don't be another teacher who gets lost in the system".
In the course of the semester, Sebahat realized that the blanket statements about American
students in the orientation may not actually be completely accurate. Therefore, she turned back to
her biographical experience and adopted a friendly teacher role that she was used to performing
with her former students in Turkey.

4.2.2 Student Feedback Shaping Teacher Role
R: How do you describe your role in this class?
T: (C) As much as possible, I was someone who was trying to help them. Also, I always
wanted to hear their input. I tried to understand how they felt, and I tried to shape the
lessons accordingly. Therefore, for example in our classes we had the problem of 'too
much English' instead of Turkish. Because, I thought the students, for example, Jim
would get lost in classes. I tried to use Turkish because Mark said 'challenge them a little,
stick to Turkish', but it didn't work. Then, I noticed that Jim pushed away his books like
saying 'I am done here'. At that moment, I felt very upset, and continued to speak
English. In many ways, I tried to be helpful to them. I asked them 'should we do it this
way? Would you like to do this?' I always expected some guidance from them. I mean I
62

wasn't able to ask them directly 'Are you this way or that way?'. I think this was because
of the advice at the FLTA orientation. They kept saying 'American students are
demanding'. My students were not demanding. Even if they had demands, they didn't tell
me unless I asked.
R: What did they mean by 'demanding'?
T: (C) For example, 'they ask for a lot of things; they want to learn x and y; they don't
want to waste classroom time; even a minute is precious to them; if they need something,
they will definitely let you know; if they don't understand, they will definitely ask', but
my students were not like this. For example, I think they don't ask when they don't
understand. They were very reserved especially in the beginning. They got more
comfortable later. At the very beginning, I would ask 'Did you understand?' they would
say 'yes', but I knew they didn't. However, I couldn't insist because of what I have learnt
at the orientation. (December 2010)
4.3 Teaching Methods
Sebahat’s teaching methods were shaped by her biographical experience as a student and
an EFL teacher. The most striking example is that when she was given the choice of which book
she wanted to use in her first EFL teaching experience, she chose the book that she herself
studied in high school. In her first EFL teaching experience, the school did not offer much access
to resources or a curriculum. Sebahat had to design the class and prepare materials and activities
for the students. She thought that the school did not really care what she did in the classroom,
and she had to use her personal resources for the students and bring everything from home, such
as her own tape player and photocopies.

63

4.3.1 Teaching Methods in Past Experience
R: What kind of methods and materials did you use in your past experience?
T: (B) I was very lucky in that sense because I was given the option to choose whatever I
wanted. They were not very interested in what I did in class. So, I used the textbook that I
studied in high school. Since I thought the book followed a communicative approach and
I learnt well using it, I thought it would be a good choice. However, since the book was
very expensive, I couldn't make the students buy it, so I brought photocopies every week.
I also prepared worksheets and activities using my printer at home. I had a computer in
class, but not a projector. I also brought my own tape player from home for listening
activities. Actually, I didn't have any other resources or someone to guide me.
(September 2010)

In terms of methods and materials, Sebahat’s Turkish language teaching experience was
somewhat similar to her past experience as an EFL teacher. Since there are not many resources
in Turkish language teaching, she had to prepare worksheets and activities herself. Creating
activities from scratch instead of adapting existing activities forced Sebahat to think about their
design and application. Therefore, the contextual constraints actually became opportunities to
expand her knowledge in material design. Through this experience, Sebahat reconstructed the
ways she thought about and used activities in the classroom. For example, in creating vocabulary
worksheets, she wanted to use pictures instead of English translations so that students could
make direct associations with the concepts instead of going through the English translation of
these concepts. In addition, she changed the order of procedures in the classroom. For example,
while she typically followed a “from example to rule” approach, she realized that students
64

constantly got lost or were not able to infer the rule from the examples. Using this new
information that came through the contextual cues and interactions with the students, she later
adopted a “from rule to example” approach so that students were able to see the rule explicitly
beforehand and apply this rule to following several examples. Therefore, the contextual factors
shaped her dialogic understanding of designing grammar and vocabulary activities and in a
broader sense teaching and learning the Turkish language.

4.3.2 Teaching Methods in Turkish Language Classes
R: Can you talk about your teaching methods? What were they in the beginning? What
are they now?
T: Actually, (C) they didn't change much. I especially changed a few things. Since I don't
have a textbook here, I had to prepare my own materials from scratch. This was a great
source of stress for me. For example, I had to use a lot of English while presenting the
materials. For example, (B) I knew that a vocabulary item shouldn't be given with a direct
English translation. (C) Therefore, I tried very hard to find pictures for vocabulary
teaching. I tried to teach Turkish words with the pictures, making direct associations and
without involving English. When I tried the same with grammar, I thought they were
getting very confused, so in some occasions I decided to explain explicitly. For example,
instead of focusing on the rule too much, I want to teach the rule in the first ten minutes,
and then do a lot of practice such as role plays during the rest of the class. Instead of
giving in small chunks, I wanted to give full sentences, for example, in present
continuous 'I am driving a car; I am watching TV' so that they would remember it as a
chunk. Later, I went back to the rule. For example, in present continuous tense, they
65

didn't understand if I gave the rule after the examples. So, in later grammar topics like
past tense, I first gave the rule in the first ten minutes and did a lot of practice during the
rest of the class.
R: Which one worked better?
T: (C) The latter worked better because (D) there are so many rules in Turkish: softening
of sounds, vowel harmony, this and that. For example, one affix can go into at least eight
forms. It is difficult to make these inferences why an affix goes into a certain form. (C) I
mean after giving the rule first, the classes were so smooth. For example, this is vowel
harmony and sounds get softened like this. They were able to apply this to many other
examples themselves after seeing it. I mean not all of them, but most students were able
to apply the rule in other examples. For example, even when they cannot apply correctly
when I said 'you need to change this here', they were able to say 'oh, I remember we were
doing it this way', and they were able to refer to the rule. After giving the rules, many
things automatically got resolved for us. I can tell this comfortably in terms of grammar.
Even if application may have problems, it made sense to them when the rules were shown
explicitly and in advance. (December 2010)

Sebahat reconstructed her grammar teaching methods. Since she did not have previous
experience in teaching Turkish grammar, she learned to teach through her experimental
responses to the contextual requirements. She tried out different methods and strategies and
possibly drew from her biographical EFL teaching experience. Sebahat’s interactions with the
students while teaching grammar informed the strategies she followed later. For example, she
noticed that when she paired students, only one of the students was meaningfully engaged, and
66

the other student did not have a cognitive task on which to focus. Therefore, she revised her
activities to engage both students meaningfully on a task. Her biographical experience along with
the contextual cues contributed to her growing dialogic understanding of a successful
collaborative activity.

4.3.3 Implicit and Explicit Teaching Methods in Teaching Grammar
R: How did you teach grammar in class?
T: At first, (C) I used to have students read their sentences to each other, then I realized
that it was pointless. It was good that they repeated their sentences aloud, but the listener
did not have any reasons to listen to them. Later, I made them more like a game in which
the listener has to use the information they listen to. I want grammar to be meaningful for
them rather than mechanical drills. I prepared questions that are relevant to their life
because I know their interests and hobbies. When they had difficulties, we tried to
identify and formulize them. They found the formula to remember the consonant rule in
Turkish. (B) In Turkey, we learnt them as fıstıkçı şahap (Sahap the peanut seller), and (C)
they created “Feeling Sorry That Kids Cannot See Harry Potter.” [In Turkish, f, s, t, k, ç,
ş, h and p are followed by a voiced consonant during conjugation.] (April 2011)

In the course of the semester, Sebahat also adopted strategic modifications in her
vocabulary instruction in order to respond better to the students’ needs and interests. Therefore,
her dialogic understanding of teaching vocabulary emerged as a response to the contextual
requirements.

67

4.3.4 Meaningful Collaboration in Teaching Vocabulary
T: (C) I had difficulties going around the students to check their work, so I decided to set
the seats in a U-shape. This way, I was able to go around students and check their work.
This also helped with pair work. They were able to work with the people next to them. I
used to read the new vocabulary items on the board, and have students repeat after me,
then I wanted to have them tell these words to each other in pairs through a matching
activity. (D) In this picture matching activity, a student has only the pictures of a word,
and the other has only the written forms. When a student reads the word in her hand, the
other looks at her pictures to find the correct picture. (C) Later, I changed this. In the new
design, both of the students have pictures and words, but different ones. (D) Because in
the previous one, only the person who has the pictures was able to imagine the object to
be learnt. Now both of the students are exposed to the picture and the written forms of the
vocabulary items. I also started to visualize words on the board more often. I write a word
on the board then underline it, and circle the affixes to show that they are important.
(April 2011)

Using the contextual cues, Sebahat was also able to think about her first language
objectively and became the learner of her own language in some ways. Therefore, the contextual
factors helped her revise her biographical experience. She started to think about the Turkish
language in some ways that were new to her. A revision in biographical experience also triggered
another change in the dialogic understanding of teaching grammar. For example, Sebahat noticed
that she used "morning, noon, evening" together when she wanted to elicit a particular time
frame from the students. She thought this may confuse the students since they may create their
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own cluster. This realization made Sebahat aware of her own existing categorization. She
decided to break her habit so that students would not be confused among these three time points.
Therefore, a revision in her biographical experience in turn shaped her contextual practice and
dialogic understanding of how these structures should be taught.

4.3.5 Teacher's Growing Understanding of Her First Language
T: (C) Sometimes, students have difficulties with some words. I never thought these
words, for example, koşmak (to run) and konuşmak (to speak), kovmak (to fire), koymak
(to put), or okul (school) and oku (to read) would be confusing, but they seem to think
they are the same. So, to explain they are different when we come across these words, I
write them on the board or pronounce them with an explicit stress on their different
syllables like KOŞmak or KONUŞmak.
T: In Turkish, (B) I must have categorized things in my mind. For example, when I say
sabah (morning), the first thing that comes to my mind is öğle (noon) and akşam
(evening). I must have registered them together in my mind as sabah, öğle, akşam. (C)
So, I always taught them together. When they were giving an example, I asked them “Is it
sabah, öğle or akşam?” I think that was wrong to do because maybe they will categorize
them differently in their mind. Maybe, they will map sabah with something else. I pushed
them my categories and confused them even more. (April 2011)

Sebahat’s biographical experience as a learner and an EFL teacher shaped her dialogic
understanding of the teaching and learning of the Turkish language. Drawing from her
experience as a learner and a teacher, she was able to devise a perspective for effective teaching
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and was able notice the conflicts and problems existing in the current language education system
in Turkey. When she compared Turkish language instruction in the U.S. to English language
education in Turkey, she explained that there was a mismatch between instruction and testing in
the Turkish context. For example, students are taught using a communicative approach, but later
are tested for grammar and vocabulary. Teachers start off the semester with communicative
approach, but later submit to “teach to the test” tradition. Students also change their orientation
to “study for the test” when the end of semester approaches due to the fear of failing the test.
Sebahat showed awareness of this problem, but was not able to resolve the test-instruction
mismatch, and chose to yield to the contextual restraints. In this example, the context was in
conflict with her dialogic understanding of effective teaching and learning, but, not having a
better solution, she accepted the contextual requirements to her practices.

4.3.6 A Comparison of Teaching Methods Between Turkey and the U.S.
R: How do you compare your methods here to those in Turkey?
T: When I compare my methods to Turkey, it's very different. (B) First of all, in Turkey I
have all the materials and textbooks. I don't need to prepare as much and can do various
activities. There is a problem in Turkey too. Since we teach students through a
communicative approach and test grammar at the end of semester, a conflict emerges. (D)
In the end, since you don't want the student to fail the test, you end up teaching grammar
in class and you teach it in such a way that they will be able to do well in the test. You
want the student to pass the test, and the student wants to pass the test and studies
accordingly. At the beginning of the semester, you make a fresh start and teach using
communicative approach without spending too much time on grammar rules. However,
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you have to teach the rules too, because they get tested with these grammar rules. I mean
if the test is also testing communicative competence, maybe it will be okay. (B) I think
there is a conflict like that in Turkey. (D) I mean you give reading texts and listening
texts, but then you go ahead and test grammar such as 'She blank X' and the student needs
to know that 'is' will go to the blank. You are asking tenses, structure, and vocabulary.
After some time, your instruction also falls back to your testing. (B) I mean I can tell you
in Turkey you start with communicative approach but gradually lean toward grammar
focused instruction because by the end of the semester the test is coming up, and
students’ focus also shifts to the test. (December 2010)
4.4 Corrective Feedback
Sebahat’s beliefs about corrective feedback were shaped by her biographical experience
as a learner and a teacher as well as her dialogic understanding of effective teaching and
learning. For example, she did not want to give a lot of corrective feedback due to the fear that
students would be offended or develop a negative attitude towards language. In this sense,
intrusive corrective feedback would go against her beliefs to “teach for affective change”. She
wanted the learners to have a pleasant experience in the classroom, and did not want to
discourage them from learning Turkish. Sebahat did not see herself as a “corrective feedback
teacher”. When she corrected mistakes in the class, she used explicit feedback types, but tried to
do this selectively so that students would not feel uncomfortable. In giving corrective feedback,
she was sensitive and responsive to students’ feelings and reactions.

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4.4.1 Explicit Corrective Feedback
R: How did you give corrective feedback in class this semester?
T: In general, I explained directly. (C) For pronunciation, I mean I repeated and then
students repeated after me. Sometimes, they did not want to repeat, for example, Jim was
not a fan of correcting himself or repeating after me. I know he was shy. He doesn't want
to repeat because he thinks he cannot do it. When he comes to my office hours or when
we are one to one, he seems a little more comfortable since the other students are not
around. When I corrected him in class, he did not want to repeat. (B) I started to develop
this feeling. I don't want to hurt anyone's feelings and have them develop negative
attitude. (C) After I got to know them a little more, I started to have a better idea of
whom I should correct and whom I shouldn't correct. I tried to make corrections
accordingly. Like I said, when they made a grammar mistake, I generally chose to make
an explanation. For example, he needs to say 'you are coming' but he says 'I am coming',
so first I say 'you are coming' and then explain why. I think it was more permanent this
way. I am not sure if I gave a lot of corrective feedback. I don't think I did a lot. I mean I
just wanted them to talk, and they talked, but I didn't give them a lot of corrections. I
don't think I am a kind of teacher who gives corrective feedback constantly. I mean we
will see, but in terms of grammar, I don't think I am a kind of teacher who gives a lot of
corrective feedback. (December 2010)

Since Sebahat was careful about her corrective feedback practices, she constantly thought
about what students learnt from her corrections and how they responded to her corrective
feedback. She noticed that students did not always understand the reasoning behind a correction.
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For example, when she corrected a conjugation mistake, students were not able to separate the
affixes and noted it down as a complete item. As she developed this realization, she started to
give more explicit feedback with more illustration on the board.

4.4.2 Which Errors Should be Corrected?
T: (D) It is really difficult to decide what to correct in students’ responses. Especially,
verb conjugation. (C) I usually give them recasts, and write the correct forms on the
board. For vocabulary, I can teach them the correct word and write it on the board, but for
grammar there are so many exceptions and rules. They seem to write each form on their
notebook and memorize them like vocabulary items. I taught them that the third person
conjugation is the default base form, but it is not used as often as first and second
pronouns because in classes we always talk about ben, sen (I, you). In tests, they tend to
use third person pronouns to be safe in terms of conjugation. (April 2011)

Sebahat relied on student reactions to reconstruct her classroom practices. When the
students did not respond to her attempts, she was left in ambiguity. She did not know if the
students learnt the content or more importantly if they liked working on the content. Therefore,
in these examples, the contextual cues were sometimes not sufficient for her to revise her
corrective feedback practices.

4.4.3 Student Uptake to Corrective Feedback
T: (C) Most of the students repeat my correction after I correct them. I think they might
learn better when they repeat the correction. However, Jim only says ‘okay’ to
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acknowledge the correction, but does not repeat it. I can’t get him repeat what I say, and
now I can’t tell if he actually understood the correction or heard it, or simply wants to
send me away. (April 2011)
4.5 Classroom Interactions
Sebahat’s classroom interactions were shaped by her biographical experience as a learner
and a teacher. She wanted to create a classroom community in which she could help students
learn the Turkish language and have them develop positive attitudes toward learning Turkish so
that when her one year in the U.S. was completed, students could still continue learning in the
future. Her classroom interactions with students in Turkey were friendly, and in some occasions
she acted as a guide, giving students personal advice and suggestions on various topics.

4.5.1 Classroom Interactions with Students in Turkey
R: How do you describe your interactions with students in Turkey?
T: (B) It was great. We were very close. How can I say? For example, some students in
college stayed in off-campus apartments. I sometimes invited them to my house for
dinner. We would cook and eat together. Some students were retired, and were better off.
They sometimes invited us for dinner at their houses. We would go on picnics together.
We had some other social activities outside the class. I mean we were very close; we did
many things together like going to trips.
R: How do you think they saw your role? a guide? a resource person? a counselor?
T: (B) I think more of guidance. They also saw me as a resource person and they were
able to ask all kinds of questions. For example, at the end of every week, I would have

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them write 'what did I teach you this week? what did you learn? what didn't you learn?
what do you think caused this if you didn't learn? do you think it was because of me or
you if you didn't learn?' They would write 'we covered these topics, but I didn't
understand this and that; I had this other homework; I had this problem'. Sometimes
personal and private issues would come up. Therefore, I wouldn't show these to anyone
else. They were secret since they shared these with me. Since they sometimes shared their
private problems too, they also saw me as a guide or resource person; I mean both. For
example, if they needed something for their homework, they would come to me and ask
for it or ask where they can find it. If they are having trouble with their homework, they
would ask for an appointment to work on it together. (September 2010)

Sebahat’s biographical experience in terms of classroom interactions did not match with
the contextual requirements. She learnt at the orientation that she should not get too close to the
students, and that students would approach her if they needed anything. These preemptive
lessons caused inhibitions on Sebahat’s side, and she was not able to create a classroom
community that she originally envisioned. This was especially challenging to Sebahat since she
emphasized and prioritized affect in her teaching.

4.5.2 Comparison of Classroom Interactions with Students
R: How do you compare your classroom interactions here to those in Turkey?
T: Actually, (C) there was always the belief that the student population here would be
very different from Turkey. This was stressed so much. I think the students here are not
very different from students in Turkey. For example, my students are not very different. I
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can say they are different a little in this regard; (B) students in Turkey sometimes tend to
stall the classes. I mean they don't want to have a class and want to have a good time. I
think it may be because of the fact that they have six hours of classes every day, so losing
one hour is not a big problem. (C) Here, students have only four hours a week, and they
are trying to learn a language with only this much classroom time. Therefore, every
minute may be very important for them. My students here are very hardworking, and they
do all the homework. (B) My students in Turkey may tend to stall the lessons a little. (C)
I mean this is different, but other than that in terms of teacher-student interaction, I don't
think there are a lot of differences. My students here told me 'we don't have close
relationships with other professors like we have with you; you really care about us and
you help us a lot'. I thought I was being distant. Apparently, they are not bothered by
being close. I had stopped myself from being close because I thought they might feel
uncomfortable. (B) For example, my students in Turkey and I do a lot of activities, go out
together and eat dinner at cafes or go to picnics. I invite them for dinner to my place. We
had a lot of activities like this. (C) I especially stayed away from the students here. In the
end, one of the students offered to have dinner together as a class somewhere. It turns out
they wanted activities like this. I didn't know. I found out later. I mean they wanted to
have a closer relationship. (December 2010)

Sebahat initially relied on the preemptive lessons about the American student profile and
acted accordingly. However, as she familiarized herself with the students and collected her own
contextual information, she started to turn to her biographical experience and revised many
classroom practices. She was able to better relate to the students and include them in the
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classroom content by giving examples from their personal lives, showing interest in their life in
an attempt to establish rapport and alignment. Students also responded to these attempts
positively and wanted to spend time with her outside the class. In fact, they told her that they felt
closer to her than they did to many other professors.

