.'-- I --v {Aa‘gngl‘ ' -—‘a"L -'.- ISI‘UDY or A SUBURBAN WEEKLY NEWSPAPER IN COMPETITION WITH A- URIYmSlTY DAILY NEWSPArm Win: the Dogma of EA. IUIEIRAN STATE UNIVERSITY PETER JEREMIAH RONAGRUE : JUN-221999 Accepted by the faculty of the School of Journalism, College of Communication Arts, Michigan State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree. Director of Thes s ABSTRACT THE EAST LANSING TOWNE COURIER: STUDY OF A SUBURBAN WEEKLY NEWSPAPER IN COMPETITION WITH A UNIVERSITY DAILY NEWSPAPER 35’ Peter Jeremiah Donaghue In the thirty years since the end of World War II, the growth of suburban communities, usually at the expense of central cities, has significantly altered American newspaper publishing patterns. This movement to the suburbs has been reflected in rapid growth of the suburban press during a period in which metropolitan daily newpapers have been merging and declining in number, while perhaps not coincidentally becoming more regional in scope. The Towne Courier is a weekly newspaper serving East Lansing, Michigan, a suburb of Lansing and also the site of Michigan State University. The university State News, published by students daily during the nine-month academic year, is devoted primarily to coverage of the university but does cover East Lansing city affairs to some extent. The Towne Courier therefore finds itself in the unique situation of being a suburban weekly newspaper in indirect competition with a partially-subsidized university daily newspaper. Purpose of this study is to determine what kind of a commun- ity East Lansing is, to take an overview of suburban and community newspapers in general, and to look specifically at the Towne Courier editorial policies and practices. Included in this study is a content analysis of the Towne Courier and its editorial page, a look at its organi- zational chart and work flow, and exploration of the publisher's editorial philosophy, and some conclusions which can be gathered from these observations. THE EAST LANSING TOWNE COURIER: STUDY OF A SUBURBAN WEEKLY NEWSPAPER IN COMPETITION WITH A UNIVERSITY DAILY NEWSPAPER By Peter Jeremiah Donaghue A THESIS Submitted to the School of Journalism Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS 1975 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author has been working for newspapers full and part- time for twenty-five years, and twenty-three of these have been spent on weekly newspapers, both in-city and suburban. When he came to East Lansing to do graduate work in journalism, his interest naturally turned to the local community weekly newspaper, the Town Courier. This interest developed into the study presented on these pages. Although this study is focused on one newspaper, similar conditions may exist in college suburbs elsewhere, and perhaps some observations made here may be applicable in other situations.. A particular debt of gratitude is owed to Mrs. Vivian F. Oates, editor and publisher of the Towne Courier, for her cheerful, efficient, and complete cooperation with the author's research. The author is also deeply indebted to the entire faculty of the School of Journalism at Michigan State Univeréity for making this past year one of the most stimulating, educational, and memorable ones it has been his pleasure to enjoy. Special thanks are due the thesis adviser, Dr. George A. Hough, 3rd, for his helpful suggestions, keen criticism, and hours of consultation, reading, and editing of this manuscript. But most of all, to the only one who really made it possible, Marge. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................ ii LIST OF TABLES ........................ iv LIST OF FIGURES ........................ v LIST OF APPENDICES ....................... vi Chapter I. EAST LANSING AS A SATELLITE CITY ............ l II. WEEKLY AND SUBURBAN NEWSPAPERS: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ............... l4 III. TOWNE COURIER BEGINNING, OWNERSHIP PRESENT STAFF, AND NEWS OPERATION ........... 33 IV. CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE TOWNE COURIER FOR TEN-WEEK PERIOD FROM OCTOBER 2 TO DECEMBER 4, l974 ............. 45 V. THE EDITORIAL PAGE AND COVERAGE OF TWO UNIVERSITY-CITY ISSUES ............. 59 VI. ROLE OF THE TOWNE COURIER EDITOR AND PUBLISHER ................. 74 VII. THE TOWNE COURIER AS A COMMUNITY NEWSPAPER: Conclusions ...................... 8l FOOTNOTES .......................... 85 APPENDICES ......................... 9l BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................... 95 Table 01-wa ll. 12. l3. I4. 15. LIST OF TABLES Page POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BETWEEN CENTRAL CITIES, SUBURBS, AND NON-METROPOLITAN AREAS, l940-l97O ...... 2 EAST LANSING POPULATION GROWTH FROM l940-l97O ...... 