-'o.
b

COMPREHENSIVE .poucv PLANS FOR THE LANSING TRI-COUNTY
REGION: A .NEw DIMENSION IN THE .PLANNINGPROCESS-

Thesis for the Degree of M. U. P.
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Keith Max Honey ;
196.4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ABSTRACT
COMPREHENSIVE POLICY PLANS

FOR THE LANSING TRI-COLITI'TY REGION

By Keith Max Honey

This thesis attempts to assess the risks, potential, and implica-
tions of policy planning. A policy planning program is viewed as an
integral and necessary part of comprehensive plan preparation-a process
which promises a new planning dimension by keying plan-making to the
decision-making process of government.

Historical data was relied upon to trace the origins of the planning
movement within the United States and to determine the early influences
which shaped and molded present planning theory and philOSOphy. The reform
movement at the turn of the century is credited with creating the needed
emotional framework for public planning and also for planting the seeds of
weakness which still plague effective planning. Today, the quest for a
new and more effective planning approach is hampered by the past heritage
of an independently established planning board preoccupied with physical
plans and legislatively separated from.political decision-making.

ReEional planning, in particular, has been handicapped by its
advisory function within a fragmented institutional framework. ‘Without
the benefit of any formal relationship to the power structure of the metro-
politan community, the regional planning effort has often been limited to
an ineffective and frustrating exercise. A program 0f P0110? planning is

suggested as a promising, if unproven, technique for bridging the wide gap

Keith Max Honey

between plan-making and plan-effectuation within metropolitan areas.

The case method was utilized to document the author's experience in
undertaking a policy'plan program for the Lansing Tri-County Regional Plan-
ning Commission. Area growth trends and development problems were identi-
fied to emphasize the need for policy solutions to Regional planning problems.
The history and program development of the Tri-County Commission was also
reviewed to indicate the evolution of and conceptual framework for a policy
planning program. A unique part of this prOgram was the wide use of citizen
groups in developing and reviewing Regional growth objectives and develop-
ment goals.

The Tri-County experience reveals the many pitfalls and risks which
are inherent in a policy planning undertaking. The complex physical and
social needs of a metrOpolitan Region presented a web of tangled interrela-
tionships which made clear statements of goals and.polioies a difficult and
demanding technical task. The wide participation of citizens in the goal
formation process also revealed problems in planner versus citizen values,
in articulation of goals in terms which could be grasped by the layman,
and in conflicting attitudes toward the legitimate functions of government.
These problems, along with the serious political ramifications inherent in
policy formulation, indicate the serious and critical limitations of policy
planning.

These limitations are balanced, however, by increasing evidence of
enlightened attitudes toward government and by encouraging signs of more
responsible citizen concern with the urban environment. The use of new and
more sophisticated analysis techniques, such as systems analysis and opera-

tions research undertakings, would enable the policy planning process to

 

ix

Keith Max Honey

eXpand its scope and direction into the fruitful areas of decision theory,
political science, and other related disciplines which could foster a wider
range of knowledge and understanding than has been possible under the tradi-
tional planning process.

This thesis concludes that the potentials and implications of policy
planning can result in a new and vital leadership role for the professional
planner-«a role in which the planner becomes an urban generalist placed in
a unique position of public trust. Before he can assume such a role, how-
ever, the planner must change his attitudes toward the democratic process
of government and must develop an enlightened concept of his professional

role within an urban society.

COMPREHENSI‘E POLICY PIANS FOR THE
LANSING TRI-COUNTY REGION: A NEW

DIMENSION IN THE PLANNING PROCESS

By

Keith Max Honey

A THpSIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

MASTER IN URBAN PLANNING
School of Urban Planning and Landscape Architecture
1961;

ACKNOWLEDGEHLNTS

An academic effort cannot be successfully completed.without the aid
and encouragement of many persons. Reevgnition is gratefully'given to
Professor Myles G. Boylan, Chairman of the School of Landscape Architec-
ture and Urban Planning, for his suggestion of this thesis topic and for
his helpful review of the initial draft of the manuscript. Assistant
Professor Stuart Marquis deserves particular mention for his assistance in
completing this document. His detailed13ritique of the draft copy and his
pertinent comments and suggestions helped make this academic endeavor a
stimulating and educational experience.

A special note of thanks should be given to Dr. Robert N. Young,
Executive Director of the Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, for the
initial conception of this volume and for patiently enduring the pains of
its accomplishment. An expression of gratitude is also due to Professor
Charles W. Barr for his good-humored prodding and continuing interest in

the completion of this manuscript.

ii

 

,‘I

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LISTOFCHARTSOOOOOOOOOQ.00000000000cocoo

ASEARCHFOREFFECTIVENESS.....................

CHAPTER I.

CHAPTER II.

CHAPTER III.

CHAPTER IV.

PLANNING IN EVOLUTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Early Years
The Wave of Reform
The Expanding Scope
The Modern Era

. The Planning Process
‘The Quest for a New.Approach
;The Policies Plan

REGIONAL TRENDS AND PRORLLMS NEEDING POLICY SOLUTION.

I.

II.

Trends Needing Policy Recognition. . . . . . . .
Development Problems Requiring Policy Solutions.

Sprawl and Scatteration

Blight and Deterioration

Uncontrolled and Uncoordinated Growth
Water and Natural Resources

Parks and Recreation

Transportation and Traffic Congestion
Economic Base and Changing thctions

POLICY PLANS FOR THE TRI-COUNTY REGION. . . . . . . .

I.

II.

The Search for Conceptual Approach 0 o e o e o 0

Early Program Influences
The Policy Plan Concept

Objectives, Goals and Policy Statements. . . . .

Objectives
Goals and Policy Statements

RISKS AND POTENTIALS OF POLICY PLANNING . . . . . . .

I.

DiffiCUlties, RiSkS, ‘nd PrdblemS. o e e o e o 0

Technical Problems in Policy Preparation
Problems in Citizen.Participation
Conflicting Attitudes Toward Government
Risks in Political Involvement

iii

PAGE

V

l

9

38
39
h?

72
75

92

102
103

II. Potentials and Implications of Policy Planning. . 119

Changing ReSponsibilities of Government
Changing Degrees of Citizen Participation
Implications to the Planning Process

The Planner's Role

Conclusion: A New Planning Dimension

APPENDIXAoooeooeeeoOOOooo0000000000000'1232;

BBLIOGW}IY O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 1117

iv

LIST OF CHARTS

CHART PAGE

I. POLICY PLAN PROCEDLIRE O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 93

II. INTER-RELATIONSHIP OF POLICIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

A SEARCH FOR EFFECTIVENESS

In his search for a more effective role in urban society, the
professional planner is struggling through a period of critical self-
appraisal and objective re-examination of purpose. Serving as a catalyst
for such self-conscious introspection is the accelerated rapidity of
social, physical, and technological change presently occurring within the
United States. Rqaid change has resulted in equally rapid urbanisation,
leaving a residue of physical and social problems desperately in need of
solution.

Charged with a growing responsibility for finding solutions to
these problems, the urban planner suddenly realizes the need for more
refined. research, for more wisdom, and for more effective planning tech-
niques. Today, as perhaps never before in its history, the American
planning movement is in a position to influence and shape the urban phys-
ical environment. “And yet, never has the path of righteousness been
less clearly marked out. ”1

In his search for self-betterment, the planner is investigating
new and complex technical processes which will hopefully light the path
to more sophisticated and realistic planning proposals. Mathematical
growth models, electronic data processing, operations research techniques,
systems analysis, and a host of other highly complicated research and

 

1Me1v1n M. Webber, “Comprehensive Planning and Social Responsi-
bility: Toward an A.I.P. Consensus on the Profession's Role and Purpose,"
Jiurnal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 29, No. 1; (November,
I963), p. 2320

.1-

I)

.2...

analysis nethods are exerting a revolutionary influence upon the technical
phase of the planning process.

is ilportant as these new analytical tools are to the technical
aspects of the professional planning operation, they do not remove the
Archillee heel of the planning process-Animation of plans. Through-
out its relatively short history, the long step between plan-naking and
plan-effectuation has never been effectively taken. This hissing link
in the chain of activities known as the planning process aust be found
if the professional planner is to neet the increasing challenges of urban
growth.

Past atteqts to utilise various legal I'tools" for effectuating
plans have been only partially successful. The convential approach of
inlenenting plane through soning controls, subdivision regulations,
capital iqrov-ent programs, or urban renewal projects have often been
found laehing in 'real pom to design the doneetio mwte'z
Despite the past planning advancements afforded by these legal tools,
'fully appropriate legal nechanisns are yet to be devised to iaplelent
land policies ...."3

Deficiencies in conventional imlenenting procedures are especially
apparent at the level of netropolitan or regional planning. The nation's
wrecedented eapansion of urban populations has occurred neatly within

 

2.1m 1:. Lee, ”Role of the Planner in the Present: A Proble-
in Identifiation,‘ Journal of the American In__ettitute of Planngg,
Vol. 21}, '0e 3 (1958’, De EBe

3Charles H. Hear, Land Use Planning: A Casebook on the Use
and Re-use of Urban Land (Bostm: mm, 317;: and Conpaw,

9P0 0

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the suburban areas surrounding large central cities. Today, Anerica is ~
alnost 70 per cent urban and nearly one-half of these urbanites reside
in netrqolitan areas with populations of over one nillian‘ Urban
growth within netropolitan areas has spilled into the fragnented Juris-
dictions of nmerous local govern-ants. With each loeal unit of govern-
nut enacting and adninistering its own land use controls, uncoordinated
and inefficient develop-ant is often the result. Moreover, regional or
netrqlolitan planning omissions which have been fcrned to provide sone
guidance to netropolitan developnent are usually only advisory in nature
with - no real legislative power to inplenent rational planning proposals;

There is a need, then, for new and bold approaches if regional
plans are to influmee pheical developnent. Sonehow nethods nust be
devised to provide the nissing step between plan-asking and plan-
effectuaticn, a step which will influence the nultiplicity of public
and private decisions and actions which fora the basis of growth within
urban regions. For "all growth is sinply the sun of decisims nads
individually by thousands of persons, few of when were considering the
effects of their decisions upon the netropolitan pattern.'6

 

 

l‘Soott Greer, W and Reality. (law fork:
The'Free Press of Glencoe, , p. .

51:: Michigan, for ennple, the Regional Planning Co-ission Act
(Act 281, Public Laws of 191:5, as anonded) does not allow such connissicns
to enact or adninister soning regulations or subdivision controls.

6Regional Plan Association, 'Hitting Tomorrow's Targets,“
for the age: Project, low fork, Regional Booklet lo. 5 (my, 1 , p. 2.

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This thesis outlines the advantages and risks of using 'policy
plans. as an instrunlt to develop a nore effective planning procedure
within urban regions. The Policy Plan process is based upon the assum-
ticn that acne kind of connunity-wide consensus of planning goals and
developnent policies met be arrived at before realistic plans for future
growth can be prepared. It further assunes that once growth goals have
been agreed-upon, a coqrehensive plan for future growth will be use
readily used by cc-unity leaders because it reflects previously accepted
policies and goals.

Policy Plans can also serve other purposes. They can be new
instructs which guide the evolution (1' a particular cmity by
bringing the social, pivsical, eccnaic, and political considerations
into nore neaningful focus.7 For the articulation of planning goals
and the policies necessary for their attainent forces the conunity to
decide upon such basic questions as 'what would we like to achieve and
how can we best achieve it."8 Policy Plans can also becae 'usable'
nectar plans consisting of policy statenents which guide the day-to-dsy
decisions of govern-out.9

The fornstin of Policy Plans is therefore a potentially new
dinension in the art and philosoplw of planning-4 dinension which places

 

Tam-y Fagin, “Organising and carrying Out Planing Activities
with Urban Governat,‘ Journal of the herican Institute of Planners
Vol. 25, '00 3 (‘m‘p I935; pp. 109-115.

33. a. Levin, “The Planner, the Council, and the Citisen'e

Orggzisation', gm and Civic smart, Vol. h (Septuber, 1962),
Po .

9Dennis O'Earrcw, 'lew Technique for Shaping Urban Expansion,“
P Advis Service, Chicago, American Society of Planning
Marian, Inter-aura lo. 160 (July, 1962). pp. h-S.

.5-

the planning process squarely in the public decision-asking arena. For

if “the planning process nust play an inportant role in supplying policy
alternatives and pressing fa- decisions free the earliest and broadest

level of policy fornation,"10

than this places the planning process and
the professional planner in the hallowed halls of politics where policy
decisias are ultinately nde.

This kind of political involvenent, in turn, opens a Pandora's
box of iqlications relative to the planner's role in a denocratic
society. If policy decisions at the political level do indeed influence
and shape phsial growth, how far should the planner venture into the
political franeworh to influence the decisions which are nade? Does he,
as a public servant, lave a basis responsibility to society to present
alternatives of choice and to press for enlightened decisions a: phsical
developnent issues which nay run counter to the nainstrean of public
thought? What advantages and risks are involved if, indeed, the planner
does enter into policy-toning activities? What should be his linita-
tiohs, his guide-lines of operation, his and objectives?

These and sinilar questions call for a critical re-saanination ’
ef the role of the professional planner as an agent who serves the public
interest. Tet these are the kinds of philosophical ramifications which

are raisedwhen thsfornation ofPolicyPlans are undertahenaspartof
the planing process.

 

matuart r. Chapin Jr., Urban Land Use Planning. (lee fork:
Harper and Brothers, 1957 , p. 2587

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This thesis attempts to assess the professional and ethical
imlicaticns involved in the fornation of public policies relating to
pheical growth. Experience in Policy Plan procedures, however, is
linited to a few tentative prograns undertaken nostly by netropclitan
or regional planning co-issions. Because of this linited experience,
very few guidelines are available concerning the problems, the advantages,
or the risks involved in carrying out such a progran. The nin bow of
this thesis, therefore, will set forth the unique approach being utilised
by the Lansing Tri-County Regional Planning 0emission in undertaking the
fornaticn of Policy Plans. It is hoped that such an identification and
analysis can add to the present liaited bow of knowledge concerning the
for-aticn and inenentaticn of this process.

The scholarly limitations of the case nethod are well-known.

Case studies describe events occurring over a given period of tine and,
as such, are linited in their significance by the capacity of the author
to objectively interpret these observations in a leaningful way-11 In
additial to these inherent difficulties in nethod, the analysis presented
in this thesis my have been biased by the author's involv—ant in pre-
paring policy plans for the Tri-Ccunty Region. In order to partially
nininiae awe of these problens, strict adherence to the case method will
not necessarily be followed. Rather, an atteqt will be nde to concen-
tflteupcnthebachground ofthinkingandphiloscplwwhich influenced

 

1laoscoe C. Martin (and others) on a discussion of the case
gum in Decisions in mouse. (Bloc-ingtcn: Indiana University
Press, 19 , p. l .

1“!

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-7-

the Tri-County Policy Plan approach. Specific delineation of desirable
policies and needed developnent goals will also be given to illustrate

the couplexity of policy plan formation. Prior to such delineation,
trends influencing regional growth along with developnent problems needing
policy solution will briefly be reviewed so that the need for specific
policies can be identified and smorted.

In a further atteslpt to lininiIe personal bias, the Tri-County
Policy Plan progran will be related to the broader universe of current
planning theory. Hence, the first portion of the thesis will trace the
evolution of the planning process within the United States and will
attenpt to relate this evolution to the need for new concepts involving
planning activity in the public decision-making process. The importance
and advantages of public policies as they relate to physical developnent
will also be described.

Finally, the experiences of the Tri-County staff in reviewing
goals and policy statements with citisen groups and with the Co-ission
itself will be docunented to illustrate the difficulties and problens
involved with this type of procedure. The concluding portion of the
thesis will attelpt to sumarise the iqalications‘ of Policy Plan prepara-
tion upon the traditional concept of advisory regional planning and upon
the role and function of the professional plane. In this section of
the stuck, the ham penetrating questions which confront the planner
when he attths to enter into the field of policy formation will be
identified-questions which need sound and wise solutions if planning is
to becone a guiding force in shaping the phsical environ-ant of the
future.

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The rewaining pages of this thesis, then, will be devoted to the
docunentation of a regional agency's search for nore effective and
realistic planning procedures-dprocednree which will hopefully bridge
the wide gap between the naking of plans and the inplenentetion of’plans.
Such a search has led to the enbracing of policy planning as a new dinen-

eion to the planning process.

CHAPTER I
PLANNING IN EVQBTION

Pro. its crude frontier beginnings to its present-day industrial
cmplexity, the United States has been characterised by rapid physical
growth and dynanic econonio expansion. Indeed, growth and change-
eagle-outed by a free and denocratic societyo-is part of the herican
tradition.

These growth changes have had a profound effect upon the nation's
attitudes toward the physical environmnt. The change in nn's cultural
attitudes, in turn, was in response to the vast technoloacal changes of
the industrial revolution. me of society's nest sinificant reactions
to the urban chaos created by the industrial revolution was the grass-
roots reforn novenent at the turn of the Century. Out of this nova-ant
was born the feeble beginnings of city planning within the United States.

i hncwledge of the historical evolution of in. changing character-
istics of the nation is perhaps basic to an understanding of the forces
which nolded the contemorary attitudes toward urban planning. This
chapter, therefore, briefly outlines the evolution of the nation's
developnent fro. a predoninately rural to an alnost capletely urban
society. Intermven within this docuentation is the response of the
planning hove-eat in nesting the changing needs of an urbanising people.

Utilising this historical data as background, an identification
will he ends of the contenporary theories of the planning function.
Finally, the critical need for a change in planning aphasia an! the
desirability of planning involvement in the decision-eating process of
gevennent will be set forth.

we

i‘f

-10.

The Early Years

Since the first white nan set foot upon the uncharted wilderness
of herica, the dmlopnent and use of land has been intinately linked
with nn's welfare. The democratic fan of governnent within the devel-
oping repubuc soon becane involved and concerned with the use of the
nation's land resource. ”is the slow, painful process of creating a
lation unfolded, the land and its control and use becane the uin focus
of national concern.'1

Federal concern with land development was a guiding force in
shaping the nation‘s early settlenent policies for the lortlnuest Terri-
tories and resulted in the rectangular survey system which divided lands ‘
into sections of 61.0 acres each.2 The Nortlntest Ordinance also set forth
the principle of disposing of the public domain by sale to private indi-
viduals and the reservation of certain lands for educational purposes.
The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 reinforced these provisions and, in
addition, initiated the procedure of federal grants-in-aid to the states
for public schools.3

Land settle-lent policies were periodically anended by Congress
throughout the early 1800' s, with such debate and conflict resulting
fro. the issues of land pay-ant provisions, the sise of tracts to be

 

10. 3. Depart-ant of Agriculture, Land: the Yearbook of A culture.
(Washington, D. 0.: u. 3. Government Prin' t"in"¢"'"or'ti"o., 52958), p. g9.
23.n3enin n. Kibbard, i Hist of Public Land Policies. (law
York: Doubleday and Coapany, WE, p. 32.

311:. Report of the President's Co—ission on National Goals,
Goals for lnerioang. (Column University. 1960), p. 268.

 

J... a.“-

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.11-

sold, and purchase price of acreage.“ The outgrowth of these issues led
ultinately to the 'free land" policy and the 160 acre settlenent unit as
established by the Honestead Act of 1862. Early land settlenent policies
were designed to encourage rapid settluent of an unchartered frontier so
that the nation's basic wealth-clando-could be quickly put into productive
u...5

is the settlers migrated to tie vast western territories, various
federal policies were acted to encourage internal iaprovenents for trans-
portation purposes. Pl-on the early 1830's toabout 1870, lands were
granted to the states, railroad interests, and private development coe-
panies for the building of wagon roads, canals, railroads,ald other
transportation movementsf’ Many of the first settlenents on the raw
frontier were here along these transportation lines and prospered into
full-fledged cities during the industrial revolution.

with the rise of industrialisation during and after the Civil Her,
cities grew and expanded to nest the new denands of an industrial age.
Between 1850 and 1910, the percentage of the nation' a population living
in cities increased fron 15 to 1.5 per cent.7 Cities flourished as the
nation urbanised in response to industrial needs. The individual worker's
dependence upon walking or horse-drawn vehicles necessitated erowded
living areas in close proxinity to the factory. Cities therefore expanded

' a
,n‘ ‘4

A-_‘

hfiibbard, a: Cite, Pa 35a

5v. Webster Johnson and Raleigh Barlcwe, Land Problens and Policies.
(law York: McGraw-Hill 3001! Conpany, Inc., 19514 p p. 1 e

6Ib1d., pp. 63‘68e
7Honer Hoyt, world Urbanisation: Expanding population in a

Shrinking World" Urban Land Vashing‘ton, D. 0.8 Technical Bulletin No.
h}. (”’11, 1962 p p. m.

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in a coapact fern, with cheap tenant housing located within the shadow
of the factory seeks stack.

The chaos of urbanisation during the later part of the 19th Cen-
tury caused a gradual shifting of national attitude toward land development
policies. Widespread dissatisfaction with the urban envirmnt resulted
in new indictments against the city and against the urban way of life.
Society nostologically recalled better days when a simle and uncoqlli-
cated rural environ-est held the pro-ice of a good life. These past
attitudes toward the city are still engrained in our culture, as illus-
trated by the following state-ant by Rachael Carson.

There was once a town in the heart of inrica where all life

seenod to live in harem with its surroundings. The town

lay in the aidst of a checkerboard of prosperous fares, with

fields of grain and hillsides of orchards where, in spring,

white clouds of bloon drifted above the green fields.... So

it had been from the days nany years ago when the first

settlers raiged their houses, sank their wells, and built

their barns.

The city of the 19th Century was the product of rapid industrial-
isation accmpanied by uncontrolled speculation. The new urbanisn had
nutured' technological advances, fostered a new industrial econoay, and
produced lavish neteriel rewards. let the free-enterprise syste- had
also produced confusion and chaos of they physical environ-eat. Shocked

by this environnent, society rebelled and denanded reforn.
The Wave of Refog

The late 19th and early 20th Century was a period of upheaval,
civic awakening, and refers. Society saw life in the industrial city

8Rachael Carson, Silent Spring: (Boston: Eaughtal Hifflin
W. 1962). pp. 1-2.

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leading to physical and noral decay. Misery and squalor darkened large
sections of many of the larger cc-unities. Boston and New fork, for
maple, contained "congested slun areas where the latestand poorest
illigrants mud in dnsities unrivaled even by European cities.'9
There was a depressing consistency about the 16th Century factory town
which “bred nediocrity in every aspect of life...."10 Refers because the
by-word which swept a pervasive atnosphere of the Renaissance over Aaerica.

The Land Reform Act of 1891 reflected the national tenor of the
tines. Besides repealing may of the previous laws pertainim to federal
land policies, this act reflected a significant s hift in philosophy by
authorising the President to set aside forest, nincrsl, and park landseu
Thus the first tentative step was taken toward a new and growing nove-
nanto-conservation. This novenent grew out of the recognition that the
frontier period was ending, that private control over natural resources
needed curbing, and that large public advantages could be secured through
aultiple purpos. dueloynset of rcsouroes.12 Through the efforts of the
Theodore Roosevelt adninistration, and his dynanic Chief Forester Gifford
Pischct, auneroes national policies were enacted to regulate, control,
and mags the nation's resources.

Theseal for reforawas further demonstratedbyagrosp of Jour-
nalists using a new shock techniques" called 'nuch‘aking.‘ Powerful and

9Blake wexclvey, The Urbanisation of Assn-ice; 1860-l_9;§. (wev
Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 19 3 s P. .

1”Arthur B. Gallion, The Urban Pattern (Princeton: D. Van
lostrand Co-pany, Inc., 1950), p. 30.

nJohnson and Barlowe, 22, Cit., p. 65.

12Hans H. Landsberg (and others), Resources in herica's Future

(Ratatiaore: Resources for the Future, Inc., Johns cpkins Press, 19 ,
Pa e

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hard-hitting literature set forth a nerd and ethical indictnent of the
inhwnan corruption and decay which ssrked the industrial city.13 Out of
this inth arose an increasing concern with the sociological effects
of urbanisn upon the behavior of man in naes society.

While the nuckrakers focused upon the political and moral corrup-
tion of the city, another group of hunanitarians were dealing with housing
and social conditions. A series of studies and reports were subsequently
published which deplored the slun conditions of the large outrageous.“
Public concern with the use of private property soon became an issue as a
result of these writings.

During the late 1800's another refers group become concerned with
fumishing park facilities within urban areas. The Boston park Study in
1893 led to the creation of the first Metropolitan Park Coulssion and
set the stage for a new pattern of park planning by other large cities.15

Out of this public dissatisfaction with the urban environnent arose
a new concept of the city. Through the active participation of numerous
citisans and leading architects, the 1893 World's Colunbian Exposition
transfer-ed tb snddy-ecrub-cak wastes along Chicago's lake front into a
cleaning 'white city." locusts-ed to urban ugliness, nillions of people
law for the first tine 'a splendid example of civic design and beauty in

”The group of Journalists known as the 'nuckrakers" were person-
ified by Lincoln Steffins The Shane'efflhe Cities, (low Iork: McClure,
Phillips and Conpany, 190:0

1hinong the earliest of these publications were: Henry George,

Pr ess and Povert . (New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1902);
3ncob Ries, How the Other Half Lives, (New Iork: Charles Scribner's

Sons,18903 and the various reports of the New Iork Tmenent House Con-
nission during the late 1800's.

”Sammy, g. Cit. , pp. 190-193.

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the classic pattern and on a grand scale, out they liked it."16 Visitors
to the Exposition took the inpressions of the ”white city‘ back to their
hone commities and began to wonder why their cities could not be as
orderly and as beautiful."

The Exposition narked the feeble beginnings of city planning within
the United Stet...18 every large city planned. to becone the "city beau-
tiful." During the nut twenty years, in connunity plans were prepared
by architects and landscape architects enhasising city beautification.

