SPATIAL ASPECTS OF THE ITALIAN MIGRATION T0 SWITZERLAND: IMPACT OF THE LABOR PUSH-AND-PULL Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY NGUYEN DUC TIEN 1970 IIIIIIIllIlllIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlIllIIlIlIIIIIIIII 3 1293 10411 6706 r“ . an- — L’s—- LIBR/i R ‘’3" MiChigan 52.16 Universuy ABSTRACT SPATIAL ASPECTS OF THE ITALIAN MIGRATION TO SWITZERLAND: IMPACT OF THE LABOR PUSH-AND-PULL BY Nguyen Duc Tien The Italian migration to Switzerland played a significant role in the economic advance of Italy and Switzerland. Manpower surplus and manpower shortage constituted the push-and—pull factor which generated the movements of Italians between their homeland and Switzerland and resulted in the settlement of a large number of these people in Swiss rural and urban areas. The analysis of the significance of the emigration and return movements of Italians and the impact of their settlement on Switzerland is the objective of this study. The Italian migration to Switzerland is discussed in three stages: 1) Railroad construction and Italian rural settlement in Switzerland. 2) Post—World War II Nguyen Duc Tien Italian settlement in Swiss urban areas. and 3) Labor demand reversal and stabilization of the Italian migra- tion to Switzerland. From the late 1850's to World War II. the major- ity of Italian immigrants worked on Swiss railroads or settled as farmers in the mountain valleys of southern cantons. especially in Ticino. During this long period. the high point of the Italian migratory movement was reached in 1913. The post-World war II movement was more important. The huge labor shortage resulting from the Swiss postwar industrial boom gave rise to a massive wave of Italian workers rushing to Switzerland. This spectacular mass migration. starting from the immediate postwar years. grew steadily in the 1960's and reached its peak in 1963. The growing number of Italian workers in Swiss urban areas became an important factor in the labor supply for different kinds of industrialization. However. after the 1963 apogee the Italian migra- tion to Switzerland stabilized. As Switzerland faced the problem of an over-supply of aliens. the Swiss government Nguyen Duc Tien imposed a stringent quota policy. and the 1964 Rome agree- ment was reached with Italy on new restrictive immigration regulations. Meantime Italy recovered its full economic prosperity and offered new employment opportunities. This established a labor demand reversal between the two coun- tries. The shrinking number of Italian workers in Swiss cities was due in large part to the flow of Italian re— turnees as a result of the industrialization and urban- ization of their home country. Thus the labor pushuand—pull was the major factor governing the migration of Italians to Switzerland. their settlement in Swiss rural and urban areas. and the return movement of these people to their homeland. The impact of Italians was important in the progress of Switzerland and continues to be important in the Spatial character of this country in many ways. SPATIAL ASPECTS OF THE ITALIAN MIGRATION TO SWITZERLAND: IMPACT OF THE LABOR PUSH—AND—PULL BY Nguyen Duc Tien A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 1970 C; (0/4/37 L/»-£/—'7C9 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Chapter I. RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION AND ITALIAN RURAL SETTLEMENT IN SWITZERLAND . . . . . . . . 12 Italian Emigratory Movement to Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Swiss Railroad Construction . . . . . . . 21 Italian Agricultural Settlement in Rural Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 II. POST-WORLD WAR II ITALIAN SETTLEMENT IN SWISS URBAN AREAS . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Labor Problems in Switzerland and Italy . 39 Italian Post-war Emigratory Movement to Switzerland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 Italian Spread into Swiss Cities. . . . . 67 III. LABOR DEMAND REVERSAL AND STABILIZATION OF THE ITALIAN MIGRATION TO SWITZERLAND. . . 80 Swiss Action. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 New Employment Opportunities in Italy . . 85 Return Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 ii TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont.) Page CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 APPENDICES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 iii Table 10. ll. 12. LIST OF TABLES Page ITALIAN MIGRATION TO SWITZERLAND BEFORE AND DURING WORLD WAR I . . . . . . . . . . . . l4 ITALIAN AGRICULTURISTS MIGRATING TO SWITZERLAND. 1915-1920 . . . . . . . . . . 31 SWITZERLAND: RESIDENT POPULATION IN 1960. . 41 ITALIAN LABOR FORCE, 1954—60 . . . . . . . . 42 WAGES IN NON-AGRICULTURAL SECTORS IN SWITZERLAND, ITALY, AND WEST GERMANY; EARNINGS PER HOUR, 1950—1964 . . . . . . . 48 ITALIAN EMIGRANTS' REMITTANCES TO ITALY FROM SWITZERLAND, 1963-1964 . . . . . . . . . . 49 ITALIAN NATIONALS WITH SWISS WORK PERMITS, 1946-1959. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 ITALIAN LABOR MIGRANTS TO SWITZERLAND. 1950- 1953, BY REGION OF ORIGIN. . . . . . . . . 57 ITALIAN LABOR MIGRANTS TO SWITZERLAND. 1960- 1964, BY REGION OF ORIGIN. . . . . . . . . 58 ITALIAN NATIONALS WITH SWISS WORK PERMTTS, BY MAJOR OCCUPATION GROUP. 1951-1964 . . . 72 SWITZERLAND: DISTRIBUTION OF ITALIANS FOR SELECTED CITIES, DECEMBER 1963 . . . . . . 74 BERN: POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY LANGUAGE, . 75 1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv LIST OF TABLES (Cont.) Table 13. ESTIMATE OF TOTAL AND PER CAPITA NATIONAL INCOME, 1958, 63, 65, 66 . . . . . . . . 14. NUMBER OF UNEMPLOYED IN ITALY AND SWITZER— LAND. 1952-1965. . . . . . . . . . . . . 15. SWITZERLAND: ITALIAN WORKERS SUBJECT TO EMPLOYMENT RESTRICTIONS, BY OCCUPATION GROUP, 1965-1969 . . . . . . . . . . . . l6. SWITZERLAND: ITALIAN WORKERS SUBJECT TO EMPLOYMENT RESTRICTIONS BY CANTON, 1965— 1969 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix I. ITALY: DISTRIBUTION OF LABOR MIGRANTS RE- TURNING FROM SWITZERLAND, 1921-25, BY PROVINCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. ITALY: DISTRIBUTION OF LABOR MIGRANTS RE— TURNING FROM SWITZERLAND, 1950—53, BY PROVINCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. ITALY: DISTRIBUTION OF LABOR MIGRANTS RE- TURNING FROM SWITZERLAND, 1960-64, BY PROVINCE O O O O O O O C I O O O O O O 0 IV. SWITZERLAND: FOREIGN WORKERS SUBJECT TO EMPLOYMENT RESTRICTIONS, BY COUNTRY OF ORIGIN, 1965-69. . . . . . . . . . . . . V. SWITZERLAND: DISTRIBUTION OF ITALIANS, 1969 O O O O O O O O O O 0 I O O O O O 0 VI. SWITZERLAND: ITALIAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS FOR ITALIAN EMIGRANTS, OCTOBER 1969. . . . . V Page . 86 89 9O 97 104 105 106 . 107 108 109 Figure 1. 10. 11. LIST OF FIGURES Switzerland: Location Map . Italian Emigratory Movement to Switzerland. 1876-1925. . . . . . . . . . . . Switzerland: Participation of Italians in Railroad Construction. 1850—1914 . Switzerland: Pattern of Italian Rural Settlement in Valle Maggia . Italy: Projected Labor Force. 1971—2001 Italy: Distribution of Labor Migrants to Switzerland. 1950. By Region of Origin Italy: Distribution of Labor Migrants to Switzerland. 1963. By Region of Origin Italian Post-war Emigratory Movement to Switzerland. 1946-1964 . . Switzerland: Distribution of Italians By Canton. 1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . Bern: Distribution of Italians. 1969. Italy: Distribution of Labor Migrants Returning From Switzerland. 1964. By Province. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Page 16 25 34 45 54 59 65 69 76 94 INTRODUCT ION Emigratory movement is the manifestation of a problem of particular importance in Italy. This country, nurturing the Eternal City in its heart and growing under the splendid sky of its culture, has to struggle against natural adversities such as tOpography, aridity, soils, and lack of industrial raw materials such as iron and coal. The victory has never been complete. Misery and backwardness climb up the hills and throw the greatest problem into The Mezzogiorno, the most overpOpulated and the least deveIOped section of the country. The surplus pOpulation incessantly flows from the countryside toward the cities or seeks livelihoods in foreign countries. But large cities represent another serious aSpect of the struggle. Being in the Mediterranean backyard of Europe, Italy lags behind most of Western European coun- tries in education, social organization, and economic development. The size of the large Italian cities is not a true indicator of their actual industrial and commercial 1 strength. Capital accumulation, urban growth, and modern- ization have not succeeded to support the surplus pOpula— tion. Italians have long turned to foreign horizons. Overseas migration offered a temporary solution to the problems of rural exodus. Between 1876 and the second world war the current of emigration carried about 9,585,000 Italians overseas, chiefly to the United States and Latin America.1 A General Emigration Agency was established in 1901 in order to sponsor and assist emi— grants. Their number steadily increased each year. But after the American Immigration Acts of 1921 and 1924 Italian policy changed. The abolition of the Emigration Agency symbolized the tendency to discourage emigration to overseas countries. The Italian government suspended its activities in the field of migration and worked rather to protect national communities already existing abroad and make them aware of their origin. Moreover, the world economic depression of the 1930's and the second world war came to paralyze the Italian overseas emigration. This movement was resumed after World War II. Between G. Parenti, ”Italy," Economics of International fifiggégigg (New York: St. Martin Press, 1958), p. 86. 1946 and 1967, 1,498,309 Italians emigrated overseas.2 Italian immigrants continued to enter Latin America, and also the United States within the limit imposed by the legislation of this country; emigration to Canada and Australia also became significant after 1960; however, the overseas emigration trend as a whole was downward. By contrast, continental migration grew more attractive. The Italian going to overseas countries was practically uprooted and had little chance to come home; but those who moved on a temporary basis to another Euro- pean nation believed that they could accumulate capital and then return to their home country to start out as self—employed persons. In fact, continental migrants usually came back to vote and to enjoy their vacation. In this way the Italian emigrants working in Europe felt that they were still participating in the events that influenced their homeland. This psychological and senti— mental factor was reinforced by changes and restrictions of immigration policy in foreign countries, and the Italian emigratory movement quickly shifted from overseas to Eu- rOpe. —_ The Intergovernmental Committee for EurOpean Mlgration. International Migration, VI, 3 (1968), p. 181. Switzerland is the European country preferred by Italian migrants. Germany, France, and several other countries also receive Italians: but there are few Ital- ian quarters in Germany or in France comparable to Ital— ian Switzerland. The number of Italian immigrants in Switzerland surpasses that found in any other EurOpean nation. Migration to Switzerland is facilitated by the fact that Northern Italy has common boundaries with southern Switzerland (Figure 1). Before World War I when freedom of international migration prevailed all over Western and Central Europe, movements through boundaries were as easy as those within Italy or Switzerland. More— over, distance challenged the migrant with problems of transportation cost. Even in the last few years costs to travel from North Italy to Germany were greater than those to Switzerland especially to the Cantons adjacent to the boundaries. The cultural kinship also played a significant role. The Italian who entered the Canton of Ticino could speak his mother tongue, practice his reli- gion, observe the same customs, and hence felt more at home there than in other EurOpean countries. Figure 1 Switzerland: Location Map .