4.5.3 Inhibitions in Classroom Interactions
R: Can you talk about your interactions with the students in class?
T: (C) I can't say I had much interaction with the students in the beginning. I stopped
myself so that much interaction, or the kind of interaction I imagine, would not take
place. For example, I was being very careful not to ask a very private question and was
choosing pictures to show in class very carefully. I was always asking myself 'would they
understand it in a wrong way?' Because of such hesitations, I think I refrained myself
from interacting with them. (D) Then, gradually you start sharing personal stories 'what
does your father do?; what is this?; what is that?' and you use them in examples. (C)
After some time, I can say we started to have a better relationship. I had them write
reflection papers. They were very quiet. I ask them if they understood, and they were all
quiet. I found it very strange, but did not want to push too much. Therefore, I asked them
to write their reflections, after that, things got better.
R: What did they write in the reflections?
T: (C) They wrote the classes were good. I thought they had negative ideas about the
class. They wrote they were satisfied. Their only suggestion was this: I used to prepare
materials during the weekdays, and would finish the week on Thursday, go home and
email their homework. They wanted to know about the homework before Thursday so
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that they can plan ahead and manage their time during the weekend. Another suggestion
was this: I gave them quizzes on Thursdays and told them the possible topics on
Wednesdays. They wanted me tell them the topic earlier so that they could study better.
Only these two things, and I fixed these. Other than these, they didn't mention any
problem. It turns out there wasn't a problem, but I had felt like there was a problem.
(December 2010)
4.6 Teaching Culture
In teaching culture, Sebahat constantly drew from her biographical experience in the
Turkish culture and told spontaneous stories that illustrated a cultural point. Therefore, her
beliefs and practices regarding teaching culture were shaped by her nuanced biographical
experience. Drawing from her dialogic understanding of teaching and learning, Sebahat wanted
the students to have positive feelings about Turkish culture.

4.6.1 Teaching Culture through Mini Stories
R: How did you teach culture in class?
T: (C) I tried to choose reading texts with some cultural focus. For example, texts about
Istanbul or Ataturk's life. (B) In some occasions, I also explained some personal stories.
At a given time, whatever comes to my mind, I tried to talk about them. While I was
planning the lessons, there were some occasions that I thought 'I should tell this here', so I
taught them in class, and I made them present about some cultural topics. (C) For
example, one student made a presentation about Istanbul; one student presented Efes; one
student presented wedding traditions; and one student presented Ataturk's life and the

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independence war. Therefore, they were all familiarized with these topics. I made sure to
ask a few questions about culture in the tests or quizzes. Even if they may have answered
wrong in the quiz, they learnt about this. Now they know a lot about Turkish culture; they
know about the capital, Ataturk, and the independence war. I actually would have liked to
cook for them or cook together, but like I said I had some concerns earlier. (December
2010)

Similar to Bakhrom and Nargiz, Sebahat sought legitimacy for Turkish culture in her
cultural presentations. When students brought up sensitive topics like wars, she wanted to make
sure that the students were not misinformed about Turkish culture, and most importantly that
they did not develop negative attitudes. When an ethnically Greek student asked about the
Greek-Turkish war, Sebahat was careful not to take blame or accuse anyone. She emphasized the
diversity of Turkish culture and possible similarities with Greek culture. She drew from her own
biographical experience to support her opinions. Therefore, her biographical experience
informed her contextual practices to a great extent.

4.6.2 Cultural Comparisons
R: What did the students think about Turkish culture? Did they find anything strange?
T: (C) They did not find anything unusual. Actually, they are all very interested in
Turkish culture. Two of the students are heritage learners. There were some things they
found very different. For example, they found some wedding traditions strange, but liked
the fact that 'if you get married in Turkey, all the costs are paid by the groom'. They said
'it's vice versa in the U.S.' I said 'then, you will have to find a Turkish husband; there is
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no other way'. Jim was not in class that day. They found it strange. I shouldn't say
strange; they found it beautiful. There wasn't anything else that they found strange. When
I was explaining the independence war, one of my students who is ethnically Greek asked
'do you have any problems with the Greeks?' and I said the war wasn't actually between
Turks and Greeks. This is what I believe. (B) It was actually promoted by England, and
they manipulated the Greeks. They made us enemies to each other, and both sides gave
losses to the war. I can't say one side was innocent because both sides hurt each other.
However, these things are in the past now. We don't have as many problems now. I mean
we should not have problems. In Turkey, there may be people who have marginal
thoughts, for example 'Turks have no friends other than Turks'. As a result, we are
neighbors with Greece. For example, I live in Izmir and I don't have a different lifestyle
from a Greek girl. (C) I showed them the map: 'Look, this is Hakkari [Eastern city] and
this is Izmir [Western city]. Look, I live in Izmir. If you ask me if I have a comparable
life style to a girl in Hakkari or to a girl in Greece'. (B) Perhaps, I have more
commonalities with a Greek girl. For example, clothing, food, but as a result we should
leave past in the past, and continue to live as friends'. I don't know. I tried to give a nice
answer. (December 2010)
4.7 Summary
In summary, Sebahat's beliefs and practices regarding language teaching and learning
were first shaped by her biographical factors (e.g., personal history, past experience as a
language learner and a teacher) and later interacted with contextual (e.g., interactions with the
students and institutional resources) and dialogic factors (e.g., use of theory in practice) during

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her socialization to her role as a Turkish language teacher at an American university. Unlike
Bakhrom and Nargiz, Sebahat's biography was the most influential factor on her current beliefs
and practices. She did not make as frequent switches to dialogic factors (e.g., theoretical
knowledge of language learning), but mostly drew from a personal and engaged discourse space.
Sebahat’s biographical experience was in conflict with the contextual factors in many areas. In
resolving these conflicts, she looked for a middle way in which she could develop an
instructional plan that she imagined, but also could align with the contextual requirements. In the
beginning, when she noticed that her biographical experience did not match with the contextual
factors, she chose to submit to the context completely in order to reduce the discomfort and
tension. However, as she interacted with the institutional resources, she gained more confidence,
and more importantly confirmation and validation of her biographical experience. Later in the
year, she turned to her biographical experience and drew from her biographical and experiential
knowledge in creating a dialogic understanding of the teaching and learning of the Turkish
language. In conclusion, Sebahat’s biography served as a lens to interpret her experiences in the
new context. When these two conflicted, she yielded to the latter, but her interpretations of the
context also transformed throughout the semester. Once she felt more confident and comfortable,
she turned back to her biographical experience, but constantly revised her biographical
experience using the new contextual information that came through her interactions with the
students.

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CHAPTER 5
THE CASE STUDY OF BAKHROM
This chapter presents the qualitative case study of Bakhrom who taught Uzbek in Fall
2010 and Spring 2011 at a major Midwestern university in the U.S. In Bakhrom's intermediate
Uzbek classroom, there were two female students in the Fall and Spring semesters. The students
were both in the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC) program, and had spent a few weeks
in Uzbekistan as a part of the ROTC curriculum. Unlike Nargiz, Bakhrom had taught Uzbek
language to foreigners in Uzbekistan for two years and participated in the Fulbright program
with seven years of experience teaching English to Uzbek students and Uzbek language to
American citizens living in Uzbekistan. Bakhrom's beliefs about teaching and learning were
shaped by his biography and were reshaped through the contextual and dialogic factors during
his one year stay in the U.S. The interviews presented in this chapter are from September 2010
8

and April 2011 . The analysis focused on the emerging themes that demonstrate Bakhrom's
beliefs and practices regarding: a) teaching and learning; b) teacher role; c) teaching methods; d)
corrective feedback; e) classroom interactions; and f) teaching culture.
Among other possible factors, the analysis focused on three major factors that were
instrumental in shaping and reshaping Bakhrom's pedagogical beliefs and practices: a)
biographical factors (e.g., teachers' personal history, experience as learners and EFL teachers); b)
contextual factors (e.g., interactions with students and institutional resources); and c) dialogic
factors (e.g., teachers' use of theory in classroom practice). In the following examples, the
biographical (B), contextual (C), and dialogic (D) factors are identified in Bakhrom's reflections,

8

The interviews with Bakhrom were conducted in English based on his preference.
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and the accompanying letters (B, C, and D) were inserted at the beginning of a sentence or group
of sentences that correspond to a given factor.
5.1 Beliefs About Teaching and Learning
Bakhrom is a male in his 30s, and has worked as an EFL teacher and Uzbek language
teacher in Tashkent, Uzbekistan for more than six years prior to his participation in the Fulbright
program. He came to the U.S in Fall 2010 and started teaching the intermediate Uzbek language
classes. Bakhrom's schooling experience as a student and a teacher had a significant impact on
his current pedagogical beliefs and practices. Similar to Nargiz, Bakhrom was also aware of the
instrumental benefits of learning English and believed that hard work would enable him to learn
English and get a good job in the future. He noted that his parents guided and supported him in
making career decisions: “My childhood parents, my parents used to tell me ‘if you learn and
study well, you can earn money, you can be a good person, a good citizen in the society, and it
means you can build your own life, so study better and get best better marks, good marks’, by
influence of my parents’ advices and guidance, of course, by my school teachers, I became a
foreign language teacher”. In making the decision to become an English teacher, Bakhrom was
inspired by an influential teacher.

5.1.1 Inspirational Teacher to Learn English and Find a Good Job
R: How was your language learning experience? Can you describe that a little?
T: During my school years? Yes? (B) Well, actually, I started English at eight, in the
form of eight, but English was taught in the form of five,[started English in grade eight
instead of grade five] so but my teacher Mrs. Sanders, she demanded me to study hard

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and to get better marks because it's a foreign language and a foreign language can assist
and will help you in future, in future life, and I tried my best and after graduating high
school, the last two years I had knowledge on English and culture, and I entered the
university. So, it helped, studying English helped me to enter the university of foreign
languages and world languages which is situated in Tashkent.
R: so that was your program, world languages?
T: ah yes yes, and it's in the faculty of English Philology, yes, my teacher helped me a lot
to enter this university because I had to pass my test on English so.
R: Was that your favorite teacher? Can we say that was your favorite teacher?
T: Yes, my favorite teacher yes, Almira. Her name is Almira. Now, she works at school.
She is still teaching students, like me. So I think learning a second language played an
important part in my life especially choosing my future career in the society. (D) Because
you know, it's during the school years, some people don't have, umm, definite aim what
profession, yes? to follow what may be life path to follow in future, (B) so and I got
many advices from this teacher too. (September 2010)

In 5.1.1, Bakhrom connected his reasons to become an English teacher to an inspirational
teacher and the instrumental benefits of English language knowledge. He explained that his
favorite teacher helped him choose a career in English language and advised him to study hard
and get better marks although he was three years late in starting to study English language. He
explained that normally students start learning English in the fifth grade, but in his time,
Bakhrom was able to start in the eighth grade. In order to make up for his disadvantage,
Bakhrom worked hard, and was able to pass the national test to enter the World Languages
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program at a university in Tashkent. In the following example, Bakhrom described his English
language classes when he was a student.

5.1.2 Learning English in Uzbekistan
R: What kind of approaches, techniques, and methods were used when you were learning
English?
T: umm, well, (B) I think different approach, for example reading approach and writing,
for example, in learning vocabulary. I tried to write down on flashcards, especially
complex words or word combinations or phrasal words. It helped me to learn better and
faster, and for example reading, I prefer, actually, prefer to learn some vocabulary, yes?
through reading. In text in context, and from my childhood, for example, I have read
many literary works on English language, just to get exact view, yes? and explanation in
using English grammar and vocabulary, so writing and reading approach, yes.
(September 2010)

In 5.1.2, Bakhrom reflected on the approaches and methods used in the English language
classes when he was a student. He identified the approaches as "reading and writing approach".
Since Bakhrom was an avid reader, these language learning practices fulfilled his expectations of
a language class. Bakhrom's personal history (e.g., reading literary works) informed his beliefs
about language learning. In 5.1.3, Bakhrom reflected on his experiences learning Russian in
kindergarten in Uzbekistan and compared these classes with English classes in the secondary
school.

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5.1.3 Learning Russian in Uzbekistan
R: Did you study any other languages? Third or fourth languages?
T: umm, yes. (B) I studied Russian language. I think it's the second language after my
Uzbek language because I started learning Russian from my kindergarten because I went
to kindergarten based on Russian language. Because in that period we were a part of
Soviet Union and Russian language was most important, so and I think it had much effect
on me because at school from grade one we studied Russian, maybe six hours a week. Six
hours a week and till grade ten, can you imagine, yes? Six hours a week Russian
language and after finishing grade finishing school, I entered university and here I
continued to learn Russian language, so umm, yes Russian language and a little French
language, but I learnt this language during my university years, maybe in the first year,
yes? just for three months, yes? So I had basic skills in reading French language so a
little.
R: What kind of techniques did they use teaching Russian? Was it communicative?
T: I think different, traditional, many traditional methods, I mean using blackboard and
chalk, especially in explanation of grammar, grammar topics, but during my school years
period and university years period, we, I didn't have for example any lesson using based
on smartboard, for example, or using a computer technology, yes? traditional approach.
R: Were English classes different in terms of techniques used?
T: Yes. We had a little lessons, yes? using technology, I mean video, I mean listening and
the speaking.
R: Did you enjoy these lessons?

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T: Yes, I enjoyed because during that time I had not, didn't have a clear picture of using
e-technologies, so I was eager to study e-technology in future to apply in my teaching
career. (September 2010)

In 5.1.3, Bakhrom talked about the impact of studying Russian language (B) on his
beliefs about teaching and learning. When Bakhrom went to kindergarten and grade school (until
the tenth grade), Russian was the second language of study. Similar to Nargiz, he studied
Russian extensively and achieved native speaker fluency. According to Bakhrom, Russian and
English classes followed different methodologies. He identified the approaches used in the
Russian classes as "traditional approaches". This may be because he studied Russian earlier in
his life when instructional technologies were not as common. According to Bakhrom, what made
these classes traditional was the use of "blackboard and chalk" along with the lack of
technological innovations. However, unlike Russian language classes, technology was frequently
adopted in English language classes through videos for listening and speaking. The use of
instructional technologies was at the core of Bakhrom’s beliefs about effective teaching and his
personal interest in using technology carried over to his experience teaching Uzbek language.
His beliefs about using technology in class were also congruent with his classroom practices. In
the Uzbek language classes, he experimented with different kinds of instructional technologies.
He used every chance he found to learn more about technology and sought technological advice.
When he presented a worksheet, he gave students a hard copy and projected a soft copy on the
white screen so that he could write the answers in the worksheet using a different color and font.
This enabled students to see the written language in addition to the oral input they received in the

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course of classroom interactions. According to Bakhrom, technology was central to executing a
communicative method in his classes, as demonstrated in 5.1.4.

5.1.4 Use of a Communicative Approach in Teaching English in Uzbekistan
R: How do you feel that your own education as a student may have influenced the way
you teach today?
T: Umm, (B) the years when I was a student, yes? Umm, especially during the last two
years at the university we had many classes in English language and just I was interested
in how the instructor can explain, can present material to all students in one class. I mean
there are, there were as I remember 30-35 students in class, but after found, after seeing
that he how he used communicative activities using personal approach, I mean different
approach to every student, I mean two students in explaining grammar or any material
language material, I was just interested, yes, how can it can be work in my future
teaching career, so now in my present time, I try to, I am trying to use and I am using
these methods, (D) especially now time is different because twenty first century is a
technology century, so especially using different kinds of e-technologies, I am trying to
use them in my lessons.
R: Can you give an example? How do you make a class communicative?
T: Well, yes, (D) for example, fill in the blanks, it is a lesson, it is a culture lesson. Well,
students listen to Uzbek song, and second step to fill in the blanks in the song lyrics.
Some words are omitted, and students are to fill in by listening to the song for the second
time, and but umm, first, I present song lyrics with omitted words using powerpoint
presentation because it is easy to present to all students in my class, so and then I use
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authentic material song, Uzbek song for my students and after it of course, third stage is
question answers, question answers. There are some questions on cards written on cards,
and every student should choose one card and should answer the question he or she
chooses, so and discuss about this song for example. (September 2010)

In 5.1.4, Bakhrom explained the structure of a sample communicative activity in three
stages: presentation of fill in the blanks questions, listening to an Uzbek song, and answering the
questions on cards. He preferred using powerpoint presentations so that all the students could see
the fill in the blanks questions. He also noted the need for "authentic materials" in order to
integrate culture into a classroom activity. Bakhrom's beliefs about communicative language
teaching and teaching and learning in general were informed by his biographical experience and
dialogic understanding of communicative language teaching as well as the dynamic interactions
between these. In explaining how to execute a communicative activity, Bakhrom drew from his
theoretical and experiential knowledge about language learning. He noted the importance of
"culture" and "authentic materials" as central to his practice, and suggested ways to integrate
technology into a classroom activity. Throughout the semester, Bakhrom’s beliefs about
effective teaching favored technological integration, and he reconstructed his other beliefs and
practices, connecting them in some way to technological integration. Bakhrom’s dialogic
understanding of communicative language teaching was transformed throughout the semester,
but was still somehow limited to mechanical drills and did not involve much communication.

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5.2 Teacher Role in the Classroom
In the first interview prior to his teaching Uzbek language, Bakhrom identified teachers’
roles as "teacher and facilitator". He explained that teachers can perform different roles based on
the context, that is, the age and proficiency level of the students. He suggested that he can
perform a facilitator role and achieve a student-centered setting with an adult group so that he
can observe students’ interaction without interrupting the conversations. He preferred to give
feedback after the groups work so as not to interrupt the classroom activities. With a younger
group, he explained, a teacher role and teacher-centered instruction would be more appropriate.
Since he did not teach young learners in his career, he adopted an abstract discourse to talk about
an imagined situation where he would teach young learners. Please note that the switches in
perspective from narrative (e.g., biographical/experiential) to expository (e.g.,
dialogic/theoretical) took place through the adoption of generic you, similar to Sebahat's and
Nargiz’s responses.

