ATTITUDES OF PRECINCT CHAIRMEN TOWARD
PARTY ORGANIZATION

Thesis. To»? {Em Dwain of M . A.
MICEEGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Leo; F. Kennedy
1964

 

 

 

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ATTITUDES OF PRECINCT CHAIRMEN TOWARD

PARTY ORGANIZATION

BY

Leo F. Kennedy

AN ABSTRACT

Submitted to
the College of Social Science of
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Political Science

1964

ABSTRACT

ATTITUDES OF PRECINCT CHAIRMEN TOWARD
PARTY ORGANIZATION

by Leo F. Kennedy

This study was an examination of the organizational
efforts within the Republican Party in Lansing, Michigan,
that were directed toward the capture of elective offices
during the 1962 campaign. The study focused upon a central
problem: what were the conditions which generated closely
cooperative efforts at the precinct level among the attempts
to capture elective offices. The analysis focused upon the
competitive and constituency conditions of the attempts to
capture elective offices, and how these conditions generated
closely cooperative efforts among the attempts to capture
elective offices. The first objective of the study was to
establish indicators of the cooperative efforts among the
attempts to capture elective offices through four aspects of
party organization at the precinct level. rThese aspects
were the recruitment, the social origins, the incentives,
and the activities of precinct chairmen. The second ob—
jective was to examine these aspects in depth1

In order to develop a background for the study inter-

views were conducted with Democratic and Republican party

Leo F. Kennedy

officials, labor union leaders, newspaper editors, and em-
ployees of the city, county, and state governments. However,
the main focus in interviewing was upon fifty—one Republican
precinct chairmen who served during the 1962 campaign.

In fulfilling the first objective of the study indi—
cators of the cooperative efforts among the attempts to
capture elective offices were established. It was es-
tablished that the competitive condition of the attempts to
capture the elective offices was a prime condition which
generated closely cooperative efforts among the attempts.
Although the competitive condition of the attempts generated
closely cooperative efforts among the attempts, variations
in their constituency condition did give rise to additional
independent organizational efforts. The findings supported
the major proposition of the study. Although variations in
the constituencies among the attempts in competitive con—
stituencies did give rise to additional independent organi-
zational efforts at the precinct level; the attempts in the
competitive constituencies were more closely drawn into co—
operative efforts at the precinct level with each other,
while the attempts in the one-party constituencies were less
closely drawn into c00perative efforts with each other or
with the attempts in the competitive constituencies in a

segment of their constituencies the attempts shared in common.

Leo F. Kennedy
’/

In examining the four aspects of party organization
at the precinct level, the disucssion focused upon the
precinct chairmen of the Ingham County Republican Committee.
The following findings were established in examining these
aspects.

The overall recruitment process of the party was
affected by its orientation to the national and state-wide
offices. Conditions in the larger constituencies affect the
ability of the local party to recruit. The long period of
success of the party in Ingham County has created a sense of
complacency among Republicans, and some fail to see the need
to work for state-wide pluralities.

The county committee had to actively encourage
individuals to become precinct chairmen. The recruitment
process mainly was carried on by the appointed officials of
the county committee through channels both inside and out-
side the formal party structure. The recruitment process
was aided by a reliance upon friendship ties which existed
among Republicans.

As a result of a rapid turnover among the ranks of
the chairmen there was a rapid acceleration from other levels
of involvement into the chairmenship for most of the re—
spondents. The extent of their involvement in previous
participation measured in terms of their previous activities

and their period of apprenticeship was not very high.

Leo F. Kennedy

The success in recruiting was related to the socio-
economic composition of the precinct. The higher success
in recruiting was related positively to precincts which had
a higher socio—economic composition. This was established
in the recruitment of precinct chairmen and precinct workers
during the 1962 campaign as well as in the recruitment of
participants from the 1958 through the 1960 period.

The county committee recruited disproportionately
from the social strata of the community. Compared to the
city as a whole the chairmen were from the higher social
strata and the younger age groups. A high proportion of the
chairmen were from the following social strata; college
educated, white collar occupations (or their husbands), and
higher income families. Also a higher proportion of the
chairmen were from the younger age groups than from the other
age groups. Although less than half of the chairmen were
women, the majority of the precinct workers were women.

The research also examined the social origins of the
chairmen and the residents of the individual precincts. It
was established that there was a increasing divergence be-
tween the social origins of the chairmen and the social
origins of the residents of the precincts as we proceeded
from the higher to the lower end of a socio—economic scale of

the precincts.

Leo F. Kennedy

Although the party leaders were aware of the
narrowness of the segment of the social structure they
mainly drew upon, they did not attempt to recruit individuals
whose social origins were similar to those of the residents
of the precincts. The type of campaigning carried on does
not necessitate such a criteria;)‘

The discussion focused upon how involvement in
voluntary organization competed for the time the chairmen
could devote to campaign activity. The variation in the
amount of time these organizations took during the campaign
was not highly related to the number of organizations to
which the respondents were members. However, there was a
positive relationship between those who held leadership
positions in these organizations and those who mentioned
that these organizations took a great deal or some time
during the campaign.

These organizations might be useful to the party,
since discussion of politics at meetings of these organi-
zations might increase the respondents interest in politics.
However, the rewards received from these organizations as
compared to the rewards received from party work possibly
minimize the commitment to party work.

‘lThe incentive complex which was provided the chair-
men results in turnover among the ranks of the chairmen.

The turnover among the ranks of the chairmen was related to

Leo F. Kennedy

the orientation of the incentive complex to the national and
state-wide offices. The incentive complex was related to
conditions in the larger constituencies (state-wide and
national), and was largely outside the control of the local
organization. The conditions in the larger constituencies
can result in differences in the amount and the nature of
the incentive complex from campaign to campaign which can
contribute to turnover among the ranks of the chairmen.

‘fflAlthough a multitude of incentives were provided the
chairmen, the incentive complex was largely of a intangible
nature. The largely intangible nature of the incentive com-
plex possibly contributed to the degree of turnover among
the ranks of the chairmen.

The incentive complex provided the chairmen does
appear to provide a degree of satisfaction and perceived
satisfaction which aids in maintaining continued partici-
pation. However, a number of conditions also appear to aid
in maintaining continued participation. One condition which
evidently aids in maintaining continued participation was
the higher integration of individuals into the various
components of the party. Another condition was the variation
in the conceptualization processes of the respondents. Some
conceptualization processes evidently provide more stability

toward continued participation than others.

Leo F. Kennedy

6‘“

The environmental conditions of the campaign workers
and the electorate affected the type of campaigning carried
on at the precinct level. The rate of turnover among the
ranks of the campaign workers and the demographic conditions
of the electorate decreases the likelihood of a stable re—
lationship developing between the electorate and the workers.
The campaigning mainly focuses upon contacting the electorate
in an ad hoc manner in identifying their party preferences
and other get out the vote measures. The period of contact
between the electorate and the campaign workers was mainly
during the campaign with little contact in the lull between

campaigns.

ATTITUDES OF PRECINCT CHAIRMEN TOWARD

PARTY ORGANIZATION

BY

Leo F. Kennedy

A THESIS

Submitted to
the College of Social Science of
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Political Science

1964

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to express his gratitude to the
chairman of his guidance committee, Dr. Joseph Schlesinger,
for his help and encouragement at all stages of this study;
to Dr. Samuel Krislov, for his assistance given to this study;
and to the other members of his committee, Dr. Leroy
Ferguson, Dr. Alvin Sokolow, and Dr. Robert Scigiano, for
their counsel.

The author is also indebted to Mr. Louis Legg,
Chairman of the Ingham County Republican Committee, Mr. Jim
Hyde, executive secretary of the Ingham County Republican
Committee, and the many other Republican officials for their
cooperation. He is also grateful to Mr. Lee weber, for his
assistance in interviewing.

The author will be forever grateful to his father,
Leo, who introduced him into the mysteries of politics at an

early age.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page
I. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

II. THE RECRUITMENT PROCESS . . . . . . . . . . . 38
III. SOCIAL ORIGINS . . . . . . . . . . .4. . . . . 59
IV. INCENTIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

V. ACTIVITIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110

VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 132
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
QUESTIONNAIRE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

iii

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. The Republican percentages of the two-party

vote in the city, county, and larger con—

stituencies - - - . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
2. Percentage of chairmened precincts during the

1962 campaign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3. Tenure of the precinct chairmen . . . . . . . 42
4. Variation in the success in recruiting

precinct chairmen as related to the socio—

economic composition of the precinct . . . . 45
5. Variation in the success in recruiting precinct

workers as related to the socio—economic

composition of the precinct , , , , , . . . 46
6. Variation in the success in recruiting partici—

pants as related to the socio-economic compo-

sition of the precinct . . . . . . . . . . . 47
7. Tenure and the sources in the recruitment

process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
8. Recruitment channels . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
9. Variety of former campaign activities and

the period of apprenticeship . . . . . . . . 56
10. Social origins of the precinct chairmen as

compared to the social origins of the adult

population of Lansing . . . . . . . . . . . 60
ll. Composition of the precinct workers . . . . . 64
12. Comparison of the socio—economic scores of

the precinct chairmen and the adult resi—

dents of their precincts . . . . . . . . . . 69
13. Differences between the socio-economic scores

of the chairmen and the residents of the

precinct . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

iv

Table Page

14. The variation in the amount of time volun—
tary organizations took during the campaign
as compared to the number of voluntary
organizations to which the chairman was a
member . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73

15. Variation in the amount of time voluntary
organizations took during the campaign as
related to holding an office in these

organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
16. Discussion of public affairs at meetings of

voluntary organizations . . . . . . . . . . 77
17. Rewards received from participation in volun-

tary organizations as compared to the re-
wards received from participation in party

work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
18. Levels of concern of the chairmen toward

party candidates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
19. The ranking of the importance of the various

reasons in the decisions of the respon-

dents to become a precinct chairman . . . . 85
20. Other reasons for becoming a precinct

chairman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
21. Issue orientation of the chairmen during

the 1962 campaign . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
22. Degree of satisfaction and perceived satis—

faction as related to variation in continued

participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
23. Reasons given by the respondents as to why they

would not or might not continue as chairmen
of their present precincts as related to
the degree of satisfaction and perceived

satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
24. Recognition of fellow precinct chairmen and

party leaders as related to variation in

continued participation . . . . . . . . . . 99
25. Variation in continued participation as re-

lated to involvement in other components of

the party . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

Table Page

26. The relationship of continued participation
to involvement in other components of the
party as controlled for the time when the
respondents became chairmen . . . . . . . . 102

27. The relationship of continued participation
to involvement in the precinct delegate
component as compared to involvement in
components other than the precinct delegate
component as controlled for the time when

the respondents became chairmen . . . . . . 104
28. The relationship of continuation in partici-

pation as related to having thought of

running for an elective office . . . . . . . 105
29. The relationship of continued participation

to the variations in the differences as seen
between the Democratic and the Republican

Parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
30. Activities at the precinct level . . . . . . . 117
31. The variation in activities as related to

the number of Republican voters in the

precinct . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
32. Variation in activities as related to the

number of workers in the precinct . . . . . 129

vi

LIST OF GRAPHS AND MAPS

Graph Page
1. Republican percentage of the two-party
vote in the total constituencies: 1948-
1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Maps
1. Constituencies of the gubernatorial, minor
state-wide congressional and county
candidates: 1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
2. Constituencies of the state legislative
candidates: 1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

vii

CHAPTER I

THE RESEARCH PROBLEM

(
This disucssion is an examination of the organi-

zational efforts within political parties that are directed
toward the capture of elective offices. Various studies

have indicated that separate attempts within the major
political parties are organized to capture elective offices.1
This discussion will focus upon a central problem: what are
the conditions which generate closely cooperative efforts at
the precinct level among the attempts to capture elective
offices. Although there has been a number of studies that
have dealt with this level of party organization, they have
not dealt with this problem in depth.2 The first objective

is to establish indicators of the cooperative efforts among

the attempts to capture elective offices through four aspects

 

1V. 0. Key, Jr., Southern Politics (New York, 1950),
p. 404. Don M. Muchmore, "Party and Candidate in California,"
in The Politics of California, ed. David Farrelly and Ivan
Hinderaker (New York, 1951), p. 90.

2Harold P. Gosnell, Machine Politics: Chicago Model
(Chicago, 1936). David H. Kurtzman, Methods of Controlling
votes in Philadelphia (Philadelphia, 1935). Peter H. Rossi
and Phillips Cutright, "The Impact of Party Organization in
an Industrial Setting," in Community Political Systems, ed.
Morris Janowitz (Glencoe, 1961), pp. 81-116. William E.
Mosher, "Party and Government Control at the Grass Roots,"
National Municipal Review (January, 1935), pp. 15-18.

of party organization. These aspects are the recruitment,
the social origins, the incentives, and the activities of
precinct leaders. The second objective is to examine these
aspects in depth in one political party organization.

Specifically, I shall concentrate upon the Republican
Party in Lansing, Ingham County, Michigan, during the 1962
campaign. I shall attempt to find indicators of the co-
operative efforts among the separate efforts to elect Re-
publican candidates to elective offices through the four
aspects of party organization. Secondly, I shall examine
the recruitment, the social origins, the incentives and the
activities of the Republican precinct chairmen.

{The kinds of interrelationships that :;n develop
among the separate attempts to capture elective offices has
been given theoretical significanceufiy'Schlesinger in his
discourse, "Political Party Organization." rSchlesinger re—
fers to the ”collection of cooperative efforts engaged in
the capture of a single office" as a nucleus.3 The principal
goal of a nucleus is the capture of an elective office.4
Similarly it is assumed that a party organization has as its
central goal the capture of elective offices. These various

objectives for the nuclei can serve as a basis of conflict,

and can.resu1t in tensions among the nuclei. The theory

 

3Joseph A. Schlesinger, "Political Party Organi-
zation" (NOvember, 1962), p. 13.

41bid., p. 45.

"assumes that parties are formed, take their shape, and make
decisions as a result of the tensions among office seekers-"5
The cooperation among the various nuclei will depend upon
how much they find this cooperation to be useful in achieving
the satisfaction of their prime goalsjf

Cooperation among the nuclei can be examined in con-
text of two sets of relations, these are the constituency
relation and the competitive relation. SchleSinger cate-
gorizes constituencies into three separate orders: congruent,
enclaved, and disjoint.7 Constituencies where the sets of
voters are the same would be congruent with each other.
Constituencies of a gubernatorial and lieutenant guberna-
torial nuclei or constituencies of a county clerk and a
county treasurer nuclei are examples of congruent con-
stituencies. In some cases, constituencies have an enclaved
relation to other constituencies; that is, certain oneg are
the sub-sets of others. For example the constituency of a
county clerk nucleus would be in an enclaved relationship
with the constituency of a gubernatorial nucleus. Thirdly,
there are disjoint constituencies where there are no over—
alpping voters. Such a case would be the constituency of a
gubernatorial nucleus in Minnesota and a gubernatorial

nucleus in New York.

 

5Ibid., p. 7.

61bid., p. 45.

7Ibid., p. 46.

The reaction of the voter may induce cooperation or
non-cooperation between nuclei depending upon the impact of
the voters on the electoral fates of the nuclei.8 If the
voters react the same way towards different nuclei, this may
tend to unite these nuclei in their organizational efforts.
However, if the voters exhibit distinct differences in their
reactions towards nuclei in various constituencies, it may
lay the basis for differences in the degrees of cooperation
among nuclei.

The extremes in the degrees of cooperation among
nuclei according to constituencies may be found between
those that have congruent relations and those that have dis-
joint relations. "It is in the congruent electorates which
we would expect the least discrepancy in voting from office
to office, and therefore the greatest organizational inter-
dependence."9 On the other hand those nuclei that have dis-
joint relations "should be the most independent of each
other."10

The enclaved relation among nuclei can provide for
variations in multi-nuclear organizations depending upon the
competitive status of the nuclei. It is assumed that the

need for assistance is related to the competitive status of

 

8Ibid., p. 47.

 

91bid., p. 47.

 

Ibid., p. 55.

 

a nucleus. "A party which dominates its constituency is
'safe' and needs no aid at all. If it is weak no aid can
help it. Thus, only if the constituency is competitive can
we assume that the nuclear party will need and seek external
help."11
In Schlesinger's theory of party organization, four
distinct relations can flow from the competitive structure
of the respective constituencies. There would be little
need for the development of a multi—nuclear organization
when both constituencies are one-party constituencies
(condition 4). However, in condition 1, where both con-
stituencies are competitive, we would expect the greatest
degree of cooperative efforts among the nuclei. In con—

ditions 2 and 3, it is the competitive nucleus which will

seek help from the one—party nucleus.

 

Larger Constituency12
Competitive One Party
Mutually Smaller
Competitive Inter- dependent2
Smaller dependent on the Larger
(enclaved)
Constituency
Larger No inter-
One Party dependent3 dependence4
on the
Smaller
llIbid., p. 50.
12

I23!-

The enclaved relation presents the problem as to the
manner in which the nuclei can aid each other. The nuclei
in the larger constituency can "provide the attractive
leaders, the issues, and the general image, or 'coattails' on
which the lesser candidates hope to ride to victory."13 On
the other hand, the nuclei in the smaller constituency can
provide the precinct workers and others in their
organizations.14

In this research I am concerned about the relation-
ship of the cooperative efforts among nuclei to the competi-
tive and constituency conditions of the nuclei. Nuclei can
be drawn into cooperative efforts, when they share some seg-
ment of their constituencies in common. It is assumed that
their similarities in levels of competition and con-
stituencies will establish the basis for how closely nuclei
are drawn into cooperative efforts in a segment of their
constituencies they share in common. The competitive con-
dition of each nucleus is a prime variable affecting how
closely each is drawn into cooperative efforts with the
other. Thus, nuclei in competitive constituencies are more
likely to be closely drawn into cooperative efforts with

other nuclei at the precinct level, while nuclei in one-

party constituencies are less likely to be closely drawn

 

13Ibid., p. 52.

 

14Ibid.

 

7
into cooperative efforts with other nuclei in a segment of
their constituencies they share in common. Although nuclei
could be in competitive constituencies, when there is a vari-
ation in the similarities of their total constituencies it
would be expected that some independent organizational ef-
forts would develop.

On the basis of the previous discussion I shall pro—
pose a major proposition concerning how closely nuclei are
drawn into cooperative efforts with other nuclei in a seg-
ment of their constituencies they share in common. This
proposition will be tested in the research dealing with the
cooperative efforts among the Republican nuclei in Lansing

during the 1962 campaign.

Major Propgsition

Although variations in constituencies among nuclei
in competitive constituencies can give rise to additional
independent organizational efforts at the precinct level;
nuclei in competitive constituencies are more likely to be
closely drawn into cooperative efforts with other nuclei at
the precinct level, while nuclei in one-party constituencies
are less likely to be closely drawn into cooperative efforts
with other nuclei at the precinct level in a segment of
their constituencies the nuclei share in common.

The following four sections will be devoted to a de-
velopment of the course of the study concerning four aspects

of party organization. These aspects are the recruitment,

the social origins, the incentives, and the activities of
the precinct leaders. I will indicate how I expect to apply
Schlesinger's theory to these aspects, and how I will examine
these aspects in detail. The disucssion will provide a
framework in which to examine the Republican Party during
the 1962 campaign. The framework will be developed from

literature dealing with precinct organizations.

5" Recruitment

This section will be devoted to the development of a
framework dealing with the recruitment of precinct leaders.
The section will focus upon the general factors that can
affect recruitment, the recruitment process as it is related
to particular nuclei, the variations in the success in re-
cruiting as they are related to the socio-economic compo-
Sition of precincts, the recruitment channels that are uti-
lized in recruiting, and the involvement of individuals in
Campaign work before they became precinct leaders.

It has been clearly shown that the ability of a
POlitical party to attract individuals into campaign work
Varies from campaign to campaign. There are many possible
reasons for this phenomenon. One reason might be the differ-

enczes in the levels of offices contested.15 Another reason

\

15James Q. Wilson, The Amateur Democrat (Chicago,
1962), p. 230.

is that the perceived closeness of a particular contest

rnight bring out the faithful.16

However, beyond the immediacy of any particular
cxmnpaign there can be other conditions affecting the ability
ch a party to recruit activitists. One such condition might
km; the perceived need on the part of many party loyalists to
Enarticipate. The continued successes of the party candi-
datesl7 or the failures of the party candidates18 can affect
the: inclinations of individuals to participate in campaigns.

The actual recruitment of individuals into campaign
worflc can take a variety of forms.19 In some areas candidates
‘will. recruit independently of each other, while in other
areas party officials of a multi-nuclear organization will
do tihe recruiting.20 However, it also has been shown that
cancLidates and party officials of a multi—nuclear organi—
zatjxan can carry on separate recruiting activities in an
area.21 The variations in the attempts to recruit may
Possibly be related to the competitive status of the candi—

datxas as well as a indication of their degrees of cooperation.