- 3 .p h. a d. h. A \L‘Y. u o k Ind. 23:, p a; u. 1..., . £02.53 to“. .\.. . .t 1. 0 so \.J.I\.\..— w 085:. waif. .a m. . \ . I.I\1 \ . A ‘ .\ w .l. s. .13 . l r .\. \ . ~ . . . .). .\.\ I.I.I..II\«. \W‘.\ .\. 02.0....— . 2.; VI 1.).IKI % r. . 1.4x)... 8 K; (31". 1.1. - ‘~. .I. . B is m . 11. 1.1... O . a (x . \ :05. . NW ..\.\ :3- . . . . aura-.9: . Isa-.1— !” R. 239.. .\. \mU 1-- M. . 3!" A.’\\‘. . .p. ‘0‘ . I." \N . .L. 14. s (\ ilk. (\I \(Ix/IIL _.\\_ .u 9.3.5333. .\ J. 4 .31. -..\. v... .. .4358. 1 .. . a<¢l¢< i. Jinan... :3 I. o 3... o e :28. u 9 ‘ ’ $1 However, Italian migration to Switzerland Was primarily governed by the labor problems, which gener— ated push—and—pull forces between the two countries and resulting movements. Italy and Switzerland both faced serious labor problemsLi Before the second world war unemployment was a chronic problem in Italy. The Italian labor force rapidly increased with population growth. People left the countryside for urban areas or rushed from the South to the North to seek employment oppor— tunities: but Italian industries were not strong enough to absorb huge numbers of unskilled workers. Meanwhile labor shortages emerged in Switzerland as a result of the construction of railroads. There was only a short period between two Wars when labor problems created minor dif- ficulties. On one hand, the Swiss economy reached rela- tive stability, and the Swiss government began to control the immigration of aliens; on the other hand, the Fascist Italian government undertook large programs of moderniza- tion, established several Confederations of Labor, stim- ulated national sentiments, and succeeded in lowering the emigration of Italian workers. The most enigmatic point of the labor problems lay in the unprecedented manpower demand caused by the industrial boom in Switzerland after World War II, con— trasting to the slow economic recovery in Italy. Mass immigration of Italians gave Switzerland both opportunity and torment. However, the economy of Italy was catching up, and when a manpower equilibrium was established, Switzerland revised its policy to restrict immigration, and the current of Italian migrants strongly flowed back to their homeland. Thus spatial and temporal aspects of this migra- tion are interwoven through three principal stages: Stage 1: The rural settlement of Italian migrants in Switzerland began with the construction of Swiss railroad in the late 1850's. The number of migrants gradually increased until the eve of the first world war. Italian agriculturists and construction workers settled on agricultural lands and along the railroads. The migratory move- ments during the period between two wars Stage 2: Stage 3: were negligible, and the spatial pattern remained almost unchanged. The spread of Italian laborers into Swiss cities resulted from Swiss industrial boom after World War II. Between 1946 and 1964 the influx of Italian workers pervaded Swiss urban areas not only through Italian- but also German- and French-speaking zones. This constituted the most spectacular growth of the Italian migration to Switzerland. The return movement culminated in 1964 which marks the beginning of a period of stabili- zation. In the early 1960's when the Ital- ian economic development approached that of Switzerland, and the labor problems reached easier solutions in both countries, emigra- tion and return movements competed in impor- tance: but in 1964 when Switzerland imposed rigorous immigration limitations, and Italy recovered its full prOSperity, the Italian migratory movements turned to the stage of 10 stabilization and seemed to perform at home its urban expansion previously recognized in Switzerland. It becomes obvious that the Italian migration to Switzerland has played an important role in Swiss economic advance, which would have been much less without the con— tribution of Italian labor. In fact, labor was the push- and-pull factor which generated the emigration and return movements of Italians and their settlement in Switzerland along the railroads, in the rural areas, and in cities. The stages mentioned above will be analyzed in three chapters. The analysis is based primarily on li- brary research, and attempts will be made to summarize the problem and its solution. Information from M.S.U. library will be coupled with data communicated by the Embassy of Italy in Switzerland, and some case studies will be made possible by maps and figures received from the Mayor's Office of Bellinzona and Bern. The analysis of the significance of the movements forth and back of Italians between their homeland and Switzerland and the impact of the settlement of these 11 people on Switzerland is the objective of this study. Selected aspects of this Italian migration to Switzerland will be emphasized. The first element of this problem will be found in the earlier days of Italian laborers coming to Switzerland to participate in railroad con— struction. Most of these peOple settled in rural areas, and the nature of this movement will be discussed in Chapter I. CHAPTER I RAILROAD CONSTRUCTION AND ITALIAN RURAL SETTLEMENT IN SWITZERLAND Italian migration to Switzerland began in the late 1850's, when Swiss railroad building created a huge demand for construction labor that Switzerland itself could not supply. Before the middle of the nineteenth century only a few travelers and refugees entered Swit— zerland. At the opening of the railroad era Swiss com- panies recruited large numbers of Italian construction workers on a seasonal basis. Swiss citizens attached little interest to heavy work; many actually dreamed of a better life and emigrated overseas. The result was that Swiss railroad building faced labor shortages, and Swiss agricultural lands in the mountainous southern Cantons lay ready for cultivation. Italians were skilled construction workers and hard working agriculturists. Many had participated in building their own railways. One of the earliest of 12 13 their achievements was the cutting of the Mont Cenis tunnel connecting Italy and France, begun in 1857 and completed fourteen years later. Many others had long struggled against poverty on their infertile soils. But skill and hard work did nOt succeed in overcoming unem— ployment and adversities in Italy. When railroad con- struction began in Switzerland, thousands of Italian workers and farmers left their homeland: they toiled on Swiss railroads or settled in the mountain valleys of Ticino. Certainly, economic development and urbanization in Switzerland advanced with the progress of railroad, but this advancement was so hesitant that the general character of the Italian settlement from the late 1850's to World War II remained predominantly rural. Italian Emigratgry Mgvement to Switzerland During this long period the Italian emigratory movement was subjected to several changes. A treaty was concluded in 1868 between Italy and Switzerland guaran- teeing mutual freedom of movement and trade. This agree- ment greatly enhanced the first influx of Italian 14 workers. Official statistics on emigration. which have existed in Italy only since 1876. registered 18.655 emi- grants that year. The emigratory movement fluctuated during six years. then gradually declined until the end of the decade. From 1886 to 1895 the numbers were 16w; but between 1896 and 1905 emigration grew quickly. and an average of 39.737 Italians left their homeland each year (Table 1). This movement was caused by the large- scale construction works undertaken in Switzerland. and also to the fact that Italian labor was highly valued by Swiss railroad companies. TABLE 1 ITALIAN MIGRATION TO SWITZERLAND BEFORE AND DURING WORLD WAR I Year Emigrants Year -Emigrants Annual Average 1876-1885 10,157 1911 88,777 Annual Average 1886-1895 9,684 1912 89,258 Annual Average 1896-1905 39,737 1913 90,019 1906 80,019 1914 62,404 1907 83,026 1915 27,519 1908 ‘ 70,708 1916 17,565 1909 I _ 66.931 1917 7,783 1910 p 79,843 1918 5,062 Source: Istituto Centrale d1 Statistica, Annuario Statiltico della Emigrazione Italiana (Rome: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, 1926), p.86. u , 15 However, the most important phase of the Italian migration to Switzerland before World War I began in 1906 with 80,019 emigrants. The movement declined slightly in 1909 and then reached a high point in 1913. At the be— ginning of the war 62,404 Italians annually continued to enter Switzerland: but their number drOpped suddenly in 1915 and totaled only 5,062 at the end of the war. The whole picture of a half century of Italian emigration shows the lowest point around 1885 (Figure 2). The number of migrants to Switzerland particularly dwindled from 1880 to 1890. This decade marked a period of trouble in Italian labor history. Peasants and work- men rose in repeated riots and demonstrations. Peasants of North Italy, once organized into mutual benefit so— cieties and cooperatives, protested against the degrading lives they led. Peasants in South Italy, suffering harsh reverses from the bankruptcy of their small farms, also attempted to improve their position by forming mutual aid societies. Workers turned toward Marxism and social democracy. The League of Peasants, the Sons of Labor took shape, and protest, revolt, demonstrations, and clashes with the police continued. Peasants and workers Italian Emigratory Movement to Switzerland 1876-1925 I I Based on Statistics from: Istituto Centrale di statistica. Agnuario Statistico Della E NW (Rome: Istituto Cen— trale di Statistica, 1925), p. 86. 17 § 8 3 o r— r r r I Q. I 3 U) 1 / 2 __ \ u. 0 2 -4 ‘1 .1 .1 .1 .4 k ‘ o 2 .1 c1 —4 .4 g. 4 § 1 4 n 1 if Q a s a o ‘ (uuvcnmu NI) “Wham! YEAR 18 erupted in particularly violent and desperate strikes in the Spring of 1885. This social chaos, worsened by malaria which infected the marshy countryside in the province of Rovigo, slowed Italian emigration. Moreover, the deveIOpment of Italian railroads and steel works offered new opportunities at home. The State aided in the establishment of extensive steel works at Terni in 1884. Parliament decreed in 1885 that the state railroads would be let out in concession to three private companies for six years. These governmental mea— sures created an unprecedented eXpansion of railroad system. No part of Italy remained untouched. An expan- sion of 400 percent had been achieved by 1891 with a total of 13,964 kilometers of railroad in comparison with 2,773 thirty years earlier.3 Thus the need for workers in the development of Italian railroads, added to social trouble and disease, resulted in reducing the migratory movement to Switzerland to its lowest point. 3Maurice F. Neufeld, Italy: School of Awakening quntries: The Italian Labor Movement in Its Political, §Qcial, and Economic Settigg_From 1800 to 1960 (New York: Cornell University, 1961), pp. 150-94. 