5.2.1 Teacher Roles as Responses to Context
R: How do you describe the role of the teacher in the classroom? What do the students
expect from you?
T: Well, (D) I think the role of the teacher in the classroom depends on different factors.
First, I think on students’ level and students’ age. (B) For example, now in my classroom,
in my country, I have students age of 16 and 19. They are, I think, adults in some manner.
So, my role here in my classroom is to be a facilitator, a facilitator I mean, for example,
(D) when you, after presenting some material, grammar or vocabulary doesn’t matter.
There are some activities, practice activities, (B) I just try to set student-centered
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activities to see them how they can interact in a foreign language, and from this side, I
can see, I can observe my students’ learning process, and of course at the end of the
lesson, I can give feedback to each group, if it’s a group work or to each student, for
example, if it’s a pair work or if it’s something serious. I mean, I can give feedback after
class, just, umm, I tell the students, if there are some minutes after the class. (D) For
example, if you teach students of lower age not 10 yes? 12 etc., of course you are old, of
course here is, you are like as a teacher, you give more, you are teacher centered, but
there are some lessons, at some time teaching can be facilitated too in I mean with
students of lower age. (September 2010)

In the next example, Bakhrom explained that he performed a facilitator role in his Uzbek
classes. In his earlier definition of teacher role as a facilitator in 5.2.1, he noted that facilitator
role could be elicited working with an adult group and goes along with learner-centered
instruction. In 5.2.2, he explained that there were two female undergraduate students in his
Uzbek class, which evoked a teacher as a facilitator role and learner-centered instruction. In this
example, the dynamic interactions among biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors can be
observed in Bakhrom's reflections on his past and present roles. It is important to note that his
biography and present context align in such a way that the two are congruent and inform each
other. Bakhrom did not make the transition easily. It took him five to six weeks to be
comfortable with his students and regain his professional confidence. Fortunately, his
interactions with the students and the institutional resources affirmed his beliefs about teacher
role as a facilitator.

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5.2.2 Teacher Role as a Facilitator
R: During the Uzbek classes last semester, what do you think your role was?
T: (C) Actually, at the beginning, I was a little worried, (B) because even with the
experience, even this experience is familiar to me, I mean teaching foreigners Uzbek
language, (C) once students I have, the question was, so, and then, but teaching
methodologies didn’t worry me because I know, I had known that I would have only two
students in class, so it would be helpful for me to apply different kind of activities, like
role play, group works, pair works, and, but I think after five or six lessons, I started to
feel, well, more natural because I was more confident with my students and I had some
ideas what my students are doing best, and points where they are lacking, and I mean
they need to improve, so in this concept helps me, helped me to organize and to plan
future lessons, reformat previous lessons based on their feedback. And at the end of
semester, I think they did all their best, because, umm, their marks in quizzes, midterm,
and final exams were excellent. And I felt, that their knowledge improved in some
manner which I am very glad now because I am teaching these students Spring semester
too, so, and they are happy.
R: How would you compare your role in this class to your past experience in your home
country?
T: I think, (C) here, I am more like a facilitator not like a teacher. It means especially
after presentation some materials, for example, grammar or vocabulary, I tried to set such
kind of activities where learners are centered because you know of course my students
are here different from (B) my students in Uzbekistan because I teach high school
students, (C) and here I am teaching undergraduate students so I think they are more
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adults in some manner. I felt more like a facilitator where I could observe, I mean where I
could observe their language output of their knowledge implementation through different
activities (April 2011).

In 5.2.2, Bakhrom identified his major role in the Uzbek classes as a facilitator. He
described the facilitator role as making observations of students' interactions through different
activities. Although his beliefs about the facilitator role were somewhat congruent with his actual
classroom practices, his classes inevitably included more teacher-centered activities than learnercentered activities. Since there were only two students in this class, the students sat next to each
other in front of the teacher's desk, and interactions generally took place among the three of
9

them. The following example demonstrates a typical interaction between Bakhrom and Catina.

5.2.3 Teacher Role in Practice
T: What is the day today, Catina?
Cat: Today is Wednesday.
T: Good, today is Wednesday. What is the place of Wednesday in a week?
Cat: It.
T: Wednesday?
Cat: Third day.
T: Wednesday in a week'...
9

In interaction excerpts, Uzbek dialogues were translated, and translated parts are written in

italics.
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Cat: Three
T: In a week, the third'...
Cat: the third
T: day, three, third; one, first, second, third, fourth, is it correct? one...first; two...second;
three, third, but one, two, three, four would not be correct, because we don't say that
way, first student, second student, third student, fourth student, good.

In 5.2.3, Bakhrom was the party who drove the dialogue with further questions and ended
each turn with an evaluation of the student turn (e.g., good, okay) and concluded the
conversation with a linguistic lesson. This was a typical lesson in which Bakhrom started out
with a real life question and drove the question into a direction where students would practice
producing complete sentences that included the target form. Although in most cases Bakhrom's
beliefs were congruent with his classroom practices, his role as a facilitator was not very
prominent possibly due to the small classroom size.
5.3 Teaching Methods
Bakhrom’s teaching methods were shaped by biographical factors (e.g., personal history,
experience as a student and an EFL teacher) and were reshaped by contextual (e.g., interactions
with the students and the institutional resources) and dialogic factors (e.g., theory and practice
interplay) during his socialization into his new role as an Uzbek language teacher. Bakhrom’s
past teaching methods favored the use of traditional methods such as a blackboard and posters.
He noted that his past practices lacked the use of technology in class due to limited access to
instructional innovations. When he came to the U.S., he was able to integrate technology into his

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classes and received some advice from his supervisor about the use of modern methodology in
his teaching.

5.3.1 The Use of Traditional Methods in Teaching English
R: What kind of teaching methods or materials did you use when you taught English in
Uzbekistan?
T: (B) In my first class, umm ahh well, I used a traditional method using, I just used
blackboard and of course posters, because they helped me save time, and helped me to
have more time in practicing using exercises on new material, so (D) but not computer
technology. (September 2010)

In the Uzbek educational context, Bakhrom’s teaching load was quite heavy and his
classes were very crowded. Therefore, time management was at the top of his priorities in
planning and teaching his classes. Since the curriculum dictated certain content to be covered
throughout a semester, Bakhrom was able to use visual aids to create some room for additional
practice time. In the following excerpt, Bakhrom described how his interactions with the
teaching supervisor helped him reconstruct his lesson plans to align with the institutional
expectations. A common problem that many FLTAs experienced was the pace and workload in
class. Students gave weekly feedback to the teaching supervisor who later debriefed the teachers
about the concerns expressed anonymously in student feedback forms. All three teachers in the
present study received comments about their pace in the class and the workload. The teaching
supervisor, Mary, talked to each teacher after these comments, telling them to slow down and
convincing them "why doing less is actually more". Mary’s supervision was more constructive
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than evaluative. Bakhrom did not find these biweekly meetings threatening, but more like an inservice professional training. These meetings were instrumental in shaping Bakhrom’s practices
so that he could respond to students’ needs and interests.

5.3.2 The Use of Modern Methods in Teaching Uzbek
R: How would you describe your teaching methods in this class?
T: Umm, (C) I think positive because I got some help from my supervisor. Because
working at biweekly meeting where she shared modern methodology especially in how to
improve communication skills because you know the aim of the FLTA program, to
improve more communication skills in students, rather than for example grammar point
or vocabulary. Because the main idea of this program is not to know, be familiar with
much vocabulary, but to know maybe some vocabulary, but implement and students
should or have to implement their knowledge in the future in real context situation, for
example, let’s say maybe in the future, they are, when they visit countries where Uzbek is
spoken like Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, maybe Kyrgyzstan, to help them to survive using
Uzbek language and culture.
R: How did she help you? Can you give any examples?
T: Yeah, (C) Mary shared the materials and language tools which developed by [the
language technology unit], its accreditation, right? (D) For example, using mashups, and
ANGEL [the course management system at the university] its computer system at
university where you can develop your own materials and host to your students by the
way to grade your students at the same time, and to post these grades and comments to

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students’ answers at one time, and (C) I could develop some materials using mashups and
audiobooks, using [the language technology unit] products.
R: How would you compare these methods to your past experience in your home
country?
T: I think here (C) I used more computer tool programs in developing my teaching
resources. For example, like powerpoint presentations, or video-based activity where
students are to answer questions based on passage of video, and I developed such kind of
materials, for example, from videos, from youtube, from Uzbek sites, but using [the
language technology unit] products, I was able to develop not just one method, but
activity or just listening activities, audio, yeah video, and make these activities. But in my
country, (B) I think I used more, umm, material handouts, I think rather than materials
based on computer, computer tools, maybe due to little access to internet and computers.
Because here the condition is more better, I mean and teacher has great access to the
internet and in developing lesson materials in teaching a foreign language, which helped
me how to develop teaching materials, using different kind of computer tools like Jing
Tech which I liked most.
R: How did you use these in class? What did you do with them?
T: Jing Tech is a kind of computer tool, (D) with, for example, in youtube, you can just
record five minutes video or song and based on this passage, develop different kinds of
questions for students and this tool helps to capture video or audio at any part of the
video which you would like to implement in your lesson and to place this activity using
this computer tool through ANGEL. (April 2011)

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In 5.3.2, Bakhrom described how he reconstructed his teaching methods due to his
interactions with the teaching supervisor. It is interesting to note that Bakhrom adopted
"traditional" and "modern" dichotomies in describing his past and present teaching methods. His
associations for the traditional methodology were "blackboard and posters", and for the modern
methodology were "computers, and communication practices". After his meetings with the
teaching supervisor, Bakhrom’s classes focused on conversations and cultural practices in which
he made frequent references to students’ future visits to Uzbekistan. Please note that in
describing how he integrated technology into his practice, Bakhrom switched to abstract and
professional speech using a generic you. This enabled him to integrate the new technology into
his beliefs about language teaching. In addition to adopting a disengaged and professional
perspective, including the addressees to the scope of the generic you enabled him to take
ownership of the technology in his practice and speak like a professional. The use of
instructional technologies was brought to Bakhrom’s awareness through his interactions with the
institutional resources, but he later integrated these practices into his theoretical knowledge, so
that contextual factors informed dialogic factors. Technological integration was no longer a
surface or temporary idea that was handed down to Bakhrom to experiment, but was at the core
of his dialogic understanding of effective teaching methods.
5.4 Corrective Feedback
Bakhrom’s beliefs about corrective feedback and his classroom practices were consistent
throughout the two semesters. In 5.2.1, Bakhrom explained that he preferred to give corrective
feedback to individual students or groups after completing a particular activity. These corrective
feedback sessions were more like extended talks about students' performance in which he

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generically told students what they could do to improve their pronunciation or talked about their
word choices. In addition to offline corrective feedback practices, Bakhrom used implicit
corrective feedback types extensively in his classroom practices. Instead of telling students their
mistakes, he asked them questions and helped them find the answers themselves. Since there
were only two students in this classroom, Catina and Amber frequently helped each other by
correcting themselves or one another. In 5.4.1, Bakhrom presented two Uzbek sayings: "A man
without knowledge is like a tree without fruits"; and "If knowledge is treasure, question is the
key to it". Since students were already familiar with the sentence structure and some of the
vocabulary in these sayings, Bakhrom expected them to translate these sayings into English.
When students made a mistake, instead of correcting them explicitly, Bakhrom repeated their
sentence stopping where the mistake was, or repeating the sentence again ending with a rising
intonation, thereby signaling the students to revise their response.

5.4.1 The Use of Corrective Feedback in Practice
T: There is some additional information, err, at the end of our presentation. Err, dealing
with describing character.
Ss: Okay.
T: And sayings. For example, Catina, translate, translate this sentence: "A man without
knowledge is like a tree without fruits"

10

Cat: Ehm..
T: Uzbek wise sayings

10

The translations from Uzbek are italicized.
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Cat: Ehm.
T: A man without knowledge- a tree without fruits
Cat: Ehm.. man is person
T: Yes
Amb: I know it, knowledge is knowledge
Cat: Ehm, so...
T: knowledge...without
Amb: without
T: Knowledge yeah
Amb: Err, without
Cat: Without knowledge
T: Person without knowledge is...?
Cat:...is like a tree with no fruit.
T: Yes, it's like a tree without fruit. second, Amber.
Amb: That, isn't it, ehm... [indistinct] of?
T: If knowledge is treasure, question is the key to it.
Amb: Ehm...
Cat: ...a mind without treasure..?
T: ...is If knowledge is treasure...
Amb: If knowledge is treasure...err...
T:... and the question is its key. To this treasure. Okay?
Ss: Okay.
T: So, this is Uzbek sayings, just part of our culture. Thank you, very good.
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Amb: Thank you
Cat: Thank you

In 5.4.1, Bakhrom acted like a facilitator and did not correct students explicitly, but
instead guided them to find the correct answers themselves so that students could notice the gap
between their proposed translation and the actual meaning. It was important for Bakhrom to stay
focused on the meaningful task and correct students only when the meaning was impaired. He
used negotiation of meaning and clarification requests extensively along with sentences ending
with rising intonation to signal a mistake. Bakhrom's corrective feedback practices were
consistent throughout the semester, and the students quickly adapted to the Socratic method of
question-answer turns where Bakhrom chose the respondents or students volunteered a response.
It is important to note that Bakhrom's choices of Uzbek sayings reflect his beliefs about "the
value of knowledge" and by extension, beliefs about teaching and learning.
5.5. Classroom Interactions
Similar to Nargiz's experience, Bakhrom's interactions with the students in Uzbekistan
started off with the students' fascination of Bakhrom's young age and knowledge of English.
Although Bakhrom was worried about keeping the class under control, the students did not turn
out to be like he expected. Bakhrom anticipated that students would be disrespectful and may not
listen to him, but they actually looked up to him and listened to his advice. One of the first
teacher roles that emerged as early as the first class of the semester was "teacher as motivator".
Bakhrom noted that some students did not believe they could learn English or were interested in
learning at all. Bakhrom's interaction with these students was like that of an elder brother who

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was giving them advice and showing them "how cool it is to learn a language". It is important to
note that Bakhrom did not have to be a strict teacher, unlike Nargiz. In light of Nargiz’s
explanations of gender in the next chapter, it is possible to suggest that Bakhrom’s experience
was different from Nargiz's since he did not have to deal with student discipline problems.

5.5.1 Early Experiences in Teaching English
R: What do you remember from your earliest teaching experiences when you first started
teaching?
T: Well, (B) it was, it was great. I mean I started my teaching career at, in my town, in
one of local schools. It’s just secondary school, and it was in 2002 for September, the
first day of academic year and I had students of grade nine, not five, not six, and I was a
little shocked, because how to work with adult students, because grade nine, I think, its
students are of their own, I mean, thought they can argue with the teacher. They can, for
example, say something maybe seriously, so my first lesson was just, ummm, based I
think, yeah, my first lesson was, I think, based on telling my personal experience because
students were interested how the teacher can be so young, and students of course asked
me different questions, for example ‘Why did you become a teacher? What are you going
to do in the future? Are you going to visit some countries because you know English
language?’ So many of my students, ummm, honored that I know English, and I am
English language teacher, so the first, actually the first topic was greeting, but it was
greeting, of course, personal information exchange lesson. So it was my first lesson, no
lesson material, just my personal experience with students, just we talked, and we
laughed of course, and I tried to get acquainted with them a bit closer, (D) because you
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know if you can find approach, yes? with students in talking in presenting material you
have, you can have good lessons.
R: How do you describe your interactions with the students, with the ninth graders? How
was your interaction with them?
T: interaction is means?
R: communication, like friendly? strict?
T: Yes, ummm, (B) not strict, I tried, but it didn’t work. It didn’t work because they
asked me more personal questions in my personal career, and at the end of the lesson I
realized, I realized that I had friendly relationships with the students. But anyway, I tried
to keep balance between teacher and students, well, sometimes I said, I told ‘okay, it’s
personal question, no answer’, for example, and of course, tried to keep balance, it was
my first interaction with students.
R: Were these experiences particularly positive or negative?
T: umm, (B) positive. Negative, that I was a little nervous, (D) you know when you are
nervous, you lose everything, you lose, umm, managing, you lose presenting material, just
I think it was because, (B) I was their first teacher, so that’s why I think, but now, of
course I can see difference between now and my first period when I started my teaching.
R: Were they respectful to you as their teacher although you were young?
T: umm, (B) different, because there are some students in my class, there were some
students who are not, who were not interested in English because they found it more
difficult to learn and when, I remember, when I asked them ‘It’s cool to learn a foreign
language’, but some students answered me like ‘I can’t remember words’, ‘I can’t read
foreign language for a long time’ or just simple sentence ‘I am not interested in English’.
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So during my past years, so, I tried to first motivate the students in learning foreign
language (D) because I think foreign language is not so difficult as someone maybe
thinks or expects. (September 2010)

Bakhrom explained that he was still in touch with his former students who would often
visit him in the high school where he taught. He described his friendly relationships with them,
and how students who had graduated several years earlier would still contact him and thank him,
saying "thank you dear teacher, thank you for giving us knowledge during the years. Now we
can realize how important is learning a foreign language in high school". According to Bakhrom,
his advice was successful and he was able to earn his students' appreciation.
In 5.5.2 from April 2011, Bakhrom had similar thoughts about his interactions with the
American students in the Uzbek class. He explained that he sometimes acted like a teacher and
sometimes like a "father, giving advice and showing that it is not difficult to learn a language".
Since Bakhrom was about 10 years older than the students in the Uzbek class, he felt like an
elder mentor to give students personal and professional advice. Therefore, according to him,
teaching a language was beyond presenting the content in the classroom, but was more about
enabling students' learning by understanding them and helping them deal with their potential
inhibitions about learning a language. In 5.5.1, Bakhrom advised his students in Uzbekistan to
study harder and explained that "learning a language is not a horrible or difficult task". In the
Uzbek classes in the U.S., he still operated on these assumptions especially when students have
difficulties understanding a particular structure. Therefore, his biographical experience teaching
EFL in Uzbekistan informed his practices in the new educational context.

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5.5.2 Classroom Interactions in the Uzbek Language Class
R: In this class, how would you describe your interactions with the students?
T: Here? Ummm,(C) my students here, they are studying Uzbek for the second year, and
their level is intermediate, which is pretty good for them because from the beginning, I
could see their language using in answering to my questions, in activity, participation in
activities, which I applied and they were friendly, even doing activities they were very
friendly, especially role plays. But one of my students is much better than the second one,
(D) maybe it’s due to ability, how to, in learning a foreign language I mean, for example,
you know people have different abilities in learning a foreign language. My students, I
think, they are more visual, it means that I presented examples on blackboard by writing,
yes? or by showing pictures (C) because I remember one of my students asked me ‘I
think I learn better when I see’, but second student told me ‘It’s better for me to make
notes’, which is going on in this class. It includes noting grammar rules, making list of
new vocabulary, and of course examples.
R: Were there any changes during the year? How did you feel, more like a teacher or
more like a friend?
T: I think I feel more… it depends on the situation of course during the lesson. (C)
Sometimes I had to be friend, I mean, to let them know that (B) knowing a foreign
language is not horrible or is not so difficult as other people think, so, (C) but I think I
was like a friend and a teaching assistant at the same time, they are open minded and…
R: What do you think the difference is between the two roles, teacher and friend?
T: umm, (D) the difference is I try I think to be a teacher to keep distance between the
student and the teacher during the lesson, but I don’t think, so that, during the lesson, you
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should be teacher all the time. Sometimes, I am like a father, I mean to give advice or to
present some examples, and the difference is using specific language and concept, and I
think, mixed I am, because I am not so strict teacher. I don’t like to be strict all the time.
R: How would you compare your interactions here with your students in your country?
We know they are different ages.
T: (B) It’s the first is age, and the second is the number of students, and the third
difference is different cultural backgrounds. For example, in Uzbekistan I have maximum
20 students in one class, and all they are different. They are different nationalities; they
are from different family backgrounds, and of course (D) when there are more students in
your class, it means that there are so many knowing abilities and the instructor or teacher
have to find a definite approach to help them to improve their learning process. I think
these are differences. (April 2011)
5.6 Teaching Culture
Teaching culture was an important aspect of Bakhrom's dialogic understanding of
teaching and learning. Using "technology" and "authentic materials" were especially central to
his beliefs and practices. He explained that culture should be taught in an authentic way "rather
than a theoretical way". In addition to covering the cultural content in the textbook, Bakhrom
stressed the importance of "authentic materials" and brought personal and public items such as
"photos of his students in Uzbekistan, traditional clothes, and traditional musical instruments". It
is important to note that creating a micro Uzbek community in the classroom was visible in
Bakhrom's practices. For example, as demonstrated in 5.2.3, Bakhrom started his classes by
asking his students about the date: "What is the day today?", and always placed a small Uzbek

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flag on the teacher's desk. In Uzbekistan, it is common to have flags in classrooms and
government offices. According to Bakhrom, the national flag and other occasional cultural items
illustrated the cultural heritage of Uzbekistan.
One of the major reasons to use authentic materials was to prepare students for a future
visit to Uzbekistan. Bakhrom was aware that the students had already spent some time in
Uzbekistan and one of them was planning to go again the following summer. Similar to Sebahat
and Nargiz, Bakhrom also invited the students to his home in Tashkent for a few days. It is
important to note that two of the three teachers met with the students the summer after their
teaching in their respective hometowns. Students stayed with their former teachers for a few days
and continued their tour to other parts of the country. Therefore, Bakhrom's investment in
teaching culture to the current students was beyond the boundaries of the classroom and the
textbook. Although the textbook guided the lesson plans to a certain extent, it was common for
all three teachers to follow their personal objectives in teaching culture to "prepare students for a
future visit to the target country". Therefore, Bakhrom prioritized important pragmatic material
that could help the students in their visits, such as "respecting elders" or "visiting someone's
house".