——¥

16David Greenstone, A Report on Politics in San.Diego
(Cambridge, 1962), pp. 11-55.

l7Ibido I pp. 11-550

18Rossi and Cutright, p. 84.

19Charles W; Bender, A Report on Politics in Seattle
(Cambridge, 1961), pp. ll-66.

20Gosnell, p. 69.

21Rossi and Cutright, p. 87.

10

The success that nuclei have in recruiting appears
t1) be related to factors distinctive to the precincts. Some
lirecincts are a better source of campaign workers (i.e.,
lyrecinct chairmen and precinct workers), than are other
Ixrecincts. A socio-economic variation in the precincts can
km; a factor underlying the success in recruiting. Some
luave suggested that the types of incentives provided can
Lnartially explain this variation in recruiting. It is also
suggested that incentives such as money or patronage are
rmost;attractive in lower income areas,23 while appeals of
pernsonality and ideology have highest utility in middle in—
conua areas.24 The difficulty in recruiting campaign workers
frcnn different types of precincts might create a problem for
canqpaigning in these precincts, although campaign workers
cart be moved into such precincts.25

The recruitment of individuals into campaign work
caxi be carried on through a multitude of channels.{‘A net—

‘WOIfl< of friendship and kinship ties can aid in recruitment.

Nucilei have also recruited individuals from associations of

——‘

22Leon D. Epstein, Politics in Wisconsin (Madison,
1958) , p. 82.

23Rossi and Cutright, p. 87.

24Greenstone, pp. 11-58.
ZSIbid.

11

Inasiness and professional people,26 and labor unions.
Channels inside the party such as a party club28 can be uti-
lLizedJ Individuals can be brought along first acting as a

pnnacinct worker and then taking a position as a precinct

29*“)
leader. 2

.--.-—-"

The last part of the recruitment section will be
(nancerned.with the involvement of the precinct chairmen in
campaign work before they became precinct chairmen. The
Ixariod of involvement in campaign work before becoming a
preuzinct leader varies from area to area. Gosnell reports
tfluat in Chicago, "a fairly long period of apprenticeship
seenms to be necessary for appointment as precinct captain,"
whijle others make note of a large number of novices in
canqpaign work.31 The differences might be explained by such
factxars as the degree of organization before a particular
canqpaign, the ability of the organization to maintain its
W01fl<ers from former campaigns, and the criteria of selectivity

if! selecting individuals.

¥

Ibid., pp. 11—57.

 

27Ibid., pp. 11-62.

 

Ibid., PP. 11-57.

 

29Rossi and Cutright, p. 86.

30Gosnell, p. 66.

1 31Hugh A. Bone, Grass Roots Party Leadership (Seattle,
952), p. 13. Wilson. pp. 226-232.

12

Social Origins

This section is concerned with the development of a
framework with which to examine the social origins of the
Republican precinct chairmen in Lansing. The main objective
is to establish how the social origins of precinct leaders
might indicate the cooperative efforts among party nuclei.
Secondly, I will pose some explanations for the variation in
the segments of the social structure that nuclei have drawn
upon. Thirdly, I will draw from inferences as to the re-
lationship of social origins to campaigning.

Previous studies have indicated that nuclei draw upon
different segments of the social structure. A partial
explanation might be in the differences of the incentives
that the nuclei provide. Many nuclei have relied primarily
upon patronage and other financial rewards in attracting precinct
leaders. Marvick and Nixon suggest that such nuclei draw
uniformly from the lower strata of the social structure.32
Nuclei that rely upon issues and personalities draw heavily
from professional and business groups.33 Also such nuclei

often attract a large number of women that operate in this

 

 

milieu.34 However, policy goals35 can also attract

32Dwaine Marvick and Charles Nixon, "Recruitment Con-
trasts in Rival Campaign Groups," in Political Decision
Makers, ed. Dwaine Marvick (Glencoe, 1961), p. 204.

33Wilson, p. 13. Epstein, p. 88.

34Epstein, p. 88.

35

Stephen B. and Vera H. Sarasohn, Political Party
Patterns in Michigan (Detroit, 1957), p. 69.

 

13

individuals from the blue collar occupations who can be
compensated by their unions for the time lost from their
jobs.36 Although these are evidently the broad patterns,
they are possibly affected by those who take part for the
love of the game or for prestige. Likewise, the associ-
ational ties utilized in recruiting might affect the social
patterns of the precinct leaders.

The social origins of the precinct leaders might indi-
cate the manner in which the nuclei are cooperating. The
presence of individuals of a particular social origin in one
nucleus relatively lacking in other nuclei would be an indi-
cator of low cooperation among the nuclei. It would also be
a test as to whether nuclei can draw upon certain segments
of the social structure more heavily than others.

A number of studies have indicated that nuclei at-
tempt to recruit individuals who are well embedded in the
social life37 of the precinct and whose social origins are
similar to those of the constituents.38 This criterion may
be dominant when the precinct is relatively stable and homo-
geneous. Individuals with these characteristics can best

fulfill their function of establishing and maintaining con-

tact with the voters.39 However, in precincts where the

36Ibid., p. 64.

37Rossi and Cutright, p. 90.

38Gosnell, p. 64.

39Rossi and Cutright, p. 90.

l4

voters are highly mobile and heterogeneous, such character-
istics are not given such a high priority.40 Such character-
istics in a precinct would decrease the likelihood of building
up a stable pattern of relationships of personal friendships
with the voters.

I shall attempt to find by the use of a socio-
economic scale of the Republican precinct chairmen and of
the voters in their individual precincts the relationship be-
tween the social origins of the chairmen and the voters.

This would indicate how the nuclei were able to draw from
the segments of the social structure within the individual
precincts. Secondly, it would indicate the degree of simi-
larity between the social origins of the chairmen and the
voters in the particular precincts. Thirdly, it allows us
to make inferences as to the relationship it has to
campaigning.

The segments of the social structure drawn upon by
nuclei probably produce differences in the problems nuclei
must solve if they are to be successful in a campaign. The
involvement of individuals in their occupations, their
families, and their voluntary organizations can compete for
their time. However, individuals who have a patronage

position4l.or can be compensated for the time lost from their

 

4OWilson, p. 230.

41Rossi and Cutright, p. 114.

15

job42 might be willing to devote a good deal of time to cam-

paigning. Nuclei that rely upon volunteers might not as
easily solve the problem.

Precinct leaders in the folklore of the practical
politician are "joiners".43 However, the value of member-
ship in these organizations might depend upon whether they

44 Otherwise,

utilize them to perform their political tasks.
they might create a multitude of activities that compete
with political activities for the time of the precinct
leader.45

Our interest will be to find to what degree the Re—
publican precinct chairmen are involved in voluntary organi-
zations. Secondly, whether membership in such organizations
are a means by which they perform their political tasks.
Thirdly, the degree to which they compete for the time of
the chairmen during a campaign. Fourthly, the degree to

which they consider activities in these organizations re-

warding.as compared to activities in party work.

 

42Sarasohn, p. 64.

43Bone, p. 28.

44Rossi and Cutright, p. 92.

45David Greenstone, A Report on Politics in Detroit
(Cambridge, 1961). pp. 11-34.

 

l6

Incentives

I shall in this section follow the suggestion of
March and Simon and look at the attempt of a party to at-
tract precinct leaders in terms of an organization providing
incentives or inducements. March and Simon state "each
participant and each group of participants receives from the
organization inducements in return for which he makes to the

46 Within this general perspective

organization contributions.
I shall point out how this aspect of precinct organization
might indicate the relationship among the nuclei in their
electoral efforts. My concern will also focus upon the in-
centive complexes provided to individuals in becoming a
precinct leader, and the manner by which their activities

can be maintained.

The incentives that are provided to individuals in
return for campaign activities can come from many sources.
Prime among these are nuclei. The differences in the ability
of nuclei to provide incentives might be reflected in the
differences in the levels of interest toward nuclei.
Epstein's findings in Wisconsin indicate differences in the
levels of interest of participants toward nuclei.47 The

differences in the levels of interest of precinct leaders

might indicate variations in the cooperative attempts of

 

46James G. March and Herbert A. Simon, Organizations
(New York, 1958), p. 84.

47Epstein, p. 83.

17

nuclei to organize. Some nuclei might attempt to organize
more than other nuclei, while other nuclei might organize
independently. Their degree of cooperation could be re—
flected in the levels of interest of Precinct leaders.

The differences in the ability of nuclei to provide
interests that attract precinct leaders is the basis of the
exchange among nuclei. As was pointed out earlier concerning
the enclaved relation, the nuclei in the larger constituency
can "provide the attractive leaders, the issues, and the
general image, or the 'coattails' on which the lesser candi-
dates hope to ride to victory."48 The nuclei in the smaller
constituency by utilizing the interest focused on the nuclei
in the larger constituency can provide the apparatus by
which precinct leaders can be established.

I shall by the use of a question concerning the
levels of interest of Republican precinct chairmen, and other
interviews attempt to draw some conclusions as to the co-
operative efforts among Republican nuclei.

My concern is not merely with the general source of
incentives, but also with the type of incentives provided.
Nuclei can provide a multitude of incentives in return for
the activity of an individual. However, the incentive com—

plex provided by nuclei can differ. In some nuclei there

 

48Schlesinger, p. 52.

18

can be a prevalence of one type of incentive such as patron-
age,49 while it is relatively lacking in another.50

It has been clearly shown that individuals have been
attracted into campaign work by the use of patronage.51 Key
has argued that patronage is decreasing in quantity and at-
tractiveness.52 Even where it does exist, whether it is
used probably is related to the perceived fate of the nuclei
under whose control it is.

It has been shown that nuclei have used issues in
attracting individuals into campaign work.53 The differences
in the levels of issues that attract individuals into cam—
paign work54 might indicate variations in organizational
attempts of nuclei. Furthermore, these are the types of in-
centives that some nuclei can provide and other nuclei can
utilize in establishing a precinct leadership network.

These are not the only reasons for participating in
campaign work. Nuclei can attract individuals since it pro—
vides them with an opportunity to further their own political

55

ambitionsi Other reasons for taking part in campaign work

 

49SonYa, Forthal, Cogwheels of Democracy (New York,
1946). P. 39.

50Wilson. pp. 200-225.

51Mosher, p. 18. Kurtzman, p. 47. Gosnell, p. 54.

52V. 0. Key, Jr., Politics, Parties, and Pressure
Groups (New York, 1958), pp. 394-395.

3Marvick and Nixon, p. 209.

54Epstein, p. 83.

55Epstein, p. 77.

19

can be sense of community obligation,56 for social con-
tacts,57 and a strong sense of party loyalty.58

My concern will be with the incentive complex that
attracted individuals into the precinct chairmanship position
during the 1962 campaign. I shall use a series of questions
dealing with some common reasons for taking part in campaign
work. Furthermore, I shall discuss how the incentive complex
was affected by the cooperative efforts among the nuclei.

My interest will also focus upon the manner by which
the commitment of the precinct chairmen can be maintained for
further campaigns. The problem of turnover among precinct
leaders is widespread.59 Parties can use a variety of means
in attempting to maintain the interest of its precinct
leaders. They can use patronage and favors which will re-
ward the leader personally.60 Another method is by providing
the leader with a means by which he can aspire to public
office.61 They can also sustain interest by having frequent
contacts among the precinct leaders and other party leaders

and elective office holders.62

 

56Marvick and Nixon, p. 208.

57Bone, p. 27.

58Marvick and Nixon, p. 208.

59Wilson, pp. 226-232. Bone, p. 14. Gosnell, p. 51.

60Rossi and Cutright, p. 90.

61Epstein, p. 77.

62Rossi and Cutright, p. 95.

20

I shall examine the problem of turnover among the
ranks of the precinct chairmen within the Republican Party,
and how the party is able to cope with the problem. I shall
first establish the extent of turnover among the precinct
chairmen, and the reasons given by the chairmen for leaving.
Secondly, I shall attempt to establish if a measure of satis-
faction and percieved satisfaction is related to withdrawing
from the chairmanship. This would indicate whether the
chairmanship by itself can give an individual enough rewards
or perceived rewards to merit continued participation.

As pointed out earlier, contacts among the party
members can be one way through which the party can maintain
the interest of its participants. I shall attempt to
establish whether the scope of contacts with other partici-
pants during the campaign is related to continued partici-
pation. Secondly, I shall attempt to find out whether
participation in other components of the party is related to
continued participation. Lastly, my interest will turn to
whether continued participation is related to aspiration for
public office and in the differences seen between the Demo—

cratic and the Republican Parties.
Activities

This section will present a framework by which to
examine the organizational activities of the Republican

precinct chairmen. The objective is to establish how the

.I . din oi.- WF. , . .n 6.
.3. ~C :- a u . at Ce .5 7L n u. Ah. cs u ~\

21

organizational activities of the precinct leaders might indi-
cate the cooperative efforts among the party nuclei.
Secondly, I shall indicate how the organizational activities
at the precinct level appear to be adapted to the environ-
mental conditions of the electorate and the campaign workers.

The problem before us is establishing how we can
find indicators of the cooperative efforts among nuclei in
their organizational activities at the precinct level. I
have discussed before how the cooperation among nuclei can
be affected by their constituency and competitive relation-
ships. Any complex of patterns can flow from the con-
stituency and the competitive relationships. The nuclei may
establish separate precinct leaders, or they may share
precinct leaders, or a combination of both may exist. Howe
ever, the degree to which a group of precinct leaders con-
sider themselves a part of the various nuclei would indicate
the cooperative efforts among the nuclei in their organi-
zational activities at the precinct level.

Organizational activities at the precinct level ap—
pear to be adapted to the environmental conditions of the
electorate and the campaign workers. It has been clearly
shown that nuclei have attempted to reach the voter through
precinct leaders who are well embedded in the social life of
the precinct.63 The precinct leader through the development

of friendships.and by distribution of small favors would

 

63Rossi and Cutright, p. 90.

22

obtain a bond of personal loyalty from the voters.64

Through this personal loyalty the precinct leader would get
the support of the voters for the candidate of the nucleus.65
There needs to be some stability among the precinct leaders
in order to develop this personal loyalty. This type of
campaigning is also most adaptable to certain areas of the
constituency—-the lower income areas.66 When the con-
stituency is highly mobile and there is a high rate of turn-
over among the precinct leaders, evidently nuclei adapt
differently to the situation.67 The emphasis is more on
contacting the voter in an ad hoc manner for getting out the
vote.

In the section dealing with organizational activities
of the Republican nuclei in Lansing, I shall indicate the
extent to which the precinct organizational efforts of the
nuclei were coordinated. I shall also examine how the nuclei
adapted to the environmental conditions of the electorate and
the campaign workers. Furthermore, the conditions which af-
fect the variation in organizational output at the precinct
level will be examined.

The following sections will be presented to develop

a baCkground for the major research sections. I shall first

 

64Ibid.

65Kurtzman, p. 32.
66 . .
Ros31 and Cutright, p. 93.

67Wilson, p. 236.

23

deal with "The Historical Development and the Demographic
Characteristics of Lansing": this section will serve as a
basis for a later discussion as to the type of electoral
activities carried on in such an electorate. In the
"National, State and County Levels of Competition" section I
shall draw inferences as to the orientation of the organi-
zational efforts of the parties. The "Nonpartisan City
Elections“ section will be devoted to a discussion of the in-
volvement of the parties in these elections. In the suc-
ceeding section, the "1962 Campaign," I shall focus upon the
orientation toward certain offices, and briefly discuss the
differences in the manner the parties carried on their
campaigns at the precinct level in Lansing. The last section
"Methodology" will be devoted to the sources used in examin—
ing the problem, and the methods utilized in performing the
study.

The Historical Development and

the Demographic Characteristics
ofggansing

 

Lansing is located in Ingham County, Michigan. In
1960, the city had a population of 107,807 inhabitants.68
It is an industrial, governmental, and commercial center

largely inhabited by descendents of Northeastern migrants and

immigrants from Germany.

 

68Michigan General Social and Economic Characteristics,
Department of the Commerce, Bureau of the Census (washington,
1962), pp. 24—262.

24

The Lansing area was first settled in the 1830's by

migrants from western New York.69 By 1848 it was chosen as

the site of the state capital,70 and in 1859 it was incorpor-
ated as a city.71 The early migration influx of individuals
from western New York continued as individuals also came from
eastern New York and New England.72 Later immigrants from
Germany and more recently migrants from the rural South

moved to the city.73 The city has a relatively small foreign
born and Negro population. In 1960 there were 4089 foreign

74

born inhabitants and 6893 Negroes. The inhabitants are

generally Protestants, while individuals of the Catholic

faith numbered about 23,000 at the time of the 1962 cam-

75 In 1962 the Jewish population in the Lansing area

76

paign.

was estimated to number at 700 individuals.

 

69Lansing and Its Yesterdays, The Lansing State
Journal (Lansing, 1930), p. 4.

7OIbid., p. 15.

71Today and Tomorrow in the Lansing Metropolitan area,
The League of Women Voters of the Lansing Area (Lansing,
1961), p. 7.

72

 

Birt Darling, Cipy in the Forest (New York, 1950),
p. 34.

73William H. Form, "Organized Labor's‘Place in the
Community P0wer Structure," Industrial and Labor Relations
Review (July, 1959), p. 528.

74Michigan, General,Social and Economic Character—
istics, pp. 24—262.

75Chancery Office of the Roman Catholic Diocese of
Lansing (January, 1963).
76Alvin Chevkin, "Jewish Population in the United
States in 1962," in American Jewish Yearbook (Philadelphia,
1963), p. 72.

 

25

, The city in 1960 had a work force of 75,29677

indi-
viduals, however 45.1%78 of them resided outside of the city.
The residents are mainly engaged in manufacturing, retailing,
and governmental occupations. Better than half (52%) are
engaged in white collar positions, while 48% are employed in
blue collar occupations.79 About 25,000 individuals em-
ployed in the Lansing area are organized into unions.80

Although 20.4% of the employed worked for the various
levels of government in 1960,81 the number of party appointees
is reduced by a number of factors. One factor is the preva-
lence of the civil service system used by the State of
Michigan. Another factor is that the selection process of
employees in the nonpartisan city government appears to be
outside the jurisdiction of the political parties.82 While
there were 1157 individuals employed by the county govern-
ment in 1963, only 83 individuals were employed in the

offices of the elected county officials.83

 

77Michigan, General,Social and Economic Charagter-
istics, pp. 24—235.

781bid., pp. 24-240, 24-235.

79Ibid., pp. 24—240.

80Greater Lansing Labor Council.

81Michigan, GeneraleSocial and Economic Character-
istics, pp. 24-240.

82Respondent,63.

83Ingham County Controllers Office.

26

National, State, and County
Levels of_Competition

It should first be known what the orientation of the
organizational efforts of the parties in Lansing and Ingham
County is, and whether or not the reaction of the voters in
the city and the county explain the orientation of organi-
zational efforts. Lansing has been traditionally Republican
at the national, state and county levels. Although the
Democrats carried the county in the 1854 campaign84 since
1856, the Republicans have been successful with few ex-
ceptions. The city has voted Republican with two exceptions
in all national elections,85 while on only three occasions
has it elected a Democrat to the state legislature.86
Similarly, on the county level with one exception in 1924
and 1932, and three in 1936, the Republicans have been
successful.87

If we look at a more recent period--l948 through
l960--we can gain more insight as to the orientation of
organizational efforts. Graph 1 indicates the percentage of
the two-party vote of the Republican nuclei within the

various constituencies. The table indicated that the voters

reacted differently toward the nuclei. The nuclei, over the

 

Bepansing and Its Yesterdays, p. 52.

BSIbid.

86Form, p. 528.

8711616., p. 533.

27

 

 

7O

69 4L

68 Ingham County
Senatorial Offlces

66%| ' State Legislative

644 Offices

63" ‘

62?
61»

601 “\\\\\\\\ P Side tlal
59‘t
58”
57“ ongressional
56% ‘ ,
L \/
55‘ ‘
54v ‘

53+»
52¢-

 

51+

49* e bernatori-

§\

 

46“ Minor Sta e-
wide offi -s

p
T_
//

 

43” 1948 1950 1952 1954 1956 1958 1960

L‘ L 4L

 

 

fl U ' ‘ V T

Graph 1. Republican Percentage of the Two—Party Vote In the
Total Constituencies: 1948 - 1960.

28

period, faced different levels of competition. The Republi-
can county nuclei, on an average, received 61.6% of the two-
party vote over the period, while the Republican state legis-
lative nuclei received 55.4% of the vote. The Republican
presidential nucleus received 52.8% of the vote, and the
congressional nucleus received on an average of 52.7% of the
two-party vote. The Republican senatorial nucleus received
49.2% while the minor state-wide and the gubernatorial nuclei
were receiving 49.2% and 47.1% of the two-party vote
respectively.

The variations in the reaction of the voters can be
partially explained by the differences in the sets of voters
within the constituencies. The county nuclei constituency
was restricted to Ingham County,88 while the state legis—
lative nuclei faced the voters in Ingham and an adjoining
county.89 The 6th district congressional nucleus ran in a
constituency comprised of Ingham and two other counties.