19 This depression, however, was only temporary. Opportunity in Italy was still limited. Italian workers continued to stream to Switzerland after 1890. The up- ward trend of the Italian emigration coincided with the growth of Swiss railroads from a privately—owned to a national system. In 1898 Switzerland voted for the pass— ing of a "Redemption Law" and decided that The Swiss Confederation is legally empowered and commissioned to purchase any railway which, in its opinion, serves from a military defence or economic point of view the interests of the Confederation or a major part of it, and to operate it under the name of Swiss Federal Rail- ways.4 Nationalization of the principal Swiss railroads took place on January 1, 1902. This stimulated Swiss economic development, and greatly encouraged the influx of Italian migrants. World War I suddenly put an end to the freedom of international migratory movements which had prevailed all over Western and Central Europe for more than half a century. It also disrupted the Italian migration to Switzerland. In 1917 Switzerland imposed rigorous _ 4Cecil J. Allen, Switzerland: Its Railways and Cableways, Mountain Roads and Lake Steamers (London: Ian Allan, 1967), p. 9. 20 immigration controls and required work permits from sea- sonal migrants leaving Italy. Italian emigration declined sharply to the same level as in 1885. After World War I the Italian migration to Swit— zerland experienced much irregularity, and collapsed under the triumph of patriotism. The March on Rome Opened the Fascist era and a dream of a Roman Empire. Certainly, compared with other contemporary leaders and experts of the United States and Western EurOpe, Mussolini and his associates exhibited no unusual success in contriving de- vices to answer the world economic depression seriously affecting Italy in the 1930‘s, or to manipulate popula- tion growth and unemployment. The Italian leader, how- ever, fully succeeded in consolidating his political strength at home and abroad, in restoring social order to the country, and especially in giving the Italians new self—confidence. Tight organization of peasants and workers into Unions, the Battle of Wheat, the Battle of Births, industrial and commercial improvements, all con— tributed to rekindle national pride. The Fascist regime frowned upon emigration as a loss of manpower and soldiers were unworthy of an ascendant world power. Although the 21 economic depression forced Mussolini to modify slightly his policy, Italian emigration to Switzerland remained relatively insignificant between two Wars. In spite of government policy changes, Italians entering Switzerland did nOt seem to diverge from their main purpose, which consisted of seeking new employment opportunities. Many of them were engaged in forestry; others in manufacturing, trade, housebuilding, or hotel services. However, Swiss railroads and agriculture were the principal generators of the first movement of the Italians to Switzerland. Swiss Railroad Construction The first railroad came into Operation on Swiss territory in June, 1844. It was not Swiss, but the termination at Saint Louis of a French line. The first completely Swiss railroad started in August, 1847. This late start was for three reasons. First, the terrain was difficult from the engineering point of view. Second, Switzerland lacked the necessary funds, for in those early days this country was far from being prosperous as it has 22 since become. The third reason was political, for until the Confederation came into existence in 1848 with a central government at Berne, Switzerland was a somewhat loose association of cantons, so that it was almost im- possible to co-ordinate all the local interests and create a common basis for national prOjects. Soon after the Confederation had come into being, the Swiss government asked the British engineer Robert Stephenson, son of the famous George Stephenson, to visit Switzerland and to prepare a scheme for a Swiss railroad system which would not merely link the largest towns, but would also have strategic importance to the country. Stephenson's plan provided for one main trunk line from southwest to northeast, starting at Geneva and ending at Brugg and Baden. Railroad construction then began in earnest in Switzerland. Various lines were built by nu— merous privately-owned companies, which by 1872 had amal- gamated into four fairly large groups: the Northeastern, Central, United Swiss Railways, and Jura-Simplon Railway. Meantime another important company which would attract a great number of Italian migrants had been formed. Even as early as the first days of Swiss Confederation 23 there had been dreams of a direct north-south line through the Alps. A conference at Berne in 1869 had decided that a lengthy tunnel linking the Reuss and Ticino valleys would provide the most suitable course of this line. France was Opposed to such a scheme, because she consid— ered it a serious traffic competition to her new Mont- Cenis tunnel; but German and Italian support was suffi— cient to encourage the formation of the Gotthard Railway Company in 1871. The construction work started a year later. The Swiss, German, and Italian governments all contributed handsomely to the capital required; and after engineering difficulties had been overcome, this principal north—south rail traffic artery was opened in 1882. In the construction of Swiss railroads, Italian immigrants played a significant role. During the decade following 1870 they numbered 65,000 in a total of 85,000 foreigners, and were actually one-third of all the workers employed, including the Swiss.5 Italians were employed on railways, on roads and bridges, and also on elevated and underground structures. Thousands of them toiled on * 5Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emigration of Our Times (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924), pp. 174-77. 24 the tunnel of St. Gotthard, more than nine miles long, and on the railroad approaches which make a line total— ing one hundred and fifty miles (Figure 3). Near the end of the century they worked on the Albula tunnel through three and a half miles of Rhetian Alps granite. The tunneling of the Simplon began in 1898. Manifests in Sicily, Calabria, Romagna, and other parts of Italy had heralded the enterprise, and the first con— tingent of Italians enrolled in it numbered about 1900, including many Piedmontese and Venetians. During a pe- riod of seven years these workers and their successors cut away the crystalline rock to shape the world's longest tunnel stretching over more than twelve miles. They worked much of the time more than a mile below the surface in rock temperature reaching 130‘F, and were often forced to cease their work due to voluminous streams of hot water. Italians also were employed in the construction of the LOtschberg railway. This line began about the time the Simplon tunnel was completed. In the most ac- tive period around 6,500 Italians were engaged, including men who had worked in the Simplon, and even some veterans Figure 3 Switzerland: Participation of Italians in Railroad Construction, 1850-1914 Based on data from: Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emi; gration of Our Times (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1924). pp. 174-77. 26 27 of the St. Gotthard. At the end of four years, there were still more than 3,000 of them at work upon it. The LOtschberg line, when finished, measured nearly ten miles of tunnel and more than twenty—five of approaches. Several other construction works in Switzerland were achieved largely by Italian immigrants. About the beginning of the present century, many of the latter, largely from the south, helped build the Thusis-St. Moritz railroad. Others worked on the Zweisimmen—Saanen- Bulle line in the canton of Berne. According to the De— partment of Public Works of Ticino, 90 percent of the laborers employed on cantonal and communal public works were Italians. Many worked on the Martigny-Chételard railroad in the Valais. Nearly 1000 Italians were en— gaged in tunnelling a five—mile portion of the Weissen- stein on the Solette—Moutier railroad in 1903, and saw it completed four years later. In 1908, 4000 Italians were completing the Bodensee-Toggenburg road connecting lakes Zurich and Constance. In 1909, Italians were work— ing on a short railroad linking Martigny and Orsieres, and on another running from Spiez to Brig. Italian immi- grants were also engaged in tunnelling the Grenchenberg 28 for a distance of five miles. They began the first track of the Brig—Furka-Disentis line in 1914, and toiled sev- eral years on an extraordinary series of bridges, tunnels, embankments to connect the Simplon and St. Gotthard routes and the Graubfinden railway net. Almost all the workers were Italian; sometimes more than 3,000. Undeniably a tremendous amount of work was per- formed by the Italians. Their labor was completely satis- factory. At one time on the Simplon a troop of Mace- donian Turks was substituted for Italians, but the exper— iment failed. The role of the Italian labor in the de- velopment of Swiss railroad was particularly important. Italian Agricultural Settlement in Rural Switzerland The Italian immigrants also played a considerable role in Swiss agriculture. In the late 1870's and early 1880's a severe agricultural crisis affected Switzerland like other western European countries. The perfection of railroad and steamship transportation caused the flood— ing of Western markets with cheap grains from Eastern 29 Europe and from overseas. Agricultural prices declined sharply. Tens of thousands of Swiss farmers abandoned their farms and emigrated to the United States. Some 92,000 Swiss citizens emigrated between 1880 and 1888.6 The Italians immigrated to take places of the emigrated Swiss, so that they saved Swiss agriculture, and partic— ularly the agriculture of Ticino Canton. The movements of Swiss emigration and Italian immigration ran parallel for decades. By 1910, many of the "Swiss" agriculturists of Ticino were really descendants of Italian immigrants. Many Italian farmers entered the cantons of Graubfinden and Valais, but the majority of them settled in Ticino. The influx of Italians into Ticino was so important that it became a stimulating factor of Swiss emigration. Foerster quoted A. Marazzi that "the Italian citizens immigrate into the canton because the Ticinese emigrate, and that the Ticinese citizens emigrate because the Ital- ians immigrate." In 1905 the number of Italian immigrants in ag— riculture totaled 10,000, more than 1 percent of all the __ 6 . Kurt B. Mayer, "Recent Demographic Development in Switzerland," Social Research, XXIV—3 (1957), p. 333. 3O agriculturists of Switzerland, and 8.6 percent of the ag- ricultural population of Ticino. There were 4,000 farm laborers, mainly harvest hands. The Lombard haymowers of Ticino constituted an important class among the immigrants into Switzerland. The 1905 Swiss census also recorded 6,000 Italian tenants or owners of lands. Their farms, however, were rarely larger than from one to seven acres. The farming methods they adopted in Switzerland were sim— ilar to those which had been used in Italy.7 In 1915 the Italian agriculturists who left their homeland for Switzerland totaled 2,263. Their number de- creased in 1918, but regained importance after World War I and registered 1,606 in 1920. The majority of them were male farmers (Table 2). Many Italian farmers settled in the mountain Valleys of meager resources of Valle Verzasca and Valle Maggia. Before World war II the Italian villages in these areas suffered from a loss of population by emigration. JOhn E. Kesseli, reporting Max Schwend's writing on life 7Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emigration of Our Times (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924), p. 173. 