5.6.1 Teaching Culture Through Visual Aids
R: How did you teach Uzbek culture?
T: (C) Uzbek culture, I tried to use different ways such as using authentic materials. It
includes different kinds of cultural items like, umm, traditional clothes, traditional
musical instruments, and photos of my students in Uzbekistan, and places, photos of
historical places in Uzbekistan. And second, way just based on powerpoint presentation
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where I just put some slides where I put some photos and comments in Uzbek and by
comparing to American culture. And forth, I try to use videos, I mean it includes Uzbek
traditional songs, Uzbek songs, Uzbek modern songs and passages from Uzbek texts to
show them how Uzbek people communicate in their society (D) because I think to teach
culture is sometimes based on materials represented, and materials should be more
authentic rather than theoretical.
R: How did the students respond to this kind of cultural exchange?
T: (C) Actually, I was a little surprised because they were already familiar with Uzbek
culture. I mean they were familiar where Uzbek culture because I remember when I just
played one song, Uzbek song, they answered me. They told me the song's name, and the
song's performers and some history background of that singer and I was glad when I
found that students here so well interested in Uzbek culture.
R: Are they planning to visit Uzbekistan?
T: (C) Actually, yes. Maybe this week, I am going to talk one of my students who is
going to Uzbekistan for two weeks and I invited her to host for two or three days. I want
to show her my living place where I grew up and of course Uzbekistan in summer. (April
2011)

Similar to Nargiz and Sebahat, Bakhrom also learnt about American culture through his
interactions with the students. What fascinated him the most was people's positive attitude and
friendliness. He explained that people smile at each other, which helps other people to feel better.
Although he did not mention how it was different from Uzbek culture, he listed "attitudes and the
way people dressed" and concluded "these are the differences".
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5.6.2 Teacher as a Learner of American Culture
R: Do you recall any particular experience that you found interesting about American
culture?
T: (C) mmm, I think, yeah, different culture, actually in people's communication here,
people I think are more open minded and they are eager to travel and people look like
more fun, always smile, which sets a positive mood on other people. I agree with it.
When you are okay, you have smile, it helps other people too, to set you feel positively
and maybe dressing style of people here; you are free to wear what you want what you
like, I think these are the differences.
5.7 Summary
As I demonstrated in this chapter, Bakhrom's beliefs and practices regarding language
teaching and learning were first shaped by his biographical factors (e.g., personal history, past
experience as a language learner and a teacher) and later reshaped by contextual (e.g.,
interactions with the students and institutional resources) and dialogic factors (e.g., use of theory
in practice) during his socialization to his role as an Uzbek language teacher at an American
university. One of the most important factors guiding his beliefs and practices was his meetings
with the teaching supervisor. He received immediate help when students commented on his pace
in the class, and as a result he revised his methods. Unlike Nargiz, Bakhrom did not make any
references to the courses he took. While the courses on second language acquisition theory were
important in shaping Nargiz's beliefs, they did not seem to have such an effect on Bakhrom's
beliefs and practices. What enabled Bakhrom to be an effective teacher, as he imagined, was the
increased access to instructional technologies. He experimented with many tools that are
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designed by the language technology research unit at this university. Unlike Nargiz, Bakhrom
did not experience much resistance from the students regarding his teaching methods. His
previous beliefs and practices were reaffirmed by the students, but still reshaped by his
interactions with the teaching supervisor and the instructional technologies. Therefore, in
Bakhrom's case, his biographical experience and dialogic understanding of teaching and learning
were congruent with contextual factors. The contextual factors enabled Bakhrom's access to the
instructional technologies he had been striving to learn about, and helped reconstruct his beliefs
and practices regarding language teaching and learning.

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CHAPTER 6
THE CASE STUDY OF NARGIZ

This chapter presents the qualitative case study of Nargiz. Nargiz taught Uzbek language
in Fall 2011 and Spring 2012 semesters at a major Midwestern University in the U.S. In Nargiz’s
beginner Uzbek classroom, there were three male students in the Fall semester, and two of these
students continued to study pre-intermediate Uzbek in the Spring semester. The students were all
in the Reserve Officers' Training Corps and were thinking about going to Uzbekistan through
ROTC or independently, as a possible career path after graduation. Over the course of two
semesters in the U.S., Nargiz was able to reconstruct her beliefs about language teaching and
gradually reworked her classroom practices. This transformation took place due to the blended
manifestation of her biographical experience as a learner and teacher, her present as an Uzbek
language teacher, and her growing dialogic understanding of language teaching and learning.
The interviews presented in this chapter are from September 2011, December 2011, and April
2012.
Among other possible aspects, three major factors were instrumental in shaping and
reshaping Nargiz’s pedagogical beliefs and practices: a) biographical factors (e.g., teachers'
personal history, experience as learners and EFL teachers); b) contextual factors (e.g.,
interactions with students and institutional resources); and c) dialogic factors (e.g., teachers' use
of theory in classroom practice). In the following excerpts, the biographical (B), contextual (C),
and dialogic (D) factors are identified in Nargiz’s reflections, and the accompanying letters (B,
C, and D) are inserted at the beginning of a sentence or group of sentences that correspond to a
given factor. The analysis focused on the emerging themes that demonstrate Nargiz's beliefs and

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practices regarding: a) teaching and learning; b) teacher role; c) teaching methods; d) corrective
feedback; e) classroom interactions; and f) teaching culture.
6.1. Beliefs about Teaching and Learning
Nargiz is a female in her late 20s, and has worked as an EFL teacher in a World
Languages program in Tashkent, Uzbekistan for two years. She came to the U.S. in Fall 2011
while she was enrolled in a PhD program at her university. Nargiz's experience as a student has
had a significant impact on her current pedagogical beliefs and practices. She went to primary
and secondary school in Uzbekistan in the late 1980s while Uzbekistan was still in the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Although the USSR collapsed in 1991, Uzbek social and
educational context continued to reflect the qualities of Soviet influence notably in language and
education. In the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, education was very important and most
importantly accessible to people from all social classes. The position of teachers in society was
prestigious and teacher salaries were very attractive. Education was provided in Uzbek and
Russian languages through the works of mainly Russian scholars. Nargiz studied Russian and
Uzbek in primary and secondary school, and studied English extensively in college. Nargiz's
observations of her former teachers shaped her understanding of teaching and learning even
before she entered the teaching profession. In 6.1.1, she explained that an inspirational teacher
was why she became interested in studying English.

6.1.1 Inspirational Teacher to Learn English Perfectly
R: What do you recall about your experiences in learning a second language at school?

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T: (B) It was the beginning of school, and I became interested in English. The most
important reason was a teacher there. She came from America and she motivated me to
learn English perfectly or to learn nice English. She was Uzbek, but she lived for 10 years
in America and she was a master of English. She knew a lot of things and knew how to
help you. She was able to arouse my interest to learn English. I was in the College of
Law, so I wanted to be a lawyer, but after her motivation changed me, I took a new
direction and decided to be a linguist and to be better in my English. (September, 2011)

In 6.1.1, Nargiz connected her reasons for studying English to an inspirational teacher.
Her word choices to describe her teacher such as "master", "knew a lot of things", "to learn
perfectly", "nice English", and "to be better in English", reflect Nargiz's ambition to achieve
perfection in her learning and her fascination with her teacher. In 6.1.2, Nargiz explained that
even her classroom language today showed signs of her role model teacher.

6.1.2 Strategies Learnt from the Inspirational Teacher
R: How do you feel that your own education as a student has influenced the way you
teach today?
T: (B) Yeah, himm, somehow there is influence because when I start teaching, every time
I think about my days at school, at college, at university. I say to myself 'my university
teacher did this and I should do this or I shouldn't do this', every time reminded me.
When she entered the class, my teacher said silence. For example, even now I find myself
using her way of speaking and some of her expressions that she often used. They lingered
in my mind for some reason. Maybe, I was trying to be a teacher like her or I was
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imitating my teacher, but I use her expressions every time and I use silence frequently in
my classes. (September, 2011)

Nargiz's fascination with her teacher in college may also be related to her interest in
learning in general and being a knowledgeable person. Nargiz explained that she valued
education, and her family fully supported her to pursue advanced education in language studies.
In her family and at school, Nargiz was referred to with the nickname "Lenin-head" because of
speaking too fast, being very knowledgeable, and being more hardworking than others. Nargiz
explained the nickname: "Lenin-head means that you are smart, you are intelligent, you know
everything, you have sharp mind, sometimes I say if I do something good, somehow surprised, I
say with this head Lenin also worked, as if he used the same mind, and now it's mine". When
Nargiz first started teaching, her students were very surprised by the fact that they were the same
age, and yet Nargiz had "a lot of knowledge", and they kept wondering "how she achieved it".
When she came to the U.S., Nargiz was very keen on attending sociolinguistics classes, meeting
professors from linguistics, and participating in workshops on formal aspects of language
acquisition. According to her, the key to success was "working hard" and "being motivated". She
felt that she was successful in school so far because she had been "interested" and "motivated",
and as long as she worked hard and remained motivated, she could "acquire knowledge", "be
successful", and achieve "professional satisfaction". (September 2011)
Nargiz's beliefs about the acquisition of knowledge and how it is achieved only through
hard work and motivation was often reflected in her classroom practices. Because, "student
mistakes" are allegedly due to "the failure to work hard" or "to be motivated". In some
vocabulary activities, when students could not recall the content of the previous class, Nargiz
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seemed disappointed and pointed out that students did not work hard to learn this material. If
they had worked hard, they would have learnt the content easily. However, later in the year,
Nargiz negotiated her initial position toward mistakes and explained students' errors with: (a)
students' limited opportunities to speak Uzbek language outside the class in 6.1.3; and (b) the
complexity of Uzbek grammar for English speakers in 6.1.4.

6.1.3 Students' Limited Opportunities to Speak Uzbek Outside the Class
T: (C) I sometimes gave students the chance to come to the black board and draw what
they think when I cannot understand them. They just make sentences or fill in the blanks.
So, I gave them the chance to work in groups and the chance of being a teacher which
can help me see are they speaking correctly? or are they making mistakes? and they were
free communicating this way because the class is the only place where they can use
Uzbek. (December 2011)

Nargiz's initial position about students' learning was that "if they are motivated and work
hard, they should easily learn Uzbek language", like Nargiz was able to learn Russian, English,
and German. She moved away from this position upon seeing that students actually were
motivated and did work hard. She looked for other reasons that might be lying behind their lower
than expected performance.

6.1.4 The Complexity of Uzbek Grammar for English Speakers
T: (C) I made some changes to my teaching methods here. Students really want to learn
my language although it's very difficult to learn for them. (D) Because Uzbek belongs to
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Turkish language family, but English belongs to a totally different language family -IndoEuropean languages. There is a huge difference in between, regarding their rules,
pronunciation, and grammar. (C) I understand it's difficult for them, but still they are
trying to do something. They are doing everything I ask from them and I highly
appreciated that they are doing everything on time. (December 2011)

In 6.1.3 and 6.1.4, Nargiz revised her understanding of learning and how it related to
student effort and motivation. She deviated from her initial understanding of how hard work and
motivation resulting in successful language learning. She did not invalidate or reject the
contribution of effort and motivation, but added external variables such as access to practice
opportunities and linguistic complexity or language familiarity to the list of forces leading to
successful language learning. It is important to note that all three factors (e.g., biographical,
contextual, and dialogic) were at play in reconstructing Nargiz’s beliefs about successful
language learning. However, Nargiz’s references to (D) language familiarity and opportunities
to practice, seem to be resolving a possible dissonance between (B) her successful language
learning experience and (C) her observations of current students’ performance. By resolving the
tensions between her biography and the present context, Nargiz was able to expand her
professional knowledge base. If Nargiz had stayed in Uzbekistan throughout her whole career,
she may not have been exposed to this experience and added these two external variables to her
dialogic understanding of teaching and learning. The experiences of conflict resolution forced
her to draw on theoretical aspects of language teaching and learning, and dialogic factors served
as a mediator between her biography and the context.

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6.2 Teacher Role in the Classroom
Throughout the semester, Nargiz negotiated her beliefs about teacher role in the
classroom. Her initial position stressed the teachers' role to "give knowledge" and to be "a model
speaker". She emphasized teachers' responsibility to provide knowledge, approaching the process
of teaching and learning as a unidirectional progression where the teacher is the giver and
students are receivers. When Nargiz made these switches between different discourse spaces
(e.g. biography as past; context as present; dialogic as abstract), there were stylistic differences
in her discourse. For example, when Nargiz switched from contextual factors (C) to dialogic
factors (D), she adopted a generic you to address a professional teacher. The use of you (e.g.,
when you enter the class, you can see students' eager faces) indexes a more generic and inclusive
identity of a professional teacher in contrast to I (e.g., when I enter the class, the students stand
up), which refers to a personal identity and narrative experience of the teacher. Through you,
Nargiz disengaged her personal perspective and switched to an abstract and professional
discourse where she could talk about theories and facts as they relate to teaching and learning.
These switches may also take place in order to relate to the researcher and include him in the
imagination of the situation in hand.

6.2.1 Teacher as a Knowledge Giver and a Model Speaker
T: (D) You are the person who can give knowledge which they need in class. You will
have a lot of roles, for example, you are a teacher, you are a facilitator, you are example
of this language, and you are a teacher who knows a lot of things more than the students.
We have a lot of roles, but I think the most important one is that what students expect
from you is just knowledge. With the help of knowledge they expect that you will be able
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to help with your way of teaching, maybe change their assumption about something with
the help of just hinting them, with the help of showing them that there are other
approaches. Mostly knowledge they expect from you, for example, this is the person who
can teach me a lot of things I need concerning, (C) for example, Uzbek. I am an Uzbek
teacher, and students want to learn Uzbek with the help of my classes, so I am the source
of this language. (September 2011)

Teachers' role as language representatives also appears in the discourse of the Fulbright
Program. Nargiz emphasized her role as a cultural ambassador and listed the program
11

requirements and expectations.

In the following excerpt, Nargiz revised her understanding of

teacher role and attempted to formulate a more complicated definition that included her role as a
teacher learner. This revision challenges her initial understanding of the teacher as a "giver"
who, in 6.2.2, can also be a "receiver".

6.2.2 Teacher as a Learner
T: (D) I describe my role, first of all, as being a model speaker of the Uzbek language. I
am the person who knows Uzbek and who can represent Uzbek language on her way of
speaking. Secondly, I describe my role as facilitator and a learner at the same time. (C) I
learn a lot of things from my students as well.
R: Can you elaborate on your role as a learner, can you give any examples?

11

The role as a language representative will be discussed in detail under 6.6 Teaching culture.
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T: (B) For example, I cannot say that I am a speaker who speaks English well because I
haven't been abroad and (C) it's my first time using and practicing my English here with
students. I learnt about the pronunciation of some words, and I learnt about having
another structure, but giving the same meaning. I learnt this kind of stuff by their English.
(D) Because, your target language should be in action all the time. If you don't use it, you
will easily forget it. (C) With the help of my students, using English with me and outside
of the class, I learnt about pronunciation, some colloquial conversations and sayings. This
stuff I learnt from them, not theoretical things, but somehow practical things. (December
2011)

In 6.2.2, Nargiz drew from her biographical experience and dialogic understanding of
teacher role and revised this position, using her experience in the classroom context. In this
classroom, and maybe for the first time in her career, Nargiz was not the only person who could
"give knowledge". Being a non-native speaker of English, Nargiz realized she could also learn
from the students to improve her English. This new situation contrasted with her previous
teaching experience where she had been the only person in the classroom who "knew a lot of
things". Through the contextual experience, Nargiz was able to move away from a "deficit model
of students", and her dialogic understanding of teaching and learning also transformed. There are
some other roles she had in Uzbekistan that were not carried to the American classroom, which
are presented in 6.2.3.

6.2.3 Teacher as a Motivator in Previous Teaching Contexts
R: How do you compare your role in this class to your past experience?
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T: (B) The first similarity is that in both classes, I was the person who can give
knowledge which students need. The second similarity is that I was the person who is
always eager to help students. For example, if they say oh I didn't do this, oh I didn't have
time. I tried to be understanding, ‘oh yeah everything can happen’. As for differences, in
my past experience, I was mostly busy motivating them and stimulating them 'if you do
this, I will give you a grade, and you will be okay, and don't worry everything will be
okay'. (C) Here, my role somehow changed. There is no need to motivate them because
they are already motivated. My task is just to teach what they want through my objectives
and plans. That was all. (B) In my past experience, I was thinking 'how can I help them?
Because they were learning English not Uzbek' (C) but here, I am quite free and I say that
‘everything will be okay’. There is no huge responsibility on me here because students
want to learn a lot. They are ready to learn, and they highly appreciate my being here and
teaching them. I am highly valued by the students here. (December 2011)

In 6.2.3, Nargiz approached teacher roles as multiple and dynamic constructs. Depending
on the context of teaching, Nargiz was able to choose and perform different roles in different
settings. She contrasted her students here with her past students, and referred to her past role of
motivator as obsolete. She explained that all she needed to do here was to execute her class
objectives and to teach the class. However, as she interacted with the students and the
institutional resources throughout the academic year, she began to see other challenges inherent
in the teaching of Uzbek language in the U.S. context and revised her roles in the second
semester.