The presidential, senatorial, gubernatorial and minor state-

. .90 . . . .
Wlde nuclei ran in state-Wide constituenC1es.

 

88County‘nuclei. The offices included in this cate-

gory are: prosecuting attorney, sheriff, county clerk,
county treasurer, register of deeds, drain commissioner,
coroner, county surveyor.

89State legislative nuclei. Three House of Repre—
sentative districts and one Senate district are the offices
included in this category.

90Minor state—wide nuclei. These nuclei include the
lieutenant governor, secretary of state, attorney general,
state treasurer, and auditor general.

29

The variations in the reactions of the voters may
establish the basis for the cooperation or non-cooperation
among the nuclei. Following the theory suggested by
Schlesinger, we would assume that it would be the competitive
nuclei that would need and seek help.91 It is the enclaved
relationship which is most applicable to our problem. The
nuclei in the larger constituencies are in the closer levels
of competition. The presidential, gubernatorial, senatorial,
minor state-wide and congressional nuclei should seek the
help of the other. I do not assume that the county and the
state legislative nuclei do not need organizational activity

at the precinct level, merely that the other nuclei need it

more.

Nonpartisan City Elections

The Lansing city government provides another level
of offices toward which party organizational attempts could
be directed. Since 1925 the city elections have been non-
partisan. Even though the party label does not appear on
the ballot, Republicans have been generally successful. One
academician has claimed that Republican small businessmen
have been able to control the city government under the non—
partisan label. He suggests that they need not run as Re-
publicans because they have been able to use the nonpartisan

label as an easy avenue to electoral success.92

 

91Schlesinger, p. 50.

92Respondent, 68.

30

The question requiring examination is the degree to
which the local party organizations get involved in city
campaigns. My investigation indicates that the Republican
and Democratic leaders generally do not perceive the capture
of city offices as a party organizational goal. One Republi-
can county committee member claimed that the party as an
organization does not take part in city campaigns.93 How-
ever, he did say that Republican workers do aid city office
seekers. Similarly, Democratic ward leaders indicated that
Democratic workers on an individual basis will aid known
Democrats.

Evidently the Republican and the Democratic leaders
do not perceive the capture of city offices as party organi-
zational goals, since party organizational efforts toward
city nuclei are not useful in fulfilling their prime party
organizational goals. The involvement of party workers in

95

city campaigns can create factionalism. Also when the city

and party campaigns are at the same time, activity devoted to

city candidates is time away from aiding party candidates.96

 

93Respondent, 64.
94Respondent, 72, 83.
95Respondent, 64.

96

Respondent 61, 74.

31

The 1962 Campaign

The question before us is the orientation of the
organizational activities of the political parties in Lansing
during the 1962 campaign. The orientation as indicated by
the differences in the levels of competition in Table 1

would be more towards the state-wide and congressional nuclei

than towards the state legislative and county nuclei.

 

 

 

Table l. The Republican percentages of the two-party vote
in the city, county, and larger constituencies.
. Larger
City County Constituencies
Gubernatorial 56.1 61.2 51.4
Minor State—Wide 52 . 6 57 . e 48 . 0
6th District Congressional 58.1 61.5 54.5
State-Wide Congressional 53.5 57.7 47.6
State Legislative 55.7 58.9 59.6
County 61.1 63.1

 

Organizational activities can have a greater effect

upon the fate of the gubernatorial, minor state-wide, and

congressional nuclei since they become more competitive in

their total constituencies,

while it would have less of an

effect upon the fate of the state legislative and county

nuclei since they become less competitive in their total

constituencies.

32

Maps 1 and 2 demonstrate the constituencies of the
Republican candidates during the 1962 campaign. Map l demon-
strates that the constituencies of the candidates for the
gubernatorial, minor state-wide, and state-wide congressional
offices included all electoral units in Michigan. The candi-
date for the 6th district congressional office faced the
voters in GenesSe, Livingston, and Ingham Counties, while
the county candidates appealed to the voters in Ingham
County. Map 2 demonstrates that the constituency of the
senatorial candidate included Livingston and Ingham Counties.
The constituencies of the House of Representatives candi-
dates included various parts of Ingham County. The lst
district House of Representatives candidates appealed to
voters in Lansing Township. The City of Lansing was the
greatest part of their constituency. The constituency of
the candidate for the 2nd district House of Representatives
office included the remainder of Ingham County, which in-
cluded three precincts in the City of Lansing.

The orientation might also have been affected by the
differences in incumbencies and the levels of offices being
contested. The Republicans had office holders running for
all county and legislative offices. Similarly the Republican
candidate for the 6th district was an incumbent, while the
stateiwide congressional seat was a new district. On the
other hand the Democratic candidates for the gubernatorial
and the minor state-wide offices were the holders of these

offices.

33

Constituency of the
Minor State—wide
Candidates

  
  
      

Constituency of

i , Genesse
the Sta te-wide ' (6 Count
Congressional ZfN/j

Candidate (2’

Constituency of the
Gubernatorial
Candidate

Constituency of the 6th
District
Congressional

Candidate

Constituency of
the County Candidates

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ingham
County
Livingston
County

 

 

 

Map 1. Constituencies of the Gubernatorial, Minor State-
wide, Congressional, and County Candidates.

34

 

 

Ingham
County
Livingston
City of Lansing County

Constituency of the lst

District House of

Representatives

Candidates

I 7 I I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

——-.. .—._._..

 

 

 

E 1
L 1‘
Lan ing
Township Delhi
Township
Constituency of the 2nd

Constituency of
the Senatorial
Candidate

District House of
Representatives
Candidate

Map 2. Constituencies of the State Legislative Candidates:
1962

35

In 1962, the presidential and the senatorial offices
were not being contested, hence the gubernatorial office
gained prominence. The Democrats had won the gubernatorial
office with G. Mennen Williams from 1948 to the 1958 campaign
and with John Swainson in the 1960 campaign. The Republican
candidate for governor was George Romney who gained prominence
in state politics through his connections with the Consti-
tutional Convention.

Both parties established a formal organization to
aid in the campaign. Each group of county and state legis—
lative candidates, Democratic and Republican, appointed a
county committee to assist them in their campaigns. The
county committee then appointed individuals, who provided
leadership at the precinct level.

For electoral purposes the county is divided into
townships and cities. These are further subdivided into
precincts. The precincts in Lansing are grouped into four
wards. The wards contained from 15 to 21 precincts. In
total there were 74 precincts existing in Lansing during the
1962 campaign.

The parties differed in the degree to which they
appointed individuals to formal position in these electoral
sub-divisions. The Democrats appointed ward chairmen in two

of the four wards.97 I was not able to ascertain the number

 

97Respondent 72.

36

of individuals who served as precinct chairmen for the Demo-
cratic Party. Rather than have party workers restricted to
a particular precinct, the Democrats would move workers from
precinct to precinct during the campaign. Often the efforts
were simply those of the workers remaining in their homes
and telephoning the voters in different precincts.98 In
contrast, the Republican County Committee appointed four
ward chairmen and 62 precinct chairmen.

The selection of the Republican Party as the focus
of the study was determined by two factors. First, the
Republican Party had an ample number of individuals in
formal leadership positions at the precinct level, while the

Democratic Party evidently did not. Secondly, the Republican

county committee officials cooperated to the fullest extent.

Methodology

I have utilized in this research a variety of sources
in examining the problem. Literature, census data, voting
data, newspapers, party and governmental files, and inter-
views were used.

However, the sources were used in different ways.

The literature was used to develop the problem, and gave me
a basis of comparison with other findings. ”The census data

allowed me to establish a basis of comparison between the

 

98Respondent 84.

37

chairmen and the residents of the precincts as well as to
establish a profile of the city. On the other hand the
voting data were used to indicate differences in the levels
of competition of the nuclei and to establish variations in
political behavior within the precincts. Newspspers, party
and governmental files were utilized in establishing a back-
ground for the study. However, the main source of data was
obtained through interviews. The interview instrument was
pre-tested in East Lansing, and in January, February, and
March of 1963, it was utilized in interviewing in Lansing.
The instrument was used in interviewing fifty—one Republican
precinct chairmen. Interviews with Democratic and Republican
party officials, labor union leaders, newspaper editors,
academicians, and employees of the city, county, and state

governments were included in the background explorations.

CHAPTER II
THE RECRUITMENT PROCESS

This chapter will focus upon the recruitment process
of the Republican Party in Lansing during the 1962 campaign.
The main objective is to find indicators of the cooperative
efforts among the attempts to capture elective offices
through the recruitment process. Secondly, I shall examine
this aspect in detail following the framework presented in
the first chapter.

The recruitment process of the Republican Party is
affected by its orientation to national and state offices.
The success that the party has in recruiting is related to
conditions in the larger constituency. The number of indi-
viduals recruited varies from campaign to campaign. One
factor that affects its success in recruiting is the levels
of offices being contested. Party leaders generalize that
it is easier to recruit individuals in presidential campaigns
than in nonpresidential campaigns.l Even in nonpresidential
years individuals are more inclined to participate in fall
campaigns when the gubernatorial and the minor state-wide

offices are being contested, than they are in the spring

 

lRespondents, 61 and 85.

38

39

campaigns when the contests are for the state-wide judicial
and educational offices.2 Other factors affecting recruit-
ment are the attractiveness of a particular candidate, or
the perceived closeness of an election. A former county
chairman stated that during the 1952 campaign with the
attractiveness of Eisenhower as a presidential candidate the
Republican Party had little difficulty in recruiting.3 In
some gubernatorial campaigns during the 1950's many Republi-
cans felt that the election of a Democratic governor was a
foregone conclusion, and hence were reluctant to take part
in campaigning.

The recruitment process also is affected by the long
period of success that Republican candidates have had in
Ingham County. One party leader said, that the long period
of success has developed a sense of complacency among Re-
publicans.5 A county committee member in addressing himself
to the same problem stated that Republican leaders have been
unable to convince some Republicans of the necessity of work-
ing for state-wide pluralities. As he put it, some say, "we

are winning in Ingham County so why should we work?"6

 

2Respondent, 61.
3Respondent, 62.
4Respondent, 61.
511021..

6Respondent, 64.

40

I shall narrow the discussion to the recruitment
process of the Ingham County Republican Committee. The
county committee recruited individuals who assisted all Re-
publican candidates during the 1962 campaign. However,
various nuclei also recruited individuals in Lansing. The
gubernatorial nucleus recruited individuals into an organi-
zation referred to as the Romney Volunteers. The Romney
Volunteers consisted of Republicans, Democrats, and Inde-
pendents who wanted to aid Romney, but who did not desire to
work through the regular organization.7 The congressional
nuclei also recruited individuals to aid them at the precinct
level.8 The gubernatorial and the congressional candidates
were assisted by the county and state legislative candidates
who established the county committee recruiting apparatus,
however the gubernatorial and congressional candidates evi-
dently found it necessary to have additional precinct workers
in meeting the needs of their competitive and constituency
conditions.

My concern focuses upon a segment of the campaign
workers. There were about 1,000 individuals who assisted
Republican candidates during the 1962 campaign,9 however I

shall limit myself to the recruitment of the precinct

 

7Respondent, 61.
8Respondents, 9 & 61.

9ReSpondent, 71.

41

chairmen and the precinct workers of the county committee
participating in Lansing.

Tables 2 and 3 indicate the percentage of precincts
with chairmen, and their tenure. Table 2 indicates that the
county committee recruited chairmen in 83.75% of the

precincts for the 1962 campaign.

Table 2. Percentage of chairmened precincts during the 1962
campaign.

 

 

 

N
Precincts Where There
were Chairmen 83.75% 62
Precincts Where There
were No Chairmen 16.25% 12
100% 74

 

Table 3 indicates that the vast majority of the
respondents (74.48%) were serving their first term as chair-
men, while 25.52% had served previously. The percentage of
precincts with chairmen and the tenure of the chairmen re-
flects the size of the job the county committee has in re—
cruiting new chairmen and retaining its former chairmen.

The low tenure reflects the fact that former chairmen were
dismissed when they did not reach the expected performance

level.10 The large number of new chairmen can also be

 

loRespondent, 70.

42

attributed to the appointment of chairmen in precincts where
formerly individuals had not been appointed chairmen. An-
other factor affecting the level of tenure among chairmen is
the voluntary withdrawal of individuals from the

chairmanship.11

Table 3. Tenure of the precinct chairmen.

 

 

 

 

N

After the 1960 Campaign 74.48% 38
Since 1960 Campaign 9.80% 5
Since 1958 Campaign 7.84% 4
Since 1956 Campaign 1.96% 1
Since 1952 Campaign 5.88% 3
100% 21

 

I have indicated in Chapter I that success in
recruiting can be related to factors distinctive to the
precincts. In the following section I shall attempt to
establish whether the county committee success in recruiting

is related to the socio-economic composition of the precincts.

 

llRespondents 61, 70, 71, 73.‘ See Chapter III, pages
10 through 25 for the degree of turnover among the 1962
campaign chairmen, and the manner by which the commitment of
the precinct chairmen is maintained for further campaigns.

43

My test will deal with the recruitment of precinct chairmen
and precinct workers ixlthe 1962 campaign and the recruitment
of activists from the 1958 through 1960 period.

Each of the precincts in the city was assigned a
socio-economic index score. Three characteristics of the
residents of the precincts were used in determining the
score. The characteristics were family income, education of
individuals 24 years old and over, and the occupations of
individuals 14 years old and over. The sub-divisions of the
characteristics were separated into a roughly twenty percent
distribution using the city distribution as a profile. The
distribution of these twenty percent proportions among the
residents was found by using the census tracts of the city.
The census tracts did not match precinct lines, therefore
the number of a precinct's blocks that were in a census
tract as compared to the total number of blocks in the
census tract was used to determine the percentage that the
characteristics of the residents of the precinct represented
of the total characteristics of the census tract. For ex-
ample, if there were fifty blocks in the census tract and
twenty-five of these blocks were in one precinct, then the
precinct residents were assumed to have accounted for fifty
percent of the characteristics. The percentage (50%) was
multiplied by the total number in the census tract of each
of the twenty percent proportions. I would multiply 50%

times the number of families who had made less than $3,999,

44

etc. In this way I found the total number of families in
each of the proportions. I would then find the percentage
of families that made less than $3,999, etc., within the
precinct. This percentage was then multiplied by the as-
signed weight of the proportion. The weights times the per-
centages of the proportions of the income characteristics
gave me the income score for the precinct. Likewise scores
were derived for occupation and education. The income,
occupation, and education scores were added to give the
total socio-economic score for the precinct.

I shall in the following three tables test the propo-
sition that the higher success in recruiting was related
positively to precincts which had a higher socio—economic
composition. In Table 4 the proposition is supported. The
higher success in recruiting precinct chairmen was related
positively to precincts which had a higher socio—economic
composition. The county committee had higher success in
recruiting precinct chairmen from precincts with a 8.0 or
more socio-economic score, while the county committee had
lower success in recruiting precinct chairmen from precincts
with a 7.9 or less socio-economic score.

Similarly the proposition is supported in Table 5
concerning the recruitment of precinct workers during the
1962 campaign. The test is statistically significant at the
.05 level. The higher success in recruiting precinct workers
during the 1962 campaign was related positively to precincts

with a higher socio-economic composition. In precincts with

45

 

 

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46

a 9.0 or more socio—economic scoretthe socio-economic score
the county cOmmittee was more likely to recruit 11 or more
precinct workers, while in precincts with a 8.9 or the county
committee was more likely to recruit 10 or less precinct

workers.

Table 5. Variation in the success in recruiting precinct
workers as related to the socio-economic compo-
sition of the precinct.

 

I — L.—
— j l

Socio-economic Score

Number of Precinct N
Workers ~ 9.0 or More 8.9 or Less

 

10 Precinct workers

 

or Less ' 7 19 26
11 Precinct workers
or More 13 6 19
N 20 26 45
2 .
X =a7.6

 

In Table 6 I shall test whether the higher success
in recruiting participants from the 1958 through the 1960
period was related positively to precincts which had a
higher socio-economic composition. The number of partici-
pants during the period in each precinct was collected from
the files of the county committee. It included the names of
individuals who had helped the county committee in one way

or another. Some of the individuals had helped financially,

47

while others acted as campaign workers. Here again the
proposition is supported. The test is statistically signifi-
cant at the .05 level. Although the higher success in
recruiting participants was related positively to precincts
which had a higher (9.0 or more) socio-economic composition,
the most evident finding was the relationship between lower
success in recruiting participants to precincts with a lower

(85” or less socio-economic composition.

Table 6. Variation in the success in recruiting participants
as related to the socio-economic composition of
the precinct.

W

Socio-economic Score

Number of

 

 

Participants 9.0 or More 8.9 or Less N

30 or Less 10 39 49

31 or More 14 5 19

N 24 44 68
X2=18

 

,Republican officials have stated that they find it
necessary to recruit individuals to serve as party workers.
One county committee member estimated that about 10% of the
party workers approach the party while the others need to be

recruited.12 Similarly 11.76% approached the party who

 

12Respondent, 64.

48

served as a chairman during the 1962 campaign as indicated
in Table 7. Thé‘vast majority (88.24%) were encouraged by
other individuals to become a chairman. Many of these be-
came chairmen.under duress. A substantial proportion stated
that they were "pressured" (11.76% very important, 11.76%
important) into the chairmanship, while a larger proportion
(19.60% very important, 15.58% important) mentioned that "no
one elseuwould take the chairmenship."

Table 7 indicates the high proportion (61.72%) of
respondents who were encouraged by party officials to become
a precinct chairman. The ward officials (the ward and area
chairmen) performing their functions as representatives of
the county committee encouraged 53.88% of the respondents to
become a chairman. Party officials outside the ward organi-
zation (7.84%) also encouraged individuals who they had
known on a friendship basis.

The recruitment process clearly is aided by a re-
liance upon friendship ties. In total 41.16% of the re-
spondents were encouraged to become chairmen by friends.

The total is sub-divided into three friendship groups:
friends who were party officials (29.40%), friends who were
candidates (3.92%), and friends with no official political
identification (11.76%). While associational ties aid in
recruitment, nevertheless, reliance thereon probably limits
the segment of the social structure that the party draws

upxan.

49

 

 

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50

Quite noticeable is the low percentage of respondents
(5.88%) who were encouraged by candidates or their represen-
tatives to become a precinct chairman. The low percentage
might indicate the distribution of functions in a general
election campaign. That is, that party officials would
carry on the recruiting function while candidates would de-
vote their time and energy to other functions. However, the
low percentage also can indicate the degree of cooperation
among the nuclei. The precinct chairmen are needed more by
the candidates in the larger constituency than they are by
the candidates in the smaller constituencies. The smaller
constituency candidates, the county and state legislative
candidates exhibit their attempts to get assistance at the
precinct level through the recruitment process. Even though
they have established the apparatus for recruiting they did
not take an active part in it. Neither did the smaller con-
stituency candidates pass over to the county committee a
list of the individuals who were part of their nuclei in the
primaries.13 One candidate stated that he just doesn't en-
courage people to campaign for his candidacy in a general
election for he saw little need to do it.14 He also stated
that it is quite difficult to get individuals to work in
both a primary and a general election campaign. Many indi—

viduals feel that the primary is the election that determines

 

l3Respondent, 61.

l4Respondent, 62.

51

the fate of the nucleus. workers in a primary feel they
have done their part and others should work in the general
election. This is especially true for workers who are
personal friends of a candidate.

The period of appointment of the precinct chairmen
also indicates the manner by which nuclei cooperate. Candi-
dates in the smaller constituencies established the apparatus
to help the candidates in the larger constituency. Re—
cruitment and‘training sessions were discouraged by the county
and state legislative candidates in July and August in order
to decrease the number of individuals taking part in the
August primary.

Table 7 indicates that 39.10% were appointed in
October and September. It also indicates that 15.56%.were
appointed in August. Whether they were appointed before or
after the primary was not established, however the likeli-
hood exists that the majority were appointed after the
primary. The smaller constituency candidates cooperated
with the larger constituency candidates in recruiting
precinct chairmen, however the degree of their c00peration
was affected by how this cooperation affected their own fate.

The cooperative efforts among the nuclei supports
the major proposition of the study. All of the attempts to
capture the elective offices were drawn into cooperative

efforts in varying degrees through the recruitment process,

 

15Respondent, 61.