31 TABLE 2 ITALIAN AGRICULTURISTS MIGRATING TO SWITZERLAND, 1915-1920 Year Male Female Total 1915 1,598 665 2,263 1916 537 463 1,000 1917 245 204 449 1918 182 82 264 1919 925 427 1,352 1920 1.217 389 1,606 Source: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Annuario Statis- tico Della Emigrazione Italiana (Rome: di Statistica, 1926). P. 325. Istituto Centrale in the Italian villages of Valle Verzasca, mentioned that 60 percent of holdings measured between 2.5 and 12.4 acres. Less than 10 percent of these holdings were til- lable fields or vineyards: about 50 percent were meadow- land: and the rest was forest. Most of the forest had been reduced to a degenerate oak-beech scrub after reg- ular cutting for firewood. Italians cultivated maize, rye, potatoes, and beans. Maize was the staple food. Rye. often mixed with maize, was the dominant bread grain. 32 The vineyards provided table grapes sold for cash, and some wine for home use. Farmers also raised livestock on the meadows and on the alps of the valley. The herds were small, averaging three to four cattle, six to seven goats, and two to three sheep. Milk and milk products were produced for local human consumption and the finish— ing of calves and goats. When Italians settled in Valle Verzasca about 1850, they practiced an extensive cutting of the fir, larch. and beech forest. This resulted in increased runoff, landslides, and disastrous floods, and led to the general depopulation of the mountain settlements. The depopulation was reinforced by the temporary winter emigration of part of the male population to the lowland of Ticino, to northern Italy, and to southern France, and also by permanent emigration overseas especially to the San Francisco Bay region of the United States. Between 1850 and 1941 the population of Valle Verzasca decreased by 45 per cent in Spite of normal families with six to eight children. Some villages even decreased by 65 to 75 per cent.8 ‘ John E. Kesseli, "Life in an Italian Swiss Moun- tain Valley,“ The Geographical Review, XXXVIII (1948), P. 329. 33 DepOpulation also occurred in Valle Maggia. For more than a hundred years many young peOple of the valley have emigrated to distant parts in search of a livelihood, and their green valley has become more sparsely populated. Yet Valle Maggia has experienced minor changes from the earlier days of Italian immigration. Today's settlement in the valley still bears the pattern of the past char- acterized by small clusters of rustic dwellings along the main road winding upstream. Really "it is as if the wheel of time had stOpped here more than a century ago"9 (Fig- ure 4). The Italian rural settlement in Switzerland has brought in three house types and different types of iso- lated barns. The Sonogno house was built in Ticino: its roof lay on a joist, and the hearth had no chimney; there was a milk-cellar: exterior stairs and a gallery gave access to the upper floor divided into two rooms. The Rancante house was also built in Ticino and characterized by the open galleries called Loggia. The Poschiavo house Stood in Grisons: this house type was remarkable for its 9Booklet Valle Maggia (Locarno, Switzerland: Ufficio Viaggi Fart, n.d.). p. 9. Figure 4 Switzerland: Pattern of Italian Rural Settleme nt in Valle Maggia Source: Booklet Valle Maggia (Locarno, Switzerland: Uf- ficio Viaggi Fart, n.d.), p. 6. 35 36 ensemble of originally separate buildings and a circular milk-cellar. There were different types of isolated barns, which were used to store provision, food, linen, cattle bells, and also old books, even archives or other documents of value in order to protect them from fire. Today the barns rarely play their primitive roles, and unfortunately many of these constructions, often richly decorated, have disappeared.10 Thus the spatial impact of the first stage of the Italian migration to Switzerland was the result of 1a- borers on the construction of Swiss railroads and the agricultural settlement in rural areas in the cantons of Graubfinden, Valais, and especially Ticino. During this long period from the middle of the nineteenth century to World War II the majority of Italians entering Switzerland settled along the railroads where they worked,or clustered into villages in the mountain valleys. The availability of work, whether on construction or on farm, was the pre- dominant factor that attracted the Italian immigrants. loFederal Topographic Service, Atlas of Switzer- léflg (Wabern-Bern: Federal Topographic Service, 1967), Sheet 36. 37 The Italian migratory movements ran parallel to the development of Swiss railway system and the overseas emigration of Ticinese farmers. Before World War I when thousands and thousands of Europeans rushed to America and the freedom Of international migration reigned in Central and Western Europe, the Italian emigration grew quickly in importance not only to Switzerland but also to several other EurOpean countries and to the New World. The world political events between two Wars, the rise of dictatorial regimes in Europe together with American im- migration restrictions all created great changes in the Italian emigration, so that the number of Italians enter- ing Switzerland considerably dwindled until the end of World War II. However, the post-war industrial boom in Switzer- land gave a new impetus to the Italian migratory movements and opened the spectacular period of Italian expansion into Swiss cities. CHAPTER.II POST-WORLD WAR II ITALIAN SETTLEMENT IN SWISS URBAN AREAS The Italian post—war migrants to Switzerland shifted from being laborers on the railroads and settlers in the villages to the Swiss urban scene. The principal Swiss railroads had been constructed before World War II, and the electrification of these lines had also begun as early as 1888. After World War II railroad building in Switzerland ceased to be the predominant factor which attracted the Italian immigrants. Nor did agriculture appear promising, since many young Italians in the canton of Ticino had abandoned their farms and villages. On the contrary, Swiss industries flourished after the war and created huge labor shortages in urban areas. The post—war economic recovery was much slower in Italy. This country had performed prodigious efforts and earnestly worked for its economic Growth, its tech- nical modernization, and a better redistribution of na- tional income. A land reform had been made, a merchant 38 39 marine develOped. a dense network of railroads and roads built: the Pontine Marshes south of Rome had been re- claimed. drained. and irrigated: industrial production had also been accelerated. social structure reformed. and large cities emerged; but the war had been so de- structive that the post-war industrial development in Italy became insufficient to answer the manpower surplus. Masses of Italians continued to emigrate to Switzerland. but this time. settled in Swiss cities instead of along the railroads or in the mountain valleys. The rapid Italian expansion into Swiss urban areas from 1946 to 1964 constituted the dominant phenomenon of the Italian post-war emigration and was intimately related to the labor problems in Switzerland and Italy. Labor PrOblems in Switzerland and Italy Shortly after the end of World War II. Switzer- land found itself confronted with a serious manpower Shortage for industrial development. The Swiss author- ities had feared that a recurrence of critical 4O unemployment might result from the sudden demobilization of the Swiss army: however, contrary to all expectations, the Swiss economy boomed with unprecedented prosperity. Having remained neutral and spared the ravages of war, Switzerland was in a strategic position to supply the depleted world market with its industrial products and to participate fully in the economic expansion of Western Europe. Switzerland, which had long played an important role in international migration as a sending country, became a receiving country in the post-war period and experienced a large and sustained influx of immigrants. Foreigners occupied 10.8 per cent of the total resident population in 1960 with 584,739: and Italy topped the list (Table 3). Meantime Italy faced the problems of manpower surplus and unemployment. After the second World War the Italian population continued to increase. Before the war the average of natural increase indicated by excess of births over deaths registered 391.482: but between 1947 and 1949 it totaled 488,367.11 The labor force also grew ; 11Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Un Seculo g; Statistiche (Rome: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, 1961), P. 88. 41 TABLE 3 SWITZERLAND, RESIDENT POPULATION IN 1960 Country of Origin Resident Population Percentage Switzerland 4,844,322 89.2 Italy 346,223 6.4 Germany 93,406 1.7 Austria 87,762 0.7 France 31,328 0.6 Liechtenstein 1,842 0.03 Others 74,178 1.4 Total 5,429,061 100.0 Source: Federal TOpographic Service, Atlas of Switzerland (Wabern—Bern: Federal TopOgraphic Service, 1967), Sheet la. with population reaching 18,972,000 in 1954 and 21,024,000 six years later (Table 4). The predominance of male labor gave more weight to the Italian labor problems. In 1964, the labor force still averaged 20,130,000 of which 72 per cent was male.12 ___ 12ICS, Annuario di Statistiche del Lavoro e lel'Emigrazione (Rome: ICS, 1964), p. 25. ITALIAN LABOR FORCE, 42 TABLE 4 1954-1960 (in thousands) Year Region Male Female Total 1954 North 9.188 3,269' 12,457 Mezzogiorno ‘5,218 1,297 6,515 Italy 14.406 4.566 18,972 1955 North 9,315 3,550 12,865 Mezzogiorno 5,352 1,444 6,796 Italy 14.667 4.994 19,661 1956 North 9.496 3.342 12.811 Mezzogiorno 5,442 1,508 6,950 Italy 14,911 4.850 19.761 1957 North 9.544 3.576 13,120 Mezzogiorno 5.497 1.553 7,050 Italy 15,041 5,129 20,170 1958 North 9.575 3.961 13,536 Mezzogiorno 5,538 1,637 7,225 Italy 15,113 5,648 20,761 1959 North 9,552 3,959 13,511 Mezzogiorno 5,529 1,781 7,310 Italy 15.081 5.740 20,821 1960 North 9,618 4,009 13,627 Mezzogiorno 5,570 1,827 7,397 Italy 15.188 5.836 21,024 Source: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Un Seculo di §tatistiche, Nord e Sud (Rome: ICS, 1961), pp. 660-64. 43 The dilemma of Italian labor and unemployment has been explained as follows by Anthony Trawick Bouscaren: Modern Italy's economic difficulties have . stemmed from three basic factors: (1) the scarcity of good soil and abundant sweet water in all but her northern regions, pre- venting the growth of the strong agricultural economy which is the base of a sound indus— trial economy; (2) the lack or scarcity of basic raw materials, inhibiting industrial growth; (3) the shortage of capital for in— vestment . . . . What Italy has always had and continues to have is a chronic unemploy- ment problem, due to the combination of the above basic structural weakness.l3 Italy has made all possible attempts to reduce the perplexity of this "chronic unemployment problem." After World War II, three major confederations named the General Italian Confederation of Labor (C.G.I.L.), the Italian Confederation of Workers Unions (C.I.S.L.), and the Ital— ian Union of Labor (U.I.L.) c00perated in organizing workers into groups to meet the unemployment problem. However, the result in the 1950's was meager. This has led Maurice F. Neufeld to conclude that the Italian labor movement of the late 1950's continued to live, as in the past, from hand to mouth and from crisis to crisis . . . . 