The roots of the planning novenent were thus sunk deeply into the
fertile soil of civic design and plvsical beautification. It took nany
years for these roots to spread into a concern for the social and econonic
factors which also help shape the ham envirct-ent.

W

The origins of planning sprang fra a city beautification revolt
against urban ugliness. While this revolt was the strength which pronoted
early planing acceptance, it was also the shackles which bound the planning
novenat to a pre-occupation with the 'grand plan.‘I For :the heritage of
the . city beautiful is still deeply entrenched in the planning opaation
of W.

1~6Robert 1.. Wrigley, Jr.,"'1'he Plan of Chicago: Its Fiftieth
Anniversary,” Journal of the Anerican Institute of Planners, Vol. 26,

“Ge 1 (rebMp i965, , Pe 31a

17Jessie Heck-an Hirschl, "Chicago Ebcposition-1893,' The State
Journal (lensing: March 1, 1961;).

J-3Robert A. Walker, The Plan Function in Urban Governnent,
(Chicago: The University of Chicago gress, 2nd Ed., 1930), p. l.

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During the early 1900's, it became the civic vogue to have a city
plan. Such groups as civic leagues, wash-9s clubs, nerchants' clubs,
Cuercial clubs, and various civic inprovenent associations sponsored
plan-asking by private caisultants. All of this activity was perforned
in sonething of a vacutn and because of its intangibility, nest of these
early plans were unsuccessful in influencing urban develop-est.”

An exception was the Chicago Plan prepared by Daniel Burnhan in
1909. Sponsored by the W Club of Chicago, the rpm of Chicago"
becane the standard 'conprehensive' approach of an surging planning pre-
fess:l.cn.“”o Prepared by d nigh-oriented professionals, the plan dealt with
a regional park mm, rapid transit, street apron-onto, and a “civic ‘
center.“ The plan was isplenented by an aggressive selling progran which
covered not only civic groups but also the schools.” Much of Chicago's
present physieal character can be directly traced to the public works
progran which carried out any of the plan's proposals.

The Chicago Plan had a trenendcus imact upon the planing nove-
nent. 'Its influence is unifest in the grand perspectiveslshetched in
every ilpcrtant planning report...."22 no success of its public works
orientation stinulated an atncsphere of hope as to the potentials of
planning to re-shape cities. let the very strength of the wicsgo Plan's
public works orientation proved to be its weakness. In subsequent years
the plan was not updated and the Chicago Plan Cc-issicn steadfastly

1L9amnion, 92:13!" p. 81.
zoflalker, M20: p. 19.
21Vrig1ey, m0: 1:. 33.
229mm, 2.9.5.412» p. 223.

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refused to beet-e concerned with slu- clearance, took only nild interest
in soning as an iqlenenting neans, and failed to grasp the view that
planning should be concerned with controlling the use of private property.23

The city beautiful novenent as personified by the Chicago Plan did,
however, plant the fertile seed of city planning within the public's con-
science. Planning slowly becane accepted as a public function. hrtford
created the first city planning connission in 1907, followed closely by
Chicago in 1909 and Detroit and Baltinore in 1910.2“ The problem of
inadequate housing were debated at the first national planning conference
in Washington, D. C. in 1909, and an urgent call was somded for inproved
housing codes, for soning ordinances, and for are basic planning?S

Iron 1915 until the depression yaars, planning gradually shifted
its‘qhasis. The new idea of soning, fostered by laws relating to
nuisances, began to be debated and explored. The nation's first soning
ordinance in low Iork City in 1916“” followed by a rash of sinilar regu-
lations within large and snll cities during the 1920's. The advent of
soning also served as a stinulus for the creation of public planning con-
nissions and by 1922 there were 185 official planning omissions in the
United {states},6 However, these “official' emissions were placed care-
fully in independent positions outside of the political process. The
refora novenents' expose of 'dirty" politics and the need for an "objec-
tive" viewpoint seened to indicate the wisdon of an independent adnin-
istrative structure.

 

ZBIbfie, p. 273s

2hr. L. Olnstead 'l'he Town Planning Movement in America,” 93
guns, (January, 191}; , p. 181.

2&“0170’, a. Cite, p. 125e
Mf, a: cite, pe 26e

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During the 1920's the scope of planning widened to include not only
urban esthetics and public improvements but also transportation, soning,
parks, and subdivisions of land, The influence of the "garden city' nove-
nent, set forth in England by Ebenezer Howard during the late 1800's,
began to be felt in Anerica and was reflected in the increased planning
concern with subdivisions of land. Radburn, developed during the late
'20's, was the first American version of the garden city, although it was
prinarfly a counting satellite rather than a self-contained omity.
However, the basic significance of the garden city novenent, the decen-
tralisation of urban population and the liniting of growth, was not grasped
or articulated by the herican planning nova-cut.” ’

The 1920 period was therefore narksd with a pre-occupation with the
plusical aspects 6 planning and, in particular, an wheels upon soning
as a legal |"tool" to iqlenent planning proposals. The aEuclid Case.
gave the legal blessing of the Supra-e Court to the control and regulation
of private land through zoning ordinances.” law states during this
period adopted the Standard City Planning Enabling Act and the Standard
Zoning Enabling Act developed by the U. 8. Depart-ant of Co-erce. These
acts further solidified the separation of the planning function to. the
grim hands of politics. Also during this period consultants, rather
than planning staffs, carried on nest of the 'cne-shot" develop-ants of
uster plans for the official citisn planning eo-issions. Sim e nest
of these consultants were fron design-oriented professions, housing or

 

”Halker, Q. Cite, Pe 23a

28Village of Euclid, Ohio v. inbler mum, 272 U. s.
363, Iovenber 22, 1926.

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other social and econonic factors were conspicuous for their absence in
nest plans.

Beheen 1920 and 1930 there was not nuch change in the actual scope
of planning, although the enphasis shifted fro- the ‘beautiful' to the
Ppnctical.‘ The engineer becane the agent who personified the practical.
planning nan free fro- imractical. draw.” The counon 'conprehensive'
plan during this period was divided into the six nain elenents of soning,
streets, transit, transportation, recreation, end civic appearance.”

If the social attitudes and tin bustling prosperity of the '20's
were not conducive to any deep appraisal of social problens, the shat-
tering advent of the depression awakened interest in sociology and
scone-ice. Social and welfare proble- were the focus of nunerous agencies
created by Congress during the early 1930‘s, giving national enphasis to
social and economic problus. City planning, however, was in a poor poe-
itia to provide guidelines for this national energency for it had
ache-iced physical inprovenents in the plans of the 1920's.31 While
planning was not prepared for the depression, planning did becone nore
conprehensive during this period for it began to include social, housing,
and financial problem as well as the plusical problems of the continuity.

The depression years, than, influenced planning by causing (1) an
awakened interest in elu- and housing, (2) policy and financial assis-
tance fro- the Federal Goverhnsnt in undertaking sociological and
econonic research, and (3) interest in public incone and costs as related

29mm, Q: Cite, pa 8".

3OTheodora x. Hubbard and Henry v. Hubbard, Our Cities Today

and Tonorrow, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1929 , p. 109.

”Walker, 2. Cit., p. 36.

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to public services.32

The depression years also narked the significant entrance of the
Federal Government into the previously untouched field of local govern-
ment. The 1931; National Housing Act created the Federal. Housing Achin-
istration and their housing policies and standards were to have profound
effects upon the character and quality of urban areas. Huge suns were
also upended for 'puqr-prining" the local econoq in the fore of public
works, highways, and public buildings. Unfortunately, nny of these
federal projects were not. done according to a preconceived city plane
The “city beautiful“ plans of the 1920' s were either out-dated or plain
iapractical for the public works needs of the city.33

Other federal agencies were fcrned during the 1930's which were
to have a profound inpact upon the planning function. The Resettlenent
lbi'aistration engaged in experinental "greenbelt. towns in Maryland,
Ohio, and Wisconsin which were patterned after Howard's Garden City.”
These town set forth design principles which were later utilised by
law large tract private developers. The 1937 Housing M WW “I.
U. 3. Housing Authority with lending power to local cities for the pur-
pose of constructing low-incone public housing. is part of this progran,
it was required that one sub-standard dwelling nust be renoved for each

32maul Walker,Urban 13th and Sinus, (Ca-bridge: Harvard
University Press, 1938), p. vii.

33Gsllion, m, Cit., p. 158.

3“Four projects were planned, three of which were actually built
in Greendale, Uisconsin: Greenhills, mic, and Greenbelt, Maryland.

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low-rent unit built within the city.35 Out of these beginnings one a
conprehcnsive housing program which was to be an inportant force in
shaping the- develop-ant and redevelopment of urban areas.

These fornative, adolescent years established and nolded the present
character of the planning novenent within the United States. The inde-
pendent planning cos-ission comosed of citisens and separated free the
governmental function, the pro-occupation with physical ferns of land
use, and the legal "tools“ to ilplcncnt planning program are all a
heritage fren plannings' forastive stages. Many of the profession's
present linitations, perhaps, sten fro- this past heritage.

The Modern Era

Sims World War II, the nation and the planning function have
struggled with an exploding population and an expanding industrial econ-
Me A spectacular rise in birth rates has caused the population to
spiral frca 132.5 nillion in 191.5 to almost 180 nillicn in 1960.36 The
outer of private sutosobiles in the nation increased fron 25.7 aillion
in 19h? to 65.7 sillion in 1962, an increase of 156 per cent.” in
autonobile-criented nobility enabled nay hericans to flee the central
city and establish themselves in new single-fanny suburban honea. Betwaen
19h? and 1962 sane lb.5 aillion single fanily houses were constructed in
the United States, of which approxinately 10 nillion were located in the
suburbs.38

35Robert )1. Fisher Twenifi Tears of Public Housing, (New fork:
Harper and Brctlnrs, 1959’, p. .

3éflcner Hoyt, I'The Effect of the Autonobile on Patterns of Urban
Growth,” Traffic Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 2 (April, 1963), p. 295.

37D1de’ Pp. 29,4‘2950 38%.! p. 296'

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Since the War, a growing and vibrant Anerica has becme nore urban-
issd. By 1960, about 70 per cent of the 180 nillion people within the
hfiwsuusumlhmgmuwmsfimfimm” hwmhuulwnmv
nents have encouraged both the trend toward urbanisation and the necha-
nisation of agriculture. Refined agricultural techniques have enabled
farners to produce larger anounts of crops with fewer workers. (has hun-
dred years ago it took one farmer to feed five people, whereas today one
flllar feeds thirtybtwo.h0 .At the same tine, industrial nechaniaaticn
has increased output per nan-hour by 35 per cent over the past ten years,
enabling the nation to produce four times as my goods today as it did
fifty years ago.“

The accelerated rapidity of change and urban growth aims World
War II has brought a growing recognition of the need for urban planning
and for plans which will guide growth into desired patterns. Adequate
plane for post-war growth, however, were generally not in existence at
the end of the War. Where plans did exist, the naster plan or soning
ordinance of the nunicipality was linited to the arbitrary boundary of
the governmental unit. The poet-war tract developer, neatnthile, was
encouraged by F.H.A. and VJ. lending policies to continue scattering
his products over the countryside. Plans and a planning progran gener-
ally did not exist within the suburban areas which were experiencing the
brunt of the post-war housing boon. Rapidly-developing urban areas, than,

39U. 3. Bureau of the Census, U 8 Census of Population, (Wash-
ington, D. 0.: U. S. Departnsnt of CW, $5).

hol'honas J. Watson, 'Tecbnological Change,“ Goals for lnericans,
a: Cite, p. 197s W

h11hid., p. 19h.

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-23-

were not being nolded by pro-conceived plans but rather by 'a randon con-
sequence of separate and unrelated decisions of subdivider, nunicipal
engineer, soning board, speculative building, "31:2

The sprawling and uncoordinated growth which has occurred within
netropolitan areas since World War II served to alphasise the fact that
'the cornerstone of the urban political systsn....is prinary reliance on
the forces of the market place, with comparatively ninor reliance on
governnsntal controls and guidance.“3 These post-war narket decisions
were producing increasing balances and distortions within netropolitan
areas, pronpting greater activity and concern by both local and federal
governnents. '

Federal concern, in particular, has resulted in increased activi-
ties since the War which have pronoted local and regional planning prograns.
Federal interest in housing, first indicated during the depression, was
upended in purpose and scope during the post-war years. The Housing Act
of 19149 established the principle of public condennation of private lands
which were blighted for redevelopnent purposes .M‘ These principles were
extended to public interest in neighborhood rehabilitation and code en-
forcenent by the Housing Act of 1951:. A significant part of this latter
act was the “workable progran" requirenent which necessitated a ccnprs-
hensive planning approach as a qualifying condition for federal aid."5

mr’ Q. 015., p. 60.

h3fork Hillbern, "Urban Re ions: The Challenges and Achievsnsnts

in Hunan Values ' Plannin 962, Chicago: American Society of Planning
Officials, 19625, p."1'57."

he

MtRobert K. Brown, Public Housing Legislation-An Interpretation.
(Atlanta: Bureau of Business and Enononic Research, 1959), p. 110.

”P1811013 m. Cite, p. 253s

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Section 701 of the 195k Housing Act also provided grants-in-aid
for planning purposes to local connmnities and further required the active
cooperation of all governnental units within a netropolitan area. The
funds provided by Section 701 were instrunental in encouraging the fema-
ticn of netropolitan and regional planning emissions. By 1963, sons
l26 county, netropolitan, or regional planning omissions were in exist-
once in the United sum.“

1 nuflnr of other federal legislative provisions were enacted
during the late 1950's and early 1960's which were ainsd at achieving a
ncre orderly and efficient planning progran for netropolitan areas .
Before cenunities can qualify for assistance under the Area Redevelop-
nent Act, for ennple, they nust prepare a regional econonic develcpnsnt
plan. In order to qualify for federal open space grants, a progren for
eonprehensive planning nust be in effect and the proposed land acquisi-
tion nust contribute to the plan's imlenentation.“ Under the recent
anendnents to the Federal Aid Highway Act, a ccnprehsnsivs transporta-
tion planning progran nnst be underway in an urban area after July 1,
1965 before federal aid highway nonies will be released to local con-
nahities AB

The post-war years, then, have been narked by the sprawling ex-
pansion of urbanisation within netropolitan areas. This expansion has

‘5‘

 

“Canines a: Governnent Operations, National Surve of Metro-
W U. 5. Senate, Washington, D. ., . . vernnsnt
Printing Office 1963), p. 2.

”Subcouittee on Intergovernnsntal Relations, U. 8. Senate,

Hetrgolitan PMS: Washington, D. C., U. S. Govern-out Printing
100 9 3 p p. as

”8.1.24.4" p. 3.

-e

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.25-

spilled into vast suburban areas surrounding central cities, thereby
creating problcns in planning control because of separate governnental
Jurisdictions. Spreading and growing metropolitan areas, in turn, have
caused an increased interest and concern with the physical environnent
on the part of governnent. The federal governnent has responded to this
concern by enacting policies which will encourage the fornation of re-
gional or netrOpolitan planning connissions. These policies have been
supplanted by various acts which encourage coordinated urban developnsnt
through federal grants to local oomuhities. During the past ten years,
federal paynents of tax funds to state and local governnents has nearly
quadrupled.”

The dynanic growth of urban areas during the nodern era has firnly
established planning as a necessary and continuing process. Planning
staffs and planning omissions have expanded, new research techniques
are giving greater breadth and sureness to the planner's analysis, and
planning has received tbs public recognition which it so ardently sought
during its fol-native years.

Tet new respaisibility has brought nu problems to the planning
profession, problems which have their roots in the sterile soil of the pro-
feesicn's adolescent beginnings. For planning's adolescent strength of being
independent fron the governnsntal process nay yet prove to be its fatal
weakness.

 

I'S’I'Ibcul Leaders Tire of Federal Tiss,‘ astion's Business, Vol.
52, so. emu-m, 1961.), p. 36.

.26..
The P Process

During the fornative years of the planning novenent, design-
oriented professionals were hired by citizen groups to produce the "grand
plan." Planners thought of thenselves as designers, nakers of plans,
creators of the city beautiful. ' Early planning was I'interested in pre-
paring a plan and not in establishing a new activity of governnent.”0
The end product-4 plan—was the objective ratlnr than a process inte-
grated into the governnsntal function. Hence, when ”official" planning
ec-issitsls were forned they were conposed of individual citisen emissions
set up as independent boards which advised the local legislative bodies on
planning natters. This trend was given national inpetus in the 1920's by
the adoptial of state enabling legislation for planning and soning.”

The lack of effectiveness of early planning gave rise to the plea
to nahe planning a “continuing process." The one-shot planning approach
of consultants during the 1920's and 1930's was cited as the basic
reason for planning ineffectiveness. a continuing and pernanent planning
staff, therefore, could not only update the nasterplan as needed but
could also adflnister the legal tools of soning and subdivision regula-
tions to isplsssnt the plan's proposals.” The classic dictun of the
"planning process', however, still followed the basic concept that
planning was prinarily a technical problsn of plan-producing. The nodel

 

Sofialker, 92. Git., p. 136.

51a legal fruuork for land planning was suggested by the U. S.
t of Cos-Isrcs, A Standard Cit Plannin Enab Act (rev. ed.

1928), and A Standard Gig 2ox_1_ig Enabflg Act rev. ed. 192 ).
Sam”, g: cits, pe 120e

.27..

of survey, analysis, and plan design fits well with the concept that 'while
the plan nust be discussed and accepted through a political process, this
is not held to be a part of planning."53 While part of the function of the
planning emission was to 'sell" the plan, this was to be done as part of
a public relations progran and not through political involvenent.“

Gradually the planning emphasis shifted fron a technical concern
with the naking of plans to an action progran which would emercise
rational control over the developnent of the physical enviroment.SS In-
creasing eqahasis, especially since World War II, has therefore been
placed upon plan iglonentation through soning, capital Wts,
subdivision controls, and urban renual.

The rapid urbanisation of recent decades has stinulatcd the action-
oriented concept of planning. Horeover, the rapid social and physical
changes caused by urbanisation have generated a realisation of the con-
plicated' econonic, social, and technological forces which cause urban
growth. his realisation, in turn, has fostered a growing awareness of
the plenuer's responsibilities to the public if he is to set rational
guidelines to control certain aspects of the social and econonic environ-
nsnt which spawn physical growth.56

O
a.-

 

S3Robert Daland, “Organisation for Urban Planning: Sons Barriers
to Integration," Journal of the Ancri Institute of Planners, Vol. 22,

HOe h (1957). De 201s
51‘lbia., p. 202.
55uorssn willisss, 'Planning law and Denocratic Living," Law and

Conger-4% Problens, Duke University Law School, Vol. 20, No. 2
39131118. 19 s p. 317.

561bid., p. 318.

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This new sense of responsibility has stinulatcd additional concern
with the rational control of expanding netropolitan areas. Federal land
developnent policies Inve given added impetus to the serious problea of
wisely utilising the nachinery of governnent to shape urban patterns .57
Out of this concern has cone nmerous theoretical proposals for asking
planning nore effective in guiding urban develcpaent. These searches
for acre sophisticated and effective procedures, in turn, point up any
of the basic weaknesses of the present planning process.

The handicaps and barriers to a acre effective planning process
can be sunarised as follows:

(1) The independent planning board, set up to keep planning out
of politics, keeps the planning function outside of the main
strean of governmental decision-sating where acticn program
are initiated.58

(2) The traditional naster plan is a weak tool for coordinating
urban growth for it rests upon the assuaption that a desired
pattern of develcpaent is 'best'oobut 'best" cannot be
prom.”

(3) The use of legal imleneating tools as presently adninis-
tered, leaves nuch to be desired as a nethod of effectively
shaping the urban environment.60 In addition, there is a

 

57am, 92, Cit., pp. 756.57.

sailor-an Beck-an, "Our Federal Syst- and Urban Develop-ant," 15;!
Journal of the Anerican Institute of Planners, Vol. 29, lo. 3, (August,
1553), p. 1E7. This view is subscribed to by nary others, including

Walker, Q, Cit., and Daland, Q. Ci .
59mm” p. 13.

60A view subscribed to by nany critics, including Lee, 9. Cit.,
Walker, 29, Cit., O'Harrow, 92, Cit., and Fagin, 92, Ci .

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sharp and severe division.between‘the goals of planning and
the tools available to implement those goals.61

(h) ‘Hhile the traditional naster*plan cabodies many decisions
relative to public policy, these policies are not understood
or articulated as policies for public consensus. This weak-
ness is expressed by Catherine Bauer as follows:

It is the very nature of the enlightened American City
Plan-dwith its alphasis cn.a single overall scheae-

that all the big decisions will have been made in advance,
all conflicting interests compromised and alternative
possibilities resolved, before the plan cones out for
public approval...What is aissing is public understanding
and debate of the bigialternatives. Moreover, it is the
lack of this step‘which, I think, keeps6§ity'planning
feeble and ineffective in this country.

(5) The separation of the public planner froa the adainistrative
functions of city governnent causes a lessening of planning
influence in the day'to day administrative decisions of

government.63

These handicaps of the present planning process present difficult
barriers to the effective pursuit of a planning progran which will better

Ian's environnent. Such handicaps have, in the past, been at least partly

_responsible for planning's lack of effectiveness. It is therefore fitting

and necessary’that.new approaches be seriously explored.

 

611169, 9-2: Cit., p. 1513.

62Catherine Bauer in a paper delivered at the Coluabia University
gicentxnnial Conference on the Metropolis, low York, January 9, l95h
niece .

”walker, 2, Cit., pp. 165-67, and Daland, 92, Cit., P. 200.

ts

The Quest for a New Approach

The new urbanisn in America, and the prospect of acre of the same
for the future, has served to make government in general and planners in
particular acutely conscientious of the physical environnent. The ways
in which urban areas develop, grow, and prosper is beconing perhaps the
nation's nest inportant donestic issue. "It is now clear that the design
of environnent will be a major deaestic issue for at least the remainder
of the 20th Century."6h The search for an improved and more effective
planning process, then, is a real and critical need if the issues which
shape the bus environnent are to be realistically solved.

Because of its critical importance , nuch of the recent urban
planning literature has been devoted to discussions of new approaches to
the art and science of planning. While nny of these discussions tend
to be highly theoretical, fron these proposals, or a cabination of pro-
posals, ny be forged the aegis key which will open the door to planning
effectiveness.

In 1960, Hoover65 smarised four nodern concepts of the planning
process. These were set forth as (l) planning as an advisory instruaent,
(2) planning as a fourth power, (3) planning as an executive function,
and (h) planning as an ilperaanent constitution.

The first concept .bedies the traditional approach to planning
process. Under this concept, planning is strictly an advisory function

 

6“Sanford S. Parness, Preli% Outline Toward a Prospectus for
Humanistic and Envirenaental tudies, t sing: Michigan State

University (unpublished research paper, Hay 1963), p. 6.

65Robert C. Hoover, 'On hater Plans and Constitutions,“ Journal
of the Anerican Institute of Planners, Vol. 26, No. 1 (February, 1935).

5

e
w-
n .

.31-

in which Ethe aaster plan should not be passed by any legislative body.
It is a coordinated plastic map or plan which a emission can... use in
its written advice to the legislative body.... One of the chief tools of
the (planning) coanission is the sector plan, the advisory purpose of
which, in distinction to its use as a vehicle for legislation, cannot be
too often repeated."66 This viewpoint sees nany advantages to keeping
the planning function at an advisory level so that the subjective ideals
of the professional will not be forced upon society and so that the plan's
flexibility to change is aaintained.67

The concept as planning as a fourth power sets fcrth the preaise
that planning needs a legally-based power of decision and enforce-ant to
beoone really effective. Under this proposal, all public utters relat-
ing to physical dmlopnent are passed upon by commission which is placed
as a "fourth power‘ of governnent next to the legislative, executive, and
Judicial branches. The planning function would be empowered to legislate
dsvslcp-snt policy, subject only to a veto power of the legislative body.“

The third concept of the planning function would place planning
within the adainistrative staff for use of the chief executive in foren-
lating develcpnent polio'y.69 Planning under this concept would, however,
still be advisory to the executive.

 

“Edward H. Baesett, The Master Plsp (low Iork: Russell Sage
foundation, 1938), pp. 63-6h.

671b1de’ pp. 66‘72e

68For a discussion of this premise see Tugwell's article on "The
Fourth Power" in Hear, Q. Cit., pp. 715-722.

6Walker, m, Cit., and other public adninis tration advocates
favor this approach.

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Planning as an inpernanent constitution would place the planning
process within the political arena.” Under this concept, the master plan
is seen as an inth which is aade up of policy Judgeaents concerning
aan's use of the environnent. Since the plan involves basic value Judge-
acnts of a social, economic, and physical character, it should be adopted
by the legislative body as an 'iaperasnent censtitution' which would sup-
plenent the city charter.

It will be noted that in all of these concepts, planning is con-
ccived as a policy instrument which, in one fora or another, aust be
aeshed into the deaocratic function of governnent.

More recently the planning concept has further broadened as plan-
ners began to recognise the need to relate aore closely to the decision-
aaking process of governnent. “Thus we find that the end-directions
toward which the planning Job is oriented are of first iaportance...s"n
Slowly the realisation has cone that “the plan itself sets goals, cabodies
decisions: if it is to have practical effect, procedures aust be estab-
lished to see that these decisions have an effect upon land.”2 Con-
versely, it is becoming acre apparent that if planning is confined to
technical or non-political decisions, than it aust be adaitted that the

aajor decisions on development will occur outside the planning process."3

 

7°See Charles H. Hear, "The Master Plan: An Iapermanent Consti-
tution," Law and Wgfiflg Problsas, Duke University Lu School, Vol.
20, lo. 3 uncr, .

71300781‘, a: Cite, p. 7e

"Charles H. Hear, Land Use Pliny, 92, Cit., p. 357.
73nslsnd, gp. Cit., p. 202.

 

seed

,‘

—,.

’.