52

since they all shared the Lansing voters in common. The
attempts to capture the offices in the competitive con-
stituencies had a greater need of assistance from the county
committee in recruiting precinct chairmen, than did the at—
tempts to capture the offices in the one-party constituen—
cies. The need of assistance that all of the attempts to
capture elective offices had was met through the county com-
mittee's recruitment of precinct chairmen. However, the re-
cruitment met essentially the greater need for assistance of
the attempts to capture the offices in the competitive
constituencies. Through a common recruitment process
carried on by the county committee the attempts to capture
the offices in the competitive constituencies were closely
drawn into cooperative efforts. The recruitment process was
carried on mainly by the appointed officials of the county
committee with limited cooperation from the candidates for
the offices in the one-party constituencies. These candi-
dates because of their proximity to the city could have
taken a more active role in the recruitment process. Their
limited involvement in the recruitment process reflected
their lesser need for assistance from the precinct chairmen
to become part of the cooperative efforts to capture the
offices in the one-party constituencies. Therefore, the re-
cruitment process reflected how the attempts to capture the
offices (nuclei) in the competitive constituencies were more

closely drawn into cooperative efforts among themselves at

53

the precinct level, while the attempts to capture the
offices (nuclei) in the one-party constituencies were less
closely drawn into cooperative efforts at the precinct level
among themselves or with the nuclei in the competitive
constituencies.

The additional recruitment by the gubernatorial and
the congressional nuclei is a reflection of a common practice
of nuclei to establish committees to recruit individuals who
are particularly interested in working for a particular
candidate. It is also a reflection of the variation of the
constituency of the 6th district congressional nucleus from
the constituencies of the other competitive nuclei.

While it was mainly the responsibility of the ward
officials to recruit the precinct chairmen, the chairmen had
the responsibility of recruiting precinct workers. The vast
majority (90.19%) stated that they recruited precinct workers

themselves.16

The recruiting of precinct workers was not
limited to the chairmen, since others would help. A few
chairmen mentioned they would call upon their friends to aid

17 The chairmen also had the opportunity to

in campaigning.
recruit workers in their canvassing. They could ask, "Have
you or any member of your household ever worked to turn out

a Republican vote?” and "would you help us in this campaign?"18

 

160. 35. Did you have to do some recruiting?
l7Respondents, 38 and 45.
18

Suggested Telephone Canvass Talk ## l.

54

The respondents were brought into the chairmanship
through several recruitment channels. The channels through
which the respondents expressed their interest were both in-
side the formal party structure as well as outside the
formal party structure.

Table 8 indicates that 43.12% of the respondents ex-
pressed their interest in taking part through formal
structure of the party. Some respondents acted as precinct
workers (15.68%), while others were members (7.84%) of a
party club. A few served as chairmen or vice chairmen of
other precincts (5.88%), while others had been precinct
delegates (3.92%). The others expressed their interest
through party work (3.92%), party meetings (3.92%), and the
Romney VOlunteers (1.96%).

Table 8 also indicates that (33.32%) of the re-
spondents expressed their interest in becoming a precinct
chairman through channels outside the formal structure.
Conversations that developed from social contacts (19.60%),
or occupational contacts (5.88%) can aid in recruiting.
Similarly contacts at civic organizations (3.92%) and at
churches (3.92%) were part of the recruitment process.

The county committee is able to rely upon individuals
who have taken part in past campaigns in recruiting its
precinct chairmen. As Table 9 demonstrated 86.28% of the re—
spondents were involved in campaign activity before becoming

chairmen. The larger percentage of the total (76.24%) had

55

Table 8. Recruitment channels.

 

 

0. 27b. How do you think (he, she) learned that you were
interested?

 

Contributors in the

Lansing Units N
Precinct Workers 15.68% 8
Party Clubs 7.84% 4

Precinct Chairmen
or Vice Chairmen

of other Precincts 5.88% 3
Precinct Delegate 3.92% 2
Party work 3.92% 2
Party Meetings 3.92% 2
Romney Volunteers 1.96% l

43.12% '22

Recruitment Channels
Outside the Party

Social Contacts 19.60% 10
Occupational Contacts 5.88% 3
Civic Organizations 3.92% 2
Church 3.92% 2

33.32% II;

Did Not Know or
Not Ascertained

Did Not Know 15.68% 8
Not Ascertained 7.84% 4

23.52% 12

100% 51

 

 

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57

/
helped the local party, while 9.80% were active either else-

where in the United States or in Lansing city politics. How—
ever, involvement in former campaigns is not a prerequisite
for the precinct chairmanships as evidenced by the fact that
13.72%.were not involved in any earlier campaign work.

The extent of the involvement of the respondents in
earlier campaign activity, measured in terms of the variety
of previous political activities and their period of
apprenticeship,19 is not very high. Table 9 indicates the
scope of their former activities and the period of ap—
prenticeship for the chairmen. The respondents were
generally engaged in common campaign activities such as
calling the voters, driving the voters to the polls on
election day, acting as a challenger, and distributing
literature. However, one chairman was a former county chair-
man and another had formerly been the chairman of a finance
committee for a gubernatorial candidate. The sc0pe of their
former activities is related to their period of apprentice-
ship. The chairmen who served an apprenticeship of 11 years
or longer performed three or more different types of activi-
ties during the period. While the chairmen who served an
apprenticeship of l—10 years were more likely to have per-

formed in only one or two different activities.

 

19The period of apprenticeship is the difference be-
tween when the respondents became active in politics, and
when they became a precinct chairman.

58

The overall periods of apprenticeship of the chair-
men was not very long. As Table 9 indicates 15.68% served
an apprenticeship during the campaigns, while 35.28% were
active in politics 1-4 years before they became chairmen.
Another 17.64% were active from 5—10 years, and 17.64% were
involved from 11-21 years or more.

The reliance upon individuals who have had relatively
limited former campaign activities indicates the adapta-
bility of the county committee to its environment. The
party has a high turnover among the ranks of its campaign
workers and the quick acceleration of individuals into the
precinct chairmanships is a result. The type of campaigning
carried on, which amounts to mainly contacting the voters on
an ad hoc basis, would not require individuals who have
been involved in politics for a longer period. The county
committee is trying to put new emphasis on precinct level
organization and has by necessity had to recruit whomever it

can .

CHAPTER III
SOCIAL ORIGINS

The main objective in this chapter is to establish
how the social origins of the precinct chairmen indicate the
cooperative efforts among the attempts to elect party candi-
dates. Secondly, I shall examine the social origins of the
chairmen in depth, and thirdly, I shall indicate the
relationship of social origins to campaigning.

Table 10 indicates the segment of the social
structure in Lansing that Republican nuclei drew upon for
their precinct chairmen. The characteristics of the chair-
men are those at the time of the survey, and are not
necessarily those at the time of recruitment.

The table demonstrates that the nuclei drew dis-
proportionately from different social strata. The chairmen
'were drawn from the better educated segment of the social
structure. While 60.78% (college, 31.37%, some college,
29.41%) of the chairmen attended college, only 18.46%
(<2ollege, 10.48%, some college 7.98%) of the Lansing adults
harve pursued a college education. Few of the chairmen
(3 .9296) had less than four years of high school, while 51.35%

(l-3 years of high school, 21.67%, 8 years of grammer school

59

 

 

60

 

 

 

 

 

Table 10. Social origins of the precinct chairmen as com-
pared to the social origins of the adult popu—
lation of Lansing.

Chairmen N City N

Education:

College 31.3 % 16 7.98% 4747
Some College 29.41% 15 10.48% 6230
High School 35.28% 18 30.98% 18383
1-3 Years of

High School 3.92% 2 21.67% 12580
8 Years of

Grammar School

or Less 0.00% O 29.38% 17461

100% 51 100% 59519
Family Income:
$10,000 or '

.More 37.24% 19 16.64% 4685
$ 9,999-$8,000 21.56% 11 15.42% 4250
$ 7,999-$6,000 21.56% 11 23.73% 6539
$ 5,999-$4,000 11.76% 6 25.19% 6943
$ 3.999 or Less 0.00% 0 18.63% 5134
N.A. ‘7;84% ' 4

100% 51 100% 27551
Occupationa
Professional and

Managerial 41.16% 21 19.22% 8177

Clerical 33.22% 17 20.80% 8550

 

61

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 10. _Continued
Chairmen N City N
Sales &
Crafts 21.56% 11 22.56% 9606
Operatives 3.92% 2 16.79% 7153
Other 0.00% 0 15.41% 6667
Not Reported 0.00% 0 5.06% 2399
100% 51 100% 42562
Government Employment:
County 1.96% 1
Other 1.96% 1
Total Governmental
Employment 3.92% 2 20.40% 8698
Does Not Apply 96.08% 49 79.60% 33864
100% 51 100% 42562
Age
25534 27.24% 14 24.36% 14396
35-44 35.28% 18 22.90% 13637
45-54 21.56% 11 19.92% 11862
55-64 7.84% 4 16.79% 9812
65 or more 7.84% 4 16.70% 9744
100% 51 100% 59461

62

Table 10. Continued

 

 

 

 

Chairman N City N
Sex 25 Years and Over
Male 52.92% 27 47.45% 28108
Female 47.04% 24 52.55% 31353
100% 51 100% 59461

 

aIn 21.58% of the cases, women classified their
occupation as that of a housewife; therefore the occupation
of the husband was substituted.

or less, 29.68%) of the adult population fall in this cate-
gory. The Republican nuclei also attracted individuals
whose family income fell in the higher categories. More
than half (58.8%)($10,000 or more, 37.24%, $9,999-$8,000,
21.56%) of the respondents' families made over $8,000, while
only about a third (32.06%) ($10,000 or more, 16.64%, $9,999-
$8,000, 15.42%) of the families in the city had an income of
more than $8,000. Although the percentages of the $7,999-
$6,000 category were quite similar (chairmen 21.56%, city as
a whole, 23.73%), the nuclei drew a smaller percentage
(11.76%) ($5.999-$4,000, 11.76%, $3,999 or less, 0.00%) from
the families that made less than $5,999 than the percentage
(43.82%) for the families of the city ($5,999-$4,000, 25.19%,
$3,999 or less, 18.63%) . Table 10 demonstrates that while

711.38% of the chairmen or their husbands had professional,’

63

managerial, or clerical positions (professional and
managerial, 41.16%, clerical 33.32%), only 40.10% of the
population of the city had similar occupations (professional
and managerial, 19.20%, clerical 20.80%). On the other hand,
the percentage (21.56%) of the chairmen or their husbands
employed in either sales or craftsmen positions is quite
similar to the average (22.56%) for the city, while the
chairmen are far underrepresented in the remaining categories
(operatives 3.92%, other, 0.00%) as compared to the city
percentages (operatives 16.79%, other 15.41%). Quite
noticeable is the underrepresentation of the chairmen among
those employed in governmental positions; while 20.40% of
the adult population of the city is employed in governmental
positions only 3.92% of the chairmen were employed in the
various branches of government. The chairmen on a whole are
younger than the adult population of Lansing. While the
chairmen are overrepresentative of the 35-44 category (chair—
men 35.28%, city 22.90%) they are underrepresentative of the
categories of age groups 55 years and over (chairmen 55-64,
7.84%, 65 or more 7.84%; city 55—64, 16.79%, 65 or more,
16.70%) .

Although males were slightly overrepresented at the
precinct chairmen level (chairmen 52.92%; city, 47.45%) the
respondents stated that a high proportion of the precinct
vworkers were women. Table 11 indicates that 78.70% of the

chairmen stated that women were predominant among their

64

precinct workers. Party leaders similarly have indicated
the predominance of women among the precinct workers. One
leader claimed “If you really want to get things done, you

must rely upon the women, they do about 85% of the work."1

Table 11. Composition of the precinct workers.

 

 

Q. 40. would you say that precinct workers are all women,
mainly women, about half are women, mainly men, all

 

 

 

men?

N
All Women 13.72% 7
Mainly women 64.68% 33
Half are WOmen 11.76% 6
Mainly Men - 1.96% 1
All Men ‘ 0.00 0

92.12%
No workers 7.84% 4
100.00% 51

 

The chairmen offered a diverstiy of responses as to
why there were so many women. Some stated that women had
more time or patience to carry on detail work. Others felt
that campaign activities can provide a diversion from the

dishes and the diapers. One chairman suggested that campaign

‘

1Respondent, 62.

65

activities can have a liability for some men and less so if
carried on by their wives.2 Politics might be good for their
business, but manifest campaign activities might not be good
for business. The wife can participate by telephoning with-
out necessarily being identified in doing so.

The social origins of the precinct chairmen lends
support to the major proposition of the study. The social
origins reflect how the various nuclei were drawn into co-
operative efforts at the precinct level. It has been
established that the county committee drew disproportionally
from the younger age groups. The younger age groups are
predominant in nuclear attempts which focus upon the national
and state-wide offices.3 The predominance of the younger
age groups among the precinct chairmen reflects the close
drawing together of the cooperative efforts among the at-
tempts to capture the offices in the competitive constitu-
encies. The attempts to capture the offices in the one—
party constituencies have a greater ability to attract older
women into their nuclear attempts, as they often do during
primary contests.4 The relative absence of older women among
the ranks of the precinct chairmen reflects how these at-

tempts were less closely drawn into cooperative efforts among

 

2Respondent, 28.

3Respondent, 61.

41bid.

66

themselves or with the attempts to capture the offices in
the competitive constituencies.

In its additional organizational efforts the 6th
district congressional nucleus recruits older women into the
ranks of its campaign workers.5 It appears that in its ad—
ditional organizational efforts the nucleus recruits from
friendship networks different from those used by the county
committee. The additional campaign workers of this nucleus
were not integrated into the ranks of the campaign workers

of the county committee.6

Although efforts were directed
toward the success of the candidate for the 6th district
congressional office through the county committee's efforts,
its additional efforts reflects the divergence of its con—
stituency from the constituencies of the other competitive
nuclei.

The segment of the social structure that the nuclei
recruited from for the 1962 campaign was affected by a number
of additional factors. The first factor is that the college
educated and fairly young white collar individual can be at-
tracted into participation by the use of issue incentives as

has been shown in other studies.7 Secondly, the voting

literature indicates that Republican candidates attract

 

5Ibid.

61bid.

7Marvick and Nixon, p. 204. Wilson, pp. 258-288.

 

In... .,
|

 

.lrr

67

heavy voting support from this segment;8 therefore, it is

not surprising that campaign workers would also come from
this segment. Also, the reliance upon associational ties in
recruiting further limits the segment of the social structure
that the nuclei draw upon.

I have discussed in previous paragraphs the social
origins of the chairmen as compared to the social origins of
the adult population of the city. In this section I shall
narrow the discussion to a comparison of the socio-economic
scores of the chairmen and the adult residents in their
precincts. I shall approach the discussion from three
perspectives; the first being how the nuclei were able to
draw from the segments of the social structure within the
individual precincts; secondly, I shall indicate the simi-
larity between the social origins of the chairmen and the
adult residents of the precinct; thirdly, I shall indicate
the relationship of the social origins of the chairmen to
campaigning.

In order to establish a basis of comparison between
the chairmen and the residents socio-economic scales were
developed. I have discussed previously how the socio-
economic scale for the residents was established. Similarly,
the scale for the chairmen was composed of three character—

istics, education, occupation, and family income. In the

 

8Angus Campbell, The voter-Decides (Evanston, 1954),
pp. 70-73.

68

case of housewives, the husband's occupation was substituted.
For example, if the respondent was engaged in a profession,
I assigned the weight of 5 to this type of occupation. The
weights also were assigned for the categories into which the
respondents educational and family income levels fell. The
scores for the education, occupation, and family income were
totaled to give the socio-economic score for the chairmen.
Table 12 demonstrates the comparison of the socio-
economic scores of the chairmen and the residents of their
precincts. The table indicates that with only two exceptions,
the nuclei attracted individuals who had higher socio—
economic scores than the scores for the residents of the
precincts. Particularly noticeable is the pattern of an in-
creasing divergence of the socio-economic scores of the
chairmen as we move from the higher to the lower socio-
economic precincts. This pattern of divergence represents
the overrepresentation of the segment of the social structure
that the nuclei mainly drew upon. The sum of the percentages
of the chairmen who had socio-economic scores from 15 through
11 (15, 7.84%; 14, 17.58%; 13, 19.60%; 19, 9.80%; 11, 17.58%)
totals 72.40% of the respondents. The overrepresentation of
this segment results in an increasing dissimilarity between
the social origins of the chairmen and the residents of the
precincts as Table 13 indicates. The difference between the
socio-economic score of the chairmen and the socio-economic
score of the precincts increases as we move from the higher

tub the lower socio-economic precincts.

69

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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71

Although party leaders are aware of the narrowness
of the segment of the social structure thathepublicannuclei
draw upon, they do not attempt to recruit individuals whose
social origins are similar to the social origins of the resi-
dents of the precinct.9 The type of campaigning carried on

which relies heavily upon telephone canvassing does not

 

necessitate attempting to recruit chairmen whose social F
origins are similar to the social origins of the residents
of the precinct. Also, the fluidity of the chairmen and the .
residents of the precincts10 decreases the likelihood of a
stable pattern of relationships developing between the chair- L

men and the residents, where a similarity of social origins
would be most appropriate.

The Republican precinct chairmen are volunteers in—
volved in other social relations: their occupations, their
families, and their voluntary organizations. The precinct
chairmanship is a part-time activity which competes for time
of the chairmen with other commitments. Numerous respondents
mentioned that the chairmenship took time from their occu-

pational pursuits.ll Similarly their commitment to their

 

9Respondents, 64, 71, 72.

10The degree of turnover among the precinCt chairmen
is discussed on page 92 in Chapter IV. The population of
Lansing is highly mObile; during the 1959-60 period 25.04%
of the population moved into their residence, while in 1958,
10.23% occupied their residence. Michigan, General Social
and Economic Characteristics, p. 24—240.

llRespondents, 9, 13, 14, 22, 30.

72

fanulies competes with the time they could devote to campaign
.activities.' A number of women with small children spoke
particularly of the demands the children made restricting
'their campaigning time.12 On a number of occasions, party
leaders have mentioned the problem created by the involvement
of their campaign workers in voluntary organizations. The
party leaders claim the activities of these organizations
compete for the time of the campaign workers. They claim

the campaign workers repeatedly give involvement in these
organizations as an excuse for why they could not perform a
certain task.13

I shall in the following section examine the in-
volvement of the respondents in voluntary organizations and
establish the degree to which membership in these organi-
zations are beneficial to campaigning. I shall also
establish the degree to which the chairmen consider activi—
ties in these voluntary organizations rewarding as compared
to activities in party work.

As is indicated in Table 14, my discussion will not
focus on all of the chairmen, since 35.28% of the chairmen
did not belong to any voluntary organizations during the
time of the campaign. However, involvement in these organi—
zations did take considerable time from a number of the

chairmen. Table 14 indicates that activities in these

 

12Respondents, 24, 25, 43.

l3Respondents, 62, 70, 71.

73

carganizations took a great deal of time from 13.72% of the
:respondents, while 9.80% mentioned that they took some time

(during the campaign. The table also demonstrates that

19.60% said that these organizations took little time, while

21.56% mentioned that they took no time.

Table 14. The variation in the amount of time voluntary
organizations took during the campaign as com-
pared to the number of voluntary organizations
to which the chairman was a member.

 

 

J_._‘_ —;;
L _——

Q. 56. Do you belong to such organizations as the P.T.A..
the Chamber of Commerce, or other service
organizations?

 

 

Q. 56c. Did you find that these organizations took a great
deal, some, or little of your time during the
campaign?

 

 

The Amount of Time
These Organizations

Took During the Number of Organizations to Which

Campaign the Chairman is a Member
4 or
1 2 3 More N

 

Great Deal of

 

Time 0.00% 5.88% 3.92% 3.92% 13.72% 7

Some Time 1.96% 1.96% 3.92% 1.96% 9.84% 5

Little Time 7.84% 9.80% 1.96% 0.00% 19.60% 10

No Time 5.88% 0.00% 3.92% 11.76% 21.36% 11

Did Not Belong

to Any Organi-

zations 35.28% 35.28% 18
35.28% 15.48% 17.64% 13.72% 17.64% 100% 51

N 18 8 9 7 9 51

 

74

The distribution of the respondents among the cate-
gories is not quite what I expected after talking to party
leaders concerning the matter. I had expected that many
more would say these organizations took a great deal of time
during the campaign. The percentages of those who mentioned
that these organizations took a great deal of time (13.72%)
and some time (9.84%) are not overwhelming; however, it must I fifim
be emphasized that this is only one measurement of com—
mitments intruding upon the time that can be devoted to the

chairmenship. Further research, I am sure, can measure the

 

encroachments that familial and occupational commitments ' 5
have in limiting the time given on campaign activities.

The variation in the amount of time these organi-
zations took during the campaign is not highly related to
the number of organizations to which the respondents were
members. Although those respondents who were members of one
organization stated in a higher prOportion that a voluntary
organization took little (7.84%) or no (5.88%) time than
some (1. 96%) time, respondents who were members of two or
more organizations did not indicate a relationship between
the amount of time devoted to these organizations and the
number of organizations to which they were members.

Table 15 indicates that it is from those who held an
office in these organizations that are those who mentioned
these organizations took a great or some time (held an

office——great deal of time, 13.72% some time 7.84%, did not

75

hold an office-—great deal of time 0.00%, some time 1.96%)
during the campaign. However, holding an office in these
organizations does not always result in these organizations
taking a great deal or some time since 9.80% mentioned little

time and 11.76% said no time of those who held an office.