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6.2.4 Teacher as a Material Designer
R: How do you describe your roles in this class?
T: (D) My role was as a model of Uzbek person who speaks Uzbek and can be a good
resource for students. I think I have two roles as being an Uzbek teacher. As being a
resource, I created some activities and I made some listening activities myself because I
understood what students want to know because it's my first attempt to teach Uzbek. (C) I
didn't know that it suffers from lack of resources to teach Uzbek. We have just one
textbook, and it's not enough. (D) You always have to add something because teaching
Uzbek is not just teaching grammar or new words. You should give them good authentic
materials as much as you can. (C) I tried to do my best. (April 2012)

Nargiz's past professional experience as an EFL teacher did not necessarily translate into
her current experience as an Uzbek language teacher. The conditions of the instruction of these
two languages are immensely different. While Nargiz initially relied on her past professional
experience as an EFL teacher, she later began to see the challenges inherent in her new
professional role as an Uzbek language teacher. In 6.2.4, Nargiz made a very important
discovery about less commonly taught languages: "the lack of resources". While the model
speaker remained as a dominant teacher role, Nargiz added other roles as she interacted with the
institutional resources. While in her earlier definitions she talked about "just teach your class",
she now noticed external complications such as "limited resources" or "the need for authentic
materials", and attributed them to the herself as additional roles.

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6.3 Teaching Methods
Nargiz's teaching methods were shaped by biographical factors such as her schooling
experience as a learner and her professional experience as an EFL teacher. These teaching
methods were reshaped by the contextual and dialogic factors in the Uzbek classroom. In the
following example, Nargiz talked about her teaching methods and how they related to her
experience as a learner. She recalled her inspirational teachers' use of methods: "true/false
questions", "pictures", and "handouts". She referred to using visual aids in the classroom as the
"demonstrative method", and "traditional method", contrasting methods that used "blackboards",
focusing on grammar, with the current methods that adopt "computers and technology". Drawing
from her professional perspective and switching to a generic you in her reflections, Nargiz
emphasized the need for an integrated approach, suggesting that "everything should be
interconnected".

6.3.1 Observing Teachers' Methods as a Learner
R: Do you remember what kind of methodology was used in the English classes when
you were a student?
T: (B) Methodology mostly she used was true/false. She used mostly demonstrative
method with the help of a lot of pictures and with the help of handouts mostly she was
using blackboard and explaining firstly the grammar and on these on grammar her
cultural and other things based on it. (D) Everything was interconnected maybe that's
why it was interesting to us. It's somehow traditional method she used, but somehow it
was still interesting. Nowadays, there are computers and technology right now.
R: Did she analyze formal parts of language like grammar?
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T: (B) yeah yeah, formal, because she every time repeat that if you do well with grammar
everything will be okay and for speaking, listening, reading, writing comes after that.
Some people say firstly you should learn speaking then you will learn grammar, but she
said 'no, first grammar you should build'.
R: What's your opinion?
T: (D) Here, I think as for me as English as a second language speaker I can say or as a
foreign speaker I can say English grammar and other skills should also be
interconnected, for example, you cannot say that grammar should be dominant or other
things will not be dominant. For example, if you teach grammar every time it will be
somehow boring. They say 'ooooh I don't want because every time she repeats this, she
explains another rule and I cannot use them at once'. That's why I think one tip, for
example, in one class one grammar rule, then others should be devoted to speaking,
listening, writing. As well as possible, teachers should call other skills for communication
except grammar and except translation. Otherwise, they will not be so good prestigious
high quality and not good outcome. (September 2011)

After a semester of teaching Uzbek classes, in 6.3.2, Nargiz renamed the concepts and
approaches she taught with. She started with the importance of interconnectedness and
maintained this position with the modified concepts "covering all four skills" and
"communicative approach". She made sense of communicative teaching as "asking questions"
and "classroom discussions". Since she participated in several in-service training workshops and
weekly meetings with her teaching supervisor, her explanations of her teaching methods became
more sophisticated and indicated adoption of second language acquisition terminology.
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6.3.2 The use of Communicative Approach
R: How would you describe your teaching methods in the Uzbek classes?
T: (D) I am mostly using communicative method and task based, and every time I try to
cover all four skills of communication and (C) I learnt for example using slides and
asking what word is this and giving them chance to listen to each other's electronic
portfolios and giving them feedback and what else, (D) working with handouts, just
simple methods and I use which I said it will be okay and it will be one of the
comfortable methods with this class, lexical approach, yes I had as well communicative,
lexical, and task based methods.
R: How do you think communicative method should be used in class?
T: (D) Yes, it should be for instance, so my communicative approach with them was in
this way for example (C) Tim is speaking about something and I asked Tim to give
questions about his family, firstly he speaks and he asks the questions about his family,
and Calvin was responsible for answering this question, or James, the same situation with
James. James describes something and two students were asked questions for example
one he made his listening and told them and they tried to guess what he was speaking
about. (D) I think my communicative method was in the form of question answering and
discussing and asking what do you think. (C) Sometimes they try to give their own views,
but they are still limited in vocabulary, but still they are asking how I can say this, what
word I should use, and this was they are somehow try to how to make sentences I mean
this approach helped them a lot, communicative competence. (December 2011)

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In 6.3.2, Nargiz adopted second language acquisition discourse to talk about her teaching
methods (e.g., "communicative approach", "lexical approach", "task based methods", and
"communicative competence"). In terms of classroom activities, she listed "asking questions"
and "discussions" as her methods for executing a communicative approach in class. In the
following excerpt, at the end of her second semester of teaching, she adopted a more complicated
collection of classroom activities within the communicative approach.

6.3.3 Classroom Activities in Communicative Approach
R: How would you describe your teaching methods in this class?
T: Teaching methods, so we have endless methods (D) the main one which we use a lot is
the communicative way of teaching and the way I try to include is all skills, and what
else, maybe I cannot remember all names of methods.
R: Maybe, you can give some examples, like I did this activity to do this?
T: For example having role plays, and for example I ask students to check each other's
portfolios and I don't know how it's called, what method it is, I mean I want them to find
mistakes in each other's sentences or their written portfolios and understand and explain
to each other what is this, and how it should be, (C) for example sometimes Tim can
understand what was the mistake in the sentence which is made by Calvin, sometimes
Tim cannot understand Calvin can explain in English, but they get the message, (D)
somehow peer correction¸ or something like this, if it's called. what else, himm listening,
reading, and lexical method or lexical approach. I think I use this also when I explain one
word and ask can you give the antonym or synonym? (C) and if one of them cannot
understand, another explains, or I ask 'do you remember what we discussed, and they can
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give examples. (D) I try not to give the translation of this word immediately. (C) Firstly, I
try to explain giving examples and I ask them just to make examples 'do you remember
this example?' (D) I think it was lexical approach, and grammar as well, without it we
cannot do anything. It's called grammar method, or how it was?
R: Grammar translation?
T: Yes. grammar translation, yes. (C) I use, I think almost in all classes because
nevertheless I planned for example teaching future simple in this class and next class I
just go on to work on this exercise, and another thing, nevertheless I haven't planned here
to teach other rules of future simple, but because of students' interests or students'
showing that they want to know further what it can be and sometimes they need some
sentences in Uzbek and they ask 'how we can say this'. In this moment, I have to explain
something which I haven't planned. (D) With this grammar translation method and other
stuff, I think this all makes sense, combination of methods because one is not enough.
(April 2012)

In 6.3.3, Nargiz explained her journey toward framing her teaching methods, but was not
able to find a straightforward answer, therefore, she arrived at an eclectic approach, knowing
that "one method is not enough". She added a variety of other communicative activities to her
practice such as "role plays" and "peer correction". She explained "lexical approach" as the
practice of making associations such as synonyms and antonyms across the vocabulary items
within the target language without referring to the first language. She explained that she departed
from her lesson plans in order to respond to students' immediate needs and interests. Nargiz was
able to negotiate her teaching methods drawing from such factors as her past experience,
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interactions with the students in class, interactions with the institutional resources, and her
theoretical understanding of second language acquisition theory. Through these factors, she was
able to refine her teaching methods in the course of two semesters of teaching Uzbek language.
6.4 Corrective Feedback
Nargiz’s beliefs about corrective feedback and her practices in the classroom transformed
throughout the two semesters. These changes took place due to contextual factors, such as her
interactions with the students and institutional resources, as well as dialogic factors, such as her
attempts to make sense of second language acquisition theory in her practice. Nargiz’s
understanding of corrective feedback became more complicated and refined over time. In the
first interview in September, she briefly talked about corrective feedback as her revision
suggestions to students’ essays, framing corrective feedback as an offline practice. In the second
interview in December, she retained the same position, but also talked about corrective feedback
in a broader way, framing it as a classroom practice, yet as a response to mistakes in the written
work. In 6.4.1, she talked about students accepting corrective feedback "positively" or
"negatively". She defined positive acceptance as the students’ appreciation of corrective
feedback and negative acceptance as resistance to feedback, in a way contesting the teacher’s
knowledge. When students responded negatively, Nargiz thought of herself as being challenged
and tried to explain "again and again, from [the] beginning". In her explanation of her corrective
feedback practices, Nargiz referred to contextual and dialogic factors. It is important to note that
when Nargiz switched to a more abstract and theoretical discourse, she adopted generic you
pronouns to index language teaching professionals, and third person plural they to index

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imagined language students. In her personal narratives, she used first person pronoun I to index
herself and third person pronouns he/she/they for the students in the Uzbek class.

6.4.1 Offline Corrective Feedback Practices to Identify Mistakes in Writing Portfolios
R: Earlier you said you like giving students corrective feedback. How do you do that?
How do you give students corrective feedback?
T: (C) Firstly, I was busy with giving individual feedback for their e-portfolios, and I was
free to say whatever I think about them, for example, Calvin you did a good job, but still
you have some problems here, you have some lexical problems here, you have
grammatical problems here, you have pronunciation problems. Firstly, sometimes I think
it was strange for them, but after getting my feedback and working on them, it really
helped them, they reduced these mistakes and next time I didn’t see the same mistake. I
think it was one achievement of my giving corrective feedback because it helped me to
plan for them to grow further, otherwise if we were on the same mistake again and again,
(D) if you are going to give again the same feedback, it will be somehow boring to them,
but giving feedback on time and letting student know what he made and what kind of
mistakes he made can help to improve their weaknesses and improve their language
learning.
R: Why do you think they found it strange at first?
T: (C) They find it strange, for example, they sometimes say ‘you told us this, you said it
should be in this form’ and I have to explain again and again. Especially Calvin finds it
strange; they found it strange, because he said okay. When I explained this rule in
context, he sometimes didn’t pay attention and that’s why he made a mistake. When I
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give the feedback, he's saying ‘oh it was written here and explained me in this way, that’s
why’. He wanted to say ‘I was right here’. Then, I have to explain again and again and he
understood; now he is okay with this.
R: And how do you correct them when they make mistakes during the class?
T: (C) I correct them with the help of asking other students, what do you think? How
should it be? For example, if James makes some mistake, I was ask Calvin or Tim
‘Calvin, how it should be? How you can correct it?’ oh, and I give English sentence and I
ask them ‘how you can translate it in this way’. When Tim translates it, and it will be
easy for James to catch, mostly I am dealing with it this way. If three of them cannot
answer the questions, I had to explain on the blackboard, and giving general feedback on
their mistakes. Because every time when I listen to their portfolios, and every time I used
to show ‘this was Calvin’s mistake, this was James’ mistake’. I asked comparing ‘do they
have the same mistakes, other mistakes, different or similar? If I found similar mistakes
in three of their responses, I make general comments in class and other specific mistakes.
In class, I also explain with the help of audio and video and text feedback. I explain how
it should be because sometimes it’s not understandable. (D) How students accept your
feedback, some accept it positively, and someone can accept it negatively. That’s why I
try to say to be somehow as positive as I can.
R: Can you give an example of accepting your feedback positively and negatively?
T: (B) So, positively, they are saying for example, if they accept positively, they say ‘oh
thanks for your class, I did this thanks for your explanations, thanks for your helping us
in class, that’s why we are doing well’, (C) and as for negative feedback, it was, as I said,
‘you taught us, you explained us these rules, this way’. Somehow, they are blaming me
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because of their making these mistakes, it was just all I am saying, and I had to explain
from beginning, ‘so this is the sentence, if you do this, this should be in this part’. It was
okay with their negative, I don’t have them much, just I think I have two negative
occasions. (D) Firstly, it’s somehow just beginning of your teaching and as for students,
it’s the beginning of their learning target language. Sometimes, you need time, and
students also need time to know who you are and to you also who they are and in a way in
two weeks, you know them well and you try to respond in a way how they behave and
what is the characteristic of these students. (December 2011)

By the end of the academic year, Nargiz’s explanations of her corrective feedback
practices became more sophisticated and had indications of second language acquisition theory.
In the following excerpt from April 2012, she adopted different types of corrective feedback
(e.g., implicit and explicit). In addition to her teaching, Nargiz took three classes in the
Linguistics and Languages department. In these classes, she learnt about theories in second
language learning and teaching. The content of these classes contributed to her growing dialogic
understanding of second language acquisition.

6.4.2 Implicit and Explicit Corrective Feedback in Classroom Practice
R: How do you describe your methods of providing corrective feedback here?
T: (D) I think they are all the same types of how the explicit and implicit feedback and
peer correction. They are almost the same.
R: Did you take any classes on corrective feedback?

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T: (C) No, we had it when I was in Diane Whitmer's class. We read one article how to
give corrective feedback. (D) So implicit way you just implicit had four types you don't
say anything I mean you don't say correct answer, but you let students realize it was
mistake. But explicit is totally different. You explain what's wrong you should say. (B)
So, I am using both of them in my country. It would be up to the situation, up to the
mistake or their error.
R: So, did Diane Whitmer's class have any effect on your use of corrective feedback?
T: (C)Yes, there is not only using corrective feedback, but also having authentic materials
and dealing with listening and preparing, how to say, good materials, making your own
activities, and visual aids and writing teaching philosophy. She gave good advice and
book reviews. Even I learnt a lot of things. It was so interesting. Firstly, we were asked to
read at least three articles and we discussed it in groups and everybody was sharing his or
her experience because almost all of us were students teaching English as a second
language here. And we are teaching Russian or Uzbek, almost we had the same
profession. That's why it was so interesting to know others' experience for example we
had a lot of good teachers, nevertheless they are older than us, they have a lot of
experience, but in the class they were equal. And it was very nice of them because they
were answering to all your questions: what do you think I have this problem and they
were helping us with their experience, outcomes and other stuff, I learnt a lot in this class.
Because of good teacher and because of good atmosphere, because of good audience we
have, I learnt a lot of things. Yeah, it was first time I was dealing with analyzing
scientific articles and trying to find out what are drawbacks or their good sides of this

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article and limitations it was helpful class which is dealing with my teaching. (April
2012)

In 6.4.2, Nargiz talked about her experience in the classes that she took throughout the
academic year.

12

At the beginning of each semester, Nargiz was able to choose the courses she

was interested in from a list of possible courses for FLTAs. These classes included other foreign
language courses, second language pedagogy courses, and American history and culture courses.
The courses on language pedagogy were particularly instrumental in helping the teachers bridge
their experiential knowledge of teaching with second language acquisition theory. In 6.4.3,
Nargiz reflected on what she learnt about corrective feedback (e.g., implicit and explicit). She
was able to use this new theoretical lens not only to make sense of her current practices, but also
her past teaching experience since she noted that she used both types in Uzbekistan. Therefore,
the interactions between biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors are multifaceted and
multidirectional. Earlier, I had demonstrated how dialogic factors can be instrumental in
resolving conflicts between biographical and contextual factors. In example 6.4.2, dialogic
factors are utilized in shaping the present (e.g., contextual) and reshaping past (e.g.,
biographical) experiences.
In example 6.4.3, Nargiz reflected on how she changed her online corrective feedback
practices in class, giving general feedback rather than individual feedback, thereby saving
students' face and creating a comfortable learning environment.
12

The FLTAs took the classes as non-credit requirement of the Fulbright program. They were

actively engaged in the classroom activities and some chose to do the assignments as well.
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6.4.3 General Feedback Instead of Individual Feedback
T: (C) Now, I don't give feedback in front of all of them especially when we are checking
the homework or listening. I give general right answer, and then they understand each of
them what was their mistake and how it should be done. Sometimes, I found it as if they
are going to be pissed off because I am saying 'so Tim you made this mistake, Calvin
yours is that, James this and that', but now I give them general so most of the problems
are these and those, but they should be in this way in this case, and you can give the right
answer.
R: Why did you think they would be pissed off?
T: (C) Sometimes Calvin. (D) because students are different and they have different
psychology. Even human beings sometimes the person you can understand his mistakes
and tries to work on it, but some people nevertheless they realize they make mistakes, but
they don't want to accept it and they in this way, they just show opposite reaction, if you
ask, they don't want to answer, if you ask what is this, nevertheless they know, they just
keep silent not to give the hint that so you made a joke or you did say something wrong or
sometimes you shouldn't give this answer, it can be different interpretations. It's better to
give general, as if they have one problem. Sentence can find its teller the same mistake
can find the person who made it. (April 2012)

Through her interactions with the students, Nargiz realized that students responded
differently to her feedback compared to her past experience with students in Uzbekistan. In 6.4.1,
she made sense of current students' responses through positive and negative reactions to her
feedback. She defined positive response as when students understood and appreciated her
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feedback, and negative response as when they did not understand feedback and resisted it by
using their knowledge or referring to the textbook or the teacher's previous lectures (e.g., but you
said...). Later in the year, Nargiz adopted more subtle strategies to make corrective feedback less
intrusive and less threatening: implicit and explicit feedback types and general feedback instead
of individual feedback.
It is noteworthy that Nargiz adopted generic you and they pronouns to index imaginary
students and a professional self, drawing from abstract and professional discourse. To answer the
question "why did you think they would be pissed off?", Nargiz dropped the student's name
"Sometimes, Calvin" and maybe was about to share a personal narrative, but instead switched to
talking about imaginary students (they) and professional self (you), thereby disengaging her
personal perspective. In her explanations of how students may make mistakes, but may not want
to see them, Nargiz seemed to be recollecting a personal story, but shared it through a
depersonalized discourse. It may be based on her firsthand experience and maybe in the current
classroom, but it seems to be a controversial and tense topic, and Nargiz dealt with it by drawing
from an impersonal and professional perspective to reduce the discomfort.
6.5 Classroom Interactions
Nargiz's interactions with the current students were initially informed by her biographical
experience with students in Uzbekistan; however, as she came to understand her current students
better, her interactions with them also evolved. Nargiz defined herself as a strict teacher in
Uzbekistan. She did not choose to be so, but the social context forced her to perform a strict
teacher identity. She explained that in order to make up for her being a young female, she had to
be strict in the class, especially with male students in Uzbekistan.