8 TRENDS IN NEWSPAPER OWNERSHIP, l880-l968. ... . . . . l6-l6a NUMBER OF DAILY NEWSPAPER, l946-1973 .......... l8 WEEKLY NEWSPAPER CIRCULATION AND ESTIMATED READERSHIP, l955-l975 ........... l9 PERCENTAGE OF SUBURBAN READERS WHO PREFER A SUBURBAN WEEKLY FOR CERTAIN TYPES OF NEWS COVERAGE IN THEIR OWN COMMUNITY ......... 26 NEWSPAPER READERSHIP HABITS ............... 29 DUPLICATION OF NEWSPAPER READERSHIP ........... 3O PAID AND FREE CIRCULATION OF TOWNE COURIER, l970-74 . . . 36 ASSIGNMENT, EXPERIENCE, AND EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF TOWNE COURIER EDITORIAL PERSONNEL ..... 39 ADVERTISING AND EDITORIAL SPACE OF THE TOWNE COURIER BY ISSUE FOR THE TEN-WEEK PERIOD FROM OCTOBER 2 TO DECEMBER 4, l974 ........... 48 TOWNE COURIER NEWS RATIO ACCORDING TO CATEGORY DURING TEN-WEEK PERIOD OCTOBER 2 TO DECEMBER 4,l974 . . . 52 TOWNE COURIER NEWS RATIO ACCORDING TO CATEGORY EACH WEEK FROM OCTOBER 2 TO DECEMBER 4, l974 ...... 55-56 NUMERICAL ANALYSIS OF TOWNE COURIER EDITORIAL PAGE ARTICLES BY ISSUE FROM OCTOBER 2 TO DECEMBER 4, 1974 ........... 6O MEASUREMENT OF LOCAL EMPHASIS OF TOWNE COURIER EDITORIALS IN TEN-WEEK PERIOD FROM OCTOBER 2 T0 DECEMBER 4, 1974 ........... 68 iv LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page I. ORGANIZATIONAL CHART OF THE TOWNE COURIER DEPARTMENT HEADS AND EDITORIAL STAFF ........... 37 2. TOWNE COURIER CARTOON JULY 17, 1974 ON UNIVERSITY HOUSING DECISION .............. 7la LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page A. QUESTIONS AND REPLIES TO TOWNE COURIER READERSHIP SURVEY ............. 9]} vi CHAPTER I EAST LANSING AS A SATELLITE CITY The suburban phenomenon as we know it is a comparatively recent development, receiving its initial impetus in the post war boom immediately following World War II and continuing unchecked through the 1 reported in 1960 that 19505. The Committee for Economic Development almost one-half of all the population of Standard Metropolitan Statis- tical Areas (SMSA) used by the Bureau of the Census to measure urban trends lived outside the central cities of those areas, and if that trend continued "a majority of all American will live in Suburbia before the year 2000." Table l shows the growth of suburban areas, listed as "outside central city" in the table, from l94O to 1970. The 1970 census for the first time showed more people living in suburban areas than either in the central cities or non-metropolitan, or rural, areas. Even though all suburbs have some general similarities, the idea that there is only one kind of suburb muSt be discarded as quickly ' as the notion that there is only one kind of city. Scott Donaldson2 defines a suburb as a community lying within commuting distance of a central city, usually but not always dependent on the central city economically and culturally, and usually but not always independent politically of the central city. Obviously not all suburbs fall neatly within this definition. 3 Sociologist Leo F. Schnore classifies subordinate centersztbat have TABLE 1 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BETWEEN CENTRAL CITIES, SUBURBS, AND NON-METROPOLITAN AREAS, 1940-1970 Year Total SMSA Non-metropolitan population SMSA population Inside Outside Central City Central City 1940 69,279,675 43,391,718 25,887,957 62,389,600 1950 89,316,903 52,371,379 36,945,524 62,008,895 1960 112,885,178 58,004,334 54,880,844 66,437,997 1970 139,418,811 63,796,943 75,621,868 63,793,115 SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau, Census Reports, 1940, 1950, 1960,1970 Obviously not all suburbs fall neatly within this definition. Sociologist Leo F. Schnore3 classifies subordinate centers that have P__-Substantially more residents than jobs as "suburbs," while those communities which attract more workers every day than the number of people who sleep there every night he labels "satellites." Satellites, according .to Schnore, are basically subordinate to larger center, yet retain a high degree of independence stemming from their importance as employment centers.4 Schnore says all suburbs and satellites have one structural feature in common: although they are treated as separate units for a limited range or purposes...they are themselves merely constituent parts of a larger urban complex--the metropolitan structure as a 5 Satellites usually are distinguished from suburbs, according whole. to Schnore, in that they tend to be older,6 and 050a11y have a definable central business district. Differences in growth patterns between satellites and suburbs are noted by Schnore. "Satellites may be able to exhibit growth only because of (recent) high rates of natural increase," he writes, "Suburbs on the other hand appear to be growing more rapidly from both demographic sources--natural increase and net in-migration. Thus it appears that 'employing satellites,‘ which are functionally similar to central cities in that they draw workers from other areas, are also highly similar to the metropolis in theirsources of growth."7 Another type of suburb, the "college suburb," is defined by Dennis . 