Table 15. Variation in the amount of time voluntary organi-
zations took during the campaign as related to
h01ding an office in these organizations.

 

Q. 56b. Do you hold any offices in these organizations, or
are you a member of a committee?

Q. 56c. Did you find that these organizations took a great
deal, some, or little, of your time during the
campaign? H

 

Variation in Holding

 

 

The Amount of Time an Office I

Voluntary Organi- Held an Did Not Hold

zations Took During Office An Office N

the Campaign

Great Deal of Time 13.72% 0 13.72% 7

Some Time 7.84% 1.96% 9.80% 5

Little Time 9.80% 9.80% 19.60% 10

No Time 11.76% 9.80% 21.56% 11

Was Not a Member of

a Voluntary Organization 35.28% 18
100% 51

The findings from Table 15 supports the analysis of
a Party leader concerning the involvement of chairmen in
voluntary organizations.14 He said it was not merely a

Quantitative problem concerning the number of campaign

 

 

l4Respondent, 70.

76

workers involved in voluntary organizations, rather more of

a qualitative problem concerning the type of campaign workers
involved in voluntary organizations. The problem created is
that the talents of those who have shown their leadership
abilities in other organizations are being expended in these
voluntary organizations rather than being totally utilized

in party work.

It has been established that the voluntary organi-
zations can intrude upon the time that the chairmen could
have devoted to campaign work; however, they might also be
beneficial in the sense that they can provide a means by
which campaign workers can perform their political tasks.
Table 16 demonstrates that 43.12% of the chairmen disucss
politics at such meetings. On a whole the chairmen mentioned
that the discussions took place in social context. After
the meeting in a conversation with a few of their friends the
discussion might turn to politics. With the exception of
one chairman who mentioned that she would deliver speeches
about public affairs at the meetings the chairmen did not
give me the impression that they were trying to utilize
these organizations as means by which they were performing
their political tasks. Evidently the value of membership in
these organizations lies not in the fact that they are uti-
lized as a campaigning channel, rather that they probably
increase the interest of the respondents in politics through

these social conversations.

77

Table 16. Discussion of public affairs at meetings of

voluntary organizations.

1

 

Q. 56d. Is there much of an opportunity to discuss public

affairs at meetings of these organizations?

 

 

N

Yes 43.12% 22

No 21.56% 11
Do Not Belong to Voluntary

Organizations 35.28% 18

100% 51

III

 

Given that many chairmen are involved in both party

work and voluntary organizations, a comparison of the re-

wards they receive from each might give an indication of

their commitments to voluntary organizations and party work.

As Table 17 demonstrates 31.36% of the respondents said that

activities in these voluntary organizations are more reward-

ing than party work, while 17.64% mentioned they received

about the same rewards, and 3.92% calimed that they are less

rewarding than party work. A few of the chairmen who
mentioned that voluntary organizational activities are more

rewarding said that "party work can become rather hum drum,

"15

or that voluntary organization activities "are for everybody,

15Respondent, 12.

78

Table 17. Rewards received from participation in voluntary
organizations as compared to the rewards received

from participation in party work.

 

 

Q. 56e. Do you find that activities in these organizations

 

 

 

are more rewarding, about the same, or less, re-
warding than party work?
N
More Rewarding than Party Work 31.36% 16
About the Same as Party Work 17.64% 9
Less Rewarding than Party Work 3.92% 2
Do Not Know 7.84% 4
N.A. 3.92% 2
Do Not Belong to Voluntary
Organizations 35.28% 18
100% 51
not just for a party."16 Another claimed the voluntary

organizational activities are more continuous,

individual is only aware of party work at campaign time.17

A few chairmen mentioned that they felt voluntary organi-

and that an

zational activities are more rewarding because in these

activities they were dealing with people they knew, while in
Party work they were working with people they did not know.

Those who said they were about the same in rewards were not

—¥

l6Respondent, 20.

l7Respondent, ll.

18Respondents, 44, 47.

f1

79

very vociferous in explaining their answers, while those who
said voluntary organizational activities are less rewarding

mentioned that "in party work you can see the results"19 and

that party work can more easily lead to the "good life."20

The findings indicate that voluntary organizational activi-

ties can deeply encroach into the commitment given to

campaign work. m
On a whole, these organizations have certain assets

and liabilities. The assets are that they can possibly in-

crease the interest of the respondents through the discussion

of politics at meetings of the organizations. The liabili- _

ties are that they do take time away from campaigning, but

most importantly from those who have exhibited leadership

abilities in these organizations. Also, they develop among

many a higher sense of reward which can possibly minimize

the commitment to party work.

19Respondent, 40.

20Respondent, 27.

CHAPTER IV
INCENTIVES

In this section on incentives the main concern is
with the incentives provided to the respondents in return
for their activities as precinct chairmen. The first ob-
jective is to establish how the incentives provided indicate
the cooperative efforts among the nuclei in their electoral
attempts. Secondly, I shall examine the incentives provided
to the respondents for becoming a precinct chairman, and
manner by which their participation can be maintained.

This discussion assumes that nuclei are the prime
source of incentives attracting individuals into campaigning.
The variations in the abilities of the various nuclei to
provide incentives can be reflected in the differences in
the levels of concern of the respondents toward the various
nuclei.

Table 18 indicates the variations in levels of con-
cern of the chairmen toward the gubernatorial, congressional,
state legislative, and county candidates. The question was

intended to measure an attitude, therefore their preferences

80

81

Table 18. Levels of concern of the chairmen toward party

candidates.

 

 

Q. 55. About which election Were you most concerned that
your party's candidate should win in the 1962

 

 

 

 

campaign?
Candidates
State

lianking Gubernatorial Congressional Legislative. County
First 74.48% 5.88% 5.88% 1.96%
Second 9.80% 56.84% 3.92% 3.92%
Third 0.00% 7.84% 56.84% 1.92%
Fourth 0.00% 0.00% 3.92% 62.32%
All the

same 3.92% 3.92% 3.92% 3.92%
Other 3.92% 17.64% 17.64% 17.64%
N.A. 7.84% 7.84% 7.84% 7.84%

100% 100% 100% 100%

N 51
conceruiing each particular candidates was not asked.1 The

table demonstrates that 74.48% of the respondents ranked the
fate Of the gubernatorial candidate as their first concern..
The congressional candidates received by far the highest

Percentage (56.84%) in the ranking of the respondents second

 

 

 

. 1The level of concern of the respondents toward the
gin-0r state—wide candidates was not asked; however, I assume
ese Candidates would have received a high ranking.

82

concern. On the other hand, the state legislative candi-
dates received the highest percentage (56.84%) in the third
ranking. The fate of the county candidates were ranked
highest (62.32%) at the fourth level of concern. A few of
the respondents (3.92%) stated that they had the same con—
cern toward all the candidates, while the "other" category
represents a combination of the rankings. Some would rank
the gubernatorial candidate as their first concern, while
they ranked the congressional and state legislative as
second and the county candidates as their last concern or
some other combination.

The variations in the levels of concern towards the
candidates of the nuclei established the basis for the ex-
change of services that one nuclei could give to another.
The candidates in the larger constituencies, the guberna-
torial and the congressional, provided more of the interest
that attracted the respondents, while the state legislative
and county candidates were able to utilize this concern in
the fates of gubernatorial and congressional candidates by
establishing the campaign apparatus in Lansing. The precinct
chairmen and other campaign workers then became indirectly
part of the county and state legislative nuclei, but they
were more directly part of the nuclei larger constituencies.

The differences in the levels of concern toward the
fate of the party's candidates can be attributed to many

factors; however, prime among these are the variations in

83

the past levels of competition of these offices and the
differences in the levels of competition during the 1962
campaign. The levels of competition of the candidates seem
to be reflected in the differences in the levels of concern
of the respondents. The gubernatorial office which was
closely competitive (51.4% in the larger constituency) as
shown received the highest ranking. The second ranking of
the congressional candidates also seems to reflect their
levels of competition. The state—wide congressional candi—
date received 47.6% in the larger constituency, while the
6th district candidate received 54.5% of the two party vote
in the total district. The ranking of the state legislative
in third and the county candidates in fourth similarly re-
flects their total levels of competition. The state legis-
lative candidates received 59.6% in their constituencies and
the county candidates got 63.1% of the two party vote in
their total constituency.

Another faCtor which evidently affected the vari-
ations in the levels of concern of the respondents was the
differentiation in emphasis placed upon the particular candi-
dates. The county committee placed emphasis upon the guberna-
torial candidate,2 while the congressional candidates
established other apparatuses to emphasize their candidacies.

This is not to say that any candidate was neglected, rather

 

2Respondent, 61.

84

that the gubernatorial candidate was emphasized. A state—
ment of one chairman possibly best reflects this emphasis.
The chairman, in addressing herself to communications from
other party officials, said that "We were fed information
about Romney, while there was little information about the
other candidates."3

My concern deals also with the types and scope of
the incentives provided to attract the respondents into the
chairmenship. The discussion certainly does not cover all
of the incentives provided to the respondents; however, it
probably does reflect the package of incentives provided. _
The incentives provided to the chairmen were not necessarily
initially provided during the 1962 campaign, since 25.48% of
the respondents served as chairmen in previous campaigns.

Table 19 illustrates the ranking of the importance
of the various reasons in their decisions to become a
precinct chairman. The incentives provided as exhibited
through their reasons in taking the chairmenship are complex;
however, they can be separated into a number of categories.
Concern with public issues (60.76% very important, 29.40%
important) and a sense of community obligation (58.88% very
important, 23.52% important) fall in the highest category.
A strong sense of party loyalty (29.40% very important,

29.40% important) and the fact that politics is a way of life

 

3Respondent, 38.

85

 

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86

 

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87

(27.44% very important, 19.60% important) can be grouped in
the next highest category. Fun and excitement of the game
(19.60% very important, 17.64% important), no one else would
take the chairmanship (19.60% very important, 15.68%
important), being pressured into the chairmanship (11.76%
very important, 11.76% important), and making social contacts
and friends (17.64% very important, 11.76% important) are
grouped in the middle category. Being a personal friend of

a candidate (7.84% very important, 11.76% important) and be—
ing close to influential people (5.88% very important, 11.76%
important) fall in the next to the last category. Furthering
political ambitions (1.96% very important, 3.92% important)
and making business contacts (1.96%.very important, 5.88%
important) were the least cited reasons in becoming

chairmen.

The respondents were also asked whether there were
any other reasons for taking the chairmanship. Although
43.08% stated there were no other reasons as shown in Table
20, the others gave a wide variety of additional reasons
for becoming chairmen. The highest percentage mentioned
that their interest in the gubernatorial candidate (Romney)
was an additional reason, while some (7.84%) repeated in one
manner or another a statement about their sense of obligation.
A few (5.88%) mentioned that a very important reason for be-

coming chairman was since someone asked them. The others

88

Table 20. Other reasons for becoming a precinct chairman.

 

_
—r

Q. 28m. Were there any other reasons that were important
in your decision to become a precinct chairman?

 

No other reason 45.08% 23

Gubernatorial Candidate 15.68% 8
"Sense of obligation to do something" 7.84% 4
"Someone asked me" 5.88% 3
"I wanted to see how the system worked"

"Curiosity" 3.92% 2
"Further the interest I believe in" 1.96% 1
"The precinct has never been canvassed" 1.96% 1
"I like to influence people" 1.96% 1
"Let the voters know about the Republican

Party" . 1.96% 1
“You can't have anything to say until you

have done your part" 1.96% 1
"To get acquainted with my neighbors" 1.96% 1
"Because of the evolution of big government

and high taxes" 1.96% 1
"Good government for the boys" 1.96% 1
"Help the country" 1.96% 1
"Get the job done" 1.96% 1
"Strong desire to get into the swing of

things, run for an office" 1.96% 1

100%

51

 

89

gave a variety of reasons such as "I like to influence
people," or, "to get acquaintedwith my neighbors."

The main objective of this chapter is to establish
how the incentives provided indicate the cooperative efforts
among the nuclei in their electoral attempts. I have indi—
cated before that the variations in the levels of concern of
the respondents is related to the differences in the abili-
ties of the nuclei to provide incentives. The incentives
that were provided to the respondents cannot in all cases be
directly connected to the particular nuclei during the 1962
campaign, since 25.48% of the respondents were chairmen in
former campaigns. However, it was the interest that was
centered upon the national and state candidates and utilized
by the local organization that gave form to the incentive
complex.

I cannot relate each particular type of incentive to
individual nuclei; however, in two cases I can show how the
incentive complex was affected by the cooperative efforts
among nuclei. One case is the relative absence of individuals
employed by the county government as precinct chairmen. As
has been indicated before, only 1.96% of the chairmen were
employed in the offices of the county office holders. Many
individuals in these offices evidently did not feel it was
necessary to act as precinct chairmen in order to maintain

their positions. I am told "people will not work, when they

90

do not see a need to work."4 The incentive complex provided
potential precinct chairmen is affected by the relative
absence of the office holders encouraging their employees to
become precinct chairmen.5 Since their fate is evidently
not at stake during the general election, we find the patron-
age position generally being outside the incentive complex
provided potential chairmen.

Similarly the variations in the levels of issues
that attracted the interest of the respondents during the
1962 campaign indicate the cooperative efforts among the
nuclei. Table 21 demonstrates that a high proportion of the
chairmen were interested in national and state issues during
the 1962 campaign. As the table indicates 29.40% of the
chairmen ranked national issues as their first level of
interest, while 37.24% ranked the national issues as their
second level of interest. Table 21 also demonstrates that
although 41.16% of the respondents ranked state issues as
their first level of interest, another 29.40% ranked state
issues as their second level of interest. About one-tenth
(11.76%) of the chairmen mentioned they had the same interest
in all levels of issues. The county committee as repre—
sentatives of the county and state legislative candidates was
able to utilize the interest in national and state issues in

developing the apparatus to aid all candidates.

 

4Respondent, 72.

5Respondent, 62°

91

Table 21. Issue orientation of the chairmen during the 1962

 

 

 

 

campaign.
Levels of Interest

Ranking National N State N . County N
First 29.40% 15 41.16% 21 1.96% 1
Second 37.24% 19 29.40% 15 5.88% 3
Third 5.88% 3 1.96% l 64.68% 33
All the Same 11.76% 6 11.76% 6 11.76% 6
N.A. & D.K. 15.68% 8 15.68% 8 15.68% 8
100% . 51 100% 51 100% 51

 

The incentive complex provided the precinct chairmen
lends support to the major prOposition of the study. The
incentive complex took form more around the attempts to
capture the offices in the competitive constituencies, than
around the attempts to capture the offices in the one—party
constituencies. The respondents as a group were far more
concerned about the fates of the attempts to capture the
offices in the competitive constituencies, than they were
concerned about the fates of the attempts to capture the
offices in the one-party constituencies. Therefore, as a
group the chairmen were more concerned about becoming part of
the cooperative efforts engaged in the capture of the
offices, (nuclei) in the competitive constituencies: than

they were concerned about becoming part of the cooperative

92

efforts engaged in the capture of the offices (nuclei) in
the one-party constituencies. The nuclei in the competitive
constituencies were closely drawn into cooperative efforts
among themselves at the precinct level through the cooper-
ative efforts of the precinct chairmen. As a result of the
lesser concern of the chairmen as a group about becoming
part of the cooperative efforts engaged in the capture of
the offices (nuclei) in the one-party constituencies, the
nuclei in the one-party constituencies were less closely
drawn into cooperative efforts among themselves or with the
nuclei in the competitive constituencies. Therefore, the
nuclei in the competitive constituencies were more closely
drawn into cooperative efforts among themselves at the
precinct level, while the nuclei in the one-party constitu—
encies were less closely drawn into cooperative efforts
among themselves or with the nuclei in the competitive con-
stituencies at the precinct level.

Another topic requiring analysis is the manner by
which the commitment of the precinct chairmen is maintained
for further campaigns. The county committee has a problem
of turnover among its precinct chairmen. As indicated be-
fore only 25.48% of the 1962 campaign precinct leaders had
served as chairmen in earlier campaigns. The same problem
existed among those who served during the 1962 campaign. A
little less than half (49.04%) stated they planned to

continue as chairmen, while 13.72% stated they could not

93

continue as chairmen, but would continue to help the party.
Another 13.72% said they did not know whether they would
continue, while 23.52% mentioned they would not continue.

I assume that the county committee through providing
incentives and the mechanism by which the rewards of the
incentives can be received can develop a sense of satis-
faction among its precinct chairmen. Similarly the chairmen
would continue if they perceived more incentives to be pro-
vided and further rewards to bring about a sense of further
satisfaction. I shall attempt to establish whether the re-
wards received from participating in the 1962 campaign and
perceived rewards that can be received from participating in
further campaigns is related to an expression of a sense of
satisfaction from participating in the 1962 campaign and a
perceived sense of satisfaction from participating in further
campaigns. In Table 22 the proposition that a higher degree
of satisfaction and perceived satisfaction is related
positively to continued participation will be tested.

The respondents who stated they would continue as
chairmen were grouped with those who mentioned that they
would continue to participate although not as chairmen.
These individuals who said they could not continue as chair-
men, but would continue to participate volunteered the infor-
mation that they would continue to participate. They there-
fore expressed a difference in intent from those who stated

they did not know whether they would continue. Respondents

94

Table 22. Degree of satisfaction and perceived satisfaction
as related to variation in continued participation.

 

 

Q. 52. What do you think you would miss if you were not
able to continue as precinct chairman?

Q. 53. What do you feel you have accomplished in being
precinct chairman?

 

Degree of Satisfaction and
Perceived Satisfaction

Variation in Continued
Participation + 2 0 or —2 N

 

Will Continue to

Participate 27 5 32

Did Not Know or Will Not

Continue to Participate ll 8 19
N 38 13 51

X2 3.18

 

who mentioned they did not know whether they would continue
were grouped with those who stated they would not continue.

A scale was developed dealing with their expressions of
satisfaction and perceived satisfaction. A positive response
was assigned a value of +1, and a negative response was
given a value of -l. The answers of the chairmen presented

a wide variety of responses. Positive responses included

Such statements as "getting Romney elected," "performing a
citizen's responsibility," "making friends," "better under-
standing of politics," and "keeping busy." On the other

hand, included among the negative responses were statements

95

such as, "I can't say I did anything," "nothing," "very
little," and "not much." Two positive responses gave a
total score of +2, while one negative and one positive re-
sponse resulted in a 0 score. Two negative responses re-
sulted in a -2 score. The 0 score and the -2 score were
combined for use in the table.

Although the test is not statistically significant
at the .05 level, the direction of the relationship is sug-
gestive concerning the proposition that a higher degree of
satisfaction and perceived satisfaction is related positively
to continued participation. The county committee can bene—
fit from the rewards received by the respondents in continuing
to receive their participation.

Table 23 indicates the reasons given by the re-
spondents as to why they would not or might not continue as
chairmen of their present precincts as they are related to
their scores of satisfaction and perceived satisfaction.
Even though the respondents received a score of +2 such
factors as moving from the precinct, or conflicts with their
occupations, health, or lack of time are answers given by
the respondents as the reasons as to why they could not or
might not continue as chairmen. A few respondents with a +2
score stated they would rather have someone else take over.
Their considerations of other commitments in their lives af-
fects whether they will continue. However among those who

received a score of 0 or -2 a different tone existed in

96

their answers as to why they would not continue as chairmen.
A larger proportion of these respondents gave answers as to
their disappointment, or the distastefullness of politics,
or the thanklessness of the position. The reasons the re-
spondents gave as to whether they might not or would not
continue to participate is generally related to their satis—

faction and perceived satisfaction of the chairmanship.

Table 23. Reasons given by the respondents as to why they
would not or might not continue as chairmen of
their present precincts as related to the degree
of satisfaction and perceived satisfaction.

 

 

 

 

Q. 52. Do you plan to continue as precinct chairman? (If
no) Why is that?

 

Degree of Satisfaction and
Perceived Satisfaction
Variation in Continued
Participation +2 0 or -2 N

 

Will Continue to

 

 

Participate
Moving 7.84% 0.00% 4
Occupation 3.92% 0.00% 2
Redistricting 0.00% 1.96% l
11.76% 1.96% '— 7
Did Not Know
I would like to
find someone else
to take over 3.92% 1.96% 3

Occupation 3.92% 0.00% 2

Table 23. Continued

97

 

Variation in Continued

Degree of Satisfaction and

Perceived Satisfaction

 

 

 

 

 

 

Participation +2 0 or -2
Did Not Know (Con't)
Health 1.96% 0.00%
N.A. 0.00% 1.96%
9.80% 3.92% 7
Will Not Continue
Occupation 7.84% 0.00%
Lack of Time 1.96% 0.00%
Moving 1.96% 0.00%
Let the Younger
People Do It 0.00% 1.96%
Thankless job 0.00% 1.96%
I know enough
about this job 0.00% 1.96%
I find politics
distasteful 0.00% 1.96%
The other workers
didn't come
through
Disappointed. 0.00% 1.96%
11.76% 11.76% 12
Will Continue as
Chairman 41.16% 7.84% 25
TOTAL 74.48% 25.48% 100% 51

98

I shall now deal with other measures of the conditions
that affect some withdrawing from participation and others
continuing to participate.