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6.5.1 Being a Strict Teacher
R: Can you describe your relationship with the students? Was it formal or were you
strict?
T: (B) Somehow. No, it was, I tried to be formal, but it was up to the situation. Somehow
it was strict. Once, my students. Close friend wanted to analyze my class. She wanted to
observe and that time my two students were not able to understand a simple question as I
explained it hundred times to them [laughs] and after this I should be somehow strict,
changed my tone of speaking, I did this, I said something and after class she said 'haaaaa!
you became so strict I haven't seen you in this manner'. I had to, because next time they
will do their best as they can. You know because especially boys they think they are
leader of gender that's why they can do everything they want, but I explained to them
they are not alone in this existence, I had some times that when I had to explain this to
students. I was able to do it.
R: How was it like?
T: It was very. When I came to home, when I inform, it was interesting for me to share
my experience, and my mother says 'ah! you shouldn't do so, otherwise they will do
something wrong with you and I say 'oh mother don't worry, everything will be okay.
Now with them I am okay. They just waited because they just needed this. That's why I
am using this method of strictness, and she says 'Anyway, you should be careful'. Now
they are thankful for that's why I am supposed to do my best. Somehow, I was free up to
the situation, up to the students' manner. (September 2011)

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In 6.5.1, Nargiz identified herself as a strict teacher, which was a situational response to
her past teaching context. She felt that students would not respect her if she had not constructed
these boundaries. However, in her current context the boundaries between students and the
teacher were not as explicit. She explained that the students in her current context were already
"disciplined", "well bred", and "motivated to learn". The students' classroom behavior helped
Nargiz's interactions with them transform over time. Nargiz's understanding of her students'
profile also connects with her obsolete role as "motivator". She felt that the students in this class
were already motivated and worked hard, which liberated Nargiz from her motivator role.

6.5.2 A More Relaxed Classroom Atmosphere
R: How would you describe your classroom interaction with students in the Uzbek class?
T: (C) My classroom interaction, it was free, and I wasn't and I am not putting any
distance between me and the students every time. I was walking around and helping them
answering their questions. Somehow, I say that it was a free atmosphere to discuss
everything.
T: (C) They are doing everything, they have definite plan, they are doing everything and
they are sending on e-portfolios on time just at the deadline. I really like they are being
punctual and doing everything when you ask even they don't understand some sentences,
but still they are doing and asking and they don't understand this part, but with context
meaning, I understood, I say let us do it in class, let us explain in class. (D) Now students
try, but sometimes he still has problems, but he needs teacher's help (C) and I was
welcome and they were welcome to ask me.

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R: How would you compare your classroom management in this class to your past
experience?
T: So the same, (C) I was letting them sit wherever they want, (B) but in my past
experience I was saying 'You should not do this, you should do that', (C) but here there
was no need to say these, this is a difference here, there was no need to remind them
somehow how student rules or student discipline. There was no need to explain, (B) but
in Tashkent, sometimes I had to use it. (December 2011)

In the following excerpt, Nargiz described the friendly classroom atmosphere in the
Uzbek class, and elaborated on the fact that such a friendly classroom atmosphere may not have
been possible in her past teaching context.

6.5.3 A Friendly Classroom Atmosphere in Uzbek Classes
R: How was your interaction with the students?
T: (C) My interaction was somehow friendly interactions. Sometimes, I forget it I am a
teacher because I can make a joke, I can be funny, I can tell them funny stories which I
had and they can also say what problems they had when they were in kindergarten or
what problems they were between their parents or girlfriends. They don't keep anything
secret and it also happens with me, this and that. I didn't know, and I am okay. I want
them to know how I was naughty girl or how I was make mistake, somehow their secrets
which they cannot share with everyone. It's good, but it doesn't mean they stop respecting
you as their teacher. No, every time, we keep this distance, but still my interaction with
them is more friendly than my Uzbek students in my country. (B) Because in my country,
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you should be serious, otherwise, if they say this and that, they can get different idea
about you. For example, she wasn't, she wasn't, I want to take bribe from them or I want
them help this way, and I am expecting some gifts from them, (C) but here I don't care
about it, because they know me, I know them and there is no problem being friend.
R: How do students in Uzbekistan think you want bribes?
T: (B) Sometimes, you shouldn't be, because it's one problematic issue in my country, but
somehow people are trying to solve this problem, but still we have these bribery issues.
Sometimes, you can say 'okay students, you can go' for example; I have a headache and
next time I will explain this stuff, sorry for this', and they can think 'she is not going to
teach and then she is going to collect money from us', but they haven't seen this stuff
from me. Because, I was so serious teacher and I am totally different teacher. That is the
other difference. I had to be serious in order to prevent some misinterpretations, and
second thing, any class there are a lot of male students and they start popping the
questions and other stuff that's why I had to be more serious with them.
R: What kind of questions would they ask?
T: (B) These personal questions, 'do you have a boyfriend?' and if you say no, and next
time they are in your house, there will be guest of this student's mother and they say 'you
teach my son, and he is in love with you' and my mother says 'do you teach them? what
do you do with them?' I say ' I just teach 'no they fell in love and they came, he came with
mother ' I say 'oh my god, I haven't done, I have done my duties and that's all'.
R: Why did they come? to ask you to marry?
T: (B) Nevertheless I was super-serious teacher, it happens with me a lot and my brother
would say, are you going to teach your class or you are going to somewhere else than
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university. 'Oh you can come and observe me'. So, you know their mind is not busy with
studying something, just asking so how I can find way to her heart, and now, thank God,
now I am married. If they see the ring, they will stop asking such kind of questions but
still. (April 2012)

In 6.5.3, Nargiz contrasted her current classroom interactions with her past teaching
experiences, and shared two extraordinary anecdotes from her past: students expecting teachers
to ask for bribe and students who may fall in love with their teacher and act on it. Nargiz noted
some corruptions that may still take place in the Uzbek context, and that students are socialized
into noticing it, living with it, and maybe going along with it. However, she explained that she
was different and wanted to show this to students by being very serious in her job. Since she
taught at a university and her students were also around her age, she impressed some students as
a great candidate for marriage.
Nargiz's past experience in the Uzbek social and educational context initially informed
her current classroom interactions. However, she was quick to transform her classroom practices,
seeing that the current context did not call for a need to be "serious" or "strict". In transforming
her classroom interactions, Nargiz drew from her observations of the current context and
compared it with her past teaching experience. However, her observations of the current context
were still limited to one classroom, that is, three ROTC students. She was not able to experience
much diversity in her student profile and therefore constructed more essentialized beliefs about
American students, educational context, and culture in general. In the next section, Nargiz's
transforming beliefs and practices on the exchange of cultural information in class is discussed.

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6.6 Teaching Culture
Teaching cultural content was an important aspect of Nargiz's professional identity.
Throughout the two semesters in the U.S., Nargiz reconstructed the ways she thought about and
taught culture in class. Nargiz’s beliefs about teaching culture were shaped by her personal
history and biography as a learner and were reshaped through her interactions with contextual
and dialogic factors in the U.S. Nargiz's interactions with a foreign culture date back to her
schooling when she learnt about American culture in her English classes.

6.6.1 Learning about American Culture
R: Did you learn about American culture when you were in secondary or high school?
T: Yeah, (B) she [the inspirational teacher] explained a lot of English holidays, customs
every day. Every class was different. Her classes were different. (D) You haven't expected
that you are learning culture in one class and another class you are learning another side
of American people. In this way, for example their gestures, what they can, what can be
done, what can be accepted as alright or not in America, what you should do, what you
shouldn't do, (B) everything she explained that in details. (September 2011)

In 6.6.1, Nargiz shared her recollections of learning about American culture in high
school. She summarized the cultural content in this class (e.g., their gestures, what can or should
be done and what cannot or should not) in prescriptive and descriptive manners. In her response,
Nargiz seems to be drawing from her personal experience with her inspirational teacher and her
classes and later switching to a more abstract talk about teaching culture where she recollected
the content covered in these classes. The use of generic you marks the different discourse spaces
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in her response. A switch in perspective from personal narrative to professional description
might signal her dialogic understanding of language teaching. If her response was only narrative
and only drawn from her biography, it could have continued with I or we to refer to herself and
her classmates. However, switching to a generic and inclusive you (to mean one) indicates that
Nargiz's personal perspective is disengaged and this statement is accurate from a professional
perspective. The following excerpts also support this notion and Nargiz's tendency to teach
culture in descriptive and prescriptive ways.

6.6.2 Teaching American Culture in Uzbekistan
R: When you taught in Uzbekistan, how did you teach culture?
T: (B) Culture, as for American culture, firstly I analyze this culture at all myself in order
to answer each questions which will be given by my students. Then, I started with the
help of some pictures, some statistics, some data about this culture: why is it so well
known in the world? what we can see similar or what we can see different in this culture,
why should we respect this culture? Mostly with the sayings and proverbs, as much as
possible, this way I taught it. (September 2011)

Nargiz's biographical experience regarding learning and teaching American culture
shaped the ways she planned to teach Uzbek culture in the Uzbek language classes. In the
following examples, Nargiz talked about her plans to teach Uzbek culture to American students.

6.6.3 Teaching Uzbek Culture in the United States
R: How do you describe your teaching culture here?
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T: (B) Here?, in abroad, teaching culture, again I will do the same method which I have
used, for example, explaining because some of that will be fun, some of that will be
boring, (D) but you should, teacher should, I should know the place where I can or I
cannot use, for example, how can I involve them in activities which are related to my
culture? It will be up to your topic, what cultural point you will discuss, traditions, your
attitudes, your holidays. What you are going to discuss, it should be connected with the
wish of the students, somehow the students' view points.
R: Is there anything, like you consider 'I had better not tell this about Uzbek culture? Is
there anything you can think of that you think you should not say?
T: No, you know, (D) I welcome nevertheless it's good or nevertheless it's not good, they
can be. It cannot be, it somehow cannot be accepted in this culture, in general culture,
they can say weaknesses. I can also show, for example, the one thing we spend a lot of
money on doing marriages, from bride's side, from groom's side. This can be the minus of
our culture. I welcome them to know about it. For example, even I can calculate, for
example, how much bride or groom should pay, how much a wedding costs, this is why,
why not they should know about it.
R: What else do you think they should know about Uzbek culture? Can you think of
anything basic, this is how much they should know about it?
T: How much they should know? (D) I don't think that they should know about culture
from the beginning to the end. I mean not they should know everything specifically, but I
think it's the main thing you should be able to give them some general information what
is Uzbek and how its culture and then they start to know. They also respect, but then after
knowing it, they will start thinking 'Ohhhh', looking at you from a different perspective
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because they have these we don't have. They have these features, they have these
traditions which cannot be seen or cannot be met in our culture. They will be given a
general overview about your culture, but all you cannot because culture is studied for five
years or four years in different educational institutions. That's why it's impossible to
cover everything here. You just should be specific whatever you want, what topic you
want the students to let know that you should make the decisions, but not cover
everything. Hours will not be enough just only for culture lessons, what about grammar
what about other skills. (September 2011)

In 6.6.3, Nargiz talked about her plans to teach Uzbek language and culture prior to her
teaching. She started her response (e.g., I will do the same) by drawing from her past experience
as an EFL teacher, and noted that she would teach culture the same way. However, Nargiz learnt
about American culture at school in a professional setting, but integrated Uzbek culture through
personal experience in a more nuanced way. Therefore, there may be complications in teaching
her own culture especially since she did not have much professional training about teaching
Uzbek culture. In her response, she seems to be making good or bad judgments about culture
(e.g., This can be the minus of our culture), but was comfortable with demonstrating all aspects
in order to respond to students' needs. Nargiz's beliefs about teaching culture were shaped by her
personal history and her past experience as a language learner and teacher. Her biographical
experience interacted with contextual and dialogic factors during her stay in the U.S. The
interaction of biographical and contextual factors can be observed in her reflections about her
role as a cultural representative. Nargiz’s explanations also conflict with the narrative of the
Fulbright program, as demonstrated in the following excerpt. While Fulbright expects the
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teachers to teach "Uzbek culture", Nargiz rejects a monolithic representation of "Uzbek culture"
and supports its diversity.

6.6.4 Language Teachers as Cultural Ambassadors
R: How comfortable do you feel about teaching your own culture for the first time?
T: (C) Teaching culture, as I said, I am the person and ambassador of one culture, and my
weakness will be that I don't, myself, I don't know my culture at all you know (B)
because we have a lot of keys, key points. For example, there are some traditions or some
concepts which are known only to older part of society: grandmother and grandfathers
know. I try to know, but still I haven't learnt it all. For example, we have some customs
two years ago, ten years ago, but you should also know, but I don't know them. This is
also dissatisfaction, and as for second dissatisfaction is I don't know the exact culture
approach to our weddings in all twelve regions of Uzbekistan. So different, myself,
different attitudes and traditions when they take some, for example, when they have
wedding on when they have some ceremony or when someone dies, they have different
customs, you know, my weaknesses is that I don't know about everything at all
[thoroughly] you know. I know about Tashkent and Tashkent traditions, but it's not
enough for saying that you are a cultural ambassador. (September 2011)

In 6.6.4, Nargiz appropriated institutional terminology and the role of being a "cultural
ambassador", but rejected a holistic view of a cultural ambassador role. Therefore, her subjective
experience of culture conflicted with the institutional expectations. In resolving this dissonance,
she drew on her dialogic understanding of how culture should be taught, and offered two reasons
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for rejecting a unified cultural ambassador role. First, Nargiz believed that cultural traditions
were known better by older generations, and young generations, including herself, may not
inherit this cultural heritage to a satisfactory extent. Second, Nargiz was aware of her own local
and subjective experience of Uzbek language, and reflected on the diversity of culture, thereby
rejecting a monolithic interpretation of Uzbek culture. Instead, there are 12 regions in Uzbekistan
with diverse customs and traditions. One of these regions is Tashkent and Nargiz felt
comfortable representing this region in her classes.
When Nargiz started teaching, she was very impressed that her students were motivated
and interested to know more about Uzbek customs and traditions. She presented topics about
special days and holidays in Uzbekistan, and students raised many questions in the classroom
discussions.

6.6.5 Students' Interest in Learning about Uzbek Culture
R: Do your students ever ask questions about Uzbek culture?
T: Yes, they did. (C) For example, about marriage, about engagement, about age
difference between x and y and who are going to get married, this stuff they are interested
in. And after Nawriz [Turkic new year] they also gave a lot of questions 'so do you have
sumalak?' and you say 'yes', 'Oh we want!'; 'We don't have this kind of traditions, but we
liked it'. The conversation which we had sometimes. They found it strange, but still they
liked it. For example, stone in Sumalan. They should find it, and it can give them some
good luck. This stuff they say, it's somehow superstition, but still they liked it.
(December 2011)

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As the semester continued, the discussions about culture became more extended, and
students were able to discuss Uzbek and American customs and traditions. Similarities and
differences between the local and target cultures became starting points for these extended
conversations. Through these interactions, Nargiz was able to reconstruct her beliefs about
American culture and revise some of her old beliefs about American people in general.

6.6.6 Teacher Learner of American Culture
R: How would you describe the exchange of cultural information in the class? your
learning about American culture, their learning about Uzbek culture?
T: (C) So, by their participation in my class, by their answers, by their explanations about
some issues, about culture, for example, how to celebrate Thanksgiving day, how to
celebrate Christmas day, what they expect, what they should do, what they shouldn't do,
so how they respect their parents, and with the help of descriptions, I was understanding
how they feel the necessity to live with their parents or live without their parents. I
understood this stuff, and (B) I found our culture is not so far from each other. (C)
Because, here you can also say the person is, as human being feeling, some
responsibility, for example, 'I should take care of this', 'I should think about it', "I should
work on my Uzbek', 'I should do this', 'I should earn money'. They are having the same
things which Uzbek culture people have in their mind, the same. (D) All in all, the
culture, people are trying to plan everything, so difference is that in just celebrating their
holidays and difference is in the various types of holidays here and we have different
celebrations in Uzbekistan. And different celebrations, that's all. (C) But from general
viewpoint, I found mostly similarities in way of their speaking, in way of their showing
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respect toward their parents toward their friends, and describing the necessity of having
friends, what is good, what is bad, their definite aim toward future. They made me happy
'Oh, they are the same', 'We can find this kind of person, this kind of people in
Uzbekistan as well'. (December 2011)

In 6.6.6, Nargiz explained that she was able to observe American culture and learn from
her students about customs and traditions. As she focused on similarities between the two
cultures, American culture started to appear as less abstract and more real in her perception. She
realized Americans also have the same worries and daily concerns as people in Uzbekistan (e.g.,
earning money). The only difference, according to Nargiz, was surface issues like celebrations
and holidays. Attitudes and personalities, which are more complicated and major constructs, are
similar between these two communities. Through a dynamic interaction between the
biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors, Nargiz was able to reconstruct her beliefs about
American culture.
According to Nargiz, one of the important objectives of teaching culture is to prepare
students for a possible trip to Uzbekistan. Her lectures focused on prescriptive tips and strategies
in order to have a comfortable stay in Uzbekistan. In 6.6.7, Nargiz explained that learning these
tips about what to do and what not to do was very important in students’ language learning.
Nargiz’s tendency toward teaching culture prescriptively also resonated with the excerpt in 6.6.1,
where she described her own language learning experience.

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6.6.7 Teaching Culture with Notions of "what’s okay" and "what’s not okay"
R: Why do you think it’s important for students to know Uzbek traditions and what’s
okay and what’s not okay?
T: (D) In any case, if they go to Uzbekistan, it will be easy to them to, how to say, start
communication and to predict the situation beforehand. For example, what they should
say when they go to someone’s house, what they shouldn’t say, what they can bring or
what they shouldn’t bring. So, I mean if they know them now, if they get some ideas
about this, our traditions, it will be easy to them, and they won’t be, they won’t be have
difficult situations, to ask what I did wrong, they won’t be. There is no need to them
‘what I should do’ ‘what I shouldn’t do’ because they know. I think in this situation it can
help, and in other cases, when they discuss people, when they have some topics to
discuss, they can say ‘let us take Uzbek’. They have this, but we don’t have that. Because
we all studied English in this way, in the way of comparing. (December 2011)

In 6.6.7, Nargiz described the need to discuss culture in a comparative and prescriptive
manner and suggested that this will be very useful for students’ future trips to Uzbekistan. As she
also noted at the end of her response, the way she taught culture was shaped by her biography as
a learner of English. Nargiz’s beliefs about teaching culture prescriptively remained unchanged
throughout the two semesters. Two reasons may explain this situation. First, the impact of her
biography was very strong and her methods were accepted by the students. Students did not
resist or contest learning culture in a set of do’s and don’ts, which further reinforced Nargiz’s
beliefs about its effectiveness. Second, Nargiz did not receive much professional help about how
to teach culture. While the professional meetings and workshops focused on skills-based
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teaching such as teaching grammar or vocabulary, teaching culture was approached as a
guaranteed quality since Nargiz is a native speaker of the Uzbek language. Nargiz was aware that
she would not be able to speak for the whole of Uzbekistan, but still gave students advice on how
to operate in Uzbek society. This advice included “don’t buy wine when you are visiting
people”, “buy bread if you are visiting someone’s house”, “people can come unannounced, and
you should welcome them and offer them food”. Students also appreciated these strategies and
commented that these small tips may be useful for their future stay in Uzbekistan. As these
examples demonstrate, biographical factors informed contextual factors, and these two factors
together shaped Nargiz’s beliefs and practices regarding teaching culture, in the absence of
dialogic interaction with theoretical and pedagogical resources on teaching culture.
Nargiz’s personal history in Uzbek culture also impacted how she represented cultural
heritage in the classroom. Similar to Sebahat and Bakhrom, Nargiz's explanations of customs and
traditions signaled her attempts to seek legitimacy of her cultural heritage. Through her lectures
about the history of Uzbekistan, Nargiz socialized students into her cultural heritage, thereby
enabling students’ membership into the Uzbek community. To Nargiz, knowing about the culture
in addition to the language was an important vehicle with which to gain membership into the
Uzbek community.
6.7 Summary
As I demonstrated in this chapter, Nargiz’s beliefs and practices regarding language
teaching and learning were first shaped by her biographical factors (e.g., personal history,
experience as a language learner and a teacher) and later influenced by contextual (e.g.,
interactions with the students and institutional resources) and dialogic factors (e.g., use of theory

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in practice) in the course of Nargiz’s socialization into her role as an Uzbek language teacher at
an American university. Previous literature in teacher socialization shows that a teachers’
biography is a powerful force in shaping his/her beliefs and practices. Nargiz’s participation in
the Fulbright program enabled her biography to interact with contextual factors in which many of
Nargiz’s beliefs and practices were contested or challenged. At the intersection of these factors,
Nargiz was able to reconstruct her beliefs and practices about language teaching and learning,
resolving the dissonance and tensions among these factors. It is important to note that
biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors not only informed and shaped each other, but also
resisted and challenged one another so that Nargiz was able to expand her professional
knowledge about language teaching and learning.