3Anthony Trawick Bouscaren, "Italy's Role in International Migration," R.E.M.P. Bulletin, X—3 (June/ September 1962). p. 87. 44 The majority of Italian workers remained unor— ganized . . . . Certainly, persistent unem— ployment involving from 1,500,000 to 2,000,000 human beings, along with underemployment of equal dimensions, gave further edge to crisis.14 Italy has also made efforts to control the demographic movements which largely affected its economic development. The labor force estimated for five decades from 1951 to 2001 shows an upward trend during the first twenty years, then a general decline from 1971 (Figure 5). However, emigration to Switzerland remained one of the quick solutions to the Italian labor problem. In fact, many Italians migrated to West Germany and other EurOpean countries during the post—war period; but a greater number of them preferred Switzerland. When the peak of the Italian post-war migratory movement to West Germany was reached in 1965 with 90,800 emigrants, Italy still sent 103,100 workers to Switzerland during the same year.15 Wages were higher in Switzerland than in West Germany. Between 1950 and 1954 the earnings per hour was n 14Maurice F. Neufeld, Italy: School for Awakening QQuntries; The Italian Labor Movement in its Political, §ocia1, and Economic Setting From 1800 to 1960 (New York: Cornell University, 1961), p. 501. 15 . . . I.C.E.M., International Migration, VI—3 (1968), P. 182. Figure 5 Italy: Projected Labor Force, 1971-2001 Based on Statistics from: Istituto Centrale di Statistica: Un Seculo di Statistiche, Nord e SEQ (Rome: Istituto Cen- trale di Statistica, 1961), p 75. 47 1.56 Marks or 0.3881 U.S. dollars in West Germany, while the Italian workers in Switzerland obtained a rate of 2.55 Francs or 0.5905 U.S. dollars per hour. For the whole decade from 1954 to 1964 wages remained higher in Switzerland. Since Italy paid lower rates, many Italian workers, though being employed at home, attempted to find better Opportunities in Switzerland, where wages were generally six times higher (Table 5). Employment and higher wages gave the Italian workers in Switzerland a chance to accumulate capital, and Italy itself benefitted from the increase of national income and ability to pay for imports by emigrants' re- mittances to their homeland- The total amount of Italian emigrants' remittances was 1,181 million dollars from 1946 to 1957,16 and 812 million dollars from 1958 to 1960.17 Emigrants' remittances from Switzerland alone amounted to 128 million dollars or 23 per cent of the total remittance in 1964 (Table 6). ¥ 16International Labor Office, International Migra— tion (Geneva: International Labor Office, 1959), p. 368. 17 (Rome, 1962), p. 3830. Italian Affairs, XI—2 48 TABLE 5 WAGES IN NON-AGRICULTURAL SECTORS IN SWITZERLAND, ITALY, AND WEST GERMANY; EARNINGS PER HOUR, 1950-1954 (IN U.So DOLLARS) Year Switzerland Italy West Germany 1950-54 0.5905 0.1212 0.3881 1955 .6392 0.1370 .4553 1956 .6646 0.1451 .4951 1957 .7017 0.1516 .5398 1958 .7434 0.1595 .5772 1959 .7619 0.1614 .6070 1960 .7990 0.1690 .6692 1961 .8383 0.1760 .7364 1962 .9125 0.1958 .8210 1963 .9889 0.2239 .8832 1964 .0792 0.2630 -- Source: Computed from data expressed in Francs, Liras, and Marks; United Nations, Compendium of Social Statistics, 1967 (New York: United Nations, 1968), p. 550. 49 TABLE 6 ITALIAN EMIGRANTS' REMITTANCES TO ITALY FROM SWITZERLAND, 1963—1964 (IN MILLION DOLLARS) Year From Switzerland From Other Countries Total 1963 104.45 417.81 522.26 1964 128.33 422.01 550.34 Source: I.C.E.M., International Migration, IV—2 (1966), p. 125. Thus the solution of the labor problems in Swit- zerland and Italy was beneficial to both countries. On the one hand, Swiss industrial production was facilitated by cheap and abundant labor from Italy; on the other hand, emigration gave Italy a temporary relief from the pressure Of manpower surplus. Italian workers were free to emi- grate. The unemployed as well as the employed entered Switzerland. The unskilled workers expected tO find a gOOd job; the skilled to Obtain higher wages; and the professionals to perform their techniques under better working and living conditions. 80 the post—war migration to Switzerland became the most spectacular movement in the history Of the Italian continental emigration. 50 a ' P - a i rator ve to itzerland The rhythm of the Italian post-war migration to Switzerland followed the direction Of Swiss economic development and the pressure on the labor market. As early as October 1945, the Swiss government entered into negotiations with the neighboring countries about the possibilities of obtaining foreign workers. An agreement regarding Italian workers was concluded between Switzer- land and Italy on June 22, 1948. The Swiss authorities assumed that the industrial boom was transitory and therefore tried to keep the influx of Italians temporary and revocable. The practice of issuing work permits to foreigners for a limited period, adapted after the end of Worl war I, was resumed. The Italians who entered Switzerland in search of employment were required to ob- tain a work permit from the police. The latter issued three.categories Of permits: 1) Border crossing permits for workers who maintained their residence abroad and commuted daily to a job in Switzerland: they were members of the Swiss labor force but not immigrants. 2) Seasonal permits which were issued for periods generally not 51 exceeding nine months; although a seasonal worker might return repeatedly to the same job, he must leave Switzer- land at the end Of each season and was not allowed to bring his family with him. 3) Non—seasonal permits for year-round employment; these permits were for a specified job and might be renewed and extended for longer periods. However, during the early post—war years even permits issued for stated periods of years were subject tO be revoked at any time. Switzerland intended to encourage the rotation of foreign workers and to prevent permanent settlement. This policy was far from being an Obstacle to the Italian emigration. On the contrary, to a considerable extent the Swiss intentions coincided with those Of many Italian post—war emigrants who did not plan a permanent stay in Switzerland, but rather wanted to work in this country only until they could find satisfactory employ— ment opportunities at home. Moreover, in the immediate post-war period Italy was the only country in a position to supply Switzerland with foreign manpower, because the occupation forces did not permit German and Austrian na- tionals to leave their countries. There were 48,808 52 Italian nationals with Swiss work permits in 1946, and 139,271 in 1948. During the early and mid-1950's the proportion Of Italians diminished while Germans, Aus— trians, and French reappeared on the Swiss labor market in increasing numbers. Only 57,228 Italians were re- corded in 1953 (Table 7). During the first post—war years, the Italian migration to Switzerland followed the same trend as in the past. Migrants came mainly from northern Italy; some of them also originated in central Italy; but very few came from the South. Between 1946 and 1950 the pro- portion Of northern Italian migrants to Switzerland reached 95-96 per cent. The traditional pattern was still recognizable in the early 1950's when sizeable groups of migrants to Switzerland came from the adjoining border region of Lom- bardia, from Veneto, Friuli Venezia Giulia, and Emilia Romagna (Figure 6). However, there were indications of a shift in the origin Of the Italian migrants from 1950 to 1953. The general trend showed a decline in the pro— portion of northern Italian migrants to Switzerland and a gradual rise in the proportion of southern Italians. 53 TABLE 7 ITALIAN NATIONALS WITH SWISS WORK PERMITS, 1946-1959 Year Percentage Total Northern Central Southern Number Italy Italy Italy 1946 -- —- —- 48,808 1947 96.3 3.0 0.7 105,112 1948 95.7 3.0 1.3 102,239 1949 94.7 3.7 1.6 29,726 1950 95.9 2.4 1.7 27,144 1951 93.1 3.5 3.4 66,040 1952 88.6 5.4 6.0 61,593 1953 83.7 6.3 10.0 57,228 1954 77.5 8.2 14.3 65,661 1955 69.5 10.6 19.6 84,923 1956 63.9 9.8 26.3 106,816 1957 55.8 10.5 33.7 101,626 1958 48.3 12.7 39.0 60,825 1959 47.8 12.8 39.4 79,946 g Source: Kurt B. Mayer, "Postwar Migration From Italy to Switzerland," The International Migration Digest, 11—1 (Spring, 1965), p. 7; "The Impact Of Postwar Immigration on the Demographic and Social Structure Of Switzerland," Psmssranhx. 111-1 (1966), p. 77. Figure 6 Italy: Distribution Of Labor Migrants t0 Switzer land. 1950. By Region Of Origin Based 0“ Statistics from: Istituto Centrale di Statistica. Annuario Statistico Dell'Em iqrazione (Rome: Istituto Cen- trale di Statistica, 1955), pp. 17-397, 55 N. of Emigmnts 30° .-. ISOO 2500 3500 ‘ O b §= . ‘ . 1". . x. . ‘0'- .‘s .a' ’I_.I‘.j mus +1 j__J o no to do so I” 56 Lombardia sent 12,412 workers to Switzerland in 1951, but only 7,006 in 1953. During the same period, the number of Italian emigrants also declined in Piemonte, Trentino, Veneto, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Ligura, and Emilia Romagna (Table 8). In the early 1960's, as economic conditions con- tinued to improve in northern Italy, the number of north- ern Italian migrants to Switzerland continued to decrease. Lombardia and Veneto respectively registered 15,262 and 16,462 emigrants in 1961, but only 10,343 and 10,526 re— spectively in 1964 (Table 9). The number of labor mi— grants to Switzerland lessened in all the northern prov- inces of Italy during the first half Of the decade follow— ing 1960. Meantime the number originating in central and southern Italy increased dramatically. Basilicata, which had sent 9 workers to Switzerland in 1950, enumerated 7,300 in 1964. The same trend occurred in Calabria where the number Of Italian emigrants totaled 9,801 in 1963 against 110 in 1950. Puglia and Campania supplied Swit- zerland with massive groups of workers. Southern Italy became a new labor reservoir (Figure 7). TABLE 8 ITALIAN LABOR MIGRANTS T0 SWITZERLAND. 1950-1953, BY REGION OF ORIGIN m k x:— Region 1950 1951 1952 1953 Piemonte 181 1.394 1,039 662 Valle d'Aosta 9 644 771 432 Lombardia 3,223 12,412 7,804 7,006 TrentinO-A.A. 488 1,715 '1,067 1,111 Veneto 2,501 11,159 8,630 7,750 Friuli-Venezia G. 1,711 4,590 3,410 3,042 Trieste 7 29 43 13 Ligura 90 481 248 176 Emilia-Romagna 637 2,490 1,957 1,781 Toscana 225 1,157 787 850 Umbria 71 378 115 161 Marche 82 524 293 370 Lazio 208 540 415 357 Abruzzi e Molise 343 2,361 613 1,154 Campania 442 1,305 1,158 2,178 Puglia 152 1,365 342 880 Basilicata 9 52 100 145 Calabria 110 273 289 510 Sicilia 324 1,254 246 444 Sardegna 15 278 32 73 Non—indicated 8 11 2 6 Italy 10,836 44,412 29,361 29,101 Source: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Annuario Statis- tico Dell'Emigrazione (Rpme: Istituto Centrale di Statis- 58 ' TABLE 9 ITALIAN LABOR MIGRANTS TO SWITZERLAND, 1960-1964. BY REGION OF ORIGIN Region 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 Piemonte 1,070 1,337 1,137 1,069 783 Valle d'Aosta 1,208 1,201 989 825 766 Ligura 290 614 542 290 208 Lombardia 12,861 15,262 14,632 13,109 10,343 Trentino-A.A. 1,420 2,006 2,205 1,977 1,425 Veneto 12,695 16,462 16,418 13,416 10,526 Friuli-V G. 4,975 7,963 6,654 6,190 4,778 Emilia-Romagna 2,491 3,896 3,814 3,012 2,179 Marche 2,649 3,935 4,455 4,618 3,766 Toscana 1,757 2,452 2,493 1,841 1,646 Umbria 265 895 812 1,120 675 Lazio 984 1,772 2,090 2,323 1,543 Campania 13,065 22,705 29,121 28,857 24,777 Abruzzi e Molise 6,632 11,034 12,542 12,419 10,258 Puglia 9.832 18,637 22,031 27,161 25,391 Basilicata 4,004 6,545 7,502 7,095 7.300 Calabria 4,574 7,224 8,176 9,801 9,283 Sicilia 1,430 3,685 5.540 6,274 5,290 Sardegna 330 573' 961 1,657 1,081 Italy 82.532 128,257 142,114 143,054 122,018 Source: “— Emigrazione (Rome: ICS, Annuario di Statistiche del Lavoro e Dell' Figure 7 Italy: Distribution Of Labor Migrants to Switzerland, 1963, By Region Of Origin Based on Statistics from: Istituto Centrale di Statistica. Annuario di Statistiche del Lavoro e Dell'Emigrazione (Rome: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, 1964). PP. 126-54. 