Vs

Flaming theorists are increasingly embracing the concept of aere
political involvement, of goal setting and policy fornation, of involve-
aent in governnental decision-asking. Heyersen proposes that planners
should undertake five basic functions, one of which is a policy function
to franc the develop-ant objectives of local governments.“ Hoover sug-
gests the establishaent of an elected body to serve as a netropolitan
direction-finding conission so that social direction-finding becenes
part of a total planning and policy-foraulating prccsss.75 is far back
as 1950, Walker felt that |'the function of planning is to determine goals
and to devise patterns of action for achieving these goals.“6 Webster
defines planning as 'essentially a process of understanding huaan needs
and of influencing and shaping future public policy....'77

The thinking of any ccnteaporary planners can be sunscrised by
the following statement froa the New Iork Chapter of the Aaerioan Insti-
tute of Planners:

.. .wherever (physicsl develop-cut) is involved in aatters of public

policy, ( the planner) has an obligation to exercise his special

skills so that the best possible decisions can be aade. In addi-
tion to purely physical considerations....this invelveaent will
entail clarify'éng the likely consequences of social or scone-1c
proposals....

Out of these contemporary attitudes has cone, perhaps a new under-

standing and awareness of planning as a process which aust becoas involved

muss-tin Heyerscn, “The Planning Future," Plannin 1 (Chicago:
Aaerican Society of Planning Officials, 1959), pp. 12-1 .

75Hoover, &' Cite, p. 22o
76Halkcr, we cite, p. 362e

New 3. Webster, Urban Plannin and Municipal Public Polio;
(lew Iork: Harper and Brothers, 333), p. 1:.

”Policy statement of the low York Chapter, herican Institute
of Planners, as quoted in Haar, Land Use planning, Q. Cit., p. 119.

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in formulating goals, specifying pelicies, and influencing decision-
making. For if planning is a pro-condition to rational action, it is
then inseparable from deciding and, therefore, inseparable from involve-
ment in the governmental process. Planning, in fact, becomes "policy
planning", an activity totally involved and totally concerned with the

bread objectives of democratic government.
In. Policies Plan

The concept of ”policy planning“ has evolved in response to the
exploding urban growth which has occurred within metropolitan areas since
World War II. While numerous metropolitan and regional planning commis-
sions were formed to cope with this growth, their efforts were hampered
by the fragmented local governments making up the metropolitan area.
Moreover,‘ these regional and metropolitan commissions were generally
formed under state enabling legislation which gave them little power to
influence growth. They often had no mandate from the local units of govern-
ment toadopt regional plans (r even to review and comment upon the planning
proposals of local governscnt.79 Regional Planning agencies, therefore, had
very little real power. Whatever influence they were to exert had to come
froa their ability to persuade through suggestions and recommendations.80

The lack of institutions and procedures through which metropolitan
area growth could be controlled gave impetus to the theory of policy in-

volvement in governmental decisions. For perhaps the only method through

 

79Committee on Government Operations, Q. Cit., p. 7.

BoIbide, p. 6e

'\

,...——-'-m

(I

.35-

which development could be influenced and com-dim ted under these cir cun-
stances was through s one kind of area-wide concensus as to growth goals and
policy. Such concensus could be obtained, it was reasoned, if the policy-
making bodies of local governments could agree upon an area-wide plan.

The early years of planning activity had, however, proven the inef-
fectiveness of the "grand plan" approach. What was necessary was an
intermediate step betlreen the plan and efforts of implementation, a method
which would hopefully provide the 'missing step“ identified by Catherine
Bauer.” Perhaps the only way this could be accasplished was by the iden-
tification of the goals, policy implications, and development alterna-
tives which nde up the proposals set forth in the plan itself. If local
area govern-ants could understand and agree upon these prqosais, then
certainly the recomsndations of the plan would be accepted and utilised
to guide local land use decisions.

From such reasoning, then, was born the concept of "a unified doc-
ument expressing the general goals, specific policies, and programs for
urban growth and change)” This document has come to be called a
”policies plan.“ It is nde up, generally, of development goals, policy
stat-ants, develOpmsnt standards, and sketch plans setting forth alter-
nate patterns of growth.

Present experience with policy plan formation is primarily limited
to regional or metropolitan planning agencies. Among the more advanced
policy planning programs underway are those in the Washington, D. 0.

 

alBauer, 92, Cit., p.
azFagin, g: Cit., p. 11-".

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-36..

area,83 Hartford,8h Twin Cities,85 and Santa Clara County California.86
In addition, many of the more recent sophisticated studies relating to a
land use transportation anaylsis, such as the Penn-Jersey stuw, are
utilising policy alternatives as part of their determinations for the most
appropriate transportation cysts-.87

While perhaps sound in theory, policy planning presently lacks the
wide experience which would establish guidelines and techniques for policy
formation. There is likewise no substantial evidence of the success or
failure, advantages or disadvantages, and potentials or risks of this
undertaking. Is policy planning really the answer to effective regional
planning? If so what are the risks and difficulties presented by policy
involvement in governmental decision-making? What kind of administrative
and procedural organisation is necessary to carry out this new kind of
process? Is the planner competent and experienced enough in the political
field to undertake such a progran?

 

”National Capital Planning CO-ission, A Policies Plan for the
Year 2000, Vashington, D. c. (1961) 3 The Maryland-Rational Chpital Park
and Planning Commission published a subsequent policy instrument based
upon the Washington proposal called 0n nges and Corridors. Silver
Spring, Md. (1962).

8"Capital Regional Planning Agency, Regional Plan Alternatives,
Hartford, Conn. (November, 1961).

35% Cities Metropolitan Area Planning Omission does not have
a cogleted policies plan but have set forth preliminary policy proposals
in various publications, including Il'he Ten Elements of the Joint Program,
Dacia: Paper No. 6 (June, 1963).

56PM Santa Clara County Planning Couission is presently uphasising
a policy planning program which is outlined in 'Policy Planning," Plans,
San Jose, California (Deceuber, 1963).

8'IPenn-Jersey Transportation Study, Alternative Tragporfltion
teas and Associated Sets of Policies; P.J. Paper No. 10, Philadelphia,
m. tcmber, 1961).

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-37-

Subsequent chapters of this thesis will suggest some tentative answers to
these questions by examining the experience to date of the Lansing‘Tri-
County Regional Planning Comission in undertaking a policy plan program.

CHAPTER II

REGIONAL TRENDS AND

PROBLEMS NEEDING POLICY SOLUTION

The formation of policy plans is undertaken with the hope that
public consensus on development goals and policies will provide the frame-
work for a general plan which is more likely to be acceptable. This
acceptance will occur, in turn, because the plan has been based upon the
agreed-upon deve10pment goals and policies articulated by'a Policy Plan.

The Policy Plan itself must therefore be a comprehensive and
technically correct document which reflects the values, desires, on!
growth aspirations of a given region. It must be soundly based upon
existing trends in growth and must attempt to provide solutions to
present development pr0blems and to minimize future problems. It must,
moreover, be a document which sets forth in clear understandable, and
diplomatic terms the growth goals and policy actions which are desir-
able to attain a better living environment.

The techniques and.approaches utilized in the policy planning
process are therefore of critical importance if the document is to have
the desired impact upon the regional leaders who make decisions. As a
background to presenting the techniques utilized by the Tri-County
Regional Planning Commission in policy formation, this chapter outlines
the critical trends of growth occurring within the Region and the phys-
ical prdblems which need policy solution.

In order to illustrate the scope of needed policies for the
Region, the discussions in this chapter will be broken into two parts.

The discussion in Part I will be devoted to an identification of growth

 

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.39-

trends which need policy recognition. Part II will deal with dmlopnent
problems within the Region which require sone sort of policy solution.

This material will be used as a framework to indicate goals and
policies which should be incorporated within the Policy Plan for the Tri-
County Region. It will also be mad to indicate the scope of activity
and analysis which has been undertaken as part of the Tri-Ce-ty policy
plan program. Finally, the identification of regional growth trade and
development problems is felt to be necessary for the understanding of the
eventual policy program f orlulated by the Tri-County Regional Plaming
Co-issia. For the scope of the program, to be discussed in Chapter III,
was greatly influenced by the growth trends and development problems within
the Region.

I. GRCNTH TRENDS NEEDING POLICY RECOGNITICN

The Tri-County region is located in the geographic heart of Rich--
igan's lower peninsula, roughly mid-way battle“ Detroit and Lake Michigan.
It i. classified as a Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area by the U. 3.
Census Bureau. the region is composed of the three counties of Clinton,
Eaton, and Ingham and contains the cities of Iansing, East Iansing,
Qlarlotte, Eaton Rapids, Mason, Grand Ledge, St. Johns, and willianton.
In all, sue 78 separate governmental units are contained within the

Region' s boundaries.1

 

1Tri-County Regional Planning Coniooion, Annual Rgports 1262-62,
Lansing, Miche (‘Wts 1963), Po 1e

J)

.ho.

As characterised on a national level, the first settlers to Michi-
gan were seeking agricultural opportunity. However, the first pioneers
found the vast wooded areas of the northwest Territory to be a frustrating
hindrance to the pursuit of farming. Nevertheless, the virgin forested
areas of Michigan proved to be econonically valuable sources of wood
products for a growing nation, and nany of the first settlements in the
Tri-County area were grouped around crude sawmills.2

As the State's forest resource became depleted, the national nove-
nsnt toward industrialisation and mechanisation encouraged a gradual shift
frcn an agricultural-oriented econow to an econovq dependent upon nann-
facturing. The beginning of the automobile industry within Michigan during
the early 1900's solidified the movement toward manufacturing and, in
addition, set an .cono-dc framework for the state which relied heavily
upai the production of durable goods.

Today, Michigan is an imortant part of a group of industrial
states which comprise the I'nanufacturing belt“ of the Nations. This belt
consists of a fairly narrow strip extending roughly from Boston and New
Tork on the east to Chicago and St. Louis on the west. Concentrated
within this area are over two-fifths of the Nation' s people, half of the
country's income, and two-thirds of the manufacturing enployment in the
United States.3

2The League of Hansen Voters of the Lansing Area, Today and Tenorrow

in the Lansing Hetrgpolitan Area, Lansing, Mich. (February, 19 l , p. 19.

William Haber (et. al.), The Hichi Econ 2 Its Potentials
alts Problems, The W. E. Upjohn Etitute for glen-ant Research,
xalaaaaoo, Michigan (1959), p. 6.

 

4:1-

The state is even more closely associated economicallywith the
east North Central States (Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wiscon-
sin) which contain only 20% of the Nation's population, but which produces
some ”50% of the entire Nation's nonelcctrical machinery, W of its
transportation equipment, h2$ of its fabricated metal products (and) w
of its rubber products...."h

Wealth and high incomes have accoupanied industrialisation on a
state as well as a national level. Michigan is one of the highest wage
states in the United States and its median per capita income has risen
from $2,h19 in 1950 to $3,381 in 1960.5 The manufacturing sconoay of the
State has historically generated a higher rate of population growth than
the rest of the United States, its percentage of the Nation's total pop-
ulation increasing steadily from 3.06 in 1910 to b.36 in 1960.‘5 Numeri-
cnlly, the State's 1.1; lillion increase between 1950 and 1960 was exceeded
by only five other states in the Nation.7

Most of Michigan's growth increase during the past decade occurred
within the urbanised areas of the state, resulting in sons 73.): per cent
of the population being classed as urban in 1960 as compared to 110.1 per
cent being so classified in 1950.8 In spite of the trend toward

 

thid-ep pa 7e

511. 3. Bureau of the Census, U 5 Census of P ulation 1960 —-
General Social and Economic Characteristics, iichigan, Final Report PC
(ll-m, U. 3. Govermemting Office, Washington,.D. C. (1962), P. 209.

6Michigan State University, Population of Michigan Counties: Pro-
igctions to 1970 Institute for Conunity Fevelopmentf'East—Imsfilg,
Hichigan, Technical Bulletin 3-21: (March, 1962), p. 7.

71b1de, Pa Se

8Michigan State University, Michiggp Pgmi_l._a_tion 1960 Agricultural
EIperinent Station, East Lansing, Mich. Special Bulletin 35 (1962) p. 5.

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increasing urbanisation, the najor central cities within the state either
declined in population during the 1950's or barely managed to naintain
their existing population levels.9 The “urban fringe" around these cities,
however, acre than doubled between 1950 and 1960,10 paralleling the
natimal trend of nushrooaing suburban growth.

While Michigan's population growth has been significantly strong
for the past 50 years, the changes which have occurred in the State's
population characteristics are Just as significant. Again reflecting
national trends, spectacular birth rates coupled with declining death
rates have radically altered Michigan's age-group couposition. A record
l,9l2,hh3 births were recorded in the State during the decade of the
fiftiesu and today Michigan contains a higher proportion of young persons
under 20 and older people over 60 than it did in 1950.]-2

In general, then, Michigan has followed the growth and development
trends which hsve been characteristic of the nation's.“ a whole. The Tri-
County Rogion, in turn, has boa: affected by these national and state
growth forces, and in particular has any growth characteristics which
are typical of hichigane

 

9Hichigan State Unitersity, Michigan's ngulaticu 0%s During
the 1250's, Institute for Cumity lopaent, echnical etin -
J“, 19 )3 De 5.
109nm State University, Hichigan Pgulation 1260, 92, cit... p. 5.
nHichigan State University, niehigg's Pgulaticn onsnggs ¥
the 1250's, Cit., p. 1. (Note: While birth rates 0 the state -
tween 19 0 and 19 were a record high, the number of new live births
has -leve1ed off" since 1957.)

12Michigan State University, Michigan Population 1960, 92. Cit.,
pe 18c

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4:3-

Growth, dmlopnent, and change within the Tri-County Region are
to a large degree a reflection of State growth trends. For maple, the
proportion of the State's population residing within the Tri-County Region
has been a constant 3.8 per cent of the state's population for the past
we decades.13 The state's changing population conquosition is reflected
within the Region where an increasing portion of the Region's population
is composed of young persons under 20 and senior citisens. In 1960,
these two age groups composed over 50 per cent of the Region's total
populatimeu‘

She Region reflects other trends which are characteristic of the
State and Nation. In 1960, 67.3 per cent of the Region's population was
classified as urban, while 73.1; per cent of the State and 69.9 per cent
of the nation was so classified.15 Within the three counties asking up
the Region, however, a wide variation exists regarding urban-rural rela-
tionshipse Ingha- County has 82.1 per cent urban dwellers, whereas Eaton
County has 38.8 per cent and Clinton County 21.8 per cent of their popu-
laticn living in urban site-mines.“5

 

13C. 3. Bureau of the Census, 92, Cit.

n‘tri-County Regional Planning omission, gigs: General
Economic and Population Infomtion for the Lansing ri-Countg Region
(unpublished report), Lansing, Michigan ebruary, 19 3 s P. e

151nm, p. 2. ‘ '

150. 3. Bureau of the Census, U 6 Census of P ulaticn: 1960.
lulber of Inhabitants Hichi an, Final Report Pal.) - 251 U. S.
Envernnent Printing Office Washington, D. 0., 1961), p. lfi.

 

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The national trend toward higher family income and acre fornal
education is also readily apparent within the Region. The mdim uuiur
of school years completed for the Region is 12.0 years, well above the
10.8 median school years completed for the state as a thus.” 01 the
other hand, the median fanily incone for the Tri-County Region is slightly
lower than the nedian for the State, the Regional median falsily income
being $6,177 as comared to Michigan's $6,256.37.

Within the Region, however, the individual counties vary consider-
ably regarding income and education. Moreover, these variations are
related to urban-rural characteristics of the county. Inghaa County, the
nest urbanised county in the Region, has the highest asdian family inco.
and the greatest number of school years coapleted. Conversely, rural
Clinton County contains the lowest median incomes and the least nuaber of
school years coapletede18

The past growth and developnent of the Iri-County Region has been
largely attributable to three fortuitous accidents: ( 1) the decision of
the State Legislature in 18h? to locate the State Capitol in a reacts
wilderness area which later becsns the City of Lansing, (2) a similar
decision in 1852 to establish the Nation's first land-grant college,
now Michigan State University, near the new capitol, and (3) the deter-
nination by R. E. Olds, near the turn of tb cultury, to base his

 

“rm-octet: Regional Planning Gen-lesion, g, Cit., p. 2.

13o. 3. Bureau of the Census, U, 3, Census of Pfltion 1960.
General Social and Economic Characteristics chi , pgs. 1 0 and 18S.

\-

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5--.- .\‘_‘<

4:5-

autonobile enterprise in Lansing rather than in Detroit.19 Other industry,
along with the supporting services and work force needed for these enter-
prises, has been attracted to the Region to serve the expanding needs of
these three industrial camlexes. More than nost other areas, the Tri-
County Region ”owes its significance to human initiative rather than to
the exploitation of any natural advantage."20

Fro. its wilderness beginnings as a heavily forested area dependent
upon farming, grist sills, and saw aills for an economic base, the Region
has developed into its present sophisticated economic fol-n containing
manufacturing, governant, and education as its doninant emloyers. Of
these "big three” economic influences, the manufacturing sector is the
lost influential in determining the health of the Region's econonw. 0f
the total 115,776 persons in the labor force during 1960, some 29,551:
(261) were engaged in nanufacturing. Perhaps more significantly, the
actor vehicles portion of the aanufacturing sector employed 17,129 or
116.81 of the Region's total labor force.21

Despite the Region's heavy dependence upon aanufacturing, and in
particular the mufacture of motor vehicles, it is beconing relatively
less Wt to the Region as an employer. Manufacturing nude up 31;
per cent of the total Tri-County employed labor force in 19,49. By 1960,

however, only sons 27 per cent of the employed persons within the Region

 

”Tn-Comm Regional Planning Comission, 9;. cit., p. 1.

20I‘Iichigan State University, Bureau of Business and Economic
Research, Econuic mLquulaticn Base Stuggof the Lansing Tri-County
Area, East Lansing, Michigan (1950), p. 1e

21¢ri-Ceunty Regional Planning Cosmission, 92. Cit., p. 1.

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416-

were working in manufacturing industries.22 In addition, the total number
of persons employed in manufacturing both State-wide and within the Region,
has declined since 1956. And, more specifically, this decline has occurred
within the motor vehicle segment of manufacturing employment.23 Technolog-
ical changes coupled with the decentralisation policies of automotive nan-
ufacturers, appear to be the prime causal factors behind this drop.

Because of the relative and absolute decline in manufacturing,
services, governnent, and education are becoming increasingly inportant
to the Region's economy. In 1960, the educational sector of the ecmosw
eaployed sane 11,217 persons or 9.7 per cent of the Region's total labor
force. The public administration sector composed primarily of State
government employees, owlcycd 7,236 or 6.3 per cent during this sane
period.2h The national and State trends toward decreasing proportions of
nanufacturing employment will probably aake the services sector of the
econmy acre important locally. 1'It scans quite probable that employment
in various service occupations will increase both absolutely and rela-
tively in the future as increasing efficiency in agriculture and aanu-
facturing nduces relative employment requireaents in those industries..."25

is sight be expected iron national trends, the isportsnce of agri-
culture to the Regional econoq is declining. While agricultural production

 

22Derived from U. 8. Census information, U, 8. Census of Popula-
tion: 126 . General Social Jud Economic filaracteristics, Michigan.

23Haber, g, Cit., p. 181.
2iUri-county Regional Planning Omission, 92, Cit., p. 2.

25Michigan State University, Economic and Population Base Study
of the Ming Tri-Ccuntz Arne. p. 35o

Q.

4:7-

occupies about 86 per cent of the Region's land area, only 5 per cent of
the area's workers were employed in agriculture during 1960 and only 2 per
cent of the total economic output of the Region was in the form of agri-
cultural products .26 Again reflecting national trends the number of farms
within the Region has been consistently declining and the average farm
sise has been increasing.”

In sumary, the factors and trends affe cting Regional growth have
generally followed the same trends at work within the State and Nation.
The residents of the Region, are becoming better educated, have higher
incomes, and are blessed with higher birth rates and longer life spans
than their forefathers. They are turning more to professional and service
occupations and less to manufacturing and agriculture as a means of live-
lihood. They are also a mobile people, moving increasingly from rural
situations to an urban enviror-ent to take advantage of the economic

opportunities offered by the Region's urbanised areas.

II. DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS

REQUIRING POLICY SOLUTION

While my of the trends identified in Section I of this chapter
hold much promise for the future, there are many deep and disturbing
growth issues which must be resolved if the promise of an enriched phys-
ical environment is to become a reality. These issues and problems, in
many instances, are the physical manifestations of the social, economic,

and cultural forces at work within society.

 

26Ib1de, p. 37e 27Dide9 Pe 37a

448-

A particularly apparent characteristic of most growing urban Regions
is the social and economic 'costs" being extracted by the present fern of
urban growth. The stubborn rise in tax rates within areas where urban
growth occurs is beginning to be recognised as a symptom of modern growth
and progress. Today, considerable public investmert in utilities and
other public services are necessary to encourage private developers to
finance commercial, residential, and industrial facilities. Adding to
this cost is the present inefficient, sprawling form of urbanising areas
which are expensive for the public to service and maintain.

Another disturbing symptom of intensive urban development is the
rise in social conflicts. Juvenile delinquency, racial tensions, disease-
ridden slums, crowded schools, low-income ghettos, and many other social
problens are becoming intimately identified with an urban way of life.
These problus are especially apparent within the blighted "core" of
central cities, where disadvantaged low-income groups are becoming a
dominant social force. Increasing social problems, in turn, also have
economic ramifications, resulting in a steady rise in public health and
welfare costs.

A third symptom of urbanisation is the general ugliness of the
physical environment which has resulted from uncontrolled growth. Since
World Her II, 11nd near and around central cities has been consumed at a
prodigious rate. Local governments have been hard pressed to provide the
most basic comunity services, let alone purchase land areas for parks,
open space, or other amenities. The general result has been a blotting
out of the natural landscape by a sea of homes and autonobiles, creating
the well-known urban by-products of traffic congestion, smog, noise,

inconvenience, and formless monotony.

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Hodern growth and progress, then has its 'price"-a price which is
extracted in both economic and social terms. One of the basic and growing
responsibilities of planning and of government is to so shape future phys-
ical growth that social and economic costs are minimised. To reach the
objective of minimising these ‘overhead' costs requires a critical and
objective appraisal of our present urban environment as well as the iden-
tification of possible growth policies which would encourage more econcmxi-
cal, efficient, and esthetically pleasing growth patterns.

The following portion of this section, therefore, will attempt to
briefly outline the major problems within the Region which have an effect
span the plysical environment. It is hoped that a critical analysis of
these development problems will result in added insights into the kinds of
goals and policies needed to minimise these development issues.

§prawl and Scatteration

Advances in the efficiency of transportation, rising incomes, in-
creased leisure time, and rapid population growth have contributed to the
20th century phenuenon of the sprawling metropolis. In addition, today's
urban developnents consume much more land area per unit of use. For ex-‘
ample, the average single family house during the 1930's was built upon a
h,000 square foot lot, whereas the average new home today requires about
19,000 square feet of land.28

The result of these trends has been lower and lower population

densities sprawled ever greater and greater land areas. During the short

 

”Boner Hoyt, "The Urban Real Estate Cycle - Performance and
Prospects“, Urban Land Institute Technical Bulletin No. 38, Washington,
De Ce (1960), De me

.50-

span of ten years, average densities within the urbanised areas of the
United States have decreased some 31 per cent, causing urban uses to con-
sume almost twice as much land by 1960 as they did in 1960.")9

The Tri-County Region, like most urbanising areas throughout the
country, has eXperienced a radical transformation from a enact form of
land use to a sprawling pattern of urban development. At the end of
World War I, the principal Regional City, Lansing, exhibited a compact
form of deve10pment primarily contained within its city boundaries. Even
the smaller, unincorporated settlements within the rural areas were clus-
tered along inter-urban railway lines and other transportation routes.
Relatively few hard surfaced roads and low automobile registration placed
emphasis upon mass transit as a transportation mode.

By the late 1930's the influence of the automobile was beginning
to be reflected in the area's settlement patterns. The "core city" of
Lansing was beginning to spread south and west, suburbs were beingborn
in'lleridian Township adjacent to the City of East Lansing, and scattered
non-farm developent within rural areas was occurring along main country
roads.

It was after World War II, however, when mass-produced home build-
ing techniques and rising automobile ownership made its greatest impact
upon the land use forms of the Regions. Rapid urbanisation was concen-

trated within the five township area around the cities of Lansing and

 

29Ronald R. Boyce, "Myth versus Reality in Urban Planning,“ Land
Economics, Vol. 31;, No.3 (August, 1963), p. 2142.

-51-

East Lansing.30 The overspill from these two cities resulted in a spread-
ing, scattered growth pattern which relied more and more heavily upon the
automobile for transportation of people and goods. Thousands of acres of
rural land were converted to low-density, single family subdivisions
housing middle and upper income commuters. This land use pattern, in
turn, necessitated huge public investments in new freeways, wider major
streets, more schools, and extension of water and sewer lines.

By 1960, the earlier compact development pattern of the Region had
been completely replaced by a sprawling and fragmented pattern of land
uses. Commercial and industrial uses were following this movement to the
hinterlands in order to more readily serve suburban shoppers and workers.
In the short span of one decade, the five township area (including Lan-
sing and East Lansing) increased from 158,293 persons in 1950 to 198,1h2
persons in 1960, an increase of almost 30 per cent. The most rapidly
developing areas in the Region were to the west and south of the City of
Lansing, where Delta Township experienced a ten year increase of 85 per
cent in population and Delhi Township increased 65 per cent.31

Today, the creeping fingers of sprawl have scattered urban growth
patterns from the core city of Lansing into all three counties of the
, Tri-County Region. Urban conglomerations have extended north to DeWitt

Village, east into Williamston Township, south beyond Holt, and west to

 

30The five township area consists of Lansing, DeWitt, Meridian,
Delhi, and Delta Townships and includes the cities of Lansing and East
Lansing plus DeWitt Village.

3J'TrioCounty Regional Planning Comission, Anilflis of Population
Characteristics and their Distribution in the Lansing Tri-County Region
(unpublished report), Lansing, Michigan (March, 1962.)