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CHAPTER 7
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

This final chapter presents the discussions of the findings under four sections: (a)
biographical factors; (b) contextual factors; (c) dialogic factors; and (d) conclusions and
implications. The analysis of the three case studies indicates that novice foreign language
teachers' pedagogical beliefs and practices are transformed during their socialization into their
professional role in the U.S educational context. The factors that guide the process of teacher
socialization are argued to be biographical, contextual, and dialogic. These factors are observed
to interact dynamically in teachers' reflections and show distinct language qualities. The dynamic
interactions among the three factors are illustrated in Figure 1.

Biographical
factors

Contextual
factors

Dialogic
factors

Figure 1 The dynamic interactions among biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors

Using a language socialization theoretical framework (Ochs & Schieffelin, 1984; Lave &
Wenger, 1991), the analysis of the data focuses on teachers' use of language in their interactions
and reflections on their practices. The analysis focused on capturing changes in teachers' beliefs
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and practices as they are formed and transformed at an "interactional" (Zeichner & Gore, 1990)
and "communicational" (Staton & Hunt, 1992) level. The findings indicated that teachers'
reflections on their beliefs are associated with distinct discourse markers. For example,
reflections on biography denotes a past discourse space while those on contextual factors
activates the present. To illustrate, when teachers talk about their past experience as learners or
teachers in their home countries, they adopt such discourse markers as “There, I was, I did,
students were, students did”, drawing from their biographical experience. When they talk about
their present experience in the U.S. educational context as teachers of Uzbek or Turkish, they
adopt present tense, using such discourse markers as “Here, I am, students are, students were,
students did”, thereby drawing from their contextual experiences. Different from biographical
and contextual experiences, which are both personal, teachers also adopt dialogic speech in their
reflections. The dialogic speech is associated with a disengaged and professional perspective in
which teachers adopt impersonal discourse markers such as “Teachers are, you should, you
would, you are”. What sets the dialogic factors apart from biographical and contextual factors is
the use of an impersonal and disengaged perspective. While the teacher knowledge produced
through biographical and contextual channels are personal and experiential, the knowledge
produced through dialogic factors is impersonal, professional, explicit, and theoretical. In some
cases, teachers strip themselves and their nuanced perspective from the situation at hand and
adopt a dialogic perspective through which they can reflect on their beliefs and practices in a
generic and impersonal way. The dialogic perspective can sometimes be instrumental in
resolving the conflicts between biographical and contextual experiences. The analysis focused on
the use of discourse markers in teachers’ reflections. A summary of the discourse markers that
are associated with each factor is presented in Table 3.
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Table 3
The discourse markers for analytical factors
Biographical factors
Contextual factors

Dialogic factors

Personal

Personal

Professional

Engaged

Engaged

Disengaged

Local

Local

General

Discontinued

Discontinued

Continued

Past oriented

Present oriented

Cut across past and present

I was/I did/my students were

I am/I do/my students are

You know/you do/students are

In Turkey/In Uzbekistan/there

In the U.S./here

Cut across here and there

7.1 Biographical Factors
The biographical factors that guide the teachers' socialization process present in this
study are: (a) teachers' personal history; (b) their past experience as language learners; and (c)
their past experience as EFL teachers. Previous literature on teacher socialization has shown that
students learn to be teachers before they enter a professional training program. According to
Lortie (1975), teachers internalize a practice of teaching while observing their teachers
throughout their schooling experience. These experiences certainly impact student-teachers' early
socialization and beliefs about teaching and learning (Duff & Uchida, 1997; Grant & Zeichner,
1981; Lortie, 1975). The implicit beliefs that are acquired through their schooling experiences
emerge when these teachers need to make curricular decisions. Hollingsworth (1989) suggests
that education students' prior beliefs and experiences serve as filters to interpret the university
coursework and the classroom context. Horwitz (1985) points to these implicit beliefs as
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departure points for education coursework because students may not be aware of these beliefs
and their potential roles in shaping their future practice. Horwitz suggests that future foreign
language teachers enter the methods classes with "many preconceived ideas about how
languages are learnt and how they should be taught" (p. 333). These implicit beliefs that come
from teachers' biographical experiences are important for the present study because the teachers
and students in this study come from different educational backgrounds. The differences between
teachers' expectations and students' expectations in the classroom might create potential
breakdowns in teacher-student relationships.

7.1.1 Biographical Factors Shaping Contextual Factors
Teachers' biographical experiences shape their interpretations of the new educational
context. For example, Sebahat's experience as a language learner and EFL teacher shaped how
she understood the new educational context. According to her past experience, good language
teaching practice creates affective change and develops positive student attitudes. To accomplish
this, she needed to establish close relationships with the students. She needed to understand their
needs and interests and be able to talk to them about their problems and concerns. Sebahat
wanted to be receptive and responsive to students' needs and expectations, as she had been when
she taught in Turkey. According to Zeichner and Gore (1990), "[s]tudies of the influence of
formal curriculum of programs suggest that pre-service programs are not very powerful
interventions" (p. 20). A relatively more powerful factor is argued to be the field teaching
experience or practicum in foreign language education (Kanno & Stuart, 2011; Peacock, 2001).
Accordingly, when Sebahat started her field experience and understood the differences between
her biographical experience and the contextual requirements, she yielded to the contextual
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requirements, choosing not to recreate her biographical experience. In the course of the semester,
she was able to create a middle ground to blend her biographical experience with the contextual
requirements. Sebahat's attempts to blend features from her biography and the current context is
in line with Burke's (2006) notion of "experiential professional development". Burke argues that
in-service professional development "occurs during the school day, in the classrooms of world
language teachers when teaching their own students" (p. 162).
Nargiz's biographical experience shaped her understanding of the U.S. educational
context. She believed that as long as students worked hard and were motivated, they could learn
any language like she learnt Russian, English, and German. Her biographical experience as a
learner of multiple languages and an EFL teacher determined what she expected from the
students. When the students in the U.S. classroom did not live up to these expectations, she was
initially disappointed and frustrated, but later understood that there may be other reasons: (a) it
may be difficult for English speakers to learn Uzbek since it is from a different language family;
(b) students may not have a lot of opportunities to practice Uzbek since there are not many
speakers around them. Therefore, while her biography initially informed her experience in the
U.S. context, her interactions with the students and the institutional resources later shaped her
dialogic understanding of language teaching and learning. The effects of contextual factors on
dialogic factors are discussed in 7.2.
Bakhrom's biographical experience also affected how he interacted with the new
educational context. In his past teaching experience, Bakhrom was fascinated by the use of
technologies in the classroom. Although he strived to use these methods in his classes in
Uzbekistan, he did not have a chance to due to limited access to instructional technologies. When
he came to the U.S., he immediately found out which technological resources were available to
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teachers and started to experiment with them. The good and bad examples in his schooling
experience, such as the traditional approach using "chalk and board" versus modern approaches
using "smartboards and powerpoint" informed Bakhrom's curricular decisions in the U.S
classroom. Bakhrom’s biographical experiences and personality were reflected in the ways he
interpreted the U.S. educational context. This finding is parallel to Duff and Uchida’s (1997) and
Kano and Stuart’s (2011) findings in which the researchers suggested that the teachers’
personality and past experiences were mirrored in the ways they taught their classes.
In summary, all three teachers come from different educational backgrounds than their
students. Therefore, their biographical experience affected how they interacted with the students,
understood the educational context, and made curricular decisions. It is important to note that
their biography was dynamic and evolved with their new experiences in the U.S. educational
context. How teachers reconstruct their biography through their experiences in the new context is
discussed in 7.2 and 7.3.

7.1.2 Biographical Factors Shaping Dialogic Factors
In this paper, dialogic factors are defined as the teachers' use of second language
acquisition theory in understanding their practices and the theory-practice interplays. Throughout
the paper, various terms such as dialogic speech, dialogic discourse space, dialogic perspective,
and dialogic understanding are used to refer to these factors. What sets dialogic factors apart
from biographical and contextual factors is the use of different types of knowledge and different
types of discourse markers. Compared to the biographical and contextual experiences, which
create experiential knowledge, dialogic factors are concerned with more theoretical and
academic knowledge (e.g., Borg, 2006; Lattuca, Voight & Fath, 2004; Shulman, 1986). When
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teachers draw from their biographical experience, they use a personal and local language, such as
"e.g., I gave students listening worksheets". When they draw from their dialogic understanding,
they use a professional and general language, such as "e.g., communicative activities create more
meaningful learning". The discussion of dialogic factors is presented more extensively in 7.3.
Teachers' biographical experience interacts with and shapes their dialogic understanding
of teaching and learning. For example, when Sebahat was in high school, her teacher helped
Sebahat develop positive attitudes towards language learning. Although she had difficulties
along the way, her positive attitude and motivation were instrumental in overcoming these
problems and persisting in her studies. This experience shaped Sebahat's dialogic understanding
of teaching and learning. She understood that positive attitudes and motivation were key factors
leading to successful language learning. Her college experience also confirmed this experiential
knowledge since college teachers encouraged the students to create communicative and
enjoyable activities. Therefore, her biographical experience aligned and blended with the
theoretical knowledge produced in her college courses. Lattuca et. al. (2004) suggest that
"instructors can promote learning by helping students access prior knowledge and connect new
information to their existing knowledge and understandings" (p. 30). In teacher education
programs, the connections between past and present knowledge can be achieved through
"explicit connections between what is to be learned and what they have already learned through
schooling and other experiences" (Lattuca et. al., 2004, p. 30).
Bakhrom's biographical experience also interacted with his dialogic understanding of
teaching and learning. In 5.2.1, Bakhrom talked about his diverse experiences with his former
students, and his role as a teacher was shaped according to the classroom context. He understood
that when he worked with students closer to his age, he acted like a facilitator rather than "the
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traditional teacher" who would do most of the talking and give a lot of corrective feedback.
These good and bad examples, such as "facilitator" versus "lecturer" roles, both informed
Bakhrom's integration of an ideal teaching practice and his dialogic understanding of teaching
and learning.
Nargiz's case further illustrates the influence between biographical experience and
dialogic understanding of the teaching and learning of languages. For example, in 6.2.2 and
6.2.3, Nargiz talked about her teacher role as being a model speaker and resource for knowledge.
Although these roles were further revised throughout her interactions with the context, her initial
understanding was shaped by her own language learning experience. Nargiz respected her
teachers and was fascinated by how much they knew. Similarly, Nargiz's students were also
inspired by her young age and level of knowledge. These biographical experiences determined
Nargiz's dialogic understanding of teacher role as "knowledge giver" and that of students as
"knowledge receivers". The idea of unidirectional knowledge flow was an outcome of her
schooling experience, but was subject to transformation, as discussed in 7.2.
In summary, teachers' biographical experience constitutes their experiential knowledge
and implicit beliefs about teaching and learning. The biographical experiences are often very
strong and are resistant to change. For example, in 6.2, Nargiz's understanding of her roles as a
"model speaker" and "resource person" are such strong ideas that they have remained the same
throughout the academic year. Teachers' biographical experience interacts with the dialogic
factors and shape teachers' initial beliefs about teaching and learning. However, dialogic factors
are not static and are subject to transformation through interaction with contextual factors.

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7.2 Contextual Factors
The contextual factors that guide the teachers' socialization process are: (a) teachers'
interactions with the students; and (b) teachers' interactions with institutional resources such as
supervisors, professional development courses, and curriculum and materials. Previous research
on teacher socialization emphasizes that novice teachers do not socialize into a generic teacher
professional identity, but into a particular identity in a particular context (Staton & Hunt, 1992).
Therefore, the target educational context is very important in teacher socialization research.
Early teacher socialization research explored the influence of cooperating teachers and university
supervisors. Subsequent studies focused on the dynamic nature of the relationship between the
teachers and several socializing agents.
In their review study, Staton and Hunt (1992) observed the two strands in teacher
socialization research: (a) functionalist perspective suggests that socialization fits an individual
to a community (e.g., teachers are cast as passive agents); (b) dialectical perspective argues for a
more complex and interactive process in which teachers also have the potential to shape the
society in which they live. From a dialectical perspective, teachers in the present study also
shape the context they work in through their interactions with socializing agents, such as
administrators and students.

7.2.1 Contextual Factors Shaping Biographical Factors
Teachers' interactions with the contextual factors shape their understanding of their
biographical experience. For example, when Nargiz took professional development courses in
the U.S. educational context, she learnt about corrective feedback types. In 6.4.2, she mentioned
that she used both corrective feedback types (implicit and explicit) in her country. However, in
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earlier interviews she did not talk about implicit and explicit corrective feedback types, but said
that she learnt about them from an academic article in a professor's class. As she learnt about
corrective feedback types, it is possible that she reflected on her past experience and renamed
and reorganized her biographical experience in her mind. Freeman (1993) suggests that when
teachers are in a professional development program, they combine local and professional
discourse in reconstructing their beliefs and practices. This process does not have to be a
complete transformation, but can be as small as renaming existing practices or changing
priorities. He concludes that "renaming allows for the attachment of new meanings to familiar
perceptions so that tacit knowledge interacts with and is reshaped by newly explicit
understandings from the professional discourse" (p. 495). Through her interactions with the
institutional resources, Nargiz was able to recreate her biographical experiences regarding
corrective feedback in the classroom.
Bakhrom's interactions with the contextual factors such as the students and his supervisor
helped him reconstruct his biographical experience. In 5.2.2, Bakhrom compared his students in
the U.S. classroom to his students in Uzbekistan. He noted that his students in the U.S. were
"more adults in some manner", therefore, he could act like a facilitator with them in "observing
their language output through different activities", whereas he acted more like a lecturer with his
former students in Uzbekistan. In 5.3.2, Bakhrom compared his teaching methods in the U.S. and
Uzbekistan. He explained that he was able to use different kinds of technology in the U.S.
classroom, whereas he used mostly print materials in Uzbekistan. In explaining this discrepancy,
he noted that it was "maybe due to little access to internet and computers" in Uzbekistan and that
the conditions in the U.S. were better for teachers and more conducive to effective teaching.
Therefore, his new experience in the U.S. educational context helped him to have a fresh
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perspective of his biographical experience so that he could see what might be missing in his past
experience and, more importantly, how he can use the new experience from the contextual
factors in improving the conditions where he would return to work.
Sebahat's interactions with the contextual factors also shaped her understanding of her
biographical experience. One of the important problems in less commonly taught languages is
the shortage of good language learning materials. In her experience in the U.S. classroom,
Sebahat had to prepare materials and activities from scratch, and when she compared this to her
experience in Turkey, she understood that she did not need to prepare as much there, and the
materials in EFL were satisfactory. Her experience in the U.S. context also helped her
understand a problem in the Turkish educational context: instruction and testing mismatch. In
4.3.6, Sebahat explained that since there were not major tests at the end of the semester in the
U.S. classroom, she was able to design communicative activities. However, in the Turkish
educational context, the instruction starts off with a communicative approach, but as the semester
goes by, teachers slip into a grammar translation method in an effort to prepare students for the
test. Through her experience in a new instructional context, Sebahat was able to think about her
biographical experience and notice concerns and problems.

7.2.2 Contextual Factors Shaping Dialogic Factors
One of the important effects of the Fulbright program on teachers' professional
development is the transformation of teachers' dialogic understanding of language teaching and
learning. Teachers' interactions with the students and the institutional resources shape teachers'
understanding of second language acquisition theory. Sebahat's learning about the intricacies of
her first language is an example of her growing dialogic understanding of teaching and learning.
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In 4.3.5, Sebahat noticed from the students' responses that there were many words in Turkish that
sounded similar: "I never thought these words, for example, koşmak (to run) and konuşmak (to
speak), kovmak (to fire), koymak (to put) or okul (school) and oku (to read) would be confusing,
but they seem to think they are the same". In order to deal with this problem, Sebahat taught
these words explicitly on the board "with stress on their different syllables". In the second
language acquisition literature, the theoretical concept that explains this problem is called
“orthographic neighborhood density”. For example, in English, some examples of orthographic
neighbors of work are: word, cork, and fork. Orthographic neighborhood density is measured by
the number of neighboring words around a given word. A word that differs by a single letter
from the target word with respect to length and letter position is an orthographic neighbor. The
higher the neighborhood density is, the harder the word is to recall, rendering all these neighbors
potential sources of interference (van Heuven & Dijkstra, 1998). A similar phenomenon is also
observed in phonological neighborhood density such as bait, late, and bail. Similar to the rule in
orthographic neighborhood density, each word has the same number of phonemes, except one
phoneme is different between a pair. In Sebahat's experience, students seemed to be confusing
the words with higher orthographic and phonological neighborhood density. Sebahat displayed
awareness of this potential problem for vocabulary learning and devised alternative solutions,
such as teaching these words explicitly on the board. Therefore, Sebahat's interactions with the
context shaped her dialogic understanding of the teaching and learning of Turkish vocabulary
and grammar.
In 4.3.5, Sebahat noticed that she had a habit of using the time expressions, morning,
noon, and evening together. Whenever she wanted to elicit the time from the students, she
offered these three as options. Through her interactions with the students, she understood that
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this may have been confusing to the students and looked for alternative methods. Sebahat
explained that the students started to confuse these three semantically related words: sabah, öğle,
and akşam. Since she taught them together and they emerged together in examples, their
uniqueness was decreased. Sebahat's identification of this semantic relatedness problem is
known as semantic interference in second language acquisition literature. According to semantic
interference theory (Kroll & Curley, 1988), when a learner sees a piece of clothing, clothing as a
semantic category is activated. As a result, it will be harder to select a word (e.g., tie) from a list
with hat, dress, and jacket than from a list of unrelated words such as tie, car, and computer.
Through her interactions with the students, Sebahat was able to expand her dialogic
understanding of vocabulary teaching and learning and reconstructed the ways she taught these
skills.
Bakhrom's interactions with the contextual factors also shaped his dialogic understanding
of language teaching and learning. In 5.3.2, he reflected on his interactions with his supervisor
during their biweekly meetings and gave examples of some tips and suggestions he received
from her. In these meetings, his advisor recommended that he think about instructional goals and
objectives such as "improv[ing] communication skills" rather than "grammar points or
vocabulary". Accordingly, Bakhrom reconstructed his practices so that students can "implement
their knowledge in the future in real contexts". Bakhrom's interactions with his language
teaching supervisor were instrumental in shaping and reshaping his dialogic understanding of
how languages are learnt and taught. Similarly, Nargiz's experiences in the professional
development courses were instrumental in shaping her dialogic understanding of corrective
feedback practices, as discussed in 6.4.