60 61 Swiss employers tended to View these shifts in the origin of the Italian immigrants with considerable misgivings. This came from a widespread prejudice against Italians, and southern Italians in particular, which had developed in Switzerland during the early period of Ital— ian immigration. The influx Of Italian workers, who had a low standard Of living and low level of education, caused much resentment and Opposition in those days. The hostile prejudice exploded in demonstrations and riots in Zurich in 1896. In this social atmosphere, the Italian immigrants lived poorly, especially in comparison with other foreigners in Switzerland. Robert F. Foerster ex- plains: It is a fact as Homo oeconomicus and not at all as Homo Civicus, that the Italian is prized. There is no desire to assimilate him . . . . The immigrant, wherever he goes, continues to eat the imported food Of his own peOple. bought Of his fellow countrymen. And in the cities he goes into his own well—defined colonies . Signs Of an unfriendly or inhOSpitable attitude are by no means wanting. The Basel and St. Gall poor—law authorities have refused to aid Italians. Probably the people of Vallais are typical enough when, as someone has said, they regard the Ital- ians as "guests who are necessary rather than welcome." 8 18Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emigration of 99: Times (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924), P. 180. 62 Although the living conditions Of the Italian immigrants had since improved, and the Italian government had re- peatedly attempted to ameliorate the social situation of its nationals in Switzerland, the prejudice against southern Italians had not vanished by the 1960's: when South Italy began to send a great number of its workers to Switzerland. The prejudice against southern Italians was even shared by many Of the northern Italians them- selves. However, as the familiarity Of Swiss employers with southern Italian workers increased, this prejudice progressively weakened and proved unfounded. There was also a shift in Swiss immigration policy. During the immediate post-war years, Swiss work permits issued by the police could be revoked at any time. Pre- ference was given to young single individuals. Married (men, even those with non-seasonal permits, were generally not allowed to bring their families with them. But, in the 1950's it became Obvious that Swiss industrial pros- perity, instead of being temporary as expected by the Swiss authorities, continued and expanded year after year; and that the need for large numbers of foreign workers was becoming permanent. It also appeared evident that the 63 reservoir Of foreign workers was not inexhaustible. In the early 1950's the number of Germans and Austrians grad— ually increased in Switzerland, but later began to level off as unemployment in these countries disappeared. Ger- many, in particular, performed its economic miracle and was faced by an increasingly serious manpower shortage. The postwar economic recovery was also absorbing the un- employed in other EurOpean countries. Therefore, Swit- zerland began to liberalize the stringent rules for bring- ing in the foreign worker's family. By 1960 highly Spe- cialized employees were permitted to bring their families as soon as they could find housing; skilled workers could also bring their families after a two-year uninterrupted residence; and all other workers could do so after three years. These measures were aimed at diminishing labor turnover and encouraging good workers to settle perma— nently in Switzerland. The Swiss liberalization policy and the decline Of the emigratory movement in Germany and Austria fostered the influx of Italians into Switzerland. There were 10,836 Italian workers entering Switzerland in 1950 in search of employment. They totaled 44,412 in 1951; after 64 which the emigratory movement fluctuated for several years. The massive wave of Italian migrants to Switzerland rose in 1960 with 82,532 and became higher year after year. The number of 128,257 Italian migrants registered in 1961 already exceeded the previous maximum of 90,019 reached in the years before World War I when Swiss immigration policy afforded complete freedom. The highest point Of Italian post-war labor migration to Switzerland was marked by 143,054 emigrants in 1963 (Figure 8). DeSpite this dramatic increase, the number of Italian workers proved insufficient to satisfy Swiss man-. power needs. As Switzerland turned to Spain as a major new source of labor supply, the proportion of Spanish workers rose from 3-4 per cent in 1961 to 10—11 per cent in 1964. The proportion of workers from other countries, especially from Greece, Yugoslavia, and Turkey, also in- creased during this period. Thus the Italian post-war mass migration to Swit- zerland facilitated the temporary solution of the labor problem in Italy and played a considerable part in Swiss economic prosperity. It supplied Swiss industries with abundant and reliable labor, and along with Swiss Figure 8 Italian Postwar Emigratory Movement to Switzerland, 1946-1964 Based on Statistics from: Istituto Centrale di Statistica. Annuario Statistico Dell'Emigrazione (Rome: Istituto Cen- trale di Statistica, 1955), p. 4, 17-397; Annuario di Sta- tistiche del Lavoro e Dell'Emigrazione (Rome: ICS, 1964): pp. 126-54. Kurt B. Mayer, , "Post War Migration from Italy to Sw1tzerland," ghe International Migration Digest. 11-1 (Spring 1965), p. 12, 66 #0.. mm.— .vI_ SLNVIQIH] ( IQIVIHOIL NI) 67 industrial growth it left strong impacts on the pattern Of Italian post-war expansion. Italian Spread into Swiss Cities The Italian post-war expansion in Switzerland was predominantly urban. Italian workers continued to enter Switzerland through three major gates: many of them reached the canton Of Graubfinden by way of Chiavenna; others entered Valais by the Simplon Tunnel; and the ma- jority of Italians passed through the little frontier town Of Domodossola and through eastern Chiasso to Bel- linzona. The canton of Ticino constituted a kind of base from which Italians Spread over Switzerland, and a meet— ing place for their return to Italy. Bellinzona, Lugano, Locarno, and Chiasso were the principal Italian centers in Ticino. Since the first massive influx before World War I. the Italian immigrants had performed a general expansion northward and westward. This pattern became more accentuated after World War II. The Italians spread out over German and French Switzerland. while Germans and 68 French seemed to remain in their zones. Well over one half of the Austrians and Germans resided in the four cantons of Zfirich, Berne, Basel-Stadt, and St. Gallen. The French were even more highly concentrated in the French—speaking areas, eSpecially in the cantons of Geneve and Vaud. By contrast, the Italians expanded out of the Italian—Speaking canton Of Ticino into the German- and French-speaking zones. In 1960, of 346,223 Italians in Swiss resident population 67.4 percent was in the seven cantons of Berne, Zfirich, Ticino, Vaud, Geneve, Aargau, and St. Gallen (Figure 9). The post-war Italian mass immigration put a par— ticular stress on Swiss urban areas. The changing pattern of Italian settlement was reflected in changes in the Occupational structure of the Italian work force in Swit— zerland. Statistics collected by the Swiss Federal Office of Labor and Industry showed a sharp decline in agricul- tural employment from 15 per cent of all Italian workers in February 1951 to less than 2 per cent in August 1964. By contrast, there was a rapid increase in industrial emPloyment, especially metals and machinery which regis- tered 8.2 per cent of all Italian workers in 1951 and Figure 9 Switzerland: Distribution Of Italians By Canton, 1960 Based on Statistics from: Kurt B. Mayer, "Impacts Of Post- war Immigration on Demographic and Social Structure of Switzerland," Demography, III-1 (1966), p. 78. 70 [OH Porconlage Dislriiul O Q 9 O O o o o o 9 O o 9 0 I‘ll... 2O 71 19.4 per cent in 1964. Italians who had been working in the urban areas began now to shift from the low-status and low-paying occupations to better jobs in industries. The number of Italians engaged in hotel and restaurant service sharply declined between the fifties and the sixties. Those in the construction industry stimulated by the Swiss post-war economic boom increased markedly. There were 171,898 Italians engaged in construction, stone and glass employment in 1964. Many of them were employed in building Val Maggiore hydro-electric station, which included four concrete dams and cost about 13,500 million lire.19 However, the number of Italians engaged in fac— tory employment remained predominant. In August 1964, there were 17,140 Italian workers in food, beverages, tobacco; 28,922 in textiles; and 35,869 in apparel and clothing employment (Table 10). During the post-war period the Italian immigrants in search of employment were mainly attracted to the in- dustrial cities in northern and western Switzerland, and to Bellinzona. In December 1963 Basel contained 98,144 V—v’ 19Italian Affairs, XV—S (September—October, 1966), p. 401. 72 TABLE 10 ITALIAN NATIONALS WITH SWISS WORK PERMITS, BY MAJOR.OCCUPATION GROUP. 1951, 1964 February, 1951 August. 1964 Major Occupation Group ' Number Percent Number Percent Mining 80 0.1 1,052 0.2 Agriculture 7,860 14.7 9,217 1.9 Forestry and Fishing 70 0.1 1,427 0.3 Food, Beverages. Tobacco 771 1.4 17,140 3.6 Apparel and clothing 2,888 5.4 35,869 7.6 Textiles 5,563 10.4 28,922 6.1 Leather and Rubber 647 1.2 3,639 0.8 Paper 130 0.2 6,657 1.4 Printing 150 0.3 3,199 0.7 Chemicals 81 0.2 6,525 1.4 Metals and Machinery 4,381 8.2 91,968 19.4 Watches and Jewelry 255 0.5 8,280 1.7 Construction, Stone and Glass 1,310 2.5 171,898 36.2 Lumber and Wood 487 0.9 18,293 3.9 Transportation 49 0.1 3,391 0.7 Hotels and Restaurants 11,662 21.8 36,021 7.6 Private Households 15,083 28.2 8,553 1.8 Commerce 481 0.9 3,504 0.7 Professions 968 1.8 4,773 1.0 Other Occupations 576 1.1 14,012 3.0 Total 53,492 100.0 474,340 100.0 Source: Kurt B. Mayer, "Postwar Migration From Italy to Switzer- land," International Migration Digest, II-l (Spring. 1965). P. 11. 