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-52-

the City of Grand Ledge. .Additional scattered growth has extended'beyond
the five township area into the ten township fringe32 around Lansing.
About four-fifths of the total.populaticn increase in the Region between
1950 and 1960 occurred within this ten township area.

The Region, thennis experiencing the scattered and spreading pattern
of growth called ”urban sprawl". In.nany ways, these sprawling patterns
personify the individual citisen's desire for a better way of life. sub-
urban living, which has fostered and.nursed the sprawl pattern,is associ-
ated with clean and new housing, better and less crowded schools, fresh
and pure air, and open, attractive countryside. In short, suburban.living
has cone to mean a desirable atmosphere in which to raise children and.a
better environment for family living.

However, as more and.nore sass subdivisions are developed and as
once open countryside is invaded by additional urban growth, nnch of the
original enchantnent with suburban living is being destroyed. The in-
dictments against sprawling suburbia are growing and they are serious.
Sane critics of the contemporary urban scene have 'a feeling of uneasiness
and dissatisfaction with the urban situation.'33 firm every large urban
center the suburbs spread out and out; without shape or grace or any cen-
tered for: of civic life.'3h Other critics feel‘that ”by'spreading and

32The ten township area is conposed of the previously identified
five township area plus the townships of Bath, Watertown, Alaiedon,
Windsor, and Oneida. It also includes the City of Grand Ledge and
Dinondale Village.

33Sigfried Giedicn, 52cc, Time and Architecture, (Canbridges
Harvard University Press, hth Ed., 1962), p. xxviii.

3hAdlai Stevenson, "National Purpose: Part II, Extend Our Vision...
to all Mankind", Life (May 30, 1960), p. 86.

q-e

O.

.53-

scattering rather than concentrating Jobs, goods, services, and homes, we
fail to build communities, and we have poorer access to and so less choice
of jobs, friends, recreation, goods, services, types of housing, and nodes
of travel."35 Ls urban areas continue to sprawl and scatter an! grow, our
netropolitan areas are becoming "scarred by congestion and decay, specula-
tion and ugliness."36

0f the many disadvantages of sprawl, perhaps the most serious in-

dictnents are (l) the huge land areas consumed by this process; (2) the
expensiveness and difficulty of providing these developments with water,
sewer, police protection, fire coverage, a nd other community services;
(3) the transportation problems and lengthening Journey to work caused by
this fora of land development; and (h) the fornless nonotony of the phys-
ical environnent and the restriction of housing choice resulting froa the
sprawl pattern.

Without some kind of land development controls within the Region,
the present scattered and sprawling land patterns are likely to continue
in the future. The land ferns of the Region are relatively flat and con-
tain no natural barriers to continued spreading growth. Corrective
mares, then, lust be of a 'policy' nature—policies which would not
mat urban decentralisation but which would channel such decentralisa-
tion into a acre efficient and cazpact pattern.

 

”Regional Plan Association, Inc. , firead City, New York, Bulletin
No. 100, (September, 1962), p. 3.

366111103, 92' cite; Do 1650

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Blight and Deterioration

Closely associated with and intimately related to the problem of
urban sprawl is the curse of urban blight and deterioration. As netro-
politan areas spread and grow they leave behind a legacy of older, obso-
lete structures and deteriorating, festering neighborhoods. As the pace
of growth and change increases, so does the rapidity of blight accelerate.
As a result, the older, developed communities are more and more becoming
the abode of the poor, the disadvantaged, and all types of minorities.”
The outward migration of middle and upper income families to the suburbs
adds to and complicates the plight of the older central city.

The forces of urban blight and deterioration cause not only social
problems, but economic problems as well. For as once fine neighborhoods
decline, the assessed valuations and tax resources of that neighborhood
also decline. Conversely, more "services” in the form of police protec-
tion, fire protection, health and welfareservices, etc. , are necessary
within deteriorating areas. is blight spreads and encompasses more and
more of the city, the commmity is faced with rising "service“ costs and
a declining tax base with which to meet this demand. .

Fortunately, the Tri-County Region is characterised by moderate
growth and slow but steady physical change. It does not presently con-
tain vast and festering slum areas which are so predominant in larger

metropolitan areas throughout the country. Blight and deterioration,

 

37The President's Commission on National Goals, Goals for Ameri-
cans, Qp. Cit., p. 231.

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455-

however, does exist within the Region and it will become an increasing
problem unless preventative measures of correction are instituted.

Deterioration of housing units is a Region-wide problas encon-A
passing rural as well as urban development. In 1960 there were 91,083
housing units within the Tri-County Region of which H.618, or 16 per
cent were classed as deteriorating or dilapidated.38 Of this amount, some
7,171; sub-standard units, or h9 per cent of the total, occurred outside of
the highly urbanized five township area.

The blight occurring within the urbanized five township area is
perhaps more serious because it occurs in concentrated “pockets" which
affect the value and desirability of adjacent neighborhoods. A total of
7.1M! deteriorating or dilapidated housing units existed within the five
township area during 1960.39

In addition to housing blight, cannercial deterioration is in evi-
dence in the older, central areas within the cities and villages of the
Region. The city of Lansing, for example, is undertaking an extensive
program to renew an obsolete portion of its central business district
slag North Washington Street. The City of East Lansing is developing
plans to renovate and improve portions of its ccsanercial center. The
cities of St. Johns and Grand Ledge are studying plans which would make
their business centers more efficient and attractive. Smaller villages
and cities within the Region need to critically examine their commity

centers and to assess the possibilities for renewing and improving their

 

380. 8. Bureau of the Census, U. S._ Census of Population :and
Honey: 1260,» 9, Ci .

39Ibid.

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-56-

functional role.

Industrial obsolescence and deterioration is also of serious concern
within the Region. AMuch of the industrial obsolescence is concentrated
within the central portion of the City of Lansing, extending from the Red
Cedar River northward to Grand River.Avenue. In addition to this type of
structural obsolescence, there are scattered areas throughout Lansing, as
well as other cities and villages in the Region, which contain industries
which are locationally obsolete. Efficient service and access to these
industries is hampered because of poor location. it nore serious locational
problem occurs when the industrial uses are ”nixed" with residences oerhen
the industry imposes their smoke, noise, and traffic upon an adjacent
residential area.

Blight and deterioration, then are Regiondwide problems which are of
Regiondwide concern. Policies should be instituted and.programs undertaken
which.have as their objective the renewal and rejuvenation of obsolete com-
nercial, industrial, and residential areas throughout the urban and rural

areas of’the Region.
Uncontrolled and Uncoordinated Growth

Spreading and scattered and uncontrolled urban develop-ant has
invaded the quiet rural areas and "the countryside....has been left as the
prey of the bulldozer, the billboard, and indiscriminate camercial ex-

ploitation.'h° Present evidence indicates that a growing and urbanising

 

hQAugust Heckscher, ”The Quality of.American Culture," Goals for
Americans, E: Cite, p. 128.

-57-

America is apparently indifferent to speculation and exploitation of the
once-virgin countryside. Are we placing a distorted emphasis upon “growth”
and "prosperity“ and "development" to the long-range detriment of our phys-
ical environment? Have we indeed, developed a “ruthlessness toward the
(plvsical) environment in the name of material progressWhl

The implication here is 293 that all new deve10pnent is poor or un-
desirable or unnecessary. Expanding birth rates, a growing economy, and
greater family prosperity all point to the fact that future urban growth
will occur and must be accommodated. The need, however, is for growth
policies which will allow an orderly and planned expansion of urban uses,
thereby eliminating new of the past ills of uncoordinated and uncontrolled
development.

The Region contains many physical manifestations of poorly planned
or unplanned development. Lack of coordinated development policies has
resulted in the spreading and scattering of urban uses indiscriminately
over thousands of acres of once vacant or rural lands. Ready examples of
strip commercial development are found along US 27 north and US 127 south
of Lansing, 14-78 south-west of the core city, and along M443 east and west
of Lansing. Strip residential uses are also occurring along major highways
and main county roads. Haslett road between East Lansing and Haslett,
Sherwood road east of Meridian road, and portions of College, Sandhill,
and Holt roads in Alaiedon Township are illustrations of this trend.

Strip developments, whether residential or commercial, create many

serious development problems. They are difficult or impossible to serve

 

l‘J-Alan Jarvis, The Things We See, Indoors and Out, (Middlesex,
England: Penquin Books, 19147;, p. 51;.

-se..

with urban utilities, they create traffic congestion and safety hazards,
they often make community “service" costs prohibitive, and they can block
logical development of interior and adjacent lands.

Still other development problems are born when new subdivisions
are platted within natural flood plains, when residential communities
around artificial lakes are created without adequate engineering and
health safe-guards, when new industrial or commercial buildings are allowed
to I'xeix" with existing residences. Future servicing ani utility problass
are created when low-density subdivisions containing septic tanks are
allowed to "leapfrog“ beyond existing fringe development into rural areas.
In most cases, these plate are either too far from water and sewer facil-
ities to ever be serviced or, if within range of future services, are of
such low densities as to make utility installation uneconomical.

These and many other physical manifestations of uncontrolled de-
velopment can be rectified by sound and practical development policies.
Such tools as soning, subdivision regulations, and wise programing of
public facilities and utilities can be utilised to alleviate and minimise
future deve10pment problems.

Unwise soning policies, inadequate subdivision controls, and poor
utility extension policies can, however, be as harmful as non-existant
regulations. Most of the townships, villages, and cities within the Tri-
County Region have either enacted local soning ordinances or are covered
by county-wide zoning regulations. While many benefits have resulted from
these existing soning ordinances, some do not provide workable and economic
deve10pment patterns which are related to community or natural resource

needs. aMany ordinances, in fact, encourage lack of coordination.....,

l‘

estee-

.59-

scattered functions strip patterns, increased public overhead costs, and
other problems....“h2

Existing ordinances also vary widely in their density standards,
sons district requirements, and legal language. In many cases the ordin-
ances are not based upon a practical and realistic set of facts or upon a
long-range development plan to substantiate soning proposals. Therefore,
I'over-noning" for industry, comerce, and other intensive uses is a frequent
occurrence. For example, the total amount of land within the Region which
is soned for industry is approximately 12,000 acres-~enough industrial land
for some 200,000 manufacturing employees.h3 It would require a total popu-
lation of almost 2,000,000 to supply this many employees.

Subdivision regulations, either formally or informally applied, are
utilised within some of the major cities in the Region but are conspicu-
ously lacking in townships and villages. Adopted policies on water and
sewer service extensions are spotty and generally lacking. While East
Lansing and Meridian Township have arrived at a common agreement on sewer
services, other governmental units have followed their own individual pol-
iciss.

To adequately and intelligently guide future growth patterns into
ems semblance of order and efficiency, coordination of all development
policies affecting physical growth is badly needed. Yet this task is not
a‘simple one. Each local governmental unit within the Region is empowered

 

hzTri-County Regional Planning Commission, Functional Organisation
of the Lansini‘rri-County Region, Lansing, Mich. (T959), p. 32.

bBI-bide , p. 37.

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-60-

by law to enact local development controls and to service its comunity
with public facilities such as water and sewer. The multiplicity of these
units, each with its own separate and individual regulations, makes coordin-
ation impossible unless a common consensus is reached regarding the objec-
tives and goals and desirable patterns of development which are appropriate
for the Region.

This kin! of policy determination must somehow be made before the
ills of uncontrolled and uncoordinated physical development can be alle-
viated.

Rural and Urban Conflicts

One legacy of uncontrolled, sprawling, and scattered growth patterns

is an increasing conflict between rural and urban interests. is rural

areas are invaded by urban non-farm uses, demands begin to be heard for
improved roads, schools, and other services. Moreover, many local tax
policies are such that valuation of adjacent farm land rises because of the
future possibility of additional urban development. As taxes rise, the
individual farmer finds himself faced with tum alternatives: lower net
income because of rising tax bills or selling his land to a developer for
platting.

Such conditions as these bring about financial hardship, land spec-
ulation, densnds for relaxation of soning regulations, and, finally, a
continuation of urban encroachment upon rural areas. Usually this spread
occurs out of context with and without consideration for the natural
resource characteristics of the area. Rural townships within counting

distance fran Lansing, for example, are finding some of their best and

4
.

.a

-61-

most productive agricultural land being pre-empted for urban uses.

Rural areas, like their neighboring urban counterparts, are in a
state of change and adjustment. Shrinking farm prices reqtdre the farmer
to turn to management methods which will increase his operational effi-
ciency. This usually has meant larger farms, highly mechanized operations,
and increasing use of fertilisers to raise unit production. As a result of
rapidly changing farm technology, the traditional family farm is disappear-
ing and is being replaced by large, factory-like production centers. Tech-
nological change has also brought about the I'marginal" farmer who works
part time on the farm and supplements his income in the city. Diminishing
farm incomes have also left a number of small farm operators who barely
eke an existence from agricultural pursuits.

Rural areas are likely to continue to change in the future. The
small farm operator and the part time farmer will perhaps be forced to
make an ultimate choice between agriculture or other forms of employment.
Trends point to a continued decrease in the number of farms, larger fan
acreages, and continued food surplus. If urban uses continue to sprawl
and scatter over the countryside, urban-rural conflicts are also likely
to continue.

Land development policies within rural areas should seek to pre-
serve the best agricultural land for agricultural use, should prevent
scattered and uneconomical intrusion of urban uses within areas which
cannot be serviced with urban facilities, and should recognise the need
for additional sources of rural income by encouraging private recreation
facilities or other uses compatible with agriculture.

-62-
Water and Natural Resources

The Tri-County Region is situated in the relatively flat land area
of central Michigan. Although located in the heart of the "water wonder-
land" state, the Region does not have an abundant supply of surface water.
The Tri-County Region, in fact, is one of the most “water-short" areas in
the state. This natural resource characteristic has potential ramifica-
tions upon the type, intensity, and extent of future urban development.

The Region has a total of 111 small lakes and ponds which harbor
about 2,349}; acres of water area.u‘ Host of these lakes are too small and
too shallow to support any extensive water-oriented uses. Lake Lansing,
for example, is the largest water body in the Region but contains a surface
area of only 1152 acres)“5

The Grand and Red Cedar Rivers are the prime Regional water source
for industrial cooling and sewer waste disposal. The useability of the
Grand and Red Cedar Rivers for these purposes, however, is limited because
of their extreme stream flow fluctuations. The Grand River at Lansing,
for example, fluctuates between an average monthly low flow of 1.90 cubic
feet per second to an average monthly high of 2,237 cubic feet per second.h6

The lack of sufficient surface water flow, combined with continuing

and increasing industrial and sanitary waste demands, can be an important

 

m‘Tri-Gounty Regional Planning Commission, Outdoor Recreation: in
Inventglz, Lansing, Michigan (January, 1962), p. 13?

hsIbi-de, Pe 19e

l‘6I‘ri-County Regional Planning Commission, msical Development
Factors, Lansing, Michigan (March, 1961).

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.63-

liniting factor in future Regional growth. Comprehensive watershed planning,
cooperative stress: management, and extensive stream inprovements may there-
fore be necessary before the Tri-County area can realize its growth potential.

Another possible limiting growth factor within the Region is the
ground water resource. Ground water, obtained principally fro- the Upper
Saginaw sandstone sub-surface formation, is the main source of water supply
for the Region. While the underground water resource has been adequate to
meet present needs, the extent of this resource has not been delimited and
its capabilities to meet anticipated concentrations of urban growth has
not been determined.[‘7

Complicating the ground water resource picture is the lack of an
adequate or extensive surface water facilities within the Region which
lould supplement the ground water supply. The closest source of extensive
surface water supply for the Region is either Lake Michigan or Lake Huron,
both of which are of such distance that pipeline costs might prove to be
prohibitive.

There is a serious need, then, to identify the extent of the Region's
ground water resource and to relate the limitations of this resource to
future settlement patterns.

Other resource problems exist within the Region which are in need
of solutions. Soil capabilities and characteristics need detailed identi-
fication so that the future extent and direction of urban and rural devel-

oplent can be more logically related to land resource capabilities. Such

 

l“Engineering reports in Meridian Township, for example, have
stated that sub-surface well supplies in the Township will only be suffi-
cient for a peak population of 55,000 inhabitants.

1‘.

~61:-

infornation would also help determine lands which should be preserved for
agricultural or other open space uses. A careful evaluation of other
natural surface features of the Region should also be undertaken so that
lands which are desirable for future recreational pursuits can be identified.
Regional land development policies should point to the need for addi-
tional factual analysis of the Region's natural resources and should con-
sider the relationship of natural resource limitations to the future growth

potential of the Tri-County area.
Parks and Recreation

In the recent past most Americans lived in rural situations where
the nearness of woods, streams, and open spaces afforded them unlimited
opportunities to satisfy their outdoor recreation interests. Today, our
society has become more casplex and more urbanized, creating more intense
demands for conveniently located recreational facilities.

Changing social and technological trends indicate that future
demands for recreational space will increase. Expanding population growth,
increased family income, more leisure time, and greater mobility all point
to persistent and increasing needs for outdoor recreation. Nationally,
for examle, outdoor recreation activity is emected to triple by the year
2000.‘48

The problem of providing suitable and adequate outdoor recreation
space to nest the future needs of the inhabitants of the Tri-County Region

is one which is not easily resolved. Most of the cities within the Region

 

hBOutdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission, Outdoor Recrea-
tion for Americg, Washington, D. 0., January 1962, p. 137.

‘il‘1ii III III:

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a i..- ._._.... .—

-65..

have active programs of acquiring and developing recreational lands, but
the townships and villages where most growth is presently occurring have

a serious shortage of public parks and.playgrounds. The Ingham County
Road Commission has acquired and.maintained attractive parks,t>ut none of
these can be classed as large Regional parks. In fact, the largestpub-
licly-owned park site within the Tri-County area is the 155 acre Priggcris
Park owned by the City of Lansing. This park, however, is presently'un-
developed, leaving the Region without a single large Regiona1.park to serve
the recreational needs of Tri-County residents.

One of the most criticaltieficiencies in the Tri-Comnty Region is
the lack of adequate water-oriented recreational areas. Natural lakes and
rivers suitable for recreational use are in short supply. In addition,
many of the lakes and rivers which could offer some recreational oppor-
tunity are either'polluted or public access is prevented because of exten-
sive private ownership and development of the shoreline.

Development policies are needed which‘will correct the present
recreational deficiencies within the Region and which will produce plans
and.programs of sufficient scope to provide for adequate facilities for
the future. Such.policies and.prograls'lust consider changing population
and age-group trends as they affect the type and location of future recrea-
tion facilities. They should also consider the varying natural resource
demands of different types of recreational facilities. Regional parks, for
esasple, normally require relatively large land.areas which are at least
partially wooded and, ideally, also include lakes or streams. Identifica-
tion of these resource demands could, for example, point to the feasibility
of utilising nan-made reservoirs for the multiple purposes of Regional

recreation, low stream flow augmentation, and flood control.

fl

-66..

In short, a complete and comprehensive policy regarding the acqui-
sition and development of recreational and open space lands should be
developed which will meet the pressing and particular needs of the Tri-

County Region.
Transportation and Traffic Congestion

A growing population possessing higher incomes and more leisure time
has resulted in a phenomenal increase in travel. Mere people are using
their increased incomes to purchase more automObiles, and the increase in
leisure time has allowed these vehicles to be used.more extensively.

Increased nobility and travel have influenced, and lave been in-
fluenced by, the trend toward suburban living. As urban areas spread and
decentralize into the suburbs, more traffic is created because people must
travel further to work, to shop, and to play. And.as traffic is increased,
demands arise for additional freeways and.arterial.streets to carry the
increased traffic load. The building of more streets and freeways, in
turn, makes the countryside more accessible and encourages further move-
ment of homes, shopping centers, and industries to the suburbs.

The mobility created by the automobile, then, has fostered the sub-
urban movesent and.has resulted in increased traffic and increased trans-
portation costs. Today, the total national expenditure for non-military
transportation is roughly $100 billion a year.” The timeand costs of
col-uting have mounted, traffic congestion is overwhelming in larger met-
ropolitan areas, and a few poorly located freeways are becoming destruc-

tive elements in the conmunities they are designed to serve.

’49Wurster, o_p_,_c;1_t_., p. 238.

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Land use and transportation are intimately related. Spraw'iing, low
density suburban areas contain more automobiles per dwelling unit, neces-
sitate more travel, and are more automobile-oriented than closer-in, high
density areas.so Conversely, intensively developed areas closer to the
centers of major cities will make heavier use of mass transit facilities.
In addition, practical economics precludes mass transit service for low-
density, scattered areas on the fringes of cities.

More compact or clustered land use patterns would not only make mass
transit service economically feasible but would also, perhaps, facilitate
the accomplishment of other planning objectives. A more compact and con-
trolled settlement pattern c ould provide for a closer relationship between
houses and jobs, a wider variety of housing choice, and greater amounts of
usable open space near population concentrations.51

Many of the Tri-County Region's present traffic problems are caused
by inadequate past allowances for transportation-land use relatimhips.
For Example, turning movements and on-street parking in strip commercial
areas has resulted in traffic congestion; using local residential streets
for one-way pairs or for major traffic arteries may contribute to neigh-
borhood blight; placing shopping centers or other high volume traffic gen-
craters at freeway interchanges and major street intersections has decreased
the traffic capacity of these facilties.

The spreading form of Regional growth has increased both the occur-

rence and length of Regional counting patterns. Some 37,720 workers

 

soDetroit Metropolitan Area Traffic Study, Part I, Detroit, Michigan
(Jun, 193;), Pa 79o

Slflurster, 92, Cit., p. 239.

1"

-68-

within the Region live outside of Lansing and 68 per cent of these commute
daily to work in the core city.52 Practically all of these commuters
utilise the automobile in their work trip. The 1960 census indicates that
8% of all employed workers within the Region used automobiles as a means
of getting towork, and that only 3% utilized bus transportation.53

The trend toward automobile-oriented transportation is likely to
continue in the future. Automobile registration within the Tri-County area
increased 31% between 1950 and 1960. The 110,000 vehicles registered within
the Region in 1960 was almost 25% above the vehicles-per-thousand-persons
average for the United States.5h Following these trends, the number of
registered automobiles within the Tri-County Region any reach 150,000 by
1980.55

A comprehensive and penetrating study is needed of the Region's
transportation system before sound plans and prOposals can be instituted.
Past traffic studies for the area have been limited in scope and are woe-
fully out of date.56 Any new study should utilise the latest techniques
in identifying traffic generating characteristics of various types of land
use and should relate future land use patterns to transportation needs.

kw consideration of policies dealing with transportation for the

Region, then, must be integrated with policies relating to uses of land.

 

52Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, Transportation: An
Invento , Lansing, Michigan (January, 1962), pp. 13-23.

S3Ibide, P. 2".
SbIbidg, p. 25.
55Ib1d., p. 28.

56The Michigan State Highway Department conducted the last origin
and destination study for the Lansing-East Lansing area during 191:6.

,‘

-69-

Such policies should state the principles through which these relation-
ships can be accomplished and should outline the administrative methods by
which coordinated transportation planning can be undertaken. Policy con-
sideration should include not only alternate modes of transportation but
also the alternate land use patterns which.may be necessary to accomplish

a more balanced and efficient transportation system.
Economic Base and Changing Functions

Society is living in a period of rapid and accelerated technological
change. Physical manifestations of this change are personified by the one-
story, landscaped industrial plant, the integrated shopping center, the
graceful.new freeway, and the gleaming facade of the glassdwalled office
building.

Progressively changing technology also has an impact upon cultural
life. Automation, for example, is reducing the relative number of unskilled
industrial jobs and is increasing demands for skilled and highly educated
workers. Added emphasis is therefore placed upon higher education and upon
adult vocational instruction. This same technology has elevated per capita
incomes and has increased individual leisure time, thereby changing per-
sonal buying habits and placing added emphasis upon recreation.

Changing economic functions are evident in the Tri-County Region
where the economic base is slowly becoming less dependent upon durable
goods manufacturing and agriculture as a provider of jobs. Conversely,
employment opportunities are increasing in such economic pursuits as govern-
ment, education, and services.

Indications are that fewer jobs will be available in the durable

goods sector of the manufacturing economy during the coming decades. This

l‘

-70..

trend may be especially pronounced in the Tri-County Region where the man-
ufacturing of transportation equipment is the dominant employer. Projec-
tions of future automobile production within the United States have assumed
an annual production rate of between 9 and 10 million vehicles by 1980.57
With modern technology, this production rate can be sustained with little
or no increase in the work force. Indeed, "the chances are that fewer
(future) auto industry jobs will be available."58

It appears, then, that development policies for the Region should
encourage diversification of the economic base with emphasis placed upon
develoment goals which would help attract additional non-durable manu-
facturing and service industries. "The economic health of the Tri-County
Region requires that every effort should be made to give it better indus-
trial balance...further relative increases in its durable goods manufac-
turing sector would only make the local economy more susceptible to wide
fluctuations in income and employment."59

The Region's present industrial “mix" of manufacturing, government,
and education provides an advantageous basis for the accomplishment of such
a goal. or further advantage to the local econolv is the presence of
Michigan State University. Michigan State has been one of the fastest
growing income sources for the Tri-County area and is perhaps the insti-

tution most likely to provide the stimulus for future growth.60 The

 

57Haber (et. al.), 92, 0it., p. 25.

58329,, p. 26.

59Tri-County Population and Economic Base Study, Q. Cit., p. 58.
60John L. O'Donnell, “The University and Local Growth," Michigan

Economic Record, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, Vol.
fiOctober, 1963), p. 7.

 

‘I

Q

-71-

University, for enample, can serve as a catalyst for the attraction of new
research and development industries in the Region.

The changing functions and shifting economic needs of the Region
need to be fully and objectively assessed to determine the possible types
of new industry which should be encouraged to locate within the Tri-County
area. Development policies should reflect the goal of further diversifi-
cation of the Region's economic base. Any policies adopted should also

recognise the changing land and locational needs of nodern industry.