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In summary, all three teachers interacted with contextual factors, which include students,
supervisors, and institutional resources. These interactions helped the teachers reflect on where
students might have problems, what might be causing these problems, and what teachers can do
to overcome these learning problems. In an effort to address the students' needs and interests in
the classroom, teachers were able to reconstruct their dialogic understanding of how languages
are learnt and taught.
7.3 Dialogic Factors
Throughout this study, the dialogic factors that guide the teachers' socialization process
are: (a) teacher's theoretical knowledge; and (b) theory-practice interplay, that is, teachers'
attempts to draw from second language acquisition theory to make sense of their classroom
practices. The dialogic factors in the present study are comparable to teacher's pedagogical
content knowledge (Shulman, 1986) and teachers' theoretical or procedural knowledge (Borg,
2006) in previous teacher socialization research. On the other hand, biographical and contextual
factors are comparable to their conceptual equivalents: personal practical knowledge (Connelly,
Clandinin & He, 1997) and practical knowledge (Elbaz, 1981). Therefore, biographical and
contextual experiences are argued to produce implicit and experiential knowledge while dialogic
perspective produces theoretical and explicit knowledge with practical underpinnings, thereby
creating a dialogue between theoretical and practical knowledge. Accordingly, while
biographical and contextual experiences activate personal and engaged talk in teacher reflections,
dialogic perspective denotes an impersonal and disengaged discourse space. The present study
explores dialogic factors with respect to its dynamic interactions with biographical and
contextual factors, as they unfold in teachers' reflections.

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Teachers' dialogic understanding of teaching and learning is not static and discontinued,
but is constantly evolving due to new contextual experiences. In a longitudinal qualitative case
study of foreign language teachers, Watzke (2007) suggests that "the instructional decisions
made by these teachers represent the process of change in pedagogical content knowledge over
time, often as a result of dissonance created when teachers' beliefs conflict with realities of the
school context" (p. 65). Similar to Watzke's findings, the teachers in the present study
reconstructed their biographical and contextual experiences through their dialogic understanding
of how languages are learnt and taught, and their dialogic understanding was reshaped in return
as a result of conflicts between their biographical and contextual experiences.
The dialogic factors in teachers' reflections exhibit distinct discourse qualities. For
example, when teachers switch from reflecting on a biographical or contextual experience to a
dialogic discourse space, they tend to use a personally disengaged and generic language. To
illustrate, in 6.4.2, Nargiz talked about her experiences in the classes she took and the articles she
read: "(C) We read one article on how to give corrective feedback. (D) So implicit way you just,
implicit had four types, you don't say anything I mean, you don't say correct answer, but you let
students realize it was mistake". In this example, Nargiz started talking about a contextual
experience that is personal and local using we personal pronoun, but switched to a professional
and generic language using an inclusive you personal pronoun. The second person pronoun you
can serve different pragmatic functions: (a) generic you to mean one can be used to perform an
objective and disengaged point of view (Uzum, 2013; Vogel, 2008); and (b) inclusive you can be
used to draw the audience into the narrative (O'Connor, 1994; Uzum, 2013). O'Connor explains
that when a speaker shifts from I/we to you, there are several activities going on: "(1) the speaker
is distancing himself from the act; (2) the audience is being involved; and (3) the speaker is also
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addressing the figure of the self in his own past" (p. 45). In the analysis of teachers' reflections,
the multiple switches across personal pronouns were observed to be switches across
biographical, contextual, and dialogic perspectives. Through these switches, teachers were able
to make sense of their contextual experiences by drawing from their biographical experience or
their dialogic understanding of teaching and learning. Teachers' dialogic understanding was
observed to shape their biographical and contextual experiences and resolve conflicts when these
two perspectives did not align or created cognitive dissonance and discomfort.

7.3.1 Dialogic Factors Shaping Biographical Factors
Teachers' dialogic understanding of teaching and learning reshaped the ways they viewed
their biographical experience. For example, in 4.1.1, Sebahat talked about her teaching methods
and how they were influenced by her inspirational teachers. She started biographically: "I cannot
abandon grammar focus in my teaching", switched to her dialogic understanding of effective
language teaching: "you know in communicative approach, grammar should be in the
background", then switched back to her biographical experience: "but I cannot do that, somehow
grammar overtakes". Through these multiple switches between perspectives, teachers revised the
ways they thought about their biographical experiences. In some examples, the biographical
experience was resistant to such transformation, but in other examples teachers' new dialogic
understanding helped them think about and revise their biographical experiences. For example in
5.5.1, Bakhrom was able to think about his first day of teaching and see himself from a more
objective and distant perspective. He described his first day of teaching: "you know when you
are nervous, you lose everything, you lose umm managing, you lose presenting material, just I
think it was because I was their first teacher, so that's why I think, but now of course I can see
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the difference". When Bakhrom reflected on his biographical experience, he was able to assume
an impersonal and disengaged perspective so that his biographical experience of first day at
school would gain a universal quality that all teachers experience. The mishaps and flaws on the
first day are no longer unique to him, but are a part of the nature of teaching. Therefore, this
dialogic understanding of teaching enabled Bakhrom to reconstruct his biographical experience
and possibly relieved a lot of stress from a distressing memory.

7.3.2 Dialogic Factors Shaping Contextual Factors
Teachers' dialogic understanding of teaching and learning helped them understand the
contextual requirements and reshaped their interactions with the contextual factors. For example,
in 5.5.2, Bakhrom commented on individual variables in language learning. He explained that
one of his students was learning faster than the other student, which made him think about
students' different language learning abilities: "my students, I think, they are more visual, it
means that I presented examples on blackboard by writing or by showing pictures". In this
example, Bakhrom utilized his dialogic understanding of modality of instruction in addressing
students' strengths and weaknesses. Bakhrom's responsiveness to the local needs is in line with
Kumaravadivelu's (2006) pedagogical suggestions. Kumaravadivelu recommends that teachers
need to develop an awareness and capacity to devise their own methodology rather than merely
relying on predesigned "best practice" guidelines. Similarly, Gordon (2004) argues that
pedagogical goals should be contextualized and aim at meeting the local needs and objectives.
Therefore, teachers' dialogic understanding of teaching and learning seems to be interacting with
the contextual factors in nuanced ways, which lends support to Staton and Hunt's (1992) notion:
"teacher socialization experiences are distinctive not only because of the effects of biography,
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but because unique individuals interact within unique environments" ( p. 113). Teachers’
dialogic understanding of effective instruction shaped the various ways they presented content in
the classrooms.
In 5.6.1, Bakhrom used his dialogic understanding of teaching culture to familiarize
students with Uzbek culture: "I think to teach culture is sometimes based on materials
represented, and materials should be more authentic rather than theoretical". Bakhrom's thoughts
about using authentic materials aligned with students' interests when students showed their
familiarity with the Uzbek songs. Therefore, Bakhrom's dialogic understanding of teaching
culture shaped his understanding of students' needs and interests and was confirmed by students'
responses. Bakhrom's own cultural awareness was instrumental in addressing students' growing
multicultural literacy (Uzum, in press; Watson-Gegeo & Nielsen, 2003). Guntermann (1992)
suggests that "language teachers should understand the social, political, historical, and economic
realities of the region(s) where the language is spoken" (p. 2). Therefore, teachers' dialogic
understanding of teaching and learning a language goes beyond the linguistic framework of a
language and resonates with its cultural and historical origins. All three teachers in this study
were able to utilize their biographical and dialogic experiences of their own culture in order to
promote discussions and present linguistic content in a meaningful and contextualized manner.

7.3.3 Dialogic Factors for Conflict Resolution
Teachers' dialogic understanding of teaching and learning can serve in resolving conflicts
when the biographical experiences create dissonance with contextual experiences. For example,
in 6.4.3, Nargiz talked about her changing corrective feedback practices in the classroom. She
initially corrected students in front of everyone so that the mistakes could be publicly discussed
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and serve as departure points for further learning. However, when Nargiz corrected the students
mentioning students' names, she noticed that some students became uncomfortable. Therefore,
her biographical experience on how corrective feedback should be given did not match with the
contextual expectations. In resolving this conflict, Nargiz drew from her transforming dialogic
understanding of corrective feedback. Since Nargiz was taking classes that focused on corrective
feedback, her dialogic understanding was also constantly transforming. In order to resolve a
tense relationship with a student due to Nargiz's corrective feedback practices, she utilized this
new knowledge on corrective feedback. When Nargiz was talking about this tense incident in the
classroom, she started with a contextual explanation: "Sometimes, Calvin", but immediately
switched to an impersonal and generic speech to ease the tension and save face: "Sometimes,
Calvin, because students are different and they have different psychology". She continued to talk
about how she changed her corrective feedback practices, adopting impersonal and generic
language. Therefore, teachers' dialogic understanding of teaching and learning constantly
changed throughout their socialization due to their experiences in the new context. They also
used this dialogic perspective (e.g., explicit knowledge of corrective feedback types) in resolving
the conflicts between their biographical experience and the contextual requirements.
In summary, all three teachers drew from their dialogic understanding of teaching and
learning, that is, their theoretical knowledge of how languages are learnt and the theory-practice
interplay in teachers' reflections. Teachers' adoption of dialogic understanding exhibited different
discourse qualities from their reflections on biographical and contextual experiences. The
dialogic factors were associated with a more generic and impersonal perspective, whereas
biographical and contextual experiences came from more personally nuanced experiences. The
dialogic factors shaped and reshaped teachers' biographical and contextual experiences, and were
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instrumental in resolving conflicts between teachers' biographical experiences and contextual
factors.
7.4 Conclusion and Implications
In conclusion, foreign language teachers' pedagogical beliefs and practices were
transformed during their socialization to their new role in a U.S. educational context. The
findings suggest that biographical, contextual, and dialogic factors guided the teachers'
socialization process. The present study lends further support to the effects of teachers'
biography on their socialization. Teachers' biography serves as a filter through which new
experiences are interpreted. Therefore, it is important for teachers to have self-awareness of their
own educational background and its potential implications on the way they teach when they start
teaching.
Teachers' biography, institutional context, and dialogic understanding of language
teaching and learning as well as the theory-practice interplay shape and reshape teachers' beliefs
and practices. These three factors dynamically inform each other on multifaceted levels. For
example, biography informs context to a great extent, but is also reconstructed through the new
experiences in the context. The tension between teachers' biography and contextual requirements
creates cognitive dissonance and uncertainty. As teachers reflect on their experiences and
experiment with various strategies to reduce uncertainty and discomfort, their professional
perspective develops. These conflicts and dilemmas are often opportunities for professional
growth. The present study was also instrumental in providing the teachers with the opportunity to
reflect on their experiences so that they were able to increase their awareness of their implicit
beliefs. This finding is parallel to Farrell's (1999) conclusion that reflecting on prior experiences

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and current practices is powerful in shaping teachers' professional development. Similarly, Duff
and Uchida (1997) argue that in order to improve the teacher socialization process, "having inservice teachers reflect on the cultural foundations of their practices and their own self-image is
one place to start" (p. 477).
Teachers' continuing professional development is central to teachers' transforming
dialogic understanding of teaching and learning. When teachers receive sustained in-service
professional development courses, they can draw on their pedagogical content knowledge in
resolving conflicts between their biographical and contextual experiences. In addition to
pedagogical content knowledge, teachers' practical knowledge is also instrumental in teachers'
professional development. It is important for teacher education programs to address prospective
teachers' assumptions and conceptions about teaching and learning when student-teachers start a
training program. These beliefs should be openly discussed and challenged in order for changes
in understanding to occur. These discussions are critical to reevaluate teachers' previously held
beliefs in light of new experiences.
In improving teachers' socialization process into a new educational context, reflection on
experiences is a key element in bringing teachers' thoughts and implicit beliefs to the level of
conscious analysis. Implicitly held beliefs may be made explicit through a variety of activities
such as reflective journals, reflection window assignments, and writing a narrative about
previous schooling experience. A sample activity for teacher training courses can be reflection
window assignments or narrative essays. In reflection window assignments, student-teachers can
think about the content (e.g., academic texts) and critically apply: C (challenge), A (affirm), and
N (new) letters to the margins of a text so that they can think about which parts in the new
academic content challenged or affirmed their existing beliefs, and which parts are completely
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new to them. In narrative essays, student-teachers can write about their educational experiences
so that they will have a chance to remember and rethink their educational experiences in light of
the new contextual experiences. Teacher education programs can serve in-service teachers with
certificate and degree programs so that teachers can make connections with their new academic
knowledge and their classroom practices. These in-service programs would be very effective in
the form of a series of workshops and courses rather than one time and disconnected lectures or
presentations. Teachers can be assigned ethnographic projects in which they can think and act
like action researchers in understanding, analyzing, and evaluating their beliefs and practices in a
new educational context.
7.5 Limitations
There are a few limitations in the present study. First, there are only three teachers, and
they are all from comparable linguistic and educational backgrounds. This affected the variety
and diversity in the findings to some extent. Future research should address the socialization
experiences of African, Arabic, Asian, Germanic, and Slavic language teachers. This could
improve our understanding of the cultural influences on teacher biography. Also, the present
teachers’ experiences are likely to be different from other FLTAs across the U.S. According to
the teachers and the administrators in this study, the university where the study was conducted
has better access to professional development opportunities such as: 1) an experienced advisor
that frequently meets with the teachers and gives them comments and suggestions about their
teaching; 2) an MA TESOL program through which teachers can take such courses as second
language acquisition and language teaching methods; and 3) a well-developed language teaching
software development unit that serves teachers in designing instructional software for their

172

classrooms. In addition to the professional development opportunities, the student profile in
Turkish and Uzbek language classes tends to include dedicated language learners who are
planning to study abroad in Turkey or Uzbekistan (e.g., students from ROTC, international
relations). For these reasons, the experiences of these teachers and the students in their classes
tend to be positive, which might be different from those working in other institutions across the
U.S. Therefore, the findings of the present study may not be generalizable to the rest of the
FLTA population, but may inform future studies in terms of methodology and the rich
description of the cases included here.
Second, the teachers in the present study participated in the FLTA program in different
years (2 teachers in 2010-2011; 1 teacher 2011-2012). Therefore, the institutional conditions and
network of colleagues were different each year. However, since the teachers took their
professional development courses in the MA TESOL program at this university, they interacted
with similar curriculum and materials. These ongoing professional development courses were
central to teachers' growing dialogic understanding of teaching and learning and should be
standardized in the FLTA curriculum. Also, the teachers had nuanced responses to the contextual
factors, and therefore they reflected on the issues under investigation in different lengths and
detail. Therefore, future research should consider semi-structured interviews and should carefully
design subsequent questions after opening questions.
Third, the data for the present study come from ethnographic teacher interviews, student
interviews, administrator interviews, video-recorded classroom observations, and field notes;
however, in the analysis of transcripts, the teacher interviews were used extensively while
student and administrator interviews as well as video-recorded classroom observations were used
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to confirm the findings from the teacher interviews. For example, when teachers talked about
their beliefs about their role, their reflections were compared to the classroom observations to
confirm if their beliefs matched with what they actually did in the classroom. In some cases,
there were mismatches between their beliefs and classroom practices, and these were mentioned
in the report. The ethnographic teacher interviews provided the most significant findings
regarding the transformation of teachers’ beliefs and practices during their socialization into their
new role in the U.S. educational context.
Finally, the innovation in the present study is the coding scheme for biographical,
contextual, and dialogic factors in teachers' reflections. Although a second rater was consulted
for coding the excerpts, in some examples, it was difficult to make a decision due to subtle and
multiple switches across discourse spaces, sometimes by one word. Future research should
further test and develop the coding scheme and address other limitations mentioned in this
section.

7.6 Future Directions
The present study explored novice foreign language teachers' socialization into the U.S.
educational context. As I attempted to answer this question, some other questions emerged from
this study. Future research in foreign language teacher socialization in intercultural educational
contexts should address the following research questions:
1) How do pre-service and in-service foreign language teachers perceive and reflect on their
readiness at different points during their practice?

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2) What is the nature of the influence of pre-service/in-service teachers on the classroom and
institutional context throughout their socialization?
3) What resources do foreign language teachers refer to in resolving conflicts between their
pedagogical beliefs and institutional constraints?
4) What is the nature of the influence of teachers' beliefs and practices on students' socialization
into a language learner identity?
5) How do institutional factors such as students, curriculum, administration, and textbooks
contribute to teachers' socialization?
6) How do pre-service teachers' beliefs transform throughout their participation in a teacher
education program? What particular factors shape and reshape the pre-service teachers' beliefs
and conceptions?
7) How do teachers adopt professional discourse in their reflections on their practices?
8) How do teachers balance personal and professional perspectives in multilingual classrooms in
curriculum, assignments, and classroom language?
By exploring these questions and others, it will be possible to develop further
understanding of foreign language teacher socialization into intercultural educational contexts.
Since becoming a teacher is a dynamic and continued process, sustained professional
development courses should also address teachers' biographical and contextual experiences in
curriculum and program designs. In this study, I tried to address foreign language teacher
socialization with a focus on the language and interactions and proposed a model to apply in
teachers' reflections. I hope future studies can test this model in different data sets with various
languages.

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APPENDIX

176

Appendix

Post-observation Teacher Interview
At the end of the semester, teachers will be interviewed again and asked to comment on their
experience during the semester in the class they were teaching. The questions will be formulated
based on the preliminary findings (adopting retrospective video commentary strategy by the use
of observation records) during the semester but are anticipated to fall under the following
categories: teacher’s role in teaching, teaching methods, classroom management, corrective
feedback, interaction with students, exchanging cultural information both ways, meeting
students’, and finally any changes in these categories over time. The final interview will have
open ended questions and will take around 30-60 minutes.
Post-observation Questions
How would you describe your role in this class?
How would you compare your role in this class to your past experience in your home country?
How would you describe your teaching methods in this class?
How would you compare these methods to your past experience in your home country?
How would you describe your classroom management here?
How would you compare your classroom management in this class to your past experience in
your home country?
How would you describe your classroom interaction with students in this class?

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How would you compare your interaction with students here to your past experience in your
home country?
How would you describe your methods of providing corrective feedback in this class?
How would you compare these methods you have used in this class to your past experience in
your home country?
How would you describe the exchange of cultural information in class?
Do you recall any particular experience that you have found interesting regarding the US
culture?
Post-observation Retrospective Video Commentary Questions
Teachers will be shown short excerpts from their teaching during the semester. These excerpts
will possibly be about a) teacher’s role, b) teaching methods, c) classroom management, d)
classroom interaction, e) corrective feedback and f) cultural information exchange. Teachers will
be shown an excerpt from early in the semester and then one from later in the semester.
Example:
Teachers are shown a short (e.g., 5 min) record of their starting a class/giving corrective
feedback/explaining a cultural information in week 3, and are asked “Can you describe what was
happening in this excerpt?”
Teachers are shown another excerpt with a similar focus from week 12, and are asked “Can you
describe what was happening in this excerpt and how would you compare it to the previous
excerpt?”

178

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