73 Italian workers; 55,000 were concentrated in St. Gallen: 16,300 in Zfirich; and 121,041 in Bellinzona. Geneva re— ceived 31,700 and became an important center Of Italian concentration in Western Switzerland (Table 11). Bern, the capital Of Switzerland, also became more attractive to the Italian immigrants. The 1960 census enumerated 148,791 Swiss citizens in Bern, and 14,381 foreigners, Of which 7,628 were Italian-speaking inhabitants (Table 12). The number Of Italian non-seasonal and seasonal workers in Bern totaled 66,332 in December 1963. Ital- ians lived predominantly in the district of Bfimpliz, southwest Of the city, and also in the district of Oster— mundigen in the northeast; but they mixed with the Bernese population Of the same social class, so that there were no parts in Bern to be called "Italian Quarters." This settlement pattern was still evident in 1969 (Figure 10). The Italian spread into Swiss cities was facili- tated by the fact that, during the post-war period, Ital- ian became the dominant language among the aliens, and that the number of Italian-speakers rapidly increased year after year. In the German— or French-speaking regions 74 TABLE 11 SWITZERLAND: DISTRIBUTION OF ITALIANS FOR SELECTED CITIES. DECEMBER 1963. City Number of Italians Bellinzona 121,041 Basel 98,144 Lausanne 77,000 Bern 66,332 St. Gallen 55,000 Geneva 31,700 Lugano 28,900 Luzern 26,000 Zfirich 16,300 Locarno 16,000 Chur 6,597 Chiasso 4.500 Total 547,514 .— Source: InternationalTMigration Digest, 11-1 (Spring, 1965)! p0 1030 75 TABLE 12 BERN: POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY LANGUAGE, 1960 Language Swiss Foreigners German 136,284 4,486 French 9,427 328 Italian 2,076 7,628 Other 1,004 1,939 Total 148,791 14,381 Source: Data communicated by the Mayor's Office of Bern, October, 1969. where the Italian immigrants came to work, many Swiss cit- izens had some knowledge Of Italian, and many more wanted to learn enough to communicate with Italians. In the factory, the Italian workers were assigned to the foremen who could speak their language. In the German-speaking city of Zfirich all streetcar signs were translated into Italian for the benefit Of Italian passengers. In many communities, Italian children had special language classes at school, and adults could take advantage of evening language courses Offered not only by schools but also by many large plants which employed foreign workers. Figure 10 Bern: Distribution Of Italians, 1969 Based on data communicated by the Mayor's Office Of Bern. October, 1969. 78 Another fact which largely encouraged the Italian expansion into Swiss urban areas was the establishment of the Catholic Italian Missions For Italian Emigrants. In Bern, Zurich, Geneva, Basel, St. Gallen, Lugano, and all other important cities Of Switzerland, such Missions had been established for the Italian workers and their fam- ilies. There were ninety-two Catholic Italian Missions for Italian Emigrants in different cities in 1969, and a central Mission in Zurich.20 These Missions were not only devoted to religious activities, but they were also flanked with well—organized educational, social, and re- creative centers where the Italian workers and their fam- ilies could find schooling, refuge, assistance, and enter- tainment.21 This promoted cooperation among Italians working in the cities, and gave the unemployed new self- confidence in their attempts to enter the cities. Thus the manpower surplus in Italy and the labor shortage in Switzerland during the post-war period 0Commissione Episcopale Per Le Migrazione, Bol- lettino dell'UfficiO Centralegper 1'Emigrazione Italiana, V-lO-ll (October—November, 1969). pp. 44-48. 21Italiani Nel Mondo, Il Lavoratore Italiano 12 Svizzera (Rome: Soc. A.B.E.T.E., 1965). P. 11. 79 constituted the push-and-pull factor which gave rise to the massive wave Of Italian workers rushing to Switzer- land. This Spectacular mass migration, starting from the immediate post-war years, grew steadily in the 1960's and reached its climax in 1963. The rapid expansion Of Italians into Swiss urban areas meant that they became a major factor in certain kinds Of industrialization, a major minority group in many Swiss cities, and became a factor in the spatial character of Switzerland in many ways. However, after the 1963 apogee, the Italian emigratory movement to Switzerland declined slightly to enter the stage Of stabilization, during which the return movement became particularly important. CHAPTER III LABOR.DEMAND REVERSAL AND STABILIZATION OF THE ITALIAN MIGRATION TO SWITZERLAND As the influx Of foreign workers from Italy and from other countries continued to grow. Switzerland faced the prOblem of an oversupply of aliens. The Swiss govern- ment imposed a stringent quota policy and reached agree- ment with Italy on new immigration regulations. On the other hand. by 1964 Italy had fully recovered its econ- omic prosperity and succeeded in solving the major part of the unemployment problem. This resulted in a labor demand reversal between Switzerland and Italy. The re- turn movement of Italian workers. which had existed since the earlier period. became intensified; and the Italian migration movement to Switzerland stabilized. Swiss Action Immediately after WOrld War II. the Swiss govern~ ment resumed the practice of issuing work permits to 80 81 immigrants and required that they should have advance permission before entering the country; but this regula- tion was not adhered to as the manpower shortage increased, so that thousands Of Italians first entered Switzerland ostensibly as tourists, looked for a job, and then re— ceived work permits. During the late 1950's and early 1960's the Swiss economic boom accentuated the alien influx. The cost of living rose by more than 4 percent each year,22 and the total number of foreign workers with work permits increased from 364,778 in 1959 to 720,901 in 1964.23 Swiss indus- tries became drastically dependent on foreign workers. Alarmed by the overwhelming growth of immigrants, the Swiss government appointed a committee of experts in 1961 to study the problems presented and to make policy recommendations. The committee advocated a two—pronged policy: on one hand restrictions of further admission y 2 . . 2Kurt B. Mayer. "PostWar Migration From Italy to Switzerland," International Migration Digest, 11-1 (Spring 1965). p. 8. 23 . . . . . De l'Office federal de l'industrie, des arts et métiers et du travail. Tirage a part de La Vie Economique du mois d'Octobre_(fasc. No. 10), 1968, p. l. 82 of aliens, and on the other hand assimilation Of well— qualified workers already present in the country. The Swiss government adOpted these recommendations as part of the 1963-64 anti—inflationary measures, which imposed a ceiling on the hiring of additional foreign workers. With some exceptions, Swiss employers would be permitted to hire new foreign employees only after the total work force Of their plants had been reduced to 95 percent Of the total employed in March 1964.24 Swiss policy was fully implemented in the new agreement with Italy. In 1964, Italy worked earnestly to strengthen the structure of bodies providing assistance to emigrants, Opened new consulates and improved services in those towns and cities where Italians were employed in large numbers, and held many international discussions in order to better the conditions Of the Italian workers abroad. Within the European Economic Community, the most satisfactory results were Obtained with Germany and Bel- gium. The Italian government also continued negotiations With nations outside the E.E.C., and Switzerland in par- ticular. After lengthy and laborious discussions, the ‘ 24Mayer, p. 9. 83 ItalO-Swiss delegation reached agreement on new emigra— tion regulations to replace those in force since 1948. Two copies of the agreement, one written in Italian and the other in French, were signed by Storchi and Holzer in Rome, on August 10, 1964. The restrictive aspects Of Swiss policy were mainly expressed in Section II, and especially in Article 2: II. Recruitment in Italy Article 2 Acceptability Of Applications 1. The employers who exert activities in Swit- zerland and desire to recruit workers in Italy will appeal to the concourse of Ital— ian competent authorities. Applications could be numerical or nominative. 2. Swiss professional associations and public utility organisms qualified for exerting the placement in virtue Of Swiss right are also admitted to file applications. On the con- trary, applications filed by private agents exerting this activity for lucrative purpose are not acceptable. 3. Italian authorities will take account of the needs of Switzerland at the time of recruit— ment of workers disposed to emigrate.25 25Text: "II. Recrutement En Italie. Article 2 Recevabilité des demandes 1. Les employeurs qui exercent leur activité en Suisse et désirent recruter des travail- leurs en Italie feront appel au concours des autorités italiennes compétentes. Les demandes pourront étre nu— mériques ou nominatives. 2. Sont aussi admis a présenter des demandes les associations professionnelles et les 84 The 1964 Rome Agreement put an end to the Italian post-war mass migration to Switzerland and Opened a period of stringent restrictions in Swiss policy. This cone trasted with the first decades of the railroad era, when the Italian migration to Switzerland was completely un- restricted and encouraged by both Italian and Swiss gov- ernments. Now the Swiss authorities imposed restrictions in the hiring Of Italians, and the Italian authorities recruited the needed labor. Freedom Of migration to Swit- zerland was completely abolished by both countries. The Rome Agreement also emphasized the second part of Swiss policy encouraging the assimilation of a large part Of Italian workers who had become more or less perm- anent members of the country. Article 23 Of the agreement provided that the latter was subject to ratification by both the Italian and Swiss parliaments, but would be put into force provisionally on November 1, 1964, pending ratification. However, the publication of the agreement __ organismes d'utilité publique suisses habilités a exercer 1e placement en vertu du droit suisse. En revanche, les demandes présentées par des agents privés exercant cette activité a fin lucrative ne sont pas recevables. 3. Les autorités italiennes tiendront compte des besoins de la Suisse lors du recrutement de travailleurs disposés a émigrer." 85 aroused an uproar in Swiss public opinion and a storm of protest through mass meetings, newspaper editorials, and manifestoes by labor unions and political parties. The agreement also caused parliamentary resistance. The upper house duly ratified the agreement in the December session; but the lower house balked and postponed consideration until the March 1965 session, requesting the government to propose in the meantime further measures against the foreign influx. Pressure from Swiss public opinion and parliament resulted in much tighter immigration restric— tions, designed not merely to prevent further admission of foreign workers but also to reduce the number of those who were already present in the country. The stage Of stabilization of the Italian migra- tion to Switzerland developed under the Swiss restrictive policy. This was reinforced by economic progress and new employment Opportunities in Italy as well as by the in- tensified return movement of Italian workers. New Employment Opportunities in Italy The second world war had weakened Italy, and this country was slower to recover its economic prosperity. 86 However, there was a steady improvement. In the early 1960's, Italy's industrial output was about 77 per cent higher than in 1953, and foreign investments grew at an annual rate Of 240 million dollars.26 In 1965, Italian national income totaled 45,476 million dollars, by far exceeding that of Switzerland. In 1966 the Italian in- come doubled that registered in 1958, and was still three times higher than Swiss income, although the latter had considerably increased (Table 13). TABLE 13 ESTIMATE OF TOTAL AND PER CAPITA NATIONAL INCOME EXPRESSED IN U.S.A. DOLLARS, 1958. 63. 65. 