This chapter has presented an overview of the Region's emerging
development trends and problems. The identification of theseRegional
characteristics serves to emphasise the need for a planning program which
will incorporate policy solutions as part of a functional program to meet
the challenge of urban growth. For if a planning program within the Tri-
County Region is to have real purposes and effectiveness, it must recognise
and solve the complex physical, social, and economic problems fostered by
a rapidly changing society. And perhaps the only realistic way that an
attewt can be made to solve these problems is through complete involve-
ment in the policy-making process which generates decisions on development.

The following chapter will document the influence of these Regional
trends and problems upon the program concepts of the Tri-County Regional
Planning Comission.

CHAPTER III
POLICY PLANS FOR THE TRIi-GOUNTY REGION

The ability to s olve the complex problems generated by an expanding
and changing urban society depends in part upon the means which are chosen
to cope with these problems. This chapter outlines the means, methodology,

——._ir-—.....4-

and conceptual framework utilized by one regional planning agency, the

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Lansing Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, in attempting to solve the
staggering problems of fragmented and uncoordinated metropolitan growth.

The previous two chapters have identified the national forces in-
fluencing the evolution of the planning process and the developing growth
trends which have contributed to present physical problems within the
Region. These matters have been covered in some detail since both of these
factors were instrumental in influencing the philosophical approach of the
policy plan program developed by the Tri-County Planning Comission.

For example, the review of evolving and changing planning concepts
has served to identify the mistakes of the past and has, hopefully,
yielded valuable insights as to a more effective planning approach. The
past weaknesses in the planning process of utilising an independent board
of lay citizens is especially significant to regional or metropolitan
agencies, for regional planning groups represent a continuation of this
prowdural form of operation. A basic reason- for the reliance upon an
independent planning board is, of course, the fragmented and multi-
Jurisdictional character of metropolitan areas. Therefore, even if a
theoretically more effective administrative framework for urban planning

could be accomplished by incorporating the planning function within the

-73-

executive or legislative branches of government, the present lack of metro-
politan or regional governmental framework within metropolitan areas of the
United States eliminates this alternative.

'While the multi-Jurisdictional framework of the regional planning
operation as well as existing state enabling legislation may pre-empt any'
real alternative to the organization of an independent regiona1.planning
body, other lessons learned from the evolution of the planning function
can be recognized and applied. History can perhaps indicate the futility
of preparing grand.and comprehensive master plans which, although techni-
cally competent, are not thoroughly understood by government or the gen-
eral public. Also in need of recognition is the weakness of the I'mdssing
step" in the planning processl-othe failure of the planner to articulate
the important alternatives and to recommend to the general public the
development choices which are available.2

But perhaps the mostsignificant lesson to be learned.from the past

-----

making process. For without access to the political forces and the public

H‘f «5......

opinion whiCh ultimately forms public policy, little can be expected in

M"

the effectuation of plans once they are developed. The interest and con-
cern of the federal government in solving the national problem of urban
growth has given impetus and recognition to the need for political action
to control and guide metropolitan development. Such recognition has

resulted in a growing number of new federal "tools" which can not only

 

1Bauer, 92, Ci .

zGrady Clay, "Planning Design and Public Opinion," Planning 1960,
(Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials, 1960), p. 137.

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supplement many of the traditional legal tools of the past but can hopefully
guide growth in a more positive way.3

The need for political involvement, in turn, has given rise to the
concept of policy planning-«planning which attempts to separate, identify,
and promote the kinds of area-wide policy commitments which are needed to
guide physical development into more logical and efficient patterns. Aside
fra its political implications, the very nature of policy planning pre-
supposes a clear identification of growth trends and deve10pment problems
needing policy solution. For if ”metropolitan problems are political
problems (which) demand binding public decisions on public issues ,‘h then
the problems themselves must be specifically identified before policies for
their correction can be intelligently articulated. Chapter II has, there-
fore, been devoted to a discussion of regional development problems within
the Tri-County Region which must be resolved as part of policy plan forma-
tion.

The development trends and problems set forth in Chapter II are
important for other reasons. The identification of these problems indi-
cates the complex nature of the policy plan undertaldng. For if Regional
growth goals and policy statene nts are to have any real meaning, they must

recognise trends which will influence future development as well as set

 

3william 0. Button, Jr. in "Planning in the United States," Planni
1960, (Chicago: American Society of Planning Officials, 1960), p. 15,
describes many of these newer federal tools, which include highway and
transportation programs, open space programs, urban renewal projects, land
use controls such as scenic easements and purchase of deve10pment rights,
and, in particular, ”policies planning" to develop a more effective pro-
cedural instrment. _

hGreer, Q. Cit., p. 172.

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-75-

forth policies which will help correct existing development problems.
Hence, the trends and problems identified in Chapter II had an intimate
affect upon the detailed types of goals and policy statements which were
eventually formulated for the Tri-County Region.

The Tri-County Regional.Planning Commission, from the time of its
formation late in 1956, has always been problem-oriented. The problem-
solving philosophy of the Commission, along with numerous other influences,
was an important ingredient in their acceptance of a policy plan procedure
for the Region. This chapter will document the evolution of the policy"
plan program.of the Commission and will identify the most important influ-

ences which shaped the concepts of that program.
I. THE SEARCH FOR A CONCEPTUAL APPROACH

Basic to an understanding of the evolving concepts which influenced
the Tri-County policy plan program is a knowledge of the historic develop-
ment of the Tri-County Regional Planning Commission. Therefore, interwoven
with this account of the conceptual evolution of the policy'plan program
will be the documentation of the expanding function and program of the

Commission.

 

Earl: Program Influences

Through the activities and persuasive power of a number of inter-
ested citizens and public officials, the Tri-County Regional Planning
Commission was formed during July, 1956 by resolution of the Clinton,

Eaton and Ingham County Boards of Supervisors.5 The Commission was

 

STri-County Regional Planning Commission, Annual Report 1962-63,
QEe Cit., Pe Se

-~-

0

-76-

organized under Michigan state enabling legislation for regional planning
commissions.6 Its first meetings were held during the fall of 1956 and
were devoted to election of officers, compilation of by-lawe, and financing
investigations.

Significantly, the Commission from the beginning was concerned with
solving the complicated problems of metropolitan growth and one of their
' first aims was 'a correction of accumulative problems."7 Marv of the Com-
mission meetings ‘during the spring and summer of 1957 were devoted to a
series of discussions by local governmental officials on regional problems
which needed solution. During this early exploratory period, the Commission
operated as a lay group without staff direction.

Late in 1957, an executive director was hired and soon thereafter
a concrete program of operation was set forth. The Comission's first
work program8 emphasised the necessity for basic research information,
adequate base maps, and outlined the scope of needed regional studies.
Also contained in the description of elements needed for a comprehensive
Regional Plan was the first tentative reference to the importance of
public policy-making as part of the regional planning process. .

When the research, analysis and map work...has been sufficiently

developed, the preparation of preliminary plans can proceed,

This phase brings the planning process into assisting in "policy-

nking"-the determining and race-sending to local governments
various plans, policies and standards for future development.9

 

6Act 281, Michigan Public Acts of 19115, as amended.
7rcm=c Minutes, March 28, 1957.

8Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, Preliminary Outline,
Long-Range Planning Program, Lansing, Michigan (March, 1958).

 

9R1de, p. be

 

-77-

Based upon this program outline, federal grants for various program
phases were requested under Section 701 of the 195).; Housing Act, as
amended.10

With a positive work program finally underway, the Commission again
turned its attention to the development problems within the Region and the
possible role which they should play in solving those problems. During
the summer of 1959, the Commission held a series of meetings with various
representatives frat Clinton, Eaton, and Ingham Counties to review the
problems and needs of each county area. The objective of these meetings
was to provide the Commission with background material which would guide
their work into 'a more effective role."11 01' the impressions which came
out of these meetings, perhaps the most important was the nature of the
problems which were identified. Rather than strictly agricultural problems,
the most important concerns of these counties related to roads, soning,
schools, taxes, business, and industry.12 Problems, in other words, which

reflected the urbanising nature of the Region.13

 

10I'he Comission's first federal grant for $13,830.00 was approved
by the Housing and Home Finance Agency in March, 1959. These funds per-
mitted the completion of an economic base analysis, a base mapping program,
and land use and plwsical geography studies. A second federal grant for
”hf/50.00 was approved in June, 1959. This grant was for the purpose of
preparing a community pattern study and inventory surveys on public util-
ities, transportation, land use, and recreation. Both grants were on a
”50-50 Intching" basis, with' me half the funds provided by the Commission
and one half by the federal government.

urcsrc Minutes, August 27, 1959.

”hid.

13in example of the impact of urbanization upon a primarily rural
area of the Region is contained in a publication by the Long-Range Plan-

ning Committee, Eaton Comty Extension Service, Eaton County Challenge,
Eaton County Extension Service, Charlotte, Michigan T1959).

 

i 1.1

a---

These activities provided important solidification to the problem-
oriented philosOphy of the Comission for they prompted the notion that
"the Tri—County Regional Planning Commission should try to unite the area
in working on common problems (by working out) suggested answers to the
problems...and providing advisory recommendations to local units."1h The
first Commission report published for public consumption reviewed area-
wide physical problems and their resulting impact upon the social and
economic framework of the Region.15

Despite their problem orientation, the Comission duritg these early
years did not yield to the temptation of providing an extensive advisory
service on detailed“ problems to local units of government. Partly, this
was because a limited staff and budget would not permit such detailed
services.16 More importantly, the Comission realised the necessity to
couplets the basic factual studies of the Region before engaging in an
extensive advisory service program.

It is hoped that the Tri-County Regional Planning Commission

can provide region-aide studies and foster working together

on a coordinated basis on problems which will be cannon to
all governmental units.17

 

“Team Minutes, August 27, 1959.

lsTri-County Regional Planning Omission. The Function}; Organ-
isation of the lensing Tri-County Region: Needs and Problems, Iansing,
”10111881! (19 9 e

16During 1958 and 1959, only the executive director and his secre-
tary were full-time employees of the Commission. They were supplemented
by part-time student help from Michigan State University.

17TCRPC Minutes, Decenber 2, 1959.

O.

P.

-79-

Paralleling this concern with Region-wide problems was the early
beginnings of citizen participation in the Region's planning program.
While solutions to many of the area's problems were not immediately forth-
coming in the way of specific plans and prog'ams, citizen involvement in
the planning process could, perhaps, foster a wider recognition of regional
problems which needed solution. Thus was created the strong heritage of
citizen participation in the Tri-County program.

Citizen involvement, however, began slowly. By early 1960, only tn
citisen connittees were in operation.18 These committees were instituted
to review specific problems upon which studies or research reports were

presently being prepared.”

Urban growth and change within the Region were creating mounting
problems and a broad citizen awareness of the need for region-wide action
could, perhaps, foster inter-governmental c00peraticn relating to Regional
development. Early in 1960, the executive director proposed the formation

of a Citizens Advisory Group which would have the following functions:

 

18The Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, Pro ss Report,
Lansing, Michigan (January 1960) states that din-ing l9 9 two citizen
groups had been formed; (13 an Economic Advisory Comittee of 15 members
to review and consider critical economic problems, and (2) a Subdivision
Advisory Committee to consider subdivision problems and recomend pro-
cedures to local units of government.

19033 Citisen's cosmlittee reviewed the findings of the Michigan
State University, Economic and Population Base Study of the Tri-County,
22. Cit., and the second conunittee reviewed two subdivision manuals which
were eventually published for Regional distribution: Tri-County Regional
Planning Commission, Subdivision Manual: Part L - Procedures, Lansing,
Michigan (November, 1951); Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, Sub-
division Manual: Part II - Standards, Lansing, Michigan (February, 1962').

e-—_..,

-80-

(1) Provide a badly needed forum for review and discussion of
regional problems; (2) define the conditions essential to con-
tinuing livability and prosperity of the region; (3) inspire

and organize interest and financial support for studies and

action programs on identified regional needs and problems; (h)

nebilize the technical and organizational resources of the

region for cooperatively solving regional problems and accom-

plishing goals; (5) recommend solutions to regional problems

in public policy terms to the regional community and to local

government agencies.20

Here again was an important reference to fpolicy' solutions for the
Region's development problems. Also worthy of note is the notion of an
expanded base of citizen participation, not only for specific problem
solving but for involvementiin the analysis of factors "essential‘to con-
tinuing livability and prosperity,'21 This concept would involve the
intimate participation of citizen groups in the planning process itself.
Conspicuous for its absence, however, was any mention of participation
by political decision-makers or public administrators who, in final
analysis, would be responsible for‘the implementation of the policy terms
set forth by such a citizen's organisation.

'While the Citizen Advisory Group idea was discussed at subsequent
Comaission.maetings, the proposal was to lay dormant until early in 1961.
Initially, the Commission delayed action until the details of the program
could be integrated with a similar program proposed at that time by'the
Lansing Chamber of Commerce.22 Then, in September of 1960, the executive
director resigned and the Commission‘was left without staff direction

until early in 1961e
20TCRPC Minutes, February 25, 1960.
211bid. '
2ZTCRPC Minutes, March 2b, 1960.

-81-

With the advent of a new executive director, the idea of some sort
of Regional citizen's group was revived and discussed. In April, 1961
the Commission approved a modified version of the 1960 proposal?3 The
new prOposal, however, reverted to utilizing various citizen advisory
committees for the specific purposes of reviewing Commission inventory
studies then underway rather than for the broader purposes envisioned in
1960. Nevertheless, this proposal did result in an important emphasis
on wide citizen participation in the Commission's planning program. For
example, the Battelle Memorial Institute, a consulting firm engaged for
the Commission's Water Use Study, utilized over 100 lay and technical
people in the Lansing Area Water Advisory Council. This organization
was divided intomrking committees which reviewed water and water-related
problems for agriculture, industry, cmercial uses, etc. The experiences
gathered from using this group, as well as the other advisory committees
for various Commission studies, was to give valuable insights as to the
most desirable organizational f arm for the policy plan program.

The early planning program, then, was an important determinant of
Commission attitude and philosophy. Out of this program came a heritage
of problem-orientation, of wide use of citizen groups, and of tentative
references to policy guides for solving area-aide problems. The stage
was set for wider and more comprehensive visions of a planning program

keyed to policy planning.

 

23At their April 27. 1961 meeting, the Commission approved a
"Regional Advisory Council“ made up of separate committees which would
review the Water Study, Transportation Study, Public Utilities Study,
and Recreation Study. (TCRPC Minutes, April 27, 1961).

a . . II III lilv , I1;

'\

- -~-~-——.-u_

The Polig Plan Concept

During 1961 the skeleton staff of the Commission was eXpanded in
order that the basic fact-gathering and inventory programs could be
expedited. With increasing technical potential came the recognition that
some tentative beginnings could possibly be made toward the long-desired
Regional Plan. Accordingly, an application was filed for another federal
I"701" grant in September 1961 which contained the official beginnings of
policy planning for the Tri-County Region. The application requested
funds to complete the ”inventory" type of studies, such as land use mapping,
community facilities, and planning area delineation, as well as "To develop
alternative preliminary policy plans for the development of the Tri-County
Region."2h Also included within the grant application was the broad con-
cept of citizen participation in the planning process through the review
of alternate “sketch" plans.25

However, the concept of a policy planning program at this stage was
rather limited in scope, as indicated by the requested budgetary allotment
for the studies within the September planning grant request.26 The inten-

tion was the preparation of some very general "sketch" plans illustrating

 

21“I‘ri--County Regional Planning Commission, gpplication for Urban
Flaming Grant, form H-6702, Housing and Home Finance Igency, (September
2 p 19 1 3 Pa 3e

2S'l‘he application, which subsequently became Mich. Project P-21,
stated: ”In order to provide for public acceptance and action, several
alternate preliminary plans will be prepared, and a regional citizens
advisory council will be developed to test...citizen reaction. The alter-
nate 'sketch' plans will constitute preliminary goals and policies which
will materially assist in the preparation of a comprehensive deve10pment
p183.....," Ibide’ Pe 3e

2‘S'I‘he entire budget for completing alternative preliminary policy
plans for the Region was estimated at $21,000.00, Ibid., p. 5.

 

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-33-

alternate future growth possibilities which could be reviewed with citizen
groups for their reaction. Once reviewed, these sketch plans would consti-
tute preliminary possibilities as to the most "desirable" patterns of land
use within the Region.27

it about this same time the Connnission's staff was developing a
long-range work program which was to have a significant impact upon the
philosOphic framework of the policy plan program. Staff thinking upon what
form the eventual Regional Plan should take became solidified during the
spring and summer of 1962. 1 central them was developed in this program
for utilizing important new techniques in relating future uses of land to
transportation facilities.28 As this long-range program came into clearer
focus, it was realized that governmental decisions relating to both trans-
portation facilities and land use would intimately affect the growth models
and traffic models which would be part of a land use-transportation analysis.
It was further realised that an important "first phase in the preparation
of the plan itself are alternative preliminary policy plans, which begin as
written proposals."29

Staff work on a policy plan concept began in earnest during the
simmer of 1962. The objective was a Policy Plan instrument that could
serve as a series of ”inputs“ for written and mathematical growth models

to be developed as part of a land use-transportation plan for the Region.

 

27Ibid.. p. 3.

28This approach was subsequently developed in detail and outlined
in a staff prospectus entitled Joint Pro am for Lani Use and Transporta-
tion Planning, Lansing, Michigan {F‘ebruary 17, 1963).

291mm Minutes, May 2h, 1962.

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Since federal, state, and local governmental decisions were involved in
constructing transportation facilities, the Policy Plan program would
need to contain specific goals and policy statements which could be
agreeddupon by the various decisiondmakers involved. Moreover, if local
governmental decisions on land use would affect the‘type and location of
future transportation facilities, the Policy Plan document should also
suggest development goals and.policy statements which would be capable
of guiding local governmental land use decisions. In other words, the
"wouldn't it be nice if" kind of sketch plan proposal had to be replaced
by'a down-to-earth document which could be justified and supported-a
document which contained alternatives spelled out clearly enough and
logically enough to be adopted in principle by Regional decision-makers.

Another basic need which required solution within a Policy'Plan
document was the articulation of policies to aid in solving areadwide
development problems. The Commission's historic concern with problem-
solution indicated the importance of this program.element. In addition,
the Cbmmission's commitment to the utilisation of citizen groups was a
factor needing recognition in any program of'policy formation.

Given this basic program criteria, the staff'began the search
which was to lead to a conceptual framework for the Policy Plan.under-
taking. It soon became apparent that any policy program that,was pro-
posed}. had to proceed on a continuing basis from the general to the
specific. Chapin's thinking on policy planning contained the key'to
such a procedure.

As policy decisions are reached of a broad and general

nature, planning solutions can be developed in generalized
form. As these solutions are reviewed and decisions are

~85-

reached of a more detailed order, the planning process picks

up from there to carry the solution to a more detailed stage.

Thus both policies and plans are progressively refined to the

point where an acceptable plan proposal emerges.

The policy program, then, was conceived as a continuing process to
be carried on in intimate relation with the land-use-transportation portion
of the Regional Plan}1 The Policy Plan could begin as a general statement
consisting of written goals and policy statemnts and illustrated by sketch
plans showing alternate patterns of growth. As the Regional Plan for land
use and transportation evolved, and as more sophisticated analysis indi-
cated additional growth policies, the Policy Plan could be supplemented
by more detailed policy statements. These statene nts, in turn, could
guide local decisions on both land use and transportation facilities. If
such statements were agreed to by local decision-makers, they could then
become part of the criteria used in finalizing the Regional Plan itself.
This procedure, hopefully, would make the Regional Plan 'a politically
dynamic concept, influencing the governmental decision-making process
and responsive to it."32

Once the general criteria or objectives of the Policy Plan docu-
ment had been arrived at, the next step involved a decision on the basic
elements to be contained in the Plan itself. The contents of this docu-

ment should contain I'not a detailed plan for the physical development of

 

30Chapin, 92, Cit., pp. 272-73.

3lThis concept evolved from a series of staff discussions during
July, 1962.

32$tuart F. Chapin, Jr., "Taking Stock of Techniques for Shaping
Urban Growth,” Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 214,
NO. 2 (May, 1963); De BOe

 

 

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~86-

the Region, but rather a set of policies to guide governmental decision-
making and the preparation of physical plans."33 Moreover, the contents
of the Policy Plan document should also recognize the particular program
needs of the Tri-County Regional Planning Comission. These needs were
to (1) provide policy statements which were detailed enough to be trans-
mitted to local units of government as advisory suggestions which would
solve particular Regional development problems, (2) identify the need for
direction and research programs which would lead to more specific future
policy statements, (3) serve as an ”interim" plan pending the final devel-
opment of the Regional Plan itself, (1;) explore desirable changes in
environment based upon Regional growth trends, and (5) provide a frame-
work and policy guide for the staff in the preparation of a Regional Plan.

To accomplish such a comprehensive purpose, it was soon apparent
that the Policy Plan had to proceed from "first order" policy (or objec-
tives), to ”second order' policy (or goals), to ”third order' policy (or
specific policy statements).314 In addition, these general and specific
policies and their alternatives must be illustrated by some form of
"sketch” plan showing the effects of the various objectives, goals, and
policies upon physical growth patterns. Subsequently, the first tenta-
tive outline for a policy program was presented to the Conmission in

July, 1962 suggesting the basic elements of objectives, goals, policy

 

33National Capital Planning Commission, A Plan for the Year 2000,
92s Cite, p. 7e

3hAmerican Society of Flaming Officials, Policy Statements:
Guides to Decision-flaking, Chicago: Planning Advisory Service, Informa-
tion Report No. 152 (November, 1961), p. h.

 

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-87-

statements, standards, and sketch plans.35 The stated advantages to under-
taking such a procedure was "to give advice to those responsible for deci-
sions so they may work in closer accord with community desires, and to
provide levels of agreement upon which more detailed and extensive plans
can proceed."36

Once the basic outline of the Policy Plan had been determined, the
next step was the development of an administrative procedure for a review
of the document. Such a step was of utmost importance for if the Policy
Plan instrument was to have any real impact upon decision-making within
the Region, then the reasoning behind the goals, objectives, and policies
which made 1m the plan must be thoroughly understood and agreed upon.
Such needs indicated the necessity for at least some involvement in the
Policy Plan process by both citizens and governmental officials in the
Region.

In formulating a procedural or administrative approach to Policy
Plan formation, the staff soon became aware that the formulation of com-
munity goals and policies required a sensitive response to the value
judgements of the urban community.

What makes us formulate certain goals and utilise particular

policies and reject others? Underlying the whole process is
a nebula of social and environmental values.

 

351mm Minutes, July 25, 1962.
35mm.

37Twin Cities Metropolitan Planning Commission, Values and the
Planning Process, The Joint Program: Design Paper No. 3 (Jul-5, 1953),
P9 20

-88..

It was also realized that the formulating of development objectives
and goals by the professional planner ran the risk of personal bias which
could create plans for planners rather than for the public in general. This,
in fact, had happened in the early days of the "city beautiful" movement
when the grand designs created by planners had often been out of context
with conniunity goals and values. A soundly conceived Policy Plan, then,
would require the combined knowledge of many informed people who could aid
in setting the social goals for the Region.38

A tentative administrative and procedural approach to Policy Plan
formation was set forth in a staff report during the fall of 1962.39 This
report envisioned the wide use of a Citizens Advisory Council to aid in the
preparation of Policy Plans for the Region. The recommded procedure was
based upon the premise that "only when the citizens of the community have
participated in the selecting of goals which will shape their environment
can they be expected to support the action necessary to accomplish these
goals .uho

This publication set forth the following benefits to the utilisation
of citisen groups:

(1) A clear picture of the 121122! and objectives of the community

(as expressed through these citisen organisations).
(2) At least partial conmmnity consensus as to the 392;}, policies,

and standards applicable to the future development of the
Region.

 

38For further discussion on the planner vs. public ideas relating
to physical development, see Levin, Q. Cit.

39Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, General Approach and
Suggested Staff Procedures for Policy Plan Formation, An Intra-Staff
Report (October, 1962).

hOPresident John F. Kennedy's special message to Congress on
Housing and Community Development, March 9, 1961.

 

't
\»

(ti

-39-

(3) Provides a needed forum for free discussion of the kinds of
Regional problems which can be solved by'a sound planning
approach.

(h) Aides the planner in identifying conditions and forces
within the Region which help shape future growth patterns.

(5) Can assist in the determination of impartial and objective
recommendations to local governmental units for adgption
of publicgpolicies encouraging sound Regional develop-
ment.“1

The Citizen's Advisory Council proposed by this report recomended

a "policy“ committee and a number of "subject“ committees made up of lay
citizens as well as technical and.professional people.h2 As the planning
program moved from the Policy Plan stage to the Regional Plan stage, it

was anticipated that the committee structure would change by adding an
"implementation“ committee made up of governmental decision-makers within
the Region.“3 This outline of administrative and review procedures for

the Policy Plan undertaking was reviewed with the Commission at its OctOber
meeting and the Commission approved the general principle of utilizing a
Citizen's Regional Advisory Councilobh

Upon Commission approval of the Advisory Council idea, the staff

prepared a publication for public distribution which set forth the general

proposals for Policy Plan formation and review by a Regional Advisory

 

thri-County Regional Planning Commission, General Approach and
Su ested Staff Procedures for Policy'Plan Formation, 92° Cit., p.
(emphasis contained.in.the original).

 

hZij-de’ pe 7e

1‘BIbid., p. 9. This committee structure, however, was changed
later on in the Policy Plan undertaking.

LLTCRPC Minutes, October 25, 1962.

-90-

Council.b5 This report was primarily a public relations document to en-
courage Regional awareness of the policy planning idea and to create citizen
interest in serving upon the Regional Advisory Council.

‘When this report was presented for review before release to the general
public, the Commission had second thoughts about the notion of creating a
Regional Advisory Council. They were concerned not only about the inter-
relationships of this Council with other citizen committees already in ex-
istence but also were unsure of the value of such.an organisation to the

planning effort."'6

Release of the publication and the formation of the
Council was therefore delayed pending further detailed discussion.