,As suggested in the first chapter, contacts among
party members could be one way by which a party might main-
tain the interest of its participants. By increasing the
scope of the contacts among members, the participants rein-
force within one another a sense of the importance of their
activities. Those who are more involved with other partici-
pants during the campaign might well develop more interest
which could be related to their continued participation.
However, Table 24 indicates that the scope of involvement
with fellow chairmen and other party officials is not re-
lated to continued participation. The scope of knowing
fellow chairmen and other party officials evidently does not
affect continued participation. The chairmen indicate that
their contacts with fellow chairmen and often even with
party officials during the campaign amounted to two or three
contacts. They would meet fellow chairmen in various ways:
at a coffee, or a gathering of the chairmen in the ward, or
at training sessions held by the county committee for the
precinct chairmen. Party leaders claim they have a difficult
time getting campaign workers to come to meetings; hence
they keep them to a minimum.

The precinct chairmanship is not the only mechanism

through which incentives can be provided that can affect the

99

 

 

 

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100

continued participation of the respondents. As I have sug—
gested in the first chapter, the involvement in other
components of the party might be related to continued
participation. Table 25 will test the proposition that in—
volvement in other components of the party is related
positively to continued participation. The test of the
proposition is supported at the .05 level of significance.
The incentives that are provided by belonging to these other
components of the party organization can aid the county com-
mittee in maintaining the participation of its precinct
chairmen.

The importance of the involvement in other components
of the party becomes more evident, if it is analyzed according
to when the respondents became chairmen. Table 26 indicates
the relationship of continued participation to involvement
in other components of the party as controlled for the time
when the respondents became chairmen. The involvement in
other components of the party has a greater relationship to
continued participation concerning those individuals who had
been chairmen during the 1960 campaign or before than it
does with those respondents who became chairmen after the
1960 campaign. The inclination in continuing to participate
evidently diminishes over time without involvement in other
components of the party.

Continuation in participation can be related to the

different components the respondents belong to or did belong

101

 

 

Table 25. Variation in continued participation as related
to involvement in other components of the party.
Q. 24. Do you hold at the present time another party

25.

56.

61a.

52.

position such as precinct delegate, state delegate,
or as a member of a committee?

Have you in the past held another party position
such as precinct delegate, state delegate, or as a
member of a committee?

Do you belong to such organizations as the P.T.A.,
the Chamber of Commerce, or other service
organizations?

Where are you employed?

Do you plan to continue as precinct chairman?

 

Variation in Involvement in
Other Components

Variation in

 

 

Continued One or More No Other

Participation Other Component Component N

Will Continue as

Chairman or Will

Continue to

Participate 23 9 32

Do Not Know or

Will Not Continue 7 12 19
30 21 51

 

102

Table 26. The relationship of continued participation to
involvement in other components of the party as
controlled for the time when the respondents
became chairmen.

 

 

Q. 26. How long have you been precinct chairman?

Q. 52. Do you plan to continue as precinct chairman?

Questions 24, 25,

56, and 61a are indicated in Table 7.

 

Variation in
Continued
Participation

One or More No Other
Components Other Components N

 

Will Continue as
Chairman or Will
Continue To
Participate

Do Not Know or
Will Not
Continue

27.54% 17.64% 45.18% 23

13.72% 15.58% 29.30% 15

 

Became Chairmen During the 1960 Campaign
______9£_§s§9£s_shs_1299-93023399 ________

 

One or More No Other
Components Other Components N
Will Continue as
Chairman or Will
Continue To
Participate 17.64% 0.00% 17.64% 9
Do Not Know or
Will Not
Continue 0.00% 7.84% 7.84% 4

 

100% 51

 

103

to. As indicated in Table 27 it does not make any ap-
preciable difference among those appointed after the 1960
campaign, if I control for whether the other component was
the precinct delegateship or another component. However,
among those respondents who have been chairmen since the
1960 campaign or before the larger percentage of these are
involved in components other than the precinct delegateship.
Included among these components of the Party are party clubs,
ward, county, and state party positions. These components
which might be more on going than the precinct delegateship
possibly results in different types of incentives for the
respondents and more incentives from party involvement.

I suggested in the first chapter that one of the ways
a party could retain participation is by providing the mem—
bers with a mechanism by which they could potentially ful-
fill their individual aspirations for public office. Table
28 will test the proposition that aspirations for public
office is related positively to continued participation.
The data supports the prOposition that aspirations for public
office is related positively to continued participation.
The overall percentage (21.50%) of those who have thought of
running for office is relatively meager. Even a smaller
percentage mentioned that political ambitions (1.96% very
important, 5.88% important) was one of the reasons for be-

coming chairmen.

104

Table 27. The relationship of continued participation to
involvement in the precinct delegate component as
compared to involvement in components other than
the precinct delegate component as controlled for
the time when the respondents became chairmen.

 

 

Variation in

 

Continued Precinct Components Other
Participation Delegate Than the Precinct

Component Delegateship N
Will Continue As
Chairmen or Will
Continue To '
Participate 13.72% 13.72% 27.54% 14
Do Not Know or
Will Not Continue 7.84% 5.88% 13.72% 7

 

Became Chairmen During the 1960 Campaign
_______9£_§e§9£s-Ebe-l2§9-95025599 ______

Precinct Components Other
Delegate Than the Precinct

 

Component Delegateship N
Will Continue as
Chairmen or Will
Continue to
Participate 3.92% 13.72% 17.64% 9
Do Not Know or
Will Not Continue 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0

Do Not Belong To
Another Component

41.06% 21

 

100% 51

 

105

Table 28. The relationship of continuation in participation
as related to having thought of running for an
elective office.

I L
— __-

 

I

Q. 23. Have you ever thought of running for an elective
office?

Q. 52. Do you plan to continue as precinct chairman?

Variation in Continued Participation

Variation in Will Continue
Aspirations for As Chairmen or Do Not Know
Public Office Will Continue or Will Not
To Participate Continue N

 

Have Thought of
Running for an

Elective Office 15.68% 5.88% 21.56% 11

Have Not Thought
of Running for

 

An Elective Office 47.04% 31.16% 78.20% 40
62.72% 37.04% 100%
N 32 19 51

Individuals can certainly utilize the chairmanship
as a mechanism to develop their own nuclei; however, few per-
ceive it as such. A few respondents mentioned that the
chairmanship was not the place to further political ambitions.
Those who have political ambitions can more likely be found
among those who are prominent at party gatherings, and those
who hold higher positions in the party apparatus where the

various segments of the party machinery are integrated.

106

My last section is concerned with the relationship
of variations in continuation to the various manners of
conceptualizing the differences between the Democratic and
the Republican parties. The authors of The American voter
have developed a typology dealing with the various levels of
conceptualization in assessing political events.6 Although
their research differs greatly from mine in scope, my con-
ceptual concern is quite similar to theirs. In utilizing
their typolOgy I must point out that my findings are only
suggestive. The question was intended to develop rapport
and the respondents were not deeply probed.

The typology in The Amerapan Voter comprised of four
different levels of conceptualization. Level A comprised of
respondents who "clearly perceived a fundamental liberal—
conservative continuum on which various of the policy ob—
jects might shift relative positions over time."7 The mere
mastery of the terms "liberal" or "conservative" was not
necessary for inclusion in this category; however, some indi-
cation needed to be present to infer that "the respondent is
sensitive to changes over time in the location of political
objects on the underlying continuum."8 Included among the

statements of the respondents placed in Level A were

 

6Angus Campbell and others, The American Voter (New
York, 1960), pp. 216-265.
7Ibid., p. 227.

81bid., p. 229.

107

references to the liberal and conservative tendencies of the
parties. A few respondents mentioned the liberal and con-
servative factions within the major parties. Another said,
"the Democrats believe in more government control, while the
Republicans try to get the power back to the people."

Level B deals with those who perceive the parties as
responding to the interest of different groupings in the
population.9 A number of the chairmen mentioned that the
Democratic Party was labor oriented, and the Republican
Party was business oriented, while others would only mention
the association of one party with a particular group. A few
of the chairmen said that the Republican Party allows the
people to do things for themselves, whereas the Democratic
Party seeks to have the government do things for the people.

The third category, Level C, included individuals who
saw the differences between the parties in terms of the
"goodness" or "badness" of the times. Others would merely
mention a single issue that they would not elaborate upon.l
Individuals placed in this category made such statements as
"Democratic approach on the spending problem," or "The Demo-
crats are too loose with money."

Included in the last category, Level D, are indi—

viduals whose perceptions of the parties are bound up in

 

9Ibid., p. 234.

10Ibid., p. 240.

108

moralistic terms, and whose discussion is devoted to the
personal characteristics of the candidates.11 Individuals
in this category made statements as "Democrats are profes-
sional politicians," and "Romney is a good religious man,"
or "Swainson was a flop."

Table 29 indicates that continuation in participation
is related to the variations in conceptualizing the differ-
ences between the parties. The table demonstrates that those
respondents in Levels A and B are far more likely to continue
participating than are those respondents in Levels C and D.

A little less than two—thirds (64.68%) of the respondents
fall in Levels A and B, although the majority (35.28%) of
these fall in Level A. Individuals in Level A can possibly
adjust to the different positions of Republican candidates
from campaign to campaign, while respondents in Level B
possibly perceive the Republican candidates maintaining their
positions toward the same groupings in the population from
campaign to campaign. There are no appreciable differences
between those remaining and leaving in Level C. However,
concerning the respondents falling in Level D, they are more
likely not to continue participating. The table indicates
that three-fourths of these respondents did not know or will

not continue. Their perceptions of the parties in moralistic

 

11Ibid., p. 241.

109

or mudslinging terms evidently does not create a sense of

stability for continued participation.

Table 29. The relationship of continued participation to
the variations in the differences as seen between
the Democratic and the Republican Parties.

 

 

Q. 14. In your opinion, what important differences do you
see between the Democratic Party and the Republican
Party?

Q. 52. Do you plan to continue as precinct chairman?

 

Variation in Continued Participation

 

Variation in Will Continue as Do Not Know
Conceptualization Chairman or Will Or Will Not
Continue to Continue N
Participate
Level A 29.40% 5.88% 35.28% 18
Level B 21.56% 7.84% 29.40% 15
Level C 9.80% 7.84% 17.64% 9
Level D 1.96% 13.72% 15.68% 8
N.A. 0.00% 1.96% 1.96% l

 

62.72% 37.04% 100% 51

 

CHAPTER V
ACTIVITIES

In this chapter I shall focus upon the activities of
the Republican precinct chairmen during the 1962 campaign.
The main objective is to establish how the nuclear attempts
were drawn into cooperative efforts through the activities
of the precinct chairmen. Secondly, I shall examine how the
activities of the party are adapted to the environmental
conditions of the voters and the campaign workers.

The activities that the precinct chairmen carried on
at the precinct level reflected a cluster of nuclear attempts
to capture the state—wide, congressional, state legislative,
and county offices. Within this cluster of nuclear attempts
some attempts were more closely drawn into cooperative ef-
forts, than were other attempts. This was established pre-
viously through the levels of concern of the chairmen toward
the party candidates. As established through the levels of
concern of the chairmen toward the party candidates, the at-
tempts to capture the offices (nuclei) in the competitive
constituencies were more closely drawn into cooperative ef-
forts among themselves at the precinct level through the co-

operative efforts of the precinct chairmen, while the

110

lll

attempts to capture the offices (nuclei) in the one-party
constituencies were less closely drawn into cooperative ef-
forts among themselves or with the nuclei in the competitive
constituencies at the precinct level. The chairmen as a
group were more concerned about providing activities that
were directed toward the success of the candidates for the
offices in the competitive constituencies, than they were
concerned about providing activities that were directed to-
ward the candidates for the offices in the one—party con-
stituencies. Therefore, the attempts to capture the offices
(nuclei) in the competitive constituencies were more closely
drawn into cooperative efforts among themselves at the
precinct level through the activities of the precinct chair-
men, while the attempts to capture the offices (nuclei) in
the one-party constituencies were less closely drawn into
cooperative efforts among themselves or with the nuclei in
the competitive constituencies at the precinct level.
Although the activities of the precinct chairmen re-
flected the closely drawing together of the attempts to
capture the offices (nuclei) in the competitive constituen-
cies, there was a greater emphasis placed upon the fate of
the gubernatorial candidate through the county committee's
efforts.1 In canvassing the campaign workers could say, "I'm
calling to remind some of the peOple in our neighborhood

that your vote will be important on November 6 in helping

 

lRespondent, 61.

112

elect George Romney and the entire Republican team."2 Also
the Romney Volunteers worked particularly close with the
county committee. They shared the same campaign headquarters,
and the efforts of the Romney Volunteers were integrated

with the efforts of some (19.60%) of the precinct chairmen.3

Although the congressional nuclei were closely drawn
into cooperative efforts with the other competitive nuclei
through the activities of the precinct chairmen, committees
were established which carried on additional activities
directed toward aiding the candidates for the congressional
offices. The county committee cooperated with these com-
mittees in such ways as; notifying the committees of various
meetings to which they could send speakers who could speak
for the candidates, or by having literature distributed
through its campaign workers for the committees.

Although the committees of the 6th district congres—
sional nucleus cooperated with the county committee, they
were quite independent from the county committee. The
campaign workers of the additional organizational efforts
were not integrated into the countyfcommittee's efforts.4

The additional organizational activities of the 6th district

congressional nucleus reflects the variation of its

 

2Special Telephone Instructions, Ingham County Re-
publican Committee Files.

3Question 37. Were there any Romney Volunteers that
helped?

4Respondent, 61.

113

constituency from the constituencies of the other competitive
nuclei. The independence of the additional organizational
activities also is affected by the existence of factionalism
in one of the counties of the constituency. The problem
created is how to receive the assistance of the faction in
the county without alienating any of the factions. In meet-
ing this situation an independent organizational effort is
developed around the attempt to capture the congressional
office which cooperates with the factions without committing
the nucleus to any one faction.5 The efforts of the nucleus
are coordinated into one organizational attempt that spans
the three counties of the congressional nucleus.

The chairmen as a group were less concerned about
providing activities that were directed toward the success
of the candidates for the offices in the one-party constitu-
encies, than they were concerned about providing activities
directed toward the candidates for the offices in the com-
petitive constituencies. Direct organizational activities
directed toward the attempts to capture the offices in the
one—party constituencies were rather dormant, since the
candidates for these offices did not establish separate
organizational activities.6 Rather the attempts to capture

the offices in the one-party constituencies relied upon the

 

5Respondent, 62.

61bid.

114

activities focused upon the attempts to capture the offices
in the competitive constituencies.

The environmental conditions of the voters and the
campaign workers affects the type of organizational activi-
ties carried on at the precinct level. The type of campaign-
ing carried on amounts to simply contacting the voters on an
ad hoc basis, in identifying their party preference, and
other get out the vote measures. The campaign was carried
on by the chairmen mainly on a part time basis7 beginning at
various points in time during the two months before the
election day.

The ad hoc get out the vote activities is evidently
adapted to the environmental conditions of the voters and
the campaign workers. The city generally lacks the demo—
graphic conditions which are conducive to the existence of
the campaign worker who is a friend in need. The small
proportion of foreign born and Negro residents as well as

the mobility and general prosperity of the population are

 

7The respondents were asked in question 33, is the
precinct chairmanship a full time, a half time, or a part
time job during the campaign? They answered in the follow-
ing prOportions: full time 0.00%, half time 9.80%, and part
time 90.20%.

8The chairmen in question 33a were asked, when does
it (the precinct chairmanship) require the most time? Their
answers were grouped into the following periods of time be-
ginning: two months 17.64%, one week before the final day
for registration and one week before the election day 7.84%,
one month 23.52%, three weeks 7.84%, two weeks 23.52%, and
one week 13.72%.

115

factors which would decrease the likelihood of developing
stable patterns and relationships between the campaign
worker and the voter. The rate of turnover among the
campaign workers9 also decreases the probability of friend-
ship ties developing between the voter and the worker. The
campaign takes form in the context of the commitment of the
workers in other personal relationships: their families,
their occupations, their voluntary organizational member-
ships. The campaign workers are volunteers, and as one said,
"you do as much as you want."10 As volunteers involved in
other social relationships, the party leaders often have
difficulty in getting them to do what they desire.11 The
county committee in recognization of the commitment of the
campaign workers attempts to have the activities divided
among the chairmen and the precinct workers.

Table 30 indicates the type and sc0pe of activities

carried on at the precinct level during the 1962

 

91 have already dealt with the scope of turnover
among the precinct chairmen, similarly there is a high de—
gree of turnover among the precinct workers. The precinct
chairmen were asked in question 36, would you say that .
precinct workers work from election to election or do they
drOp out? The pr0portions of their responses were the
following: the precinct workers will drop out 33.32%, one
half will continue to participate and one half will not
continue to participate 17.64%, they will work from election
to election 29.4%, I do not know 11.76%, and N.A.‘s amounted
to 7.84% of the total.

10Respondent, ll.

llRespondents, 61 and 85.

116

campaign.12 These activities were performed by the precinct
chairmen and other campaign workers. The table also contains
a ranking of the campaign activities by a panel of judges.
The panel of judges consisted of ward and county party
officials. They were asked to rank the value of each of the
activities as compared to the other activities on a ten

point scale. The variations in the voter identification
activity were ranked on a separate scale.

Emphasis was placed upon voter identification activi-
ties during the campaign. The registration laws in Michigan
do not require the voters to identify their party preference,
therefore the campaign workers spend a good deal of their
time identifying the party preferences of the voters. One
party official estimated that voter identification activities
took about 85% of the time of the campaign workers.13 A
higher prOportion (86.24%) of the respondents stated that
telephone canvassing was carried on in their precincts than
was the case with door to door canvassing (41.16%) in order
to identify the voters' party preference. On the other hand
door to door canvassing was given a higher ranking by the

panel of judges (9.9%), than was telephone canvassing (7.5%).

One of the judges explained that door to door canvassing was

 

12Daniel Katz and Samuel J. Eldersveld, "The Impact of
Local Party Activity Upon the Electorate," Public Opinion
Quarterly, XXVI (Spring, 1961), p. 5. The questions on
activities were adapted from questions in their article.

l3Respondent, 70.

117

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118

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119

theoretically preferred, since the campaign worker can se-
lectively distribute literature in this manner.14 During
the campaign the judges encouraged telephone canvassing be-
cause the workers could identify more voters in a shorter
period of time than they could with door to door canvassing.15
They felt the workers would mainly campaign in the few weeks
before election day, and by telephoning the voters the
workers could most effectively utilize their time. One
judge also said that telephoning was encouraged, because the
woman workers found it more convenient to canvass in this
manner.

A number of the chairmen stated that they did not
try to sell the Republican message at the precinct level.17
The campaign workerswere encouraged not to disagree with the
voter and to move along quickly.18 If the contact with the
voter is for a few minutes, the voter is less likely to be
disturbed by the infringement upon his privacy. Campaign
workers in both parties reported that some voters expressed

displeasure at being contacted by the parties.19 The county

 

l4

Respondent, 73.
15Respondents, 61, 70, 71, 73.
16Respondent, 71.

1?

Respondents, 24, 25, 36, 39, 43, 46, 51.

18Special Telephone Instructions, Ingham County
Republican Committee files.

19Respondents, 26, 85, 86.

120

committee seems to have concluded that the rather indirect
and quick method of identifying the voter's party preference
is most sensible in context of the degree of turnover among
the campaign workers and the mobility of the voters. The
factors of turnover and mobility decrease the likelihood of
a stable pattern of relationships or personal friendships
with the voters.

Table 30 also shows the high percentage of the re-
spondents (94.08%) who maintained a file on the voters. The
judges gave this activity a 9.9 score. In this manner the
organization is able to maintain its memory function.20 The
filed information obtained in activities in one campaign can
be passed on to the chairmen for the next campaign.21 The
fluid nature of the campaign workers and the voters evidently
necessitates emphasis being placed on the performance of
this clerical service. In an area where the voters and
precinct leaders are in a more stable situation, such cleri-
cal services might not be as highly emphasized. The per-
formance of the memory function in such a situation might be
maintained in the recollection capacity of the precinct
leader.

The percentage of voters identified varied from

precinct to precinct. The initial identification of the

 

20Schlesinger, p. 25.

ZlRespondent, 71.

121

voter would not have necessarily occurred in the 1962
campaign. The availability of the memory function allows
for the passage of activities from former campaigns.