8 . . . . Sobin as a community In which a major college or university is located, and where a large proportion of community residents and their activities are due to presence of the college. Sobin points out that a college suburb often sees the existence of conflicts between the college and local residents, especially where the college is undergoing rapid growth and expansion. "Residents are often fearful that the expanding college will change the character of the com- munity. They are usually right, for as the college grows the community changes...bringing more people, more intensive development (and) more traffic."9 In the case of East Lansing, evidence indicates that if there had been no Michigan Agricultural College, as Michigan State University origi- nally was known, there would have been no city of East Lansing as presently constituted. James D. Towar,10 an early historian, writes that "owing to its location at the junction of two main thoroughfares, its attractive rolling terrain, its river banks and the wooded areas, (what is now East Lansing) might have become a residential section of the rapidly growing capital city, but no separate municipality" without the college. Before taking a closer look at East Lansing itself, this study will ex- amine some general observations about differences between city and suburban reéidents and how pronounced they are, or perhaps if they even exist. William Dobriner11 believes that the forces which make for economic homogeneity in city neighborhoods operate with equal facility in the suburbs. "The life styles, family structure, value systems, neighboring practices,zetc.,appear almost the same in the equivalent class and ethnic locality on either Side of the city line. Life on the fringes of cities, particularly in the middle and upper middle class areas, seems to be identical in almost all respects with life in the suburbs."12 In older suburban areas such as East Lansing, however, John Bollens ‘3 find consistently higher median family incomes, and Henry Schmandt higher educational rank, and a greater proportion of white-collar workers. They say the common conclusion that high—status persons live in the suburbs tends to be particularly true in urbanized areas having old core cities. There is some difference of opinion as to whether suburban residents are more civic-oriented than their city neighbors. Bollen and Schmandt find that suburban residents are more likely than central city dwellers to belong to child centered organizations and social and hobby clubs, but less inclined to participate in civic-oriented groups, that the degree of differences is not great, and in fact is negligible when controlled for social rank.14 "What we should get straight, is that suburban living takes place in mass society and within a metropolitan context. Its government and the extent of its citizen involvement are not necessarily better or worse than that of the central city."15 Bollens and Schmandt maintain that suburban cities and towns are not isolated or autonomous units, but little more than parts or neigh- borhoods of a larger urban complex. The individuals and groups Who inhabit them are subject to the same forces and pressures that typically characterize metropolitan life and operate against citizen activity and involvement in 16 The suburban resident, they say, is no affairs of any local community. more immune from the effects of bigness and specialization than is the central city dweller, and moving to Suburbia does not transform one's parti- cipational and civic habits any moreso than it does his political beliefs. Donaldson, on the other hand, feels there are certain qualities of the suburban experience that tend to guarantee greater participation in political activity: In the first place, the new suburban reéident often becomes a homeowner for the first time in his life, and is confronted by the problems of fighting city hall that he formerly left to the landlord or consigned to such institutions as the army or the university. Secondly, the suburbanite frequently is a refugee from the city, where his life was conducted in comparative anonymity. It is, of course, possible for the suburban resident to avoid any sort of participation in local affairs, but there is no gainsay- ing the point that such an avoidance is more difficult in the suburb than it was in the city. What's more, the suburbanite has an advantage in pursuing political goals that the small- towner does not; the suburb is far less likely to be run by a clique -- the turnover is too high. This, of course, is applicable where a suburban resident has moved from the city to a suburb, but Bollens and Schmandt note that with