During the latter part of May, 1963, a weekend meeting of the Com-
mission was held to delve deeper into the Policy Plan program and to
informally discuss the ramifications of a Regional Advisory Council. Out
of the long‘and sometimes tedious debate afforded by this conference came
the final version of a Policy Plan program.

Most of the debate during this conference centered upon the func-
tion and make-up of the proposed Regional Advisory Council rather than
upon any real concern with the question of the Commission entering into
the policy arena. A consensus of opinion was reached whereby the struc-
ture of the Regional Advisory Council would be broken into three basic
committees. These committees were to be (1) a Citizen's Committee made
up of lay'people, (2) a Technical Committee of professional personnel

which would aid the staff in formulating development proposals, and (3)

 

hsTri-CountyRegional Planning Commission, The Regional Advisory
Council: Its Purppse and Function, Lansing, Michigan (march, 1963).

harem Minutes, April 25, 1963.

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-91-

a Governmental Coordinating canmittee made up of elected and appointive
officials. All of these committees wertho review various phases of the
Policy Plan and were to make suggestions to the Comission as to the
desirability of policy proposals.

The prime goal of this kind of structural framework was the separa-
tion of lay citizens, technical people, and governmental officials by the
use of three separate committees. The Commission's elcperience with the
Lansing Area Water Advisory Council, created in conjunction'with.Battelle's
Water Use Study, indicated the desirability of this separation. The Water
Advisory Council.had been made up of a mixture of lay citizens, profes-
sionals, and governmental officials. This mixture, the Commission felt,
was one of the reasons why the Water Advisory Council had been largely
ineffective.

The Commission was also concerned with the proposed procedures which
‘were set forth for Regional Advisory Council review of the Policy Plan
document. There was a strong feeling that perhaps the Council could usurp
some of the Commission's responsibilities for decisions relating to
Regional growth, or at least make these decisions more difficult. The
Commission, therefore, desired to review staff proposals for various seg-
ments of the Policy'Plan‘bgfggg such proposals were released for Council
consideration.

.L revised Regional Advisory Council.make-up and an amended pro-
cedural outline embodying the Commission's recommendations was presented

in June, 1963, and approved by the Commission.b7 The distribution of the

 

ll"Fromm Minutes, June 27, 1963.

-99-

‘-

Regional Advisory Council publication was subsequently authorized118 and the
staff proceeded with the preparation of the Policy Plan itself.

Out of the staff seminars and discussions with the Commission which
were carried on during the spring and summer of 1963 came an agreed-upon
administrative and procedural approach to policy planning. This hammering
out of difficult decisions was serious business, for the future planning
program and perhaps the future effectiveness of the Commission was at stake.
Moreover, by tying the policy planning concept to»the land use-transporta-
tion analysis portion of the Regional Plan, a relatively new and untried
technique was being explored - a technique which would tie the very content
of a future Regional Plan to the policy Judgement of the Region's decision-
makers.

By'September, 1963 the staff had prepared a revised federal grant
application which incorporated the preparation of alternate preliminary
Policy Plans as part of the first phase of the Region's land use and trans-
portation analysis.h9 This revised grant was subsequently approved by the
federal government and secured the tie between policy planning and a land

use-transportation analysis for the Region.
II. OBJECTIVES, GOALS, AND POLICY STATEMENTS

With Commission concurrence of the makedup and function of the

Regional Advisory Council, the staff proceeded with work oh.the Policy Plan

 

I‘BThe Commission authorized the public distribution of the Regional
Advisory Council: Its Purpose and Function at their July, 1963 meeting
'TTCRPC Minutes, July 25, 1963.)

h9See revised.application,.Mich. Project P-2l, Description of'Work
Items, September, 1963.

-93-

during the summer and fall of 1963. In keeping with the theory of proceeding
from general to particular policy expressions, the first Policy Plan report
by the staff set forth a number of Regional development objectives for con-
sideration.50 This report was envisioned as the first of a series of staff
reports which.would begin with broad objectives and end.with visual depic-

tions of alternate forms of Regional land development. This procedure is
illustrated by Chart I.

CHART I. POLICY PIAN APRQCEDUR‘E,

   
   

: TOLICY FUN

PROPOSILS

 

VVRNFHEN
5FWFEI£ITS

 

ALTEKIAJE
Sliltfl PLAflS

Separate staff reports as well as separate review by‘both the Com-
mission and the Regional Advisory Council were contemplated for each step

within this procedure.

 

SoTri-County Regional Planning Commission, Staff Report #1 -.Regional
Dcvclgpnent Objectives, Lansing, Michigan (July, 1563).

-911-

Objectives

Staff Report #151 defined planning objectives as the "identification,
in general terms of the growth aspirations and development ideals for the
Region."52 These objectives, then, were intended to embody a wide range of
general planning principles which could be detailed by the goals and policy
statements for the Region.

Some thirteen development objectives were set forth in this report,
ranging from "efficient use of land" to "improve social amenities."53 While
these objectives were, by their very nature, general expressions of develop-
ment goals, they were accompanied by more definitive statements which
bordered upon the policy realm. The purpose of these statements was to give
the Commission and the Regional Advisory Council some tentative indications
of the policy'implications and value judgements contained within each
general planning objective. The following illustrates the utilization of
this technique.

EFFICIENT USE OF LAND - Land is one of the Region's most

valuable resources and should be used efficiently and con-

servatively. ‘Wasteful and inefficient land practices, such

as scattered and aimless sprawl development, should be dis-

couraged by public and private policies. Land should be

developed to its highest potential based upon its ”natural”

characteristics - such as soils and location - so that the

hereitage of an efficient and livable ph sical environment
can be passed on to future generations.

 

51Ibid.
52Ibid., p. 2.
531b1d0, pp. 5-1.1.

Shfl.’ P. So

y”-

-9<-

I

The report on planning objectives was subsequently reviewed by the
Omission and passed on to the newly-formed Citizens Committee of the
Regional Advisory Council.55 The Citizens Committee held its organiza-
tional meeting on September 25, 1963 and spent its next twa meetings in a
detailed, item by item review of the planning objectives report. The Cit-
isens Committee gave final approval to the proposed planning objectives on
December 1;, 1963 and transmitted the report back to the Comission.56

In the meantime, staff work had been completed on a lengthy report

covering specific development goals and policy statements for the Region.
Goals and Poligfitatements

The goals which society embraces are important determinants of the
individual's way of life. In the planning sense, goals are utilised as
”aims which will direct a long-range planning effort toward the best pos-
sible social, economic, and physical environment.'57 ioalsare intimately
{elatedtopolicies for "sound policies cannot be established until clear-
cut goals Rfififlb§9§§°d§9mm§dflsa In addition, the policies which are

developed to attain certain goals should be specific ”statements outlining

a definite course of action to reach desired objectives.'59

 

S5TcaPC Minutes, August 15, 1963.

56Minutea, Citizens Committee of the Regional Advisory Council,
December ‘4, 1963e

57Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, The Regional Advisory
Council: Its Purpose and Function, 92. Cit., p. 13.

58Charles W, Barr, Possible Goals for Capitol Center, Lansing,
Michigan, City Planning Board (November 30, 19627, p. l.

59Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, The Regional Advisory
Council: Its Purpose and Function, Loc. Cit.

r-

(I

-96-

Delineation of goals for development accompanied by statements of
policies to implement those goals are the central fiber which binds the
Policy Plan together into a meaningful instrument. For through these
statements are expressed the hopes and aspirations of the urban community.
Because of their very nature, the process of identifying goals embodies
decisions on the kind of physical and social environment desired by society.
Expressing these goals, in turn, presupposes that‘there are methods, programs,
or policies which can implement these goals.

Because of their central importance to the Policy'Plan instrument,
then, goals and policies must be stated, reviewed, and agreed-upon as a
distinct step in the planning process. The Tri-County Regional Planning
Commission's Policy'Plan progran attempted to take such a step with the
development of Staff'Report #2, which set forth numerous goals and policy
statements for the Region.60

This report attempted to set forth in one document all of the devel-
opment goals and statements of policy which the Commission's staff felt
were appropriate for the Region. They were based upon the factual infor-
nation which had been gathered by the Commission's staff in working toward
a Regional.Plan proposal. They were also based upon an interpretation of
the most meaningful growth trends which were at work within the nation,
state, and Region.61 They were not, however, intended as finalexpressions
of policies which could serve as a basis for a number of alternate sketch

plans illustrating Regional development.

 

6oTri-County'Regional Planning Commission, Staff Report #2 -
Regional Development Goals and Policy Statements, Lansing, Michigan,
TO—étober, 1963) e

61Ib1de, p. he

-97-

'While the prime purpose of Staff Report #2 was to serve as a policy
framework within which alternate Regional sketch plans could be formulated,
there were other important objectives which influenced the report contents.
As previously identified in Chapter II of this thesis, the Region contained
many development problems in need of solution. Solutions to these problems
would, perhaps, have a great impact upon the Region's future economic,
social, and physical character. Staff Report #2, therefore, sought to
identify the types of goals and policies which would recognize and imple-
ment solutions to these development problems.62

The goals and policies contained in Staff Report #2 were therefore
detailed in nature and broken down by subject area to facilitate their
eventual use as statements which could be used by the Commission to influ-
ence future public decisions. The Report contained nine subject categories
ranging from residential, commercial, and industrial areas to planning and
implementation.63 Under each category a number of development goals were
stated. Under each development goal a series of policy statements were
set forth which would aid in goal implementation. This approach is illus-
trated by the following excerpt from Staff Report #2 regarding one of the

goals for future residential development within the Region.
MORE ORDERLY RESIDENTIAL GROWTH

A. Scattered and disorderly residential developments caused
by premature subdividing should be discouraged and pre-
vented. .

 

62Ibid., p. 5.

63Ibid., pp. his-75.

B.

C.

D.

E.

F.

Local units of government should be encouraged to enact
subdivision controls which would require urban services
for residential subdivisions and bonding arrangements for
required subdivision improvements.

Agreements should be arrived at with local units of govern-
ment regarding a coordinated policy of sewer and water
extensions to new subdivisions. Urban services should be
extended only to new plats which are correctly located,
which can be-conveniently provided.with community services,
and which are properly zoned for residential use.

Zoning policies of local units of government should be
integrated with the objectives of the Regional Plan and
intensively zoned residential areas should only be per-
mitted where factual analysis can substantiate the need
for a given amount of residential land.

Land areas designated for future residential development
should be correlated with rural soning policies. Local
governments should be encouraged to develop truely rural
zoning districts which would prohibit scattered encroach-
ment of urban residential uses.

Once anticipated residential areas have been identified
based upon the future growth potentials of the Region,
local school officials should be contacted and their aid
enlisted in reserving or purchasing land for future school
sites within areas planned for future residential use.

The goal, in this case "more orderly residential growth," was fol-

lowed by‘a number of detailed methods, or policies, by which this goal

could be carried out. The detailed nature of these statements, however,

resulted in a great number of both goals and policies. In all, some 26b

statements of policy were keyed to b? development goals.65 A detailed

listing of these development goals has been compiled in.Appendix.A.

6h;2$2., p. has

ésggige, pp. hh‘75e

(U

-99-

This amount of detail, while attesting to the comprehensive nature
of the study, made it difficult to comprehend the scope and implications
of the Report. For each goal and policy statement were intimately inter-
related. For example, if a goal of less sprawl and more compact residen-
tial growth was eventually adopted and.policies were instituted to promote
this goal, the policies of each remaining subject area would also be

affected. This interrelationship of policies is illustrated by Chart II.

CHART II. INTERRELATIONSHIP OF POLICIRS

  
    
    
  

PARKS \WUTIES

“*3" M menial semis:
walk-f. facilities «In! aimless
asundapmnspns lssmnnmsrewansl

RESUENJHRu—___-—d|CMIMIRUML
‘W“U|*”“flldedw1 mmnImdwhqcemus
amsktlwhhflcs 1uuuleumns

swan hts shrunken.cl»d.

    

SCflOOLS TRANSPORTAflM IND “SWIM. AGmCWW‘E
ceshel locsfias teas frowns seeped groom‘s ham W
walk-t facilities sider wk Mb new?! utilities tram his: lead
four schools W mm ,, "seed ensure“ we. shes shes

As illustrated by Chart II, a compact residential growth policy
would affect the location, type, and intensity of commercial centers,
industrial developments, parks, schools, etc. In addition, a similar
interrelationship existed between the broad goals which were identified.

Moreover, many of these statements were alternatives which could not

'el.
1
.lllllll
'l

'\

~100-

necessarily be maximized at the same time. The full implications of Staff
Report #2, therefore, could not be readily assessed unless the total rela-
tionship of one group of policies and goals to another was comprehended.
And the detailed format of the Report was not conductive to this compre-
hension.

The proposed goals and policy statements were reviewed.by both the
Commission and the Citizens Committee of the Regional Advisory Council from
December, 1963 through February, 196R. The detailed policy statements
necessitated item by item review and time consuming discussion. The citizen
group and the Commission also experienced difficulty in seeing the inter-
relationships between a given set of residentail policies and policies
relating to industry or parks.

Nevertheless, the Citizens Committee adopted the Report in prin-
ciple66 and the Commission finished its review of the document in February,
196h.67

Also during February, 196h a further step was taken toward imple-
menting a policy planning program.for the Region. The Commission approved
the formation and make-up of a Governmental Coordinating Committee as part
of the Regional Advisory Council "to make policy recommendations to local
units of government within the Region on matters relating to land use and

transportation."68 This committee was to be composed of various state,

 

66Minutes, Citizens Committee of the Regional Advisory Council,
February 6, l96h.

6710mm Minutes, February 27, 1961;.
68TCRPC Minutes, February 13, l96h.

 

 

-o—--~.—.——~-——r-a~ar *-

-10}-

county, and local governmental representatives. This committee would
review not only the Policy Plan program but also the various policy recom-
mendations which would come out of the Commission's land use-transportation
study of the Region.

The die was cast, therefore, for a commitment to a planning program
for the Region which incorporated policy decision-making as a key part of
the planning process.

At the date of this writing, the Policy Plan program of the Tri-County
Regional Planning Commission had advanced through the goal formation and
policy statement phase. Yet to be devised.were standards relating to
Regional deve10pment and sketch plan proposals which would identify dif-
ferent future patterns of growth under alternate sets of policies and
goals.

Even with this limited experience, however, difficulties and problems
have arisen which may have far-reaching implications to policy planning as
a process. The immense technical difficulties involved in formulating
logical goals and policies, the problems of utilizing lay citizens in the
planning process, and the possible political ramifications of venturing
into the policy-formulating field all raise serious questions as to the
validity of policy planning. Yet the potential for really effective plan-
ning is the beckoning light which draws planners to the uncertain haven of
policy plans. If the risks are high, so, perhaps, are the rewards.

Chapter IV will attempt to set forth the problems, risks, and
rewards which are a part of policy planning and their implications to the

planner and the planning process.

CHAPTER IV
RISKS AND POTENTIALS OF POLICY PLANNING

Policy Planning is based upon the assumption that planning, regard-
less of the level of government at which it is undertaken, is a function
which facilitates the policy formulating process. This assumption has been

clearly eXpressed by the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations.

Planning is a necessary tool for many of the technical and
administrative judgements, both political and economic, which
units of local government in the large metropolitan areas are

- required to make continually. To be worthwhile and to serve
a useful rather than academic purpose, the respective facets
of metropolitan area planning must be closely geared into the
practical decisionsmaking process regarding land use, tax
levies, public works, transportation, welfare programs, and
the like 9 1

A planning program related to decision-making and policy formation,
then, is being increasingly embraced as a more effective planning method,
especially within metropolitan areas. In response to this philosophy, an
instrument called the Fpolicy’plan" has_been developed whichapproaches

me—uu’n

community decisions on basic policies as a separate and distinct step in

mfiqfiw~ W-nw-w.._r_, p , _

 

the planning process. Under such a procedure, a clear and explicit state-
men;:of:policies, including goals and Objectives, is seen as an integral
partmof the comprehensive plan.

'While perhaps sound in theory, the guidelines for a policy planning
undertaking are hazy, unclear, and confused. How can planning goals or

policies receive consensus of the regional community when no clear chan-

nels of authority exists within the fragmented institutional composition

 

lAdvisory Committee on Intergovernmental Relations, State Legisla-
tive Program of the Advisory Committee on Intergovernmental Relations,
'Washington, D. C.: (October, 1963), p. 87.

~102-

-103’

of metropolitan areas? How can common goals for development be arrived at
within the pluralistic value framework of a.metropolitan society? Is,
indeed, the professional planner qualified by training or inclination to
determine the first expressions of’goals or policies which may affect the
social, economic, and physical environment of society? Even if he is so
qualified, does the planner possess enough skill or diplomacy to obtain
political.agreement upon the policies or goals that he may set forth?

The many unanswered questions which are raised by undertaking pol-
icy'planning call for definitive answers which are, perhaps, beyond the
scope of this thesis. It is possible, however, to come to some tentative
conclusions as to the vast scope of implications whiCh confront the plan-
ner who undertakes a policy planning program. It is also possible to
identify'many of the apparent risks, prOblems, and potentials posed by a
policy planning program. Finally, these findings can also be related to
the implications and ramifications of the policy planning approach upon

the planning process itself.
I. DIFFICULTIES, RISKS, AND PROBLEMS

One of the basic difficulties which confronts a planner who desires
to undertake a policy planning program is the lack of guidelines or tech-
niques for such an undertaking. Esperience with policy planning programs
has been limited to a very few metropolitan or regional planning commis-
sions which have taken tentative steps in this direction. One of the prime
objectives of Chapter III of this thesis,therefore, was to outline in some
detail the conceptual.and procedural framework for the policy planning

program of the Tri-County'Planning Commission.

-101”

Another real lack in current planning literature is any documenta-
tion of the problems or risks involved to the planner or to the planning
agency in undertaking policy planning. Armed with an identification of the
pitfalls which may be concealed along the policy planning path, the profes-
sional planner could, perhaps, steer a more Judicious course in carrying out
a policy planning program.

It is appropriate, therefore, to identify the difficulties and poten-
tial risks in undertaking policy planning as well as the benefits of such a
program. This section will draw primarily upon the experience of the Tri-
County program as a basis for identifying the difficulties and.pitfalls of
a policy planning operation. These difficulties are serious enough, per-
haps, to constitute real "risks" to the success of any program.of policy

formation.
Technical Problems in Policy Preparation

figsually43he planning process has emphasised a general plan expressed

as a map of a desired land use pattern for some future date._ If goals or

 

 

objectives haveflheanupresaad_,a‘?..alla the? have.besenwssnsidered..inq91.19.13.

fi-H—"n'-.mflp

 

,-‘—--

general “reins? WK??? .sh_°§?,3n§aaias}9.sa- A typical mater Plan °b-
Sgtt;;;:’;;r example, is “the promotion and protection of the public health,
safety, peach, morals, comfort, convenience, and the general welfare'-a
stern commitment to the better 111%.? The past failure to give any real

expression or emphasis to the underlying goals or policies upon which the

 

2JeffersonB. Fordham, "Planning for the Realization of Human Values,"
Pl%g%ing 1960, American Society of Planning Officials, (Chicago, Illinois,
19031300

 

 

’\

-105 .-

master plan was based has been one of the critical weaknesses of the plan—
ning process, a weakness which has led to misunderstood or ineffectual
master plans.

The function of the Tri-County Regions' Policy'Plan was to separate
and identify the tentative objectives, goals, and policies which.were to
be the basis of a comprehensive plan for the Region. In addition, these
goals and policies were to serve as an interim tool which could be utilised
by the Commission in recommending policy actions to local units of govern-
ment. Therefore, the basic objective of the Policy Plan document was to
obtain general agreement upon the policy.framework of the plan from the
Regions' decision-makers. 'With such agreement regarding its basic premise,
the Regional Plan would hopefully'become an acceptable and useable document
which would guide local decisions relating to the physical, economic, and
social development of the area.

This kind of program required the expression of both broad commun- '
ity goals and detailed statements of policy which could be used to influ-
ence everyday decisions. It required, furthermore, some discussion and
identification of the growth trends and problems which would influence
the selection of a wide range of alternative policies.3

This proved to be a difficult task from a technical standpoint.

The comprehension of all of the development goals that needed expression

within a complex and urbanising Region was, by itself, a major problem.

 

3The impact of filternative policies upon the land development pat-
terns of the Region also needs identification under the Policy Plan
approach. In the Tri-County'program this identification will occur later
in the "sketch plan" phase where the broad development alternatives, and
their related policies, will be spelled out.

l.

-106-

When coupled with an attempt to articulate detailed policies which would
implement the stated goals, the technical magnitude of the task became
almost overwhelming. Each goal had to complement and harmonize with each
succeeding goal; the policy statements under each goal also had to inter-
relate with and complement other policy statements.

The complicated technical problems associated with goal arn policy
formation are, however, merely a reflection of the complex number of growth
forces which are at work within a metropolitan region. “In urban planning
and development, we face the problem of planning the relationship of
numerous variables for an integrated development to achieve a plurality of
goals that are simultaneously operative in a metropolitan area."h In
simpler terms, numerous policy guides must Be formulated to influence the
development variables which determine urban growth. These policies, in
turn, must satisfy a number of different goals which together will produce
a more desirable physical environment.

For example, the amount, shape, and location of open space land will
influence the chances of carrying out the recreation goals of the Region.
The policies followed in redeveloping the central city areas of the Region
will affect the fulfillment of cultural goals. The policies followed by
various local governments in zoning regulations will affect the goal of
'.more orderly residential growth."5 Also, the stated goals and policies

will unavoidably have implications for much more than Just physical

 

[Robert C. Weaver, Housing and Home Finance Administrator, in an
address before the Operations Research Society of America, Cleveland,
Ohio, May 27, 1963 (mime-o, May 28, 1963), p. 2.

5Tri-County Regional Planning Omission, Staff Report #2 - Regional
Development Goals and Policy Statements, 92, Cit., p. 133.

("I

”I

'0.

(I

I...L

 

 

-107 .-

developnsnt, since much of the physical.development‘which takes place is a
reflection of non-physical objectives and goals.

Planners, by training and experience, have recognized the multi-
plicity of changing variables which influence urban development. In their
"comprehensive" approach to urban problems, they have also recognized the
interrelationships of these variables as they affect land use. However,
much of this recognition in the past has been reflected in the master plan
proposal. The policy planning process forces the planner to separate the
various factors which influence growth and requires him to articulate pol-
icies which will guide those factors toward.a desired end.

The technical demands of delineating goals and policies can be sum-
marised by the following statement by A. Benjamin Handler.

When planning was simply'plannmaking, the complexities were

not so readily apparent. But with planning looked at in the

(policy) sense, what emerges is a seemingly hopeless web of

tangled intgrrelations undergoing constant and endless trans-

formations.

In developing goals and in formulating policies, the planner soon
becomes aware of the most serious technical problem of all-evalue judge-
ments. The very selection of Regional goals, and their accompaning poli-
cies, "are essentially value judgements; they cannot be deducedd by any
logical process because they are basically subjective."7 The planner pre-
paring goals and policies for community decision and action therefore runs

the real risk of imposing his professional bias upon society.

 

6Benjaminflandler, "What is Planning Theory?", Journal of the Amer-
ican Institute of Planners, Vol. 23, No. 3 (1957), p. ID7.

7Upstate New York Transportation Study, A Statement of Objectives
for Transportation Planning, Albany, New York (November, 1962), p. 2.

 

-108-

If goals and policies are to be a realistic reflection of the desires
of society, perhaps planners should "deliberatly identify basic and secondary,
or instrumental, values and toashape a plan with appropriate sensitivity to
those values."8 The scope of such a task, however, is possibly beyond the
capabilities of the professional planner. Moreover, the typical metropolitan
area is a web of "complex persons pursuing a variety of economic and social
goals. There is no image of the 'good metropolitan life'...."9 The absence,
therefore, of a recognized set of values for the complex social composition
within metropolitan areas makes the identification of a collective set of
goals for that society extremely difficult. Yet goal formation.and a col-
lective package of policies to implement those goals is a basic ingredient
in policy planning.

One method to minimize the risk of professional bias in formulating
goals is, perhaps,fiby'utilizing representative citizens to review the pro-
posed goals and policies of the planner. This approach.was utilized in the
Tri-County Regional.P1anning Commission program but it, also, has ramifica-

tions.
Problems in Citizen.Particip§tion

Initially, the Tri-County Regional Planning Commission created the
Citizens Committee of the Regional Advisory Council "for the purpose of

soliciting opinions and views on the type and kind of physical development

 

8Fordham, 92: Cite, p. 70

9Charles R. Adrian, Public Attitudes and Metropolitan Decision
Making, Institute of Local Government, University of Pittsburg (1962),
Pee

-109-

which is desired or anticipated within the Region."10 This group was to
review all phases of the Policy Plan, including in particular a critical
review and appraisal of growth goals and development policies.11 Another
underlying purpose in utilizing a citizen's organization was to develop a
broad basis of support for the Regional planning program. ”If we want
(regional) planning to succeed, not to be a fascinating intellectual exer-
else, we must make it interesting to people whom.we expect to live by, and
carry out, our plans.”12

By far the most important.purpose of this citisen group, however,
was the critical review of proposed goals and policies so that the profes-
sicnal bias of the planner would be checked and corrected. Planners, per-
haps more than other professionals, are aware of their limitations and
their biases. "The very gap that separates the thinking of the advanced
planner from that of his clients tends to lead him to dictatorial measures.
For his work teaches him that he can do little to achieve his goals by
verbal persuasion...."13

This kind of Citizen Committee function was, of course, a large and
difficult undertaking. Most citizen groups in the past have been formed

to participate in the planning program as a sounding board or pressure

 

loTri-County Regional Flaming Commission, The Regional Advisory
Council: Its Purpose and Function, 92, Cit., p. 3.

111bid., p. 10.