Table 30 indicates that 54.88% of the respondents
reported registration activity in their precincts. The
registration activity was given a ranking of 5.2 by the
judges. The value placed on the registration activity is
possibly based on a number of assumptions expressed by the
judges. In the first place, the percentage of registrants
is fairly high in the city.22 It was assumed by one judge
that the Democratic Party carried on an effective regis—
tration campaign.23 This assumption was supported by my
investigation.24 It was mentioned by another judge that
Republicans do not emphasize registration activity because
the campaign workers mainly participate in the few weeks
just prior to the election day.25 This would be after the
registration period.

Relatively few (17.64%) of the respondents brought
their precinct workers together. The judges gave this
activity a 5.5 score. A more common method of communication
was via the telephone or a short personal visit. I find a

higher percentage of the respondents (32.28%) stating that

 

22Respondent, 73.

23Respondent, 61.

24Respondent, 76.

25Respondent, 70.

122

coffees were held in their precincts. The coffee was an at-
tempt to bring together potential voters. The judges gave
coffees a 2.2 ranking. The value of coffees are a source of
discord in the organization. Somebody must have wanted them
for there were certainly many, but their value was questioned.
The energy utilized in providing them is possibly greater
than the results received from them. The difficulty created
is that coffees utilize talent that could possibly have been
used for other functions.26 The county candidates or their
representatives in attending the coffees can associate their
candidacy with their counter-part on the state-wide ticket.27
The smaller coffees attract mainly Republicans, while few
outsiders attend.28 Some utility can be derived from these
in the sense that they can act as "pep rallies" for campaign
workers.29 The larger coffees where participants from the
state-wide nuclei can be brought in, do attract a greater
scope of individuals. In this manner the organization can

supply itself with "new blood."30

 

26Respondent, 61.

27Respondents,,62,.7l.

28Respondent, 61.

29Respondent, 6.

30Respondent, 61.

123

The solicitation of financial donations through the

31 Nearly twenty per cent

precinct chairmen was quite low.
(19.60%) of the respondents mentioned that Romeny Rally
tickets were sold. The judges gave this activity a 2.2
score. The Romeny Rally was held in August, which was be-
fore many of the chairmen were appointed. The selling of
these tickets was not a ward function,32 rather the tickets
were sold on an individual basis.

Another method in soliciting donations was the
"Neighbor to Neighbor" campaign. A campaign worker would
attempt to solicit financial donations from voters in the
precinct. The judges gave this activity a 3.5 score. Table
30 indicates that 13.72% of the respondents mentioned that
an attempt was made to solicit such donations in their
precincts. A few of the respondents who took part in the
"Neighbor to Neighbor" campaign, were scattered throughout
the city. The remaining respondents were clustered in one
area. The solicitation of these donations in one area, I am
told, was the result of the encouragement by one ward

leader.33

 

31Respondents 54, 55, 56, 57. In a pre-test in East
Lansing one respondent mentioned that tickets to the Romney
Rally were sold. Three of the respondents mentioned that
the "Neighbor to Neighbor" campaign was carried on in their
precincts.

32Respondent, 71.

33Respondents 61, 77.

124

The Republican organization evidently mainly solicits

financial donations through other channels.34 Republicans,

35

I am told, have financial means, but financial donations

are hard to come by.36 The difficulty evidently is utilizing

their potential expertise in soliciting financial donations.37
As the election day neared the chairmen could pre-
pare for the final set of activities. Literature which
could have been handed out in door to door canvassing could
have been passed out on the Saturday before the election
day.38 This often provided an Opportunity for the younger
generation to participate. As indicated in Table 30 many
(80.36%) of the respondents reported that literature was
passed out in their precincts. Literature was given a score
of 7.2 by the panel of judges. The literature distribution
activity is a vital part of the campaign, if it is selectively

distributed.39 The difficulty is that it often winds up in

the wrong places, that is, in possession of Democrats.40

 

34Respondents 9, 51. These respondents reported that
they take part in the "Dollar a Month Club" drive; how
prevalent this was with other respondents was not established.

35Respondent, 70.

36Respondent, 73.

37Respondent, 61.

38Respondents, 61, 70.

39Respondent,70.

4ORespondent, 61.

125

The precinct chairmen could offer to the voters a
ride to the polling place on election day. Table 30 demon—
strates 41.16% of the respondents provided rides for voters.
The percentage is fairly high, however, I think the value is
better reflected in the score (3.0) assigned the activity by
the panel of judges. As one judge said "we shame a few
Republicans into voting by providing them with a ride."41
It seems to me, on the basis of side comments on the inter-
view schedules, that the actual number of rides was not very
high.

Lastly, a most important activity (9.5) was calling
of the voters on election day. Table 30 demonstrates that
75.48% of the respondents stated that such calls were made
in their precincts. Even though this is a vital activity,
it often was not performed due to broken promises.
Challengers were to keep a list of the voters who had voted
during the day. At a certain period during the day, voters
who had not voted could be called and reminded to vote.

Some challengers would promise repeatedly to appear at the
polls, but somehow failed to do so.

I have discussed in the previous section the type
and scope of activities at the precinct level. However I
have not as yet dealt with the analysis of the variation in

activities within the precincts. The problem I am concerned

 

41Respondent, 70.

126

about is whether the Republican Party can maximize the ef-
fect of its activities at the precinct level. That is, it
is the variation in the amount of activities at the precinct
level related to the number of Republican voters in the
precinct.42 Secondly, I shall be concerned about the con-
ditions under which the variation in activities occur;
whether the variation in activities is related to the number
of workers within the precinct.

I have utilized the values assigned to the various
activities by the panel of judges in constructing a scale of
the variations in the amount of activities among the
precincts. In constructing a scale score for each of the
precincts the positive responses of the respondents except
for the voter identification activity were assigned the
value for the activity as decided by the panel of judges.

In the case of the voter identification activity the value

of the percentage of the voters that were identified was
multiplied by the value of the telephoning, or door to door
canvassing activity. The preference was given to the tele—
phoning value, since it was the more common method of identi-
fying the voters. For example, if 50% of the voters were
identified inthe precinct, the value (6.3) for this percent-
age was multiplied by the value for telephoning (7.5). To

this total (47.25) was added the value for door to door

 

42The number of individuals who voted for the Republi-

can gubernatorial candidate in the 1962 general election was
used.

127

canvassing (9.9). Then if the chairmen reported a regis-
tration activity 5.2 was added to the total, and if the
chairmen stated that tickets were sold to the Romney Rally
2.2 was added to the total, etcetera. The various sets of
data that were needed in order to establish an activity
score were available for 44 out of the 51 precincts. The
scores for the precincts ranged from 11.1 to 125.8 points.
They were placed into high activity (125.8 — 96.0) precincts,
medium activity (95.9 - 50) precincts, and low activity

(49.9 - 11.1) precincts.

Table 31 indicates the variation in activities as
related to the number of voters in the precincts. The table
demonstrates that the party is generally able to maximize
its activities at the precinct level. Nearly three-fourths
(74.97%) of the low activity precinct organizations are in
precincts where the party has the least number (299 or less)
of votes. On the other hand better than three-fourths
(78.54%) of the medium activity precinct organizations exist
in precincts where there are 300 or more Republican voters.
However, the high activity precinct organizations are dis—
tributed rather evenly between those of 299 or less Republi-
can voters and those 300 or more Republican voters. The
table demonstrates that 44.40% of the high precinct organi-
zations exist in precincts of 299 or less Republican voters,
while 55.50% exist in precincts of 300 or more Republican

voters.

128

Table 31. The variation in activities as related to the
number of Republican voters in the precinct.

-: — ‘
- t J

Variation in Activities

Number of

 

Republican *

Voters High N Medium N Low N
Less than 299 44.40% (8) 21.42% (3) 74.97% (9)
300-399 22.20% (4) 42.84% (6) 16.66% (2)
400 or More 33.30% (6) 35.70% (5) 8.33% (l)

 

100% (18) 100% (14) 100% (12)

 

Secondly, I am concerned with whether the variation
in activities is related to the number of workers in the
precinct. Table 32 demonstrates that 80% of the low activity
precinct organizations had 0—7 workers. However, 41.65% of
the medium activity precinct organizations operated with 0—7
workers. The medium activity precinct organizations are not
as related to the number of workers as the low activity
precinct organizations. On the other hand the high activity
precicnt organizations are more related to the number of
workers. The table indicates that they can exist with 0-7
workers (29.40%) while 17.64% of them had 8-12 workers and
52.92% had 13 or more workers. The extremes in the number
of workers do indicate the number of workers is related to

the variations in activities; however, a large number of

129

workers is not always necessary to produce a good proportion

of activities.

Table 32. Variation in activities as related to the number
of workers in the precinct.

 

 

0. 39a. How many precinct workers did you finally have?

 

Variation in Activities

Variation in
the Number of

 

 

Precinct WOrkers High N Medium N Low N
0—7 29.40% 5 41.65% 5 80.00% 8
8-12 17.64% 3 33.32% 4 10.00% 1
13 or More 52.92% 9 24.99% 3 10.00% 1

Total Percentage 100% 17 100% 12 100% 10

 

I have just discussed the activities of the precinct
chairmen during a campaign, and now I shall focus the
discussion on the activities of the chairmen in the lull be—
tween campaigns. I have indicated before that the environ-
mental conditions of the voters and the campaign workers
decrease the likelihood of a stable relationship developing
among the chairmen and the voters. There is, however, some
relationship between the chairmen and the voters in the lull

)43

between campaigns. About one fifth (19.60% of the

 

43Question 43. In the lull between campaigns is
there much of an opportunity to see the voters?

130

respondents mentioned that they see the voters between
campaigns. The elaborations of some of the respondents indi—
cated that these contacts were more of a social than of a
political nature. One stated that he would introduce him-
self as a neighbor when someone moved into the precinct, and
later the party contact was made. Others stated that they
always talked about political events, or were involved in
local improvement projects.

A smaller percentage (7.84%) mentioned that someone
had come to them for some sort of aid in the last month.44
A few mentioned that the requests would center on how to
vote in an upcoming election. On the whole the chairmen do
not perform services for the voters. Their attitudes to-
wards performing services was possibly best expressed by one
chairman who stated concerning a request to have a street
light fixed, "I received one of those crazy calls; the caller

must have had me confused with Alderman ,"45

 

With so many different individuals carrying on the campaign
in the precinct the possibility is decreased that many

voters even know who their precinct chairman is. One Party
leader suggested that only about 10% of the voters know who

is their chairman.46 Another factor decreasing the likelihood

 

4 .
4 Question 44. Have there been many in the last

month that have come to you for some sort of aid?

45Respondent, 28.

46Respondent, 64.

131

of the chairmen carrying on services for the voters is the
fact that party leaders do not consider it to be

47
necessary.

 

47Respondents,6l, 64.

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

In this discussion I have focused upon the cooper-
ative efforts at the precinct level among the attempts to
capture elective offices. The attempts to capture elective
offices were drawn together in cooperative efforts in vary—
ing degrees in a multi—nuclear organization. However, with-
in this cluster of nuclear attempts some nuclei were more
closely drawn into cooperative efforts than were other
nuclei. A prime condition which generated closely cooper-
ative efforts among the attempts to capture elective offices
was the competitive condition of the nuclei. The nuclei in
the competitive constituencies were more closely drawn into
cooperative efforts at the precinct level, while the nuclei
in the one-party constituencies were less closely drawn into
cooperative efforts at the precinct level with one another
or with the nuclei in the competitive constituencies. Al-
though the competitive condition of nuclei in competitive
constituencies generated closely cooperative efforts among
the nuclei, variations in their constituency condition did

give rise to additional independent organizational efforts.

132

133

The findings support the major proposition of the
study. Although variations in constituencies among the
nuclei in competitive constituencies (gubernatorial, congres-
sional) did give rise to additional independent organi-
zational efforts at the precinct level; the nuclei in the
competitive constituencies (state-wide, congressional) were
more closely drawn into cooperative efforts at the precinct
level with each other, while the nuclei in the one—party
constituencies were less closely drawn into cooperative ef-
forts at the precinct level with each other or with the
nuclei in the competitive constituencies in a segment of
their constituencies the nuclei shared in common.

In order to establish a basis for the acceptance or
the rejection of the major proposition of the study, I posed
the first objective of the study. The first objective was
to establish indicators of the cooperative efforts among the
attempts to elect candidates to elective offices through
four aspects of party organization at the precinct level.

Indicators of how the attempts to capture the offices
in the competitive constituencies were more closely drawn in-
to cooperative efforts were established through the four
aspects of party organization at the precinct level. Al—
though the county committee tried to recruit individuals who
would serve as precinct chairmen of all the candidates, the
recruitment process met essentially the greater need for

assistance of the competitive constituencies. The attempts

134

to capture the offices (nuclei) in the competitive constitu-
encies were more closely drawn into cooperative efforts than
the attempts to capture the offices (nuclei) in the one—
party constituencies through a common recruitment process
carried on by the county committee.

The closely cooperative efforts among the competitive
nuclei in the county committee's recruitment process was re-
flected through the predominance of younger age groups among
the ranks of the precinct chairmen. In this campaign as
well as in others younger age groups are predominant among
nuclear attempts that focus upon the national and state-wide
offices.

The attempts to capture the offices (nuclei) in the
competitive constituencies were more closely drawn into co-
operative efforts, than were the attempts to capture the
offices (nuclei) in the one—party constituencies through the
incentive complex provided the chairmen and the activities
of the chairmen. The incentive complex took form more around
the attempts to capture the offices (nuclei) in the com-
petitive constituencies, than around the attempts to capture
the offices (nuclei) in the one—party constituencies. The
chairmen as a group were more concerned about becoming part
of the cooperative efforts engaged in directing activities
toward the capture of the offices (nuclei) in the competitive
constituencies, than they were concerned about becoming part

of the cooperative efforts engaged in directing activities

135

toward the capture of the offices (nuclei) in the one—party
constituencies.

Although the condition of the nuclei in the com-
petitive constituencies generated closely cooperative ef-
forts among these nuclei, committees were established in

Lansing to aid the gubernatorial and congressional candi-

dates. This is a reflection of a common practice of com- V"
mittees being formed around the attempts to capture particular
offices. Although nuclei are appealing to voters in the
same constituency as in the case of the gubernatorial and
L;

state—wide congressional nuclei, separate committees can be
formed around each attempt. The county committee cooperated
with both of these committees, however, it placed more empha-
sis upon the gubernatorial office. The Romney Volunteers

the committee which aided the gubernatorial candidate worked
particularly closely with the county committee.

Although the attempt to capture the 6th district
congressional office was closely drawn into cooperative ef-
forts with the other competitive nuclei through the efforts
of the precinct chairmen, the additional organizational ef-
forts directed toward the capture of this office were quite
independent from the efforts of the precinct chairmen and
the other committees. Although this nucleus was in a com-
petitive constituency like the other competitive nuclei, the

Variation of its constituency from the constituencies of the

136

other competitive nuclei was a condition which gave rise to
these additional independent organizational efforts.

Indicators of how the attempts to capture the
offices (nuclei) in the one-party constituencies were less
closely drawn into cooperative efforts with each other or
with the nuclei in the competitive constituencies were
established through the four aspects of party organization
at the precinct level. The recruitment process was carried
on mainly by the appointed officials of the county committee
with limited cooperation from the candidates for the offices
in the one-party constituencies. The candidates did not
pass over to the county committee a list of their workers in
the primaries, or did the county office holders generally
encourage the employees in their offices to become precinct
chairmen.

The social origins of the chairmen also reflects how
the nuclei in the one—party constituencies were less closely
drawn into cooperative efforts with other nuclei at the
precinct level. The attempts to capture the offices (nuclei)
in the one-party constituencies have a greater ability to
attract older women into their nuclear attempts, as they
often do during primary contests. The relative absence of
older women among the ranks of the precinct chairmen reflects
how these nuclei were less closely drawn into cooperative
efforts with each other or with the nuclei in the competitive

constituencies.

137

The chairmen as a group were less concerned about
the fates of the nuclei in the one—party constituencies, than
they were about the fates of the nuclei in the competitive
constituencies. Therefore the incentive complex flowed less
from the nuclei in the one-party constituencies than from
the nuclei in the competitive constituencies. The chairmen
as a group were less concerned about becoming part of the m
cooperative efforts to capture the offices (nuclei) in the
one-party constituencies, than they were concerned about be-
coming part of the cooperative efforts to capture the
offices (nuclei) in the competitive constituencies. _

As exhibited through the levels of concern of the
chairmen the nuclei in the one—party constituencies were
less closely drawn into cooperative efforts with each other
or with the nuclei in the competitive constituencies. The
chairmen as a group were less concerned about providing
activities that were directed toward the capture of the
offices (nuclei) in the one-party constituencies, than they
were concerned about providing activities that were directed
toward the capture of the offices (nuclei) in the competitive
constituencies. Separate organizational efforts were not
formed around the attempts to capture these offices, rather
they relied upon the activities focused upon the competitive
nuclei.

My second objective was to examine the four aspects

Of party organization at the precinct level in detail. The

138

findings concerning the four aspects are not unrelated to
the cooperative efforts among the nuclei, however, the
following findings were not established as indicators of the
cooperative efforts among the nuclei.

The recruitment process of the Republican Party in
Lansing is affected by its orientation to national and state-
wide offices. The success that the party has in recruiting
is related to conditions in the larger constituencies. The
number of individuals recruited can be affected by such
conditions in the larger constituencies as; the levels of
offices being contested, the attractiveness of a particular
candidate, or the perceived closeness of an election.

The recruitment process is also affected by the long
period of success that Republican candidates have had in
Ingham County. This success has created a sense of com-
placency among Republicans, and some Republicans fail to see
the need to work for state+Wide pluralities.

The recruitment process mainly takes the form of
individuals being encouraged to become precinct chairmen.

In total 88.24% of the respondents were encouraged to become
a precinct chairman, while only 11.76% of the respondents ap-
proached the party in becoming a chairman. The county com-
mittee relies heavily upon its appointed officials to en-
courage individuals to become a chairman. The encouragement
of individuals to become a chairman by others is aided by

the existence of friendship ties among the participants.

139

irThe actual recruitment takes form-through channels
inside the formal party structure as well as through channels
outside the formal party structure. Less than half (43.12%)
of the respondents expressed an interest in becoming a chair-
man through channels inside the formal party structure,
while a third (33.32%) expressed an interest through channels
outside the formal party structure.

As a result of a high turnover among the ranks of
the chairmen, there was a rapid acceleration of most (88.28%)
of the respondents from other levels of involvement into the
chairmenship. Furthermore, the extent of their involvement
in previous participation measured in terms of their pre-
vious activities and their period of apprenticeship was not
very high.

The success in recruiting is related to the socio—
economic composition of the precinct. The higher success in
recruiting was related positively to precincts which had a
higher socio—economic composition. This was established in
the recruitment of precinct chairmen and precinct workers
during the 1962 campaign as well as in the recruitment of
participants from the 1958 through the 1960 period.

The county committee recruited disproportionately
from the social strata of the community. Compared to the
city as a whole the chairmen were from the higher social
strata and younger age groups. A high proportion of the

chairmen were from the following social strata; college

140

educated, white collar occupations (or their husbands), and
higher income families. Also a higher proportion of the
chairmen were from the younger age groups than from the other
age groups. Although less than half of the chairmen were
women, the majority of the precinct workers were women.

In a comparison of the socio—economic scores of the
chairmen and the residents of the precincts it was established
that with only two exceptions the chairmen had higher socio-
economic scores than the residents of the precinct. The
overrepresentation of the respondents from the upper third
of the chairmen's socio—economic scale was reflected in the
increasing divergence of the difference between the scores
of the chairmen and the residents of the precincts.

Although the party leaders were aware of the
narrowness of the segment of the social structure they mainly
drew upon, they did not attempt to recruit individuals whose
social origins were similar to those of the residents of the
precincts. The type of campaigning carried on does not
necessitate such criteria.

The chairmen are volunteers involved in other social
relations: their occupations, their families, and their
voluntary organizations. Involvement in each of these
social relations can compete for the time that can be de—
voted to campaign work, however the discussion focused upon
how involvement in voluntary organizations competed for the

time the chairmen could devote to campaign activity. The

141

variation in the amount of time these organizations took
during the campaign is not highly related to the number of
organizations to which the respondents were members; however
there is a positive relationship between those who held
leadership positions in these organizations, and those who
mentioned that these organizations took a great deal or some
time during the campaign. The talents of those who held
leadership positions in voluntary organizations might have
been more completely utilized in party work, if it were not
for the time taken by theseorganizations. These organi-
zations might be useful to the party, since discussion of
politics at meetings of these organizations might increase
the respondents interest in politics. However, the rewards
received from these organizations as compared to the re-
wards received from party work possibly minimize the com-
mitment to party work.