high mobility among the managerial (and professional) ranks of business and industry, the "organization man" frequently moves from the suburb-efi-one' suburb of one metropolis to a similar community in another.18 One area in which there is general agreement is that the suburban resident is more conscious of his school system and school problems than a city-dweller. Bollens and Schmandt say it is natural to "expect more suburbanites to belong to child-centered organizations simply because more young families live outside the core city,“19 20 and Robert Wood writes that the operation of public schools results in more extensive public participation in political affairs, more heat and not infrequently less light than any other function. "The school problem," he says, "exaggerates whatever conflicts and disagreements already exist." East Lansing has shown a steady if not spectacular growth rate since World War II. Table 2 shows that the city has grown from 11,065 in 1940 to more than 47,000 in 1970, with the largest increase coming in the ten- year period from 1960 to 1970. These figures include students living on campus within the city limits of East Lansing. Although census data does not give a precise picture of the city itself, because of the student population, some general indicatdrs describe East Lansing residents in broad terms. East Lansing is considerably more affluent than the rest of the Lansing SMSA, with a mean average annual income of $14,973 compared to $12,367 for the entire area, and a median income of $11,630 as opposed to $11, 213 for the snsArz‘ A wider variance is found in the value of housing units. The median value of owner-occupied units in East Lansing is $29,300 as opposed to $17,600 for the entire SMSA. This probably has some correlation with statistics on education attainment, which show that the median school year completed by East Lansing adults iS 16.4, while in the city of Lansing it is 12.2 years. The percentage of high school graduates among adults in East Lansing is 92.8 percent, compared with 58.3 for Lansing. Another indication of the socio-economic level of East Lansing residents compared with the SMSA is found in employment statistics. The number of East Lansing residents 16 years old and over Who are employed is 20,088, and 7,460 of these are classified as "professional, technical and kindred workers." Lansing, however, has 52,178 employed adults and not quite as many workers, 7,037, in the professional category. Presence of the university also is shown in the number of people employed in "educational services;" East Lansing has 9,665 listed as such out of its 20,088 work force, while Lansing has only 4,912 out of 52,178. TABLE 2 EAST LANSING POPULATION GROWTH FROM 1940-1970 Year Population 1940 11,065 1950 20,325 1960 30,198 1970 47,540 SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau, Census Reports-1940, 1950, 1960, 1970. East Lansingfs position as a relatively "younger" community than others in the SMSA is reflected in the fact that only 6.9 percent of its population is in the 65 and over age group, while the entire area shows 19.6 percent over 65 years old. A review of East Lansing's historical background shows that founding and growth of the city was closely intertwined with, and in fact almost inseparable from, that of the university. In his history of East Lansing, Towar points out that until about 1895 the community life of what is now East Lansing was confined almost entirely to residents of the college campus.22 The first actual settler in what is now East Lansing was 0. Robert Burcham, who in 1849 acquired title to land which included forty acres of the college campus along the Red Cedar River. In 1851 Burcham built the first log house and cleared the first land, but purchase of the college farm in 1855 is used as the starting date for the city.23 When Burcham sold the south forty-five acres of his farm to the state for the college, he built another log house just east of the present People's Church on what is now Grand River Avenue. The latter house was sold in 1866 to Dr. Manly Miles. A legislative act establishing the Michigan Agricultural College was introduced and passed id 1855, and construction of the first college buildings began in 1856. The college formally opened May 13, 1857, with an enrollment of seventy-three students. First plat within the present limits of East Lansing was recorded November 5, 1887, by Dr. W. J. Beal and Prof. R. C. Carpenter. Named Collegeville, it consisted of sixty-nine lots in a semi-forested area lying north of Michigan Avenue along Harrison, Center and Beal Streets, as 10 far north as Oak Street. Residents of the area petitioned the legislature in 1907 for a city charter, which was granted with very little controversy except for selection of a name. Since the post office was called "Agricultural College," and there was no railroad station, telegraph or express ofice, a straw vote was taken to determine the name: One or more votes were received for College-ville, Agricultural College, Oakwood, College Park, Montrose, and East Lansing. College Park received the most votes, but the legislature settled the question by choosing East Lansing "because it was practical." Its location as to accessibility to railroad, freight, express, telegraph, and banking facilities, and its close proximity to the well-know24city of Lansing, had an important bearing on the final Decision. Towar reports that it also was felt that the United States Post Office preferred the name chosen since the mails were routed through Lansing and the name of the post office would have to be changed to conform to the name of the city. In any event, the bill passed both houses of the leg~ islature by unanimous vote and was signed into law by Gov. Fred M. Warner Mar8, 1907. Abbott Road originally wastheldividing line between Lansing and Meridian Townships; when East Lansing was formed, however, the city became a separate municipal entity and continues to this day independent govern- mentally of the two townships. College faculty members have been active in city government since its beginning. Prof. Clinton 0. Smith was mayor when the first official session of what was then called the Common Council was held June 27, 1907. Prof. Wilbur B. Brookover, professor in the uniGersity Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum, continues the tradition today as mayor 11 of East Lansing. In the early days of East Lansing and the college, the municipality made an agreement for use of the college sewer to carry off excess flow from a city septic tank, and in 1911 a system of numbering houses, devised by Prof. Chace Newman, was adopted. The college influence is noted in some of the names chose: Three of the streets are named for former presidents of the college: Abbott Road, for Theophilus Capen Abbot, LL.D,* president from 1862-84; Snyder Road, for Johnathan LeMoyne Snyder, LL.D., president from 1896-1915: and Butterfield Drive, for Kenyon Leach Butterfield, LL.D., president from 1925-28. There also is a street in the city named after each of the following professors: Dr. William James Beal, professor of Botany for forty years; Dr. Robert Clark Kedzie, professor of Chimistry nearly forty years; Dr. Charles Edward Marshall, porfessor of Bacteriology; William Frederick Durand, professor of Mechanics; Ernest Everett Bogue, professor of Forestry; Thomas Gunson, green-25 house manager over forty years and mayor of the city from 1909-13. Prior to 1884, Lansing was the post office for the college, and mail was carried once a day during the college terms by a student. After the college post office was estabished, the mail was received through the LanSing Post Office and carried under contract twice a day by open stage, which also carried passengers, express and freight. The office of post- master was held by the college secretary until 1899. In 1899, the post office was moved from the college library building to the horticulture building, and in 1902 it was moved to the trolley terminal and housed under the same roof as the combined trolley station and college bookstore. The post office was taken off campus in 1912, and has been in several locations before being moved to the present site on North Abbott Road. 12 Early water systems of the city and college were united, and even after they became separated were provided with connecting valves which could be openedi in case of fire or an unusual demand for water by either. Interdependence was so marked in the early days that the college purchased the first East Lansing fire engine.26 As might be expected, transportation and its availability was a significant factor in the growth of both East Lansing and the college. The first railroad by which Lansing was connected with the outside world was the Michigan Central from Owasso, which for a time ended at the high bridge on Gunnisonville Road northwest of East Lansing. Students, college staff members and local residents were main users of a flag station of the Detroit, Lansing and Lake Michigan Railroad* on South Harrison Road, and when the Grand Trunk Railroad was built in 1876, the Trowbridge junction was established and the station was used for freight and passenger service. In 1900, a spur was built from Trowbridge to the college grounds and has served since for the delivery of coal and other freight to the college. Towar says the coming of the electric railway, or street car line, was the real beginning of East Lansing as a separate municipality. "It furnished cheap** and easy transportation for men in 'Collegeville' going to work in Lansing, and carpenters, masons and other workmen from Lansing used it going