12Donnis O'Harrow, editorial in ASPO Newsletter, Chicago: American
Society of Planning Officials (April, 1963).

13David Riesman, "Some Observations on Community'Plsns and Uto ias,"
Individualism Reconsidered (New York: Doubleday Anchor, 195k). p. 13 .

 

I."
'1'
It'll.
1'1
I"
'

 

(C

-110-

group to initiate certain specific action programs.1h Very few have been
formed for the more comprehensive purpose of forming growth goals or aiding
the planner to determine the future physical form of the community, as was
the purpose in the Tri-County program.

The Tri-County experience to date with the Citizens Committee of the
Regional Advisory Council has not been entirely satisfactory. While the
membership of this group was carefully selected,15 there has been a notice-
able lack of interest in the Policy Plan program. Difficulties were exper-
ienced in obtaining quorums for the meetings and the highest attendance at
any meeting found nine of the fifteen members present.

Despite the poor attendance record, however, the first few meetings
of the Citizens committee stimulated encouraging debate and discussion.
'When the group reviewed the first staff'report on broad Regional objectives,16
for example, the discussion of the broad meaning and intent of these general
goals flowed easily and freely. However, the review of the second staff
report17 prompted little debate or discussion. The overwhelming and con-
fusing number of goals and policy statements may have been one reason for

such lack of participation. When these goals and policy statements were

 

1“American Society of’Planning Officials, "Citizen.P1anning Groups,"
Planning Advisory Service, Information Report No. 1&9 (August, 1961), p. h.

 

15Some 15 citizen members were selected to represent, as far as
possible, the geographic and special interest concerns of the Region. In-
cluded were representatives from the Region's universities, labor organiza-
tions, business community, agricultural organizations, and newspapers.

l6Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, Staff Report #1 - Regional
Development Objectives, Qp. Cit.

17Tri-county Regional Planning Commission, Staff Report #2 - Regional
Development Goals and Policy Statements, Op. Cit.

l
I'll
Ill.
all

 

o 8. mullln‘

.111-

combined with a comprehensive statement of trends and problems within the
Region, Staff Report #2 became a bulk and complicated document. If this
document had been broken into at least two parts-one on trends and problems
and another on goals and policies-a more direct linkage between trends,
problems, goals and policies could.possibly have been more clearly articu-
lated. A‘better organized presentation, therefore, might have alleviated
many misunderstandings and could have resulted in more fruitful citizen
debate and discussion. 5

Mere basically, however, there appeared to be no real interest or
concern on the part of citizens with the vital policies of'government which
intimately affect the physical environment. One could almost draw the con-
clusion that ”Americans don't give a damn-~or at least enough of a damn to
submit to the discipline and controls that would be needed to change the

'18 Here again is a demonstration that planner's values

(land use) pattern.
may be different thanflthe values held by the general public.

is indicated by the Tri-County experience, the unpleasant fact may
be that the average citizen is not necessarily concerned with the abstract
goals of efficient use of land, a better physical environment, or more
orderly growth. His order of values may make other and more personal ele-
ments of first importance. Such interests as access to local decision-

makers and local control over public school policy are perhaps of prime

importance to the citizen.19 These facts may indicate the desirability

 

V

18Charles R. Adrian, as quoted in Memo, Newsletter of the Michigan
Chapter, American Institute of Planners (Fall, 1962) , unpaginated.

19Char1es R. Adrian, Public Attitudes and Metropolitan Decision
Mamg’ 92: Cit.’ pp. 15-8.

r1

(1

(O

~112-

of presenting full sets of policies and goals to citizen groups-epolicies
which contain illustrative examples of the consequences of alternative
policy actions upon taxation, economic development, quality of services,
etc. In this way it may be possible to more clearly link the more personal
value system of the lay citizen to the more general and objective values of
the planner.

There are other related reasons why the lay citizen may not be
especially concerned with the future physical environment. The average
person adapts to his environment by choosing from what presently exists
and he "does not envision himself as determining what Ehill exist."20
Moreover, many citizens may be unaware of the undesirable aspects of the
urban environment and may be content with life as they find it.

....for the average man the contemporary metrOpolis is a vast

improvement over his share of the older city. Out of the row

houses and tenements, the street car and the loft building,

he has moved to the ranch house with its patio and two~car

garage, the job in the pastel industrial park, the television,

the children....21

In summary, the Tri-County experience with citizen participation
indicates the difficulty of trying to involve the busy, action-oriented
American citizen in the philosOphical reasoning behind goal formation or
in the need for public policies to improve the physical environment. As

a result, little contribution has been made so far by the Citizens Com-

mittee of the Regional Advisory Council in formulating written goals and

 

20Celia Vander Muhll, “The Use of Living Patterns and Attitude Sur-
veys in Regional Planning," Research Document No. 11, Washington, D. 0.,
Alan M. Voorhees and Associates, Inc. (n.d.), p. 63 (emphasis in original).

2lcreer, 92. Cit., p. 208.

[I

{a

-113-

policies for the Tri-County Region.

And yet the Tri-County experience also indicates a most basic reason
for the utilization of citizens in goal formation. For possibly one of the
most revolutionary implications of the policy plan approach is that it
requires the planner to express planning proposals in terms that make sense
to the lay citizen. To be fully understood, often these expressions must
break away from a concentration on physical development and articulate the
social and economic consequences of urban growth in terms which can be

grasped by the citizen.
Conflicting Attitudes Toward Government

One of the underlying causes of citizen reluctance to become involved
in any real analysis of goals or policy proposals was, perhaps, a negative
and suspicious attitude toward government. Many of the policies which were
proposed to guide future Regional growth were, by necessity, controls re-
quiring legislative implementation by local governments. ‘While not explic-
itly expressed, both the citizen group and some members of the Regional
Planning Commission itself were concerned with the creeping and growing
influence of governmental controls upon the life styles of s ociety.

The concern, of course, is legitimate and desirable. But negative
attitudes toward the legitimate functions of government within a democratic
society could have an adverse effect upon planning in general and.policy
planning in particular. For in policy planning the objective is to influ-
ence governmental decisions on matters relating to the urban environment
through aggressively proposing policy actions to the governmental unit

involved. Persons believing in limited powers and functions for local

4.131-

governments tend, therefore, to suspect the very nature of a policy planning
program. The values which.society'holds regarding the democratic function
of government, then, can radically limit the seeps and purpose of a policy
plan undertaking.

Man, according to Aristotle, is a political animal. "He lives, not
on his own, but in a society. Even at the most primitive level this involves
some kind of organization, and from this source the notion of order is
drawn."22 Since the time of the American revolution, however, the typical
citizen has been deeply suspicious of the power of government. During the
revolution the concept prevailed that I'govvernment, even it its best state,
is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one."23

This heritage from the past is reflected by many attitudes toward
government today. The inherited ideology from a pro-modern era considers
government intervention something necessarily undesirable, something to be
avoided. Many'Americans today still "tend to create a gulf between them-
selves and politics, preferring the worst connotation of the word to the
best."2h Such attitudes complicate the very process of policy planning,
for such a process involves the conscious seeking of social and physical
goals. "To suggest that we canvass our public wants to see where happi-

ness can be improved...has a sharply radical tone. Even public services

 

22Betrand Russell, Wisdom of the West (Garden City: Doubleday and
Company, 1959), p. 1’40

23Thomas Paine in "Common Sense" as set forth by Howard Fast, The
Selected Work of Thomas Paine (New York: Random House, Inc., l9h6), p. 6.

2hRalphM'cGill, "The Need for Nice'Men in Politics," The State
Journal, Lansing, MiChigan (February h, 196h.)

-115-

to avoid disorder must be defended."25

Conflicting philosophies and negative attitudes toward the function
of government, therefore, can constitute a real barrier to effective use of
policy plans. For policy proposals require governmental decisions and these
decisions spell politics. Moreover, within the present institutional frame-
work of planning, governmental consideration and action upon policies which
affect the public welfare is the only effective alternative available to
effectuate planning proposals. And planning preposals intimately affect
society's needs and wants. "In our society the democratic process is the
only proper means for resolving the conflicting value Judgements of the
community} When experts are entrusted with a multitude of value Judgements,
sanctions must be available...to insure that experts will conform to the
democratically formulated value .‘judgementso"26

For policy planning to become an effective instrument within the
planning process, public attitudes toward the democratic process of govern-
ment must move toward a more enlightened and realistic viewpoint. A wise
combination of public and private opinion channeled through the decision-
making process of a democratic government is needed not only to promote a
more desirable physical environment, but to preserve individual rights as
well. For it is "the paradox of this phase of the democratic experiment

that only through a resourceful and compassionate use of the instrumentalities

 

25John K. Galbraith, The Affluent Society (New York: Mentor Books,
1958). p. 211.

 

26Peter H. Nash and Dennis Durden, EA TasknForce Approach to Replace
the Planning Board," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol.
30, NO. 1 (February, 19614), P. 210

 

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-116-
of government can individual rights and democratic values be preserved."27

Risks in Political Involvement

The problems and difficulties which have been identified are perhaps
limitations to be overcome rather than reasons not to proceed with policy
planning. Political involvement on the part of the planner and the planning
agency is, however, a risk to the very function of planning itself. And
political involvement is a basic premise of policy planning.

The traditional process of planning has historically been separated
from the mainstream of political activity. This heritage dates from the
very beginnings of the planning movement and its association with the dogmas
of political reform. Nevertheless, politics and planning have over the years
developed a limited, if uneasy, relationship. The realization slowly has
come that plans, in reality, are fraught with policies which require polit-
ical action 11‘ they are to be implemented. Implementation, however, has
traditionally been attempted through the various legal tools of zoning, sub-
division regulations, and an occasional program of capital improvements.
While ”were "policies" in a broad sense, they were often acted upon for
other reasons than the effectuation of a pre-determined, long-range plan.28
The limited number of master plan prOposals which have received implementa-

tion have usually been special action programs related to specia1.and

 

27Walterl’. Reuther, "Policies for.Automation:, A Labor Viewpoint, "
The Annals, Vol. 3&0 (March, 1962), p. 109. _

28For example, zoning became almost disassociated from planning with
its popular acceptance and many zoning ordinances were not based upon a
comprehensive plan but, rather, were adopted to set and preserve existing
property values (See walker, 92. Cit., pp. h8-S9.)

 

1.1.x‘Ill'il-I’I‘" i.‘

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-ll?~

specific interests of the community, such as a downtown improvement program
or a slum clearance project.

A policy planning program seeks to change radically this past pro-
cedure. It attempts to articulate clearly the objectives, goals, and poli-
cies as a separate and distinct instrument which will form the basis of the
comprehensive plan. After such identification, it seeks to obtain agree-
ment upon these goals and policies by the comunity's decision-makers. In
the Tri-County program, this procedure will be carried one step further and
the policies which are articulated will, in appropriate cases, be transmitted
to local units of government for their adoption. This is a basic step for
"if one reflects back on the process by which a policies plan would be
created and adopted, it becomes clear that this can occur only through the
workings of a responsible unit of government...“29

The implications of this concept are obvious. For if planning goals
and policies are submitted to the public for review and consensus they also
become the subject of political debate. When the sacred elements of the
comprehensive plan are set forth for public scrutiny, they may be found
lacking or unacceptable. Moreover, the decisions which are made in the
public arena may be made on the basis of political expediency rather than
on the basis of sound planning. Therefore, the goals, policies, and objec-
tives which are the very basis for a comprehensive plan could become a
watered—down group of expressions recognizing only the limited and exped-

ient concerns of the present.

 

”Fagin, go. Cit., p. 1114.

~118-

When planning and politics have mixed in the past, the result has
often been failure. Shortly after world'War II, the Chicago Plan Commission
released a preliminary'master plan to the public for review and comment.
The plan came under intense attack by citizen groups interested in planning,
The charge was that the plan was no plan at all but only a means of pre-
serving the status quo. The principal factor underlying the limited scape
of the plan was the domination of the Plan Commission by conservative busi-
ness and political interests.30

Politics not only can affect the content of the comprehensive plan
itself but entrance into the field of policy formation can threaten the
very life of a public agency. During its existence, the National Resources
Planning Board carried major policy proposals to the public through a very
active publications program. The philosOphy of the Board ultimately con-
flicted with the opinions and philosophies of Congress. Basically because
of this idealogical conflict, Congress eliminated all budget appropriations
to the Board and it was disbanded.31 These and other similar experiences
ledfiwalker to the conclusion that ”planning agencies at any level are mis-
cast when they assume the function of political leadership."32

These past failures, however, may'have been partly due to a 153k of
democratic political involvement. The National Resources Planning Board,
for example, carried their'prOposals to people and officials which were

outside of the normal political decisiondmaking process. If the policy

BOWalker, 92. Cite, p0 3590
31mm, p. 365.
32113164, pe 368e

 

p..-‘ -

II:

to

.119-

debate had been undertaken through the Congress as a policy-making body,
then perhaps policy differences could have been resolved or compromised.
This would suggest that the risks involved in non-involvement in politics
may be greater than open and direct political debate. Policy planning,
then, must follow the democratic procedure if it is to be successful—a
procedure which requires submission of policy proposals to a legislative
body for debate, modification, and approval.

Nevertheless, political involvement is a serious break free: the past
heritage of planning which must be cautiously considered in light of the
frightening risks involved. Indeed, the risks, difficulties, and problems
involved in carrying out a program of policy formation are -of- such magni-
tude that the wisdom of undertaking a policy planning program is subject
to serious question. Do the potentials of such a program really outweigh":
the pitfalls inherent in policy formation? Does a policy planning process
truly widen the scope and dimension of planning? In addition to the risks
already identified, what are the impacts and implications of this kind of
program on the planning process? On the role of the professional planner?

These and related questions will need answering before the full

impact of policy planning can be Judged and assessed.

II. POTENTIALS AND IMPLICATIONS

OF POLICY PLANNING

With increased com for the problems and challenges presented by
metropolitan growth has come a greater understanding of the social and
economic forces which influence physical development. A greater understand-
ing of these forces has prompted the notion that regional growth cannot

really be influenced or controlled unless the dynamic forces which foster

 

‘.

-120-

such growth are manipulated and controlled. The conventional planning proc-
ess, with its emphasis upon a mapped design proposal, has been found to be
an insufficient technique for documenting the detailed interrelationships
which cause urban development.

'With greater understanding of the process by which urban growth occurs
has come an increased awareness that public decision, and in particular
public policies, have a great impact upon physical growth patterns.33 For
example, a direct correlation can be found between the extension of water
and sewer lines and the direction and density of residentia1.deve10pment.
Similar relationships can be measured between the location of new schools
and parks and the direction of urban growth. ‘While the convential master
plan took these factors and relationships into consideration, they were
not expressed or articulated as separate and distinct factors that could
be controlled to influence growth alternatives.

The master plan emphasis upon a physical design pattern also did not
clearly identify the related economic and social factors which influenced
growth patterns. The economic dependence of local governmental units upon
the property tax as a source of funds has often resulted in "fiscal
soning."3h This causes small villages or cities within a region to over-
zone for industrial or commercial activity rather than to base zoning on a

sound plan for the future development of the region. The most technically

 

33Stuart F. Chapin, "Taking Stock of Techniques for Shaping Urban
Growth," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 9p. Cit., pp. 80-

81.

31‘Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations, Metropolitan Plan-
ning, 9p, Cit., p. 1.16.

 

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~121-

competent plan cannot solve this kind of economic problem unless the basic
taxing policies within the region are adjusted or changed.

It is becoming more and more apparent, then, thatrpublic policies
and decisions can help shape and influence urban growth. Such recognition
has prompted an increased emphasis upon development policies for urban
regions which are based upon pre-determined goals and objectives. And the
indications are that such a procedure can be effective. In the National
Housing Act of 19h9, the stated objective of’a decent home and a suitable
living environment for every American family was set forth. "Although
general in its words, this statement...was far-reaching in its implications"35
for it helped foster a new era with broader horizons and new opportunities
to s olve housing problems.

Many other examples of existing or potential policy influences on
deve10pment can be documented. The influence of F.H.A. standards upon
housing development are well—known. In addition to enforcing underwriting
standards, F.H.A. policies could have a direct benefit in guiding local
land developments if they were coordinated with local land use objectives.36
Likewise, innovations in residential design concepts have been encouraged by
Section 233 of the 1961 Nationa1.Housing Act by permitting F.H.A. mortgage
insurance for experimental housing developments which will improve neighbor‘

hood design.37

 

353eport of the Policy Committee, American Institute of’Planners,
National Housing_PolicI, Washington, D. C. (October, 1963), p. l.

365tuart F. Chapin, "Taking Stock of Techniques for Shaping Urban
Growth," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 92' Cit., p. 81.

37Urban Land Institute, Innovations vs. Traditions in Community
Development,‘Washington, D. 0., Technical Bulletin H7’(December, 1963),
p. 101.

 

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~122-

' Positive programs of a regional nature have also been influenced by
policy considerations. The plan for the Washington, D. C. region38 proposed
a development policy whereby a number of new cities spread along major trans-
portation routes would be created. The new town of Heston is presently being
developed under this concept.

...the Year 2000 Plan was created as a policy to guide areawide

urban development. It is an important attempt to structure

metropolitan growth. Significantly, Heston was conceived as a

key part of the urban development within the western 'corridor'

of the Year 2000 Plan.39

The potential of a planning program linked to public policy decisions
is receiving increased recognition, especially on the part of the federal
government. Federal grants under Section 701 of the Housing Act are now
requiring that a statement of community goals and policies become an inte-
gral part of the preparation of a master plan.ho In addition, metropolitan
or regional planning programs carried on with federal aid must demonstrate
”that there is in existence a representative committee of local elected
officials that will participate in.the development of planning policies and
in the review of planning proposals..."h1 Under these requirements, the

regional planning function becomes more closely related to the political

decision-making process.

 

39From an address given by Gordon Edwards, Chief of the Planning
Branch, H.H.F.A., before the Fairfax County Federation of Citizen Associa-
tions, Annandale, Va., January 16, 196b (mimeo).

hoHousing and Home Finance Agency, Urban Planning Program Guide,
washington, D. 0. (September, 1963), Chapter 2, Section 3, p. 1.

hllbidg, Chapter 3, SBCtion 3, p. 9.

 

0.0

-123-

New state legislation is also being proposed which would make the
objectives and goals of the planning commission a part of public policy.
The proposed enabling legislation of the State of Kentucky illustrates
this trend.

The statement of goals and objectives is prepared by the

(planning) comission and is then presented to the legisla-

tive bodies of the cities or counties, which form the plan-

ning unit, for their adoption. By the development of a

statement and its presentation to the legislative bodies

it is hoped that some consensus on planning goals can be

reached which will enable planning in the community to be

comprehensive in scope. Once the statement of objectives

has been adopted by the community, all public building

projects which are constructed must be referred to the

planning commission for compliance with the comprehensive

plan. 2

These, then, are some of the trendsrvhich demonstrate the growing
potential and desirability of keying the planning function to the policy
decisions of government. Such potential holds the promise of truly effec-
tive planning which can influence urban growth by proposing development
policies for public debate and implementation. Rather than a complete
emphasis upon plan-making, the potentialities of policy planning would
indicate a new planning dimension where planning would be established "as
a way of making decisions (which) may be more important than any single

plan produced."b3

 

h2From."A Summary of Revised Kentucky Planning Legislation,"
Newsletter, Ohio Valley Chapter, American Institute of Planners (February,

 

. hJRObert B. Mitchell, Metropolitan Planning for Land Use and Trans-
portation, Washington, D. 0., U. 3. Government Printing Office, (March,
19 1 , p. ’12.

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Moreover, new attitudes are being formulated in an urbanizing society

which hold much promise for the wider horizons of policy planning.
ChaggiggResponsibilities of Government

In an age of rapidly expanding technology, human and social attitudes
are being re-shaped to meet the needs of an urbanizing nation.“ "In our new
urban age of mass society, mass production, and mass consumption,...urbanism
should be viewed as an evolving, ascendant, world-wide mode of consciousness
which is creating new attitudes..."hh

The critical environmental and human problems fostered by urbanism
have resulted in an altering of American political patterns and have stimu-
lated changing national attitudes toward government. A rapidly urbanizing
and well-educated society can no longer solve the problems created by a
technological revolution without utilising the instrumentalities of govern-
ment. Democratic government, in turn, is becoming more responsive toms
_”new technology putting added emphasis upon rational problem-solving, upon
a refined decision-making process."l:‘5

‘While conflicting attitudes toward governmental purposes still exist
within society, as identified in the first section of this chapter, the
evidence would indicate these attitudes are slowly changing. 'Encouragingly
there seems to be strong evidence that the openness of our political

structures is increasing. Leadership is more open than it once was to all

 

tharness, Qp. Cit., p. l.

LSThomas L. Whisler and George P. Shultz, "Automation and the
Management Process," The Annals, 92. Cit., p. 88.

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segments of the community...."h6 Moreover, a rapidly urbanizing society is
turning more and more to the process of government for solutions to metro-
politan problems. These increased demands, in turn, are fostering a wider
concept of the governmental function.

As new developments take place in science and industry, new

demands are imposed upon government. ‘What we may consider

to be the legitimate functions of government in the future

may be greatly different from our ideas at the present

time.

Under these wider concepts of government, the slum is no longer a
private concern, suburban sprawl is no longer the exclusive responsibility
of the speculative developer, and housing quality is no longer controlled
by the private builder. "The dispensation of land, while still technically
in private hands, now lies in the shadow of government: government power,
government regulation, government purchase, government insurance, govern-
ment subsidy."248

The widening scope of government, then, provides an encouraging
vehicle for policy plans which are geared to implementation through govern-
mental decisions. Under such an allegiance the scope of planning could
become as broad as the scope of government and "community planning...

(would) include all of the activities that government has to make decis-

ions about."h9

 

l“6Y01‘k Willbern, we Cite, Po 169.
hhfebster, 92. Cit., p. 5500

h8Abrams, 92. Cit., p. 223.

h9Joseph m; Heikoff,‘§}§nning.and the Urban Communitx) on rite,
p. 1230

0-00

I“

-126-

would the promise of wider planning horizons tied to governmental
implementation offset the risks of political involvement by the planner or
the planning agency? Perhaps, depending to a degree upon the administra-
tive techniques utilized to present planning policies to respective units
of government. If, for example, public administrators and elected officials
participated in the actual formulation of planning goals and policies, then
the final enactment of policies by the local unit of government could be
facilitated and political conflicts minimized.so

'While the widening responsibilities of government can provide the
vehicle by which planning policies are implemented, this does not mean that
government should control or dominate direction-finding. ”As controls are
applied, in our cities and elsewhere, the protections to freedom.must become
in considerable measure procedural protections. The needed protection is
against arbitrary control-«control exerted without deliberation...."51
Rather, government should provide an orderly framework through which the

end-directions of society can be channeled.

 

50Under the Tri-County program, Policy Plans as well as other plan-
ning preposals will be critically reviewed by'a Governmental Coordinating
Committee made up of elected officials representing various governments
within the Region. By such a procedure it is hoped that the planning pol-
icies which are eventually transmitted to individual governments for
adoption will be acted upon favorably, since officials will have had a
prior opportunity to review and discuss such policies in Committee activi-
ties. Political debate and conflicts therefore could be minimized under
this administrative procedure. This kind of framework also assumes that
while the planning for the Region must'be viewed as an entity, the indi-
vidual authority and responsibilities of local units of government must
be respected and reconciled with Regional interests. Also they are the
people who must ultimately act upon policy planning proposals.

SlIork Willbern, @. Cit., p. 169.

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~127-

The ends and purposes of government...may be summed up under

the term the "commonweal" or the common good. This assumes

that there is a community made up of human personaliti 3...

(having) purposes, values, and interests in common....

The policy planning function could, perhaps, contribute to such a
democratic governmental framework through the conscious seeking of long
term growth directions with the aid of responsible citizens. Through such
a procedure, value-oriented goals and policies can be afforded the widest
possible public debate and criticism prior to their enactment by political
decision-makers. Such participation could solidify the concept "that the
democratic system of government is one in which the will of the people is
the source of public power, the political order is subordinate to the

rights of man, and the free participation of the citizen in collective

decisions is assured...."53
Ehégsige Degrees of Citizen Participation

The first section of this chapter documented the problems and diffi~
'culties of integrating citizen groups into the policy planning process. Yet
”citizen education and participation in the planning process...remains at

one andthe same time a pious hope, a delusion-~and.yet a necessary goal in

planning."Sh The need for citizen participation in policy planning is

 

SZCharies E. Merriam, systematic Politics (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 19h5} pp. 31-32.

 

53From the Preamble of the Puerto Rican Constitution as quoted by
Reginold Isaacs Chicago: American Society of Planning

Planning 1959 (
Officials, 19593, Po g3.
ShIsaacs, 92. Cit., p. 550

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~128-

especially critical for the very process of delineating goals and policies
affect the life, liberty, and property of the public.

There are hopeful signs that the future may hold added citizen inter-
est and concern with matters which affect the urban community. The Protes-
tant ethic of work as an end in itself has been altered through an advancing
technology which provides a high level of living and increasing leisure
time.

The net effect of automation would appear to be a continua-

tion of the already existing trend toward a leisure-oriented

society in which work is viewed as an exclusively economic

activity and in which activities other than work serve to

iiizigehziattngiglcziiziiigcgg for the individual and to

As environmental problems increase in an urbanized society, it seems
reasonable to assume that much of the individual's leisure time interests
will be channeled into community affairs. Hoover, for example, suggests
that the present social and economic trends are leading toward a new orien-
tation of the individual's attitudes toward both work and citizenship.56
He envisions that the.futurs urban citizen will increasingly be concerned
with direction-finding and "an increasing number of responsible individual
citizens will be engaging in the adventurous game of formulating concepts
_Q§ end direction."S7

Evidence indicates that the metrOpolitan citizen is becoming more

interested and more concerned with plans which affect his environment.

55William A. Faunce (and others), "Automation and the Employee,"
.Ihe Annuals, Qp. Cit., p. 68.