The incentive complex which is provided the chairmen
results in turnover among the ranks of the chairmen. As was
established only 25.48% of the respondents served as chair-
men in the previous campaign, while 37.24% of the respondents
stated that they would not continue or did not know whether
they would continue to participate. The turnover among the
ranks of the chairmen is related to the orientation of the
incentive complex to the national and state—wide offices.
The incentive complex is related to conditions in the larger

constituencies, and it is largely outside the control of the

142

local organization. The conditions in the larger constitu-
encies can result in differences in the amount and nature of
the incentive complex from campaign to campaign which can
contribute to the turnover among the ranks of the chairmen.

Although a multitude of incentives are provided
individuals in return for their activities as chairmen; the
incentive complex is more of a intangible nature, than it is
of a tangible nature. Such intangible incentives as public
issues or a strong sense of party loyalty are far more preva-
lent, than are tangible incentives such as making business
contacts. The largely intangible nature of the incentive
complex undoubtedly contributes to the high degree of turn-
over among the ranks of the chairmen.

Although a high degree of turnover is a consequence
of the incentive complex provided the chairmen, the incentive
complex does appear to provide a degree of satisfaction and
perceived satisfaction which aids in maintaining continued
participation. Although the test is not significant at the
.05 level, the direction of the relationship is suggestive
concerning the proposition that a higher degree of satis-
faction and perceived satisfaction is related positively to
continued participation. Furthermore, a number of conditions
appear to aid in developing continued participation among
individuals. One condition is the involvement of individuals
in other components of the party. Although the importance

of involvement in other components is related to the length

143

of service and type of component, a higher integration of an
individual into the components of the party aids in de-
veloping continued participation. The increase in scope of
involvement of respondents in party organizational life evi-
dently results in more and different types of incentives
which aid in maintaining the organization. Also, aspirations
for public office is another condition which aids in de—
veloping continued participation. Another factor of signifi-
cant importance is the variation in the conceptualization
processes of the respondents as to the differences seen be—
tween the major political parties. This condition gains
importance, because of the primacy of issues as an incentive
provided chairmen. Some conceptualization processes evi-
dently provide more stability toward continued participation
than others. Individuals who conceptualize the positions of
the parties as existing on a liberal—conservative continuum
on which various of the policy objects might shift relative
positions over time are more likely to continue to partici-
pate. These individuals can possibly adjust to the different
positions of the candidates from campaign to campaign. Re-
spondents who perceive the parties as responding to the
interest of different groupings in the population are also
more likely to continue. These individuals evidently per-
ceived the Republican candidates maintaining their positions
toward the same groupings in the population from campaign to

campaign. There was no difference as to the variation in

144

continued participation concerning those who perceived the
parties in terms of the goodness or badness of the times,
while those who perceived the parties in moralistic or mud-
slinging terms were more likely not to continue.

The environmental conditions of the voters and the
campaign workers affects the type of campaigning carried on
at the precinct level. The demographic conditions of the
voters and the rate of turnover among the campaign workers
decreases the likelihood of a stable relationship developing
between the voters and the workers. Therefore, the county
committee mainly relies upon contacting the voter in an ad
hoc manner in identifying their party preferences and other
get out the vote measures. The contact with the voter is on
the whole during the campaign period with little contact in
the lull between campaigns.

This examination of the cooperative efforts among
nuclei at the precinct level has resulted in significant
results. However, in context of the time, effort, and money
this examination required I am rather cautious in suggesting
to others comparable research. Rather I think other ap-
proaches can be utilized in examining the cooperative efforts
among the attempts to capture elective offices.

One approach I am suggesting could examine the co-
operative efforts among nuclei from a more encompassing
perspective. Such a study would examine the variations in

the cooperative efforts among nuclei in context of their

145

competitive and constituency conditions. It would focus up-
on the cooperative efforts among national, state-wide, state
legislative, and county nuclei along a competitive continuum
ranging from one-party minority to one—party dominant in
various counties in a state.

The study would focus upon the more integral com-
ponents of nuclear attempts. It would take the form of
interviewing candidates and the immediate members of their
nuclei. For example, the campaign managers, the "right hand
man," and the immediate representatives in the various
counties would be interviewed. Leaders of various committees
formed to aid particular attempts would also be interviewed.
Furthermore, in order to gain a more integral knowledge of
how the various attempts were coordinated interviews would
be conducted with party officials at the state, county, city,
and township levels.

In interviewing the candidates and the immediate mem-
bers of the nuclear attempts the following tOpics would be
included: what they did to foster the nuclear attempts, as
well as how they solicited cooperation from members of the
other nuclear attempts and from party leaders. Party leaders
at the state, county, city, and township levels would be
questioned about: how they cooperated with the members of
the nuclear attempts, as well as toward which offices did

they place organizational emphasis. Indicators of the

146

cooperative efforts among the nuclei would be established
dealing with the following topics: campaign oratory,

advertising, finances, and campaign workers.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books

Bender, Charles W. A Report on Politics in Seattle.
Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard
University, 1961.

Bone, Hugh A. Grass Roots Party Leadership. Seattle: The
University of Washington Press, 1952. (Bureau of
Governmental Research and Services, University of
Washington, Report Number 123).

Campbell, Angus, and others. The Voter Decides. Evanston:
Row, Peterson, & Company, 1954.

Campbell, Angus, and others. The American Voter. New York:
John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1960.

Darling, Birt. City in the Forest; the Story of Lansing.
New York: Stratford House, 1950.

Epstein, Leon D. Politics in Wisconsin. Madison: The Uni-
versity of Wisconsin Press, 1958.

Forthal, Sonya. Coqwheels of Democracy, A Study of the
Precinct Captain. New York: The William—Frederick
Press, 1946.

Gosnell, Harold H. Machine Politics: Chicago Model.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1937.

Greenstone, David. A Report on Politics in Detroit.
Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard
University, 1961.

Greenstone, David. A Report on Politics in San Diego.
Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies of the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard
University, 1962.

147

148

Key, V. 0., Jr. Southern Politics in State and Nation. New
York: A. A. Knopf, 1949.

Key, V. 0., Jr. Politicsy Parties, and Pressure Grogps.
New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1958.

Kurtzman, David H. Methods of Controlling Votesgin
Philadelphia. Philadelphia: The University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1935.

March, James G. and Herbert A. Simon. Organizations. New
York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1956.

Sarasohn, Stephen B. and Vera H. Political Partngatterns
in Michigan. Detroit: Wayne State University Press,
1957.

-Wilson, James Q. The Amateurfipemocrat, Club Politics in
Three Cities. Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1952.

Articles

Chevkin, Alvin. "Jewish Population in the United States in
1962," Americgn Jewish Yearbook, LXIV, Edited by
Morris Fine and Milton Himmelfarb. Philadelphia:
The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1963,
57—79.

Form, William H. "Organized Labor's Place in the Community
Power Structure," Industrial and Labor Relations
Review, XII (July, 1959), 526-539.

Katz, Daniel and Samuel J. Eldersveld. "The Impact of Local
Party Activity Upon the Electorate,“ Publicquinion
.Quarterly, XXV (Spring, 1961), 1—24.

Marvick, Dwaine and Charles Nixon. "Recruitment Contrasts
in Rival Campaign Groups," Political Decision Makers.
Edited by Dwaine Marvick. Glencoe: The Free Press
of Glencoe, 1961, 193-217.

Mosher, William E. "Party and Government Control at the
Grass Roots," National Municipal Review, XXIV
(January, 1935), 15-18.

Muchmore, Don M. "Party and Candidate in California,"
Politics of California. Edited by David Farrelly
and Ivan Hinderaker. New York: Ronald Press, 1951.
86-98.

149

Rossi, Peter H. and Phillips Cutright. "The Impact of Party
Organization in an Industrial Setting," Community
Political Syptems. Edited by Morris Janowitz.
Glencoe: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961, 81-116.

Documents and Reports

The Lansing State Journal. Lansing and Its Yesterdays.
Lansing, 1930.

The League of Women Voters of the Lansing Area. Today and
Tomorrow in the Lansing Area. Lansing, 1961.

 

United States Bureau of the Census. United States Census of
Population 1960. General Social and Economic
Characteristics, Michigan. Final Report P. CLng)
24-C. Washington: United States Printing Office,
1962.

Unpublished Manuscript

Schlesinger, Joseph A. "Political Party Organization."
Department of Political Science, Michigan State
University, November, 1962.

Other Sources

City of Lansing, Personal interviews were conducted with
employees in the Personnel Office. July, 1963.

Ingham County Clerk's Office. Voting data was obtained for
the period from 1948 through 1962. NOvember, 1963.

Ingham County Controller's Office. The number of employees
in the Ingham County government was obtained from
this office. November, 1963.

Ingham County Democratic Party Officials. Interviews were
conducted with county committee and ward officials.
January, 1963.

Ingham County Republican Committee Office. The number of
voters identified in the precincts, the number of
party activists from 1958 through 1960, and the
Special Telephone Instructions were gathered from
this office. January through November, 1963.

150

Ingham County Republican Party Officials. Personal inter—
views were conducted with county committee, ward,
and precinct officials. January through November,
1963.

Institute of Labor & Industrial Relations, Michigan State
University. Personal interviews were conducted with
personnel in this institute. January, 1963.

Roman Catholic Diocese of Lansing, Chancery Office. The
number of Catholics in Lansing was obtained from
this office. January, 1963.

State of Michigan. Personal interviews were conducted with
employees in the Civil Service Commission. July,
1963.

State of Michigan, Michigan Manual. Voting data from 1948
through 1962 were obtained from this source.

I am working on the Michigan State University Study
on Groups and Leadership. We are interested in the views
of Republican precinct chairmen toward their precinct
position and politics in general.

Your answers to our questions will be confidential,

and your name will not be in any report from the study.

Name
Address

Ward Precinct

151

152

First of all, I would like to ask a number of questions about

your background.

1.

We are

Where were you born? (city, county, state)

 

WOuld you describe the area as a city, a small town,
or a farm area?

A city A small town A farm

How would you describe the area in which you lived
when you were growing up?

A City A small town A farm A combination
About how long have you lived in Lansing?

About how long have you lived in this precinct?

interested in finding out at what age people begin to

take an interest in politics.

6.

What is your earliest recollection of having an
interest in politics? (The interviewer should probe
for the period in his or her life, childhood,
grammer school, etc., and specific instances.)

 

 

 

I'd like to ask you about members of your family or relatives

who arepgctive in politics.

7.

Are there any members of your family or relatives who
are active in politics such as holding an elective
office or taking part in party work?

Yes No (If No, go to No. 8)

153

(If Yes)
a. Does (he or she) hold an elective office?
Yes No

(If Yes)

What office is that?

 

b. How does (he or she) take part in party work?

 

 

Have there been any members of your family or rela-
tives who wereggctive in politics such as holding an
elective office or taking part in party work?

Yes No (If No, go on to No. 9)
(If Yes)
a. Did (he or she) hold an elective office?

Yes No (If No, go on to No. 8b)
(If Yes) What office was that?

b. Did (he or she) work for a party? Yes No

 

(If Yes) How was that?

And now I would like to ask a few questions about your

parents'

interest in politics.
Would you say that both of your parents were Demo-
crats, both were Republicans, or that your parents
had no consistent partisanship.
Both were Democrats
Both were Republicans

Both had no consistent partisanship

Other

10.

11.

And now

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

154

Would you say that your parents had a gpeat interest,
some interest, a casual interest, or no interest in
politics?

 

 

Great interest Some interest
Casual interest No interest

What was your father's occupation?

 

 

about yourself.

Have you always been a Republican?

 

How did you decide to be a Republican?

 

 

 

In your opinion, what important differences do you
see between the Democratic party and the Republican
party?

 

 

Do you feel that these differences are more clear on
the national level than on the state level? (Why is
that?)

 

 

 

In your opinion, are these differences more clear on
the state level than on the county level?

 

 

What is your opinion about this statement? "Politics
on the county level is mainly based on personalities."

Agree Disagree Can't Decide

 

155

18. Were there any particular events, conditions, or per—
sons that stimulated your interest in politics?

 

 

 

19. How long have you been active in politics?

 

 

(If the (R) states that (he or she) has lived elsewhere.)

20. Have you been active in politics elsewhere in the
United States?

Yes No

 

a. (If Yes) where was that?

 

b. In what capacity?

 

 

21. Have you ever held an elective office on the national.
state, county, or local level?

Yes No

 

 

(If Yes) What office was that?

 

 

When was that?
22. Have you ever ran for an elective office?

Yes No

 

 

(If Yes) What office was that?

 

When was that?

156

23. Have you ever thought of running for an elective
office?

Yes NO

 

(If Yes) Very seriously Seriously

Somewhat

24. Do you hold at the present time another party position

such as precinct delegate, state delegate, or as a
member of a committee?

 

 

Yes No
(If Yes) Precinct delegate State delegate
Member of a committee Other

 

 

25. Have you in the past held another party position such

as precinct delegate, state delegate, or as a member
of a committee?

 

 

Yes No
(If Yes) Precinct delegate State delegate
Member of a committee Other

 

 

25a. Before you became precinct chairman did you help the
party in such ways as distributing literature, phon-
inggthe voters, or working as a challenger?

 

 

 

 

 

Yes NO
(If Yes) Distributing literature Phoning
Challenger Other (specify)
26. How long have you been precinct chairman? (If less

than one year probe for the month that (he or she)
became chairman)

 

157

27. Who encouraged you to become a precinct chairman?
(Probe and code)

A friend encouraged me

 

A friend who was a candidate encouraged me

A friend who was a party official encouraged
me

 

candidate encouraged me

 

 

A

A party official encouraged me
A member of the family encouraged me
I approached the party myself
Other

a. What is (his, her) office in the party?

 

b. How do you think (he, she) learned that you were
interested?

 

I am interested in finding out some of the reasons you had
in deciding to become a precinct chairman. I would like you
to look at this card as I read each statement and tell me
how important this factor was in your decision.

28. How important would you say that ........ was in your
decision?

a. Being close to influential people?
Very important Important
Not very important Not important

b. Being pressured into the chairmanship?
Very important Important

Not very important Not important

158

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

c. Concern with public issues?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
d. Making business contacts?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
e. A strong sense of party loyalty?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
f. Furthering political ambitions?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
9. Being a personal friend of a candidate?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
How important would you say that ........ was in your
decision?
h. Because no one else would take the chairmanship?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
i. A sense of community obligation?

Very important Important

Not very important Not important
j. The fact that politics is a way of life?

Very important Important

 

 

Not very important Not important

159

The fun and excitement of a campaign?
Very important Important
Not very important Not important
Making social contacts and friends?

Very important Important

 

Not very important Not important

Were there any other reasons that were important in your de-
cision to become a precinct chairman?

29.

30.

Yes No

(If Yes) What is that

m.

 

Very important Important

Not very important Not important

What do you consider to be the chief responsibilities
of a precinct chairman?

(Probe and code)

 

 

Organize block workers

 

Fund raising
Registration
Keep records of party affiliation of voters
Canvassing

Contacting people by phone

In a primary, do party workers take a very active

part, an active part, a small part, or no part?

Very active Active part Small part

No part Don't know

31.

32.

160

Why is that?

 

Has this been true in past years?

 

In the last election would you say that all of your
efforts were concentrated in your precinct, or did
you help out elsewhere?

a. All of your efforts were concentrated in your
precinct

+

b. Helped out elsewhere

(If b) How was that?

 

Some precincts because of their make-up require cer—
tain types of work, while other kinds of work are not
necessary. Did ygg or your workers find it necessary
to carry on the following activities in the fall
campaign.

a. Did you find it necessary to get voters
registered?

Yes No

 

 

 

b. Did you find it necessary to keep a file on the
voters?

Yes No

 

 

 

c. (If Yes) Would this file be used to keep a record
of the party affiliations of the voters?

Yes No

 

33.

161
Did you find it necessary to contact the voters
by phone before election day?
Yes No
How about a coffee?
Yes No
Was any literature distributed?

Yes No

 

Did you find it necessary to drive the voters to
the polls on election day?

Yes No
How about selling tickets to the Romney Rally?
Yes No

What about taking part in the "Neighbor to
Neighbor" campaign? Did you find that necessary?

Yes No

Did you find it necessary to carry on door to
door canvassing?

Yes No
Did you call the voters on election day?

Yes No

Is a precinct chairmanship a full time, a half time.
or a part time job during a campaign?

a.

Full time Half Time _Part time

When does it require the most time?

 

Generally speaking, how many hours a week of

your time would you say that precinct work took
during the campaign?

1-3 3-5 5—10 10-15 15-20

 

Other Don't know

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

162

Do many people volunteer to help a campaign (Why is
that?)

Yes No

 

 

Did you have to do some recruiting?
Yes No

(If Yes) Did you have great difficulty, some diffi—
culty, little difficulty, or no difficulty in re-

' cruiting the precinct workers?

Great difficulty Some difficulty
Little difficulty No difficulty

Would you say that precinct workers work from
election to election, or do they drop out?

a. WOrk from election to election (Why is that?)

 

 

b. They drOp out (Why is that?)

 

 

Were there any Romney Volunteers that helped?

Yes No

 

 

Are precinct workers eager to get together to talk
over the campaign?

Yes No

 

 

39.

39a.

40.

41.

42.

163

Were there enough people interested so that there
were workers in all, many, some, or a few of the
blocks?

All Many Some Few

 

How many precinct workers did you finally have?
Would you say that precinct workers are all women,
mainly women, about half are women, mainly men, all
men? (Why is that?)

All women Mainly women About half are

women Mainly men All men

 

 

(If (R) male)

a. Do you and your wife work as a team in precinct
work? Yes No

(If Yes) (Probe and code)

Was she a

Great help_____ Some help_____ Little Help;____}

(If No) Why is that?
b. (If (R) female)

Do you and your husband work as.a team in
precinct work? Yes No

(If Yes) (Probe and code)

Was he a

Great help_____ Some help_____ Little help_____?
(If No) Why is that?

I'm interested in finding out if people in politics
know each other on a personal basis. I have a list
of people in the party, and would like you to tell
me if you know them. (The list included county,
ward, and precinct party personnel.)

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

164

In the lull between the campaigns, such as now, do
you talk to voters? Yes No

 

 

Have there been many in the last month that have
come to you for some form of aid? Yes No

(If Yes) How many? For what reason?

 

 

We have a city election coming up, have you thought
of helping one of the candidates? Yes No

a. (If Yes) Who is that?

 

 

b. What do you think you will be able to do?

 

 

 

Would you be in favor of partisan city elections?

Yes No

 

 

Why is that?
Do you feel that the non-partisan city election
creates a situation favorable for the Republican
Party? Yes No

Why is that?

 

Do you have many occasions to contact city officials?

Yes No

 

 

Why is that?

In your Opinion what important issues are there in
city government?

 

 

Are there many occasions when you discuss politics
with labor officials?

 

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

165

Are there many occasions when you discuss politics
with people in the business world?

 

 

Do you plan to continue as precinct chairman?

Yes No

 

(If Yes) What do you think you would miss if you were
not able to continue as precinct chairman?

 

 

(If No) Why is that?

 

 

What do you feel you have accomplished in being
precinct chairman?

 

 

How would you rank the importance of national, state,
county, and local issues? Which would you rank
first, second, third, and fourth in importance?

 

National State County Local

How would you rank the issues during the 1962 cam-
paign?

National State County

 

 

 

About which election are you most concerned that your
party candidate should win? (rank)

President Governon__ U.S. Senator

U.S. Congressman State Legislator

 

County Courthouse

About which election were you most concerned that
your party candidate should win during the 1962 cam_
paign? (rank)

Governor U.S. Congressman

 

State Legislator County Courthouse

 

56.

57.

58.

59.

60.

166

Do you belong to such organizations as the P.T.A.,
the Chamber of Commerce, Church or other service
organizations? Yes No

 

 

(If Yes)

a. What organizations?

 

b. Do you hold any offices in these organizations,
or are you a member of a committee?

 

 

 

c. Do you feel that these organizations took a great
deal, some, or little of your time during the

 

 

campaign.
Great deal Some Little
d. Is there much of an opportunity to discuss public

affairs at meetings of these organizations?

 

e. Do you find that activities in these organi-
zations are more rewarding, about the same, or
less rewarding than party work?

More rewarding About the same Less

rewarding

What is your age?

 

 

Are you: Single____ Married__“_ Separated
Divorced Widow Widower

Do you have any children? Yes No

How many? (If Yes) What are their ages?

 

Would you mind telling me your religious preference?

Protestant What denomination is that?

 

Catholic Jewish Other

167

61. What type of work do you do, I mean what is your
occupation?

 

62. Would you mind telling me a bit about your education?
Grammer school
Some high school
High school

Business or technical school

 

Some college

 

College
Graduate training

63. WOuld you mind telling me into which of the following
categories your total family income would fall?

Under $1,000
$2,000 to 2,999
$3,000 to 3,999
$4,000 to 4,999
$5,000 to 5,999
$6,000 to 6,999
$7,000 to 7,999
$8,000 to 8,999
$9,000 to 9,999
$10,000 to 14,999
$15,000 to 24,999

$25,000 and over

 

64. Sex: Male Female (by observation)

 

Race: White Negro (by observation)

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