to work in the East Lansing building boom that started in l898."27 Before a street car line was built to the college, students were often carried to and from Lansing and other places by private bus. For a number of years, the Michigan Avenue street car line ended at the "old Split Rock,"*** 13 and the college opposed its extension on the grounds that it "would bring an undesirable human element" from Lansing.28 Women were responsible for eventual extension of the street car line to the college and East Lansing, according to Towar: The line was extended to the west entrance of the college in 1893, where it stopped for a few years. Further objections by some members of the Board of Agriculture prevented its ex- tension until 1896. A woman's course was established that year at the college, and the long vacation period was changed from winter to summer, so the electric line was the only means many girl students living in Lansing could (use to)get to the college. They finally convinced the board of trustees to permit the line to enter thezgampus, where a comfortable waiting room eventually was built. Ater extension of the street car line, Towar says "attendance at the college increased rapidly, Lansing people were attracted to East Lansing as a desirable place to live, families with children to educate moved out, and a new city was in the making."30 CHAPTER II WEEKLY AND SUBURBAN NEWSPAPERS: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE As population shifts changed the face of urban America after World War II, it was only natural that newspaper publishing practices also would be significantly attered. The late Prof. Thomas F. Barnhart3] said there are three types of weekly newspapers: (1) small town, in preference to the widely used terms "Country weekly" and "rural weekly;" (2) suburban; (3) community; 'by the latter he meant weekly, or less-than- daily, newspapers situated in and serving neighborhood areas of large cities.* . A formula for the strength of suburban newspapers was outlined two decades before they attained significance by Margaret Cosse, who wrote in 1928 that "just as the suburbs differ in their social and economic character from the true country town, so the papers that serve their local interests are developing a specialized kind of journalism...and the more suburban editors realize this, get away from both metropolitan and rural formulae, and make their papers reflect and lead their particular communities," the more successful they will be.32 John Cameron Sim33cites the divergent attitudes of suburban editors toward their product: Some editors are convinced that the suburban paper should resemble a rural weekly in an urban center, with a "folksy, highly personal approach." They say they should offer "scrapbook news- papers," print the kind of news people have been accustomed to 14 15 clip and save—-birth notices, school achievements, weddings, anniversaries, obituaries. Others are equally convinced that ultimately suburban weeklies will fall into a pattern most nearly resembling news magazines-- reporting the nemerous and difficult social and economic problems of growing communities in depth, with a knowledgeable and 50phistic- ated approach which requires well-educated and able staffers. They would minimize what they call "trivia," and which the other class of editors believe is the real news of interest to readers. Agreement is no more general in the area of editorial comment, Sim writes, yet this is the one role whiCh the metropolitan dailies are wholly surrendering to the weeklies and evidently expecting them to perform.34 Significant growth of the suburban press is illustrated by a find- ing of the Suburban Press Foundation that between 1950 and 1960 suburban papers grew by 113 percent while the nation's population increased by only 60 percent. The number of editorial workers on these papers more than ' doubled in this decade, and the papers also doubled their income.35 Raymond Nixon notes a significant concentration of ownership in daily newspapers, since 1910. Table 3 shows that the total number of U. S. daily groups and chains has grown from a total of 13 with 62 papers in 1910 to ‘ 159 with 828 papers in May of 1968, and that the average size of groups,' which deélined during the 19405, then remained fairly constant in the 19505 and started to climb in the 1960s. This trend also seems to be reflected in the suburban newspaper publishing field. William Haight, a former weekly publisher and faculty member at Michigan State University, conducted a sur- vey in 1958 which showed that "multiple ownership or chain operations of weeklies has become the 'dominant pattern in suburban towns."37 Examples of this concentration of ownership can be found in many metropolitan areas of the United States today. 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