56Hoover, 92. Cit., p. 6.

57Ibid., p. 7 (emphasis in the original).

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This is especially true of urban renewal proposals where much of the recent
citizen concern has been of a critical nature.58 An increased citizen in-
terest in community environment is also demonstrated by Detroits' experience.
Here, a ten-fold increase in the number of neighborhood organizations has
occurred during the last ten years.59 More significantly, many of these
groups were "enlarging their sphere of operations to include not only the
physical aspects of urban living, but the social.and cultural as well."60

These trends, then, provide a hopeful indication that citizen's at-
titudes toward participation in community affairs will change for the better.
Here, again, is reason for optimism in undertaking policy planning programs.
The exciting potential of policy planning can be greatly aided by dedicated
citizens working through the democratic process to formulate development
policies, aided by the professional planner and other specialists.

The potentials of policy planning, therefore, contain far-reaching
benefits to the planning function and to a more democratic process of gov-
ernment by which end-directions are openly and publicly arrived at. More-
over, policy planning can be a processivhich provides the framework for a
progressively more responsible role for the citizen in public affairs.

Coupled with this exciting potential are the implications and demands

which policy planning places upon the scope and function of the planning

 

58James O. Wilson, "Planning and Politics: Citizen Participation
in Urban Renewal," Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol. 29,
No. b (November, 1953).

59Michael Parks, "Block Clubs Use a New Broom," The Detroit News
(February 23, l96h).

60mm.

 

I III It'll Illl'l

-130-

process. For if the fullest potential of policy planning is to be realized,

the scope and knowledge of urban planning must be expanded.

Implications to the Planning_Process

 

The focus of policy planning is similar to that of the traditional
planning process.61 It is therefore concerned with the efforts of'society
to shape and improve the total urban environment. Like the conventional
process of planning, a policy plan seeks to influence the social, economic,
and technological forces which shape the physical environment. The ultimate
goals, therefore, "are clearlyhsocial, although the (policy) plans them-
selves are related to physical things and physical places."62

However, development of physical plans in the past has “been worked
out without adequate attention to the influences of environment and the
other forces that motivate people's actions and desires."63 In addition,
the past criteria utilized by planners in making decisions relating to the
physical environment have often been based upon such broad principles as

”efficiency” of land use or "minimizing" the journey-to-Iwork.6h

 

61There is debate, however, on the scope of a policy planning func-
tion. Fagin, among others, sees policy planning as an activity which an-
compasses "all of the activities that government has to make decisions
about." (Fagin, Qp, Cit.) Under such a definition, policy planning would
include the municipal budgetary function, the maintenance and serving
function, and the welfare function as well as matters which relate to,
and affect, the physical use of land.

62John T. Howard, Planning and the Urban Community, 22. Cit., p. 153.
63Webster, 92. Cite, P0 5520

6hJohnflW. Dyckman, "Planning and Decision Theory," Journal of the
pgmerican Institute of Planners, Vol. 27, No. R (November, 1961), p. 3b}.

‘1
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-131-

The policy planning process forces the planner to separate and clearly
and Specifically identify the multitude of goals and policies which affect
the physical environment. Because of such a process, the planner can no
longer fall back upon broad principles as reasons for a certain growth pro-
posal. Those principles or criteria can be used, certainly, but they must
be refined into clear statements of policy'which logically support the
reasons why certain decisions should be made. The increasing complexity of
the urban planning process is therefore more adequately recognized through
the undertaking of policy plans.

In addition to the complexity of the task, policy planning creates a
tremendous need for a widened scope of planning. If policy plans are to
suggest goals for the human environment, then planners must learn more about
the intricate facets of existing human attitudes, activities, and values.
The planning function, therefore, must expand its scope and change its
emphasis so that more knowledge is Obtained not only of society's value
system but of society's preferences for'goods and services. For "the more
planners can learn about urban behavior and attitudes the more precisely
they may be able to evaluate the probable consequence of their proposals,
and to assist the decision-makers in making a rational.choice among alterna-
tives."6S

Policy planning, then, indicates a need for knowing more about the
values, goals, and desires of the community as a whole. Moreover, the

planning process must utilize new techniques to obtain more sophisticated

 

65Vander Muhll, @, Cit., p. 7.

 

 

I .I
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-132-

and accurate measurements of these human wants and needs.66

More knowledge of peoples' wants and desires presupposes and under-
standing cf social behavior. ‘With policy planning, the planner can no
longer make assumptions of what people want or ought to want. Rather, new
knowledge must be obtained through the social sciences regarding the problems
and differences in social status and race, shortage of Job opportunities,
inadequate education, and low income.67 In short, if policies and goals are
to be formulated to improve the human environment, then the problems, diffi-
culties, needs, and desires of people must be known.

Our urban.society is dynamic, and the planner must be ever

seeking to discover what are the factors and the influences

that are motivating the activities of individuals. It is

possible that much of the motivation comes from social values

and intangible influences rather than influences of physical

environment. Planning progress for the future should seek to

discover what these values are and take them into account.

Policy planning emphasizes rational decision-making through the
instrumentalities of government. Yet there is little, if any, emphasis in
planning today upon the decision-making process or upon the scienze of
politics. But unlike the conventional planning process, policy planning
programs place their primary emphasis upon decision-making and the polit-
ical process of government.

For such emphasis to be effective, more knowledge is needed in

decision theory, political science, and the legal and philosophical basis

 

66Community attitude surveys may be a step in this direction but
techniques in using this process must be refined and improved before
Sophisticated Judgements of values and wants can be obtained.

67Webber, 99, Cit., p. 235.
68Webster, 92. Cit., p. 55140

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of government. Such a framework of knowledge, moreover, would enable the
planning process to expand its scope and utilize more sophisticated analysis
techniques. Better techniques, in turn, can foster wiser goals and policies,
as well as greater knowledge of the interaction of these goals and policies
upon the physical environment.

The newly developing decision models-awhich rely upon the new

data, the new theory, and, equally, upon the goal hypotheses

of politicians and p1anners-—are already permitting us to

simulate what would happen if given policies were adopted, and

thus to pre-test the relative effectiveness of lternative

courses of action in accomplishing stated ends.

The realization of such possibilities, however, requires a shift in
emphasis in planning to the more sOphisticated techniques of system analy-
sis, cost—benefit analysis, and operations research undertakings. Through
systems analysis, for example, development of written and mathematical
models could possibly "test the implications for land development of putting
into effect different policy combinations."70 The consideration of policies
as part of an interrelated system of decisions would also facilitate the
use of operations research techniques. "Operations research has been
described as an analytic method of studying the operation of a system or
an integrated set of actions."71

These new techniques, perhaps coupled with more sophisticated

benefit-cost analysis and electronic data processing, can apply scientific

 

69Webber, 22¢ Cite, Po 2360

7OStuart F. Chapin, "Taking Stock of Techniques for Shaping Urban
Growth," Journal of the American Institute of Planners,_gp. Cit., p. 82.

7lMelville C. Branch, Jr., "Planning and Operations Research,"
Journal of the American Institute of Planners, Vol 25, No. h (November,

1959), Po 1700

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methodology in arriving at an objective basis for selecting policies which
will benefit the public as a whole.72 And, hopefully, such techniques will
provide an urgently needed "formal process of setting metropolitan develop-
ment goals as a matter of governmental policy, and a technical capability
of demonstrating which course of action will best attain those goals."73

Policy planning, then, enlarges and to a great degree changes the
scope and emphasis of the planning process. To be truly effective as a
technique, a policy planning program must encompass a wider range of knowl-
edge, ideas, and analysis than has been possible under the traditional
planning process.

If the impact of policy planning upon the planning process is both
exciting and demanding, so is its impact upon the role of the planner. For
yesterday's planner could "appraise the relatively limited number of alter-
natives, react intuitively, and in the majority of cases render the 'right'
decision. In contrast, the planner of tomorrow may discover that the attri-
butes of 'good sense', intuition, and practical eXperience are inadequate

to cape with the complexity of modern urbanism."7h
The Planner's Role

The synthesizing of many related fields and technical applications

 

72Russell L. Ackoff, ”Op. Search: What It Is ~ How It Is Conducted -
‘What It Will Do," Chemical EngineeringProgress, Vol. 58, (January, 1957),
pp. hS-YS.

73Upstate New York Transportation Studies, Central Organization for
Urban Transportation Planning, Albany, New York (January, 1965), p. 1h.

 

7hGlenn‘W. Ferguson, Planning and the Urban Community, 92. Cit.,
Po 1950

 

-135-

places an additional burden upon the knowledge and wisdom of the professional
planner. Obviously, any one profession cannot be knowledgeable or proficient
in all of the fields of study and research which are desirable for a policy
planning approach.

However, the need for an expanded awareness of.social science, polit-
ical science, history, economics, government, decision theory, and related
techniques, such as systems analysis, suggests that the planner of tomorrow
may need to assume a different role.

In addition totacquiring more knowledge and insight of the complex
mechanisms of urban growth, tomorrow‘s policy planner may be the generalist
who coordinates and administers the findings of a number of related profes-
sions and channels those findings through the decision-making process of
government. Such a role would place the planner in a unique position of
public trust which would challenge his wisdom, integrity, and leadership
within an urban society.

Policy planning, therefore, could place the professional planner in
a new role of leadership, particularly within metropolitan regions. He may
become, in Adrian's words, "a kind of group therapist, a community hand
holder, and a verbalizer of our ideals."75 If the planner is to delineate
society's goals, he must be a keeper of society’s values and wants. If he
is to suggest desirable policies, the planner must be sensitive to and aware
of human needs. And if he is to implement those policies through govern-
ment, the planner must possess political ideals which do not encroach upon

individual freedoms.

 

75Charles R. Adrian, Public Attitudes and Metropolitan Decision
.EEKEEEJ.QEL_QEE°O P0 1h-

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-136-

This is a role for which the typical planner is poorly prepared. In
the past "planners have been mesmerized by their maps, charts, and models
and by the physical aspects of planning, frequently overlooking social,
economic, and, in particular, political factors."76 Past professional atti-
tudes toward government and politics must therefore be adjusted or changed
if the planner is to meet the policy planning challenge.

Association with the anti-political bias of the reform movement and
the protective shadows of an independent planning board have left the pro-
fessional planner with a heritage of suspicion and fear of politics. More—
over, the planner has traditionally approached urban problems with the
assumption that there is a "right" answer or a "right" principle which will
reveal a solution. When confronted with a politica1.decision of major con-
sequence, planners therefore are severely handicapped by their inability to
surrender the image of a right answer or to engage in political compromise.77
Yet if planning policies are to be guided through political systems by the
planner, he must become adept at political maneuvering and, simultaneously,
be true to professional principles.

To undertake leadership in policy planning, the planner must see his
role in a new light. He must be willing to take the risks and responsibil-
ities of a public administrator deeply immersed in the democratic process
of government. He must, perhaps, look at his profession in the same light

as the city manager.

 

76Clifford Campbell, "Legislators and Planners," Planning 1959,

92. Cit., p. 32.

771Martin A. Meyerson and E. C. Banfield, Politics, Planning and the
Public Interest (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 85-35.

0'1

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-137-

The city manager as a community leader submits policy pro-

posals to the council and provides the council with facts

and advice on matters of policy to give $56 council a basis

for making decisions on community goals.

Planners have traditionally prized their technical status as plan-
makers and advisors and have been reluctant to step into the policy-making
arena. Indeed, professional participation in policy formulation raises
ethical questions. Under traditional theory, the professional simply exe-
cutes the decisions and policies of government rather than participating
in their formulation.79 The goals and policies of society, however, are
perhaps too important to be determined by the legislative body alone. To
be a true expression of society's wants and values, the and directions of
governmental policy should be subjected to the pressures and controversies
of all of the public, including professionals. For within the democratic
process of government "decision-making...is most likely to turn out an
acceptable and product when the professional bureaucracy is a responsible
partner of the political leadership."80

Such a role for the planner demands the utmost recognition and respect
for the values of the democratic process. It demands that they see their
public service careers as instruments within the governmental process rather
than as a challenge to their professionalism. It requires that the planner
view his job in society as a means to implement the highest ideals of the

community, rather than as an observer of the urban scene.81

 

78The city manager's code of ethics as quoted in Meyerson and Ban-
field, Ibid., p. 202.

79Fritzll‘iorestein Marx, The Administrative State (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, l9577,‘pp. 2-3.

BOIbid., p. 185.

81H00V91‘, 92. Cit., p. 60

 

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-138-

A planner's role tied to political direction-finding has obvious
political risks. For when goals and value Judgements are debated, political
conflict and controversy results. Therefore, to carry out the needed new
directions of policy formation requires the moral courage to enter the rough
and tumble field of political controversy. "Whether in politics or in bu-
reaucratic and managerial administration...the moral courage of the indi-
vidual will be called upon with ever sharper urgency to preserve its integ-
rity under the relentless pressure of mankind's material progress."82 And
the arena of politics "imposes special tests of courage"83 upon all of its
participants, including planners.

The challenge of policy'planning, then, holds both exciting promises
and frightening risks for tomorrow's planner. To meet this challenge, he
must develop an enlightened concept of his professional role within an

urban s ociety.

Conclusion: A New Planning Dimension

 

The American centers of metropolitan pepulation face a chal-
lenge as exciting as that which confronted the fathers of the
Republic. The complexity of urban society places a new demand
upon our people to address themselves to the needs of the day
with a dedication and sacrifice hich will equal if not exceed
those of the nation's founders.

The professional planner can become a guiding force in meeting the

challenges of an urban age. To do so, however, requires a changed

 

82Compton Mackenzie, Certain Aspects of Moral Courage, (Garden City:
Doubleday'and Company, Inc., 1962), p. Th3.

 

83John F. Kennedy, Profiles in Courage (New York: Harper and
IBrothers, 1956), p. 2&6. '

8hHoover, QB. Cit., p. 23.

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-139...

professional attitude coupled with a fresh concept of public responsibility.
For if urban growth is to be influenced in any material way, a new planning
approach may be necessary-«an approach tied to policy implementation of
planning proposals.

To be successful, however, a policy planning approach must overcome
many obstacles. It must overcome the past heritage of a physical planning
emphasis, a past reluctance to associate with the political process of gov-
ernment, and the past bias of a grand plan as the solution to all urban
ills.

There are other deep and penetrating problems in policy formation.
The confusing lack of any agreed-upon social goals, the complex value sys-
tem of an urban society, the discouraging evidence of citizen lethargy
regarding the urban environmento-all present serious questions as to the
validity of the policy plan approach.

Other difficulties and limitations must be overcome before really
effective policy plans can become a reality. A staggering amount of new
knowledge about urbanisnand its by-products to s ociety must be obtained.
A disturbing number of new techniques must be understood and mastered. A
distressing number of attitude changes must take place toward government
and the physical environment. And perhaps most serious of all, the basic
concepts of planners regarding their professional role and purpose must
be re-examined and a new moral direction must be developed. Such a re-
direction of professional purpose would place the planner in a new posi-
'tion of responsibility for posing the great issues of urban life, for pro-
viding the opportunity for wide public debate of those issues, and for

recommending courses of public action which would enhance man's environment.

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Yet despite the serious risks, and perhaps because of the challenging
problems, the promise of policy'planning lights the dim and discouraging
darkness which surrounds ineffectual plans. For here is a concept which
holds the promise of identifying community values and arriving at community
goals; of documenting the forces which influence the urban environment and
formulating policies to guide those forces to pre-conceived goals; of de-
veloping plans with an agreed-upon framework of public policies which would
be acceptable to and utilized by public decision-makers to create a more
livable urban environment.

These, then, are the challenges and the promises of policy plans.
Their impact and implications truly present a significant new dimension

to the planning process.

APPENDIX A

APPENDIX A

n "

 

Residential Areas
I. More Efficient and Economical Settlement Patterns
II. More Pleasing Residential Design
III. Development of Neighborhood Units
IV. Preserve and Enhance Established Residential Areas
V. A'Wider Variety of Housing Choice
VI. More Orderly Residential Growth

Commercial Areas

 

I. Development of Attractive and Healthy Commercial Districts

II. Separate Commercial Uses from Residential.lhstricts

III. Restrict Commercial Strips

IV. Stabilize and Improve Existing Regional Centers

V. A.Realistic Allocation of Commercial Land

Industrial Areas

I. A Broad and Diversified Industrial Base

II. An Objective Analysis of Regional Industrial Potential
-1b2-

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V.

VI.

-153-

Provision of Desirable Industrial Land

A Realistic Allocation of Industrial Land

Rehabilitate or Replace Deteriorating or Obsolete Industrial Areas

Promote Sound Economic Growth

agricultural Areas

 

I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

Continuation of Agriculture as a Basic Regional Industry

A Better Identification of Rural Problems and Needs

Preservation of Prime Agricultural Land

Coordinate Rural Planning with Regional Open Space Needs

Additional Economic Opportunities within Rural Areas

Promote Sound Rural Development

Parks and Open Space

1.

II.

III.

VI,

A Balanced and Adequate Regional Park System

A Comprehensive Park System which will Shape Regional Growth

A Regiondwide Open Space Program

Provide Better Recreation Facilities for all Age Groups

Acquire or Reserve Park Sites in Advance of Development

Acquire and Develop Regional Parks

v')

water and Natural Resources

I.

V.

VI.

Wise and Optimum Use of Water and Natural Resources

Better Flood Control and Flood Prevention Measures

Conserve the Ground.Water Resource

Stabilize and Improve the Surface Water Resource

Provide a Regional System of MultipleAPurpose Reservoirs

Effective Control of.Artifical Lake Developments

Transportation and Circulation

I.

II.

V.

A Balanced and Efficient Transportation System

A Transportation System to Shape as well as Serve Regional Growth

Better Locations and Improved Design of major Transportation Arteries

Encourage Mass Transit Facilities

Implement a Regiondwide Transportation System

Schools and Public Facilities

Guide Future Growth by Provision of’Public Facilities

More Attractive and Efficient Public Buildings

Efficiently Located School Services

Acquire School Sites in Advance of Development

lllllllll'lll

II!!!"

I

.--—.

-115-
Planning and Implementation

I. Better Planning Coordination

II. Effective Regional and Local Planning

III. More Effective Implementation of Plans

 

Source: Tri-County Regional Planning Commission, Staff Reggrt4§2 -
IRegdonal Development Goals and Policy Statements, Lansing,Hichigan

(October, 1963). ppoUh-TS.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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o "The Urban Real Estate Cycle - Performance and Prospects",
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-150-

. "World Urbanization: EXpanding Population in a Shrinking World",
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Isaacs, Reginald. Planning 1959. Chicago: American Society of Planning
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Lee, James E. "Role of the Planner in the Present: A Problem in Identi-
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McGill, Ralph. "The Need for Nice Men in Politics", The State Journal,
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Meyerson, Martin. "The Planning Future", Planning 1959, Chicago: American
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Nash, Peter H. and Durden, Dennis. "A Task-Force Approach to Replace the
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1953).

O'Harrow, Dennis. ASPO Newsletter. Chicago: American Society of Plan-
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. "New Techniques for Shaping Urban Expansion", Planning_Advisogy
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Olmstead, F. L. "The Town Planning Movement in America", The Annals,
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Parks, Michael. "Block Clubs Use a New Broom", The Detroit Nags, Detroit,
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Heisman, David. "Some Observations on Community Plans and Utopias",
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Reuther, Walter P. "Policies for Automation: A Labor VieWpoint", The
Annals, vol. 3&0 (March, 1962).

Santa Clara County Planning Commission. Plans, San Jose, California
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-151-
Stevenson, Adlai. "National Purpose: Part II, Extend Our Vision...to All
Mankind", Life (May 30, 1960).

Urban Land Institute. Innovations vs. Traditions in Community Development.
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Webber, Melvin M. "Comprehensive Planning and Social Responsibility:
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Whisler, Thomas L. and Shultz, George P. "Automation and the Management
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Willbern, York. "Urban Regions: The Challenges and Achievements in Human
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Wilson, James 0. "Planning and Politics: Citizen Participation in Urban
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Reports and Pamphlets
Adrian, Charles. Public Attitudes and Metropolitan Decision Making, Insti-
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Barr, Charles W. Possible Goals for Capital Center, City Planning Board,
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Brown, Robert K. Public Housing Legislation - An Interpretation, Atlanta:
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Capital Regional Planning Agency. Regional Plan Alternatives, Hartford,
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Committee on Government Operations, National Survey of Metropolitan Plan:
ning, U. 8. Senate, Washington, D. C. (1953).

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Detroit Metropolitan Area Traffic Study, Part I, Detroit, Michigan (July,

1935’ X

Eaton County Extension Service, Long-Range Planning Committee, Eaton County
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Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission. On Wedges and
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Michigan State Universit . Economic and Population Base Stool of the
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. Michigan's Population Changes During the 1950’s, Institute for
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. Michigan Population 1960, Agricultural Experiment Station, East
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. Population of Michigan Counties: Projections to 1970, Institute
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Mitchell, Robert B. Metropolitan Planning for Land Use and Transportation.
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National Capital Planning Commission. A Policies Plan for the Year 2000,
'Washington, D. C. (1961).

‘gewsletter,)0hio Valley Chapter, American Institute of Planners (February,
196k .

Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission. Outdoor Recreation for
America, Washington, D. C. (January, 1962).

 

Penn-Jersey Transportation Study. Alternative Transportation Systems and
Associated Sets of Policies, PJ Paper No. 10, Philadelphia,
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Regional Plan Association. "Hitting Tomorrow's Targets", Goal§_for the
Region Project, New York: Regional Booklet No. S (May, 1963);

 

. Spread City, Bulletin No. 100, New York, New York (September,
"" ' " 196§T.

Report of the Policy Committee. National Housing Polioy, American Insti-
tute of Planners, Washington, D. C., U. S. Government Printing
Office (1963).

 

The League of Women Voters of the Lansing Area. Toogy and Tomorrow in the
Lansing Metropolitan Area, Lansing, Michigan (February, 1961)

 

'--—-.‘-__‘

I.

~153-

The Report of the President's Commission on National Goals. Goals for
Americans, Columbia University, 1960.

Tri-County Regional Planning Commission. Physical Development Factors,
Lansing, Michigan (March, 1961).

 

. Outdoor Recrwetion: An Inventory, Lansing, Michigan (January,

1962.)
. Tranooprtation: An Inventogy, Lansing, Michigan (January, 1962).
. Annual Report: 1962—62, Lansing, Michigan (August, 1963).

Staff Report #2 - Regional Development Goals and Policy Statements,
Lansing;—Michigan (October, 1963).

 

. Staff Report #1 - Regional Development Objectivoo, Lansing, Michi-

. The Regional Advisory Council: Its Purpose and Function, Lansing,
Michigan (march, 1963).

. Preliminaoy Outline, Long-Range Planning Program, Lansing, Michi-

. The Functional Organization of the Lansirg Tri—County Region:
Needs and Problems,fiLansing, Michigan (1959).

. Progress Report, Lansing, Michigan (January, 1960).

 

. Joint Proggam for Land Use and Trangportation Plannin", Lansing,
Michigan (February 17, 1953, Mimeo.).

Twin Cities Metropolitan Area Planning Commission. The Ten Elements of the

Joint Pro ram, Design Paper No. 6, Minneapolis, Minnesota (June,
1953).

 

. Values and the Planning_Process, Design Paper No. 8, Minneapolis,
Minnesota (July, 1953)}

Upstate New York Transportation Study. A Statement of Objectives for Trans-
portation Planniog, Albany, New Ybrk (November, 1932 .

 

. Central Organization for Urban Transportation Planning. Albany,
New York (January, 196h).

U. 8. Bureau of the Census. U. S.C ensus of Populatifl 1960: General
Social and Economic Characteristics, Michigon, Eizlal Report PC\l)-
ZLC, Washington, D. C.

 

. §5_S. Census of Population, Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department
of Commerce, 1955.

M—

 

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U. 5. Housing and Home Finance Agency. Urban Planning Program Guide,'Wash-
ington, D. C. (September, 1963).

U. S. Senate.- Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations, Metropolitan
Planning, Washington, D. C., U. 5. Government Printing Office—(1963).

 

VanderMuhl, Celia. "The Use of LiVing Patterns and Attitude Surveys in
Regional Planning", Research Document No. ll, Washington, D. C.:
Alan M. Vorhees and Associates, inc. (n:d:7.

 

Watson, Thomas J. "Technological Change". Goals for>Americans, Columbia
University, 1960.

 

Unpublished Material

Adrian, Charles as quoted in Nero, Newsletter of the Michigan Chapter,
American Institute of Planners, Fall, 1962.

Bauer, Catherine. A paper delivered at the Columbia University Bicentennial
Conference on the Metropolis, New York, January 9, 19Sh (mimeographed).

Edwards, Gordon. An address given before the Fairfax County Federation of
Citizen Associations, Armandale, Va., January 16, 1961; (nimeographed).

Farness, Sanford 8. Preliminary Out ine Toward a Prospegtus for Humanistig
and Environmental Studies, Last Lansing: ‘Nfichigan State University,
May, 1963 (mimeographedj:

 

 

TCRPC Minutes. March 28, 1957.
. August 27, 1959.

. December 2, 1959.

. February'ZS, 1960.

. March 2h, 1960.

. April 27, 1961.

. May 2h, 1962.

. July 25, 1962.

. October 25, 1962.

. April 25, 1963.

. June 27, 1963.

 

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JIIII

. July 25, 1963.

. August 15, 963.

. February 27, 196D.

. February 13, 196h.

Tri-County Regional Planning Commission. General_§pproaeh and Suggested

Staff Procedures for Policy Plan Formation, an Intra-Staff Report,
October, 1962 kmimeographedj.

 

. Summary of General Economic and Population Information for'the
Lansing Tri-County_Region, an unpublished staff report, February,
1363 \mimeographed).

 

. gpplication for Urban Planning_Grant, Form H—6702 (September 28,
1961).

 

Weaver, Robert C. An address before the Operations Research Society of
America, Cleveland, Ohio, May 27, 1963 (mimeographed).

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