66 1 National Income Per Capita National Country Income 1958 1963 1965 1966 1958 1963 1965 1966 --Millions of Dollars-— —————— Dollars ------ Italy 23443 38658 45576 49066 478 763 884 944 Switzerland 6214 9678 11467 12335 1195 1677 1929 2056 * Source: United Nations, Yearbook of National Account Sta- ElStics 1967 (New York: United Nations, 1968), pp. 826-27 —_ 6Anthony T. Bouscaren, International Migpations §ifl£§.l2&§.(New York: Praeger, 1964), p. 78. 87 Certainly, the living conditions remained lower in Italy than in Switzerland. There was still a great deal that needed to be done in Italy to correct basic structural economic defects and to narrow the gap between the industrialized North and the underdeveloped South. The per Capita gross domestic product estimated in 1966 for Italy was only 1040 dollars, in comparison with 2307 dollars estimated for Switzerland.27 However, the aver— age Italian lived better in the sixties than any previous time. Moreover, unemployment in Italy was down about 1.5 million since 1952. It was evident that the chronic unemployment problem in southern Italy remained a perplex one, and sizeable groups Of southern Italians migrated to Switzerland during the early 1960's; however, industries flourished rapidly in the North, and new industries were opened in the South, so that Italy's general efforts to reduce unemployment reaped encouraging results. The number of unemployed in Italy totaled 1,849,700 in 1952, k 7 . . . United Nations, Yearbook of National Accounts gtatistics 1967 (New York: United Nations, 1968), pp. 50-55. 88 increased to 1,958,700 in 1954, but dropped drastically to 504,000 in 1963 (Table 14). Swiss immigration restrictions and Italian eco- nomic progress resulted in slowing down the movement of Italian migration to Switzerland. There were 122,018 Italians entering Switzerland in 1964, 103,159 in 1965, and 95.000 in 1966.28 The number of Italian workers in almost all occu- pation groups in Switzerland also declined after 1964. In construction work where Italians had long Occupied the leading place, there were 147,010 in 1965 and 125,023 in 1969. The number of Italian workers engaged in metals and machinery, in food, beverages and tobacco, in apparel and clothing, and in textiles also lessened during this period. The total number Of Italian workers was 448,547 in 1965, but decreased from year to year about 10,415 or 2.5 per cent. In 1969, there were 398.929 Italian workers with Swiss work permits (Table 15).29 ‘ 2 8I.C.E. M., International Migration, V-3/4 (1967), p. 2140 9Commission de Recherches Economiques, p§_yip Economigue, fasc. no. 11 (Bern: Le Département Fédéral de l'Economie Publique, Nov. 1969). p. 550. 89 TABLE 14 NUMBER OF UNEMPLOYED IN ITALY'AND SWITZERLAND, 1952—1965 (in Thousands) ==========================i____;:::_:=;. Year Italy Switzerland 1952 1,849.7 5.3 1953 1,946.5 5.0 1954 1.958.7 4.3 1955 1,913.4 2.7 1956 1,937.5 3.0 1957 1,643.0 2.0 1958 1,322.0 3.4 1959 1,117.0 2.4 1960 836.0 1.2 1961 710.0 0.6 1962 611.0 0.6 1963 504.0 0.8 1964 549.0 0.3 1965 721.0 0.3 Source: United Nations, Statistical Yegpbook (New York: United Nations, 1961), p. 57.- (1966). p- 108- 90 TABLE 15 ITALIAN WORKERS SUBJECT TO EMPLOYMENT 1965-1969 SWITZERLAND: RESTRICTIONS BY OCCUPATION GROUP. (IN AUGUST OF EACH YEAR) Occupation Group 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 Mining 1,224 1,142 794 795 784 Agriculture. horticulture 9,053 8,593 8,431 7,905 7,232 Forestry and Fishing 1,055 1,245 1,512 1,103 931 Food, Beverages . and Tobacco 16,593 16,030 16,073 15,381 14,817 Textiles 26,208 24,568 23,763 22,723 22,315 Apparel and Clothing 33,169 33,250 31,884 31,252 31,048 Leather and Rubber 3,451 3,147 3,296 3.168 2,846 Paper 6,332 6,055 6,046 6,023 5,890 Printing 3,090 3,015 2,852 2,716 2,869 Chemicals 6,383 6,117 6,131 5,845 6,186 Metals and Machinery 89,772 84,107 82,682 80,218 79,200 Watches and Jewelry 8,444 8,709 8,884 8,881 9,877 Earth, Stone . and Glass 11,597 10,633 10,549 9,908 9,883 Lumber and Wood 17,440 16,210 15,770 14,814 13,978 Building 147,010 141,414 137,095 129,744 125,023 Transport and Communication 3.189 3,671 3,835 3,845 3,961 Hotels and Restaurants 35,599 35,313 34,926 32,909 29,401 Private Households 7,786 8,417 9.071 9,404 9,156 Commerce 3,705 4,124 4,388 4,881 5.163 Professions 1,627 1,769 1,645 1,583 1,642 Health and Personal Services 2,406 2,477 2,529 3.119 3,347 Science and Arts 817 872 857 1,320 981 Other occupations 12,597 11,898 '12,223 11,807 12,399 Total 448,547 432,776 425,236 409,344 398,929 —— Source: Data Supplied by Embassy of Italy in Bern, Switzerland; and Commission de Recherches Economiques. La Vie Economigue, £386. n5. 11 (Bern: Le Département Fédéral de I'Economie Publique, Nov. 1969), p. 554. 91 Thus, during the recent years Swiss immigration restrictions was a major barrier to the influx of Ital— ians. The movement to Switzerland declined gradually. The better living conditions in Italy attracted many of the Italian workers in Switzerland back to their home- land. Return Movement The return movement of Italians from Switzerland had long existed. From the earlier days Of railroad con- struction and rural settlement to the recent industrial boom in Switzerland, this movement had been continual, although data was first collected in 1921.30 From 1921 to 1925 North Italy received the greater number of workers returning from Switzerland. The small number Of emigrants leaving the South returned only under exceptionally serious circumstances. The highest number of returns was 5,039 recorded in Lombardia in 1924 under the Fascist regime. Veneto registered 2,032 in the same 30G. Parenti, "Italy," Economics of International Migration (New York: St. Martins Press. 1958), p. 85. 92 year, and Piemonte 1,078 the next year. Other provinces played minor roles. At the end Of World War II, the return movement of Italian workers from Switzerland grew considerably. There were 35,216 returns in 1947, and 81,672 in 1948. As the migration movement to Switzerland dropped sharply in 1949, the number Of Italians returning from this country exceeded that of emigrants by 51,104.31 When the return movement slowed down in the early 1950's, central and southern provinces Of Italy, partic- ularly Lazio, Campania, and Puglia, began to receive in— creasing numbers Of Italians returning home from Switzer— land. This trend strengthened during the early 1960's. Campania alone received 18,826 returnees in 1963, and Puglia registered almost the same number. As Switzerland imposed new immigration restric- tions, and Italy fully recovered its prosperity, the flow-back current Of Italian workers began to swell spec- tacularly. The number of 106,317 returns registered in g 3J’Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Annuario Sta— tistico Dell'Emigrazione (Rome: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, 1955), p. 4. 93 1964 by far exceeded the highwater mark of emigration reached at the eve Of World War I, and constituted 74 percent of the maximum number Of emigrants recorded in 1963.32 In fact, emigration and return movements were closely parallel and similarly affected by the labor factor. With the only exception observed in 1949, the return movement followed the same general trend Of growth and decline as emigration. When the number of Italian migrants to Switzerland increased, the number of those who returned to Italy also increased; and when Southern Italy sent larger groups of emigrants, it also received larger groups Of returnees. Therefore, the distribution of returnees presented comparable patterns with that of emigrants (Figure 11). From 1965 to 1969 there was a shrinking movement Of the Italian workers in all Swiss cantons. Zfirich contained 85,120 Italian workers in 1964, and 71,994 in 1969. The number Of Italians in Bern also decreased from 48.259 to 42,028. This movement tended to give a higher 32Appendix A, Tables I, II, III. Figure 11 Italy: Distribution of Labor Migrants Returning Based on Statistics from: Annuario di Statistiche del (Rome: Istituto Centrale di from Switzerland, 1964. By Province Istituto Centrale di Statistica. Lavoro e Dell'Emigrazione Statistica, 1960), pp. 160—62. 96 concentration in Ticino relative to the other cantons. As mentioned previously, the prOportion Of Italians in Ticino was 9.3 per cent of the total in 1960. There were 47,887 Italian workers in Ticino in 1965 (Table 16). This corresponded to 10.6 per cent of the total number. The proportion of Italian workers in this canton in— creased to 11.5 per cent in 1969. Thus, on one hand there was an intensified return movement Of the Italian workers to their homeland, closely entwined with the general decline Of their total number in Switzerland; and on the other hand there was a locational pattern change from North to South and West to East Switzerland. During the previous period Of mass migration and urban expansion, Italians had started from Ticino as a base and spread into the German- and French-speaking areas. Now the location of Italian labor was reversed and became relatively more concentrated in the Italian-speaking areas, so that Ticino which had long been the meeting Place Of Italian migrants before they returned to Italy now played its role once again. Thus, the over—supply of foreign workers in Swit— zerland and the full economic recovery in Italy established SWITZERLAND: EMPLOYMENT RESTRICTIONS BY CANTON, 1965—69 (in August of each year). 97 TABLE 16 ITALIAN WORKERS SUBJECT TO Canton 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 Zfirich 85.120 79,874 77,975 78,307 71,994 Berne 48,259 46,819 46,151 44,107 42,028 Luzern 12,857 13,113 12,851 11,943 11,018 Uri 1,796 1,921 1,694 1,689 1,789 Schwyz 5,178 5,038 4,922 4,606 4,556 Obwalden 1,166 1,129 993 852 743 Nidwalden 1,735 1,631 1,517 1,408 1.188 Glarus 4,371 4.303 4.012 3,586 3,624 Zug 4,460 4,243 4,011 4,007 3,898 Fribourg 4,154 4,561 4.387 3.947 4,119 Solothurn 16,300 16,336 15,038 14,396 14,918 Basel—Stadt 12,855 12.619 12.106 12,065 12,345 Basel-Land 16,069 15,632 15,508 14,820 14,886 Schaffhausen 5,721 5,432 4,883 4,391 4,310 Appenzel A—Rh. 2,850 2,728 2,606 2,245 2,168 Appenzel I—Rh. 586 586 558 509 477 St. Gallen 21,664 21,299 21,007 20,754 20,039 GraubUnden 21,178 19,809 19,775 18,837 17,946 Aargau 38,719 37,858 36,061 34,360 32,788 Thurgau 14,530 14,123 13,581 12,683 12,588 Ticino 47,881 46,040 48,622 44,317 46,083 Vaud 29,765 29,324 28,871 29,570 28,243 Valais 16,494 14,996 15,042 14,917 15,394 Neuchatel 11,906 11,770 11,506 10,799 11,029 Geneve 22,933 21,592 21,555 20,229 20,758 Total 448,547 432.776 425,236 409,344 398,929 Source: Commission de Recherches Economiques, La Vie EEQBQEIQEQ. fasc. NO. 11 (Bern: l'Economie Publique, Nov. 1969), p. by Embassy Of Italy in Bern, Switzerland. Le Département Fédéral de 552; and Data Supplied 98 a labor demand reversal between the two countries. Swit- zerland imposed new immigration restrictions. Italy Offered new employment Opportunities. Italians at home had less freedom to emigrate, and those working in Swit- zerland had more chance to return. This created a state of stabilization in the pat- tern Of Italian movements to, in, and from Switzerland. NO more mass migration; no rapid expansion into Swiss cities; but a slow contraction in the direction Of Ticino, the central place Of the return movement and an area Of continuing concentration Of Italians. The Italian worker who returned from Swiss cities to Italian cities built his future on a good job at home and earnestly contributed to the industrialization and urbanization Of his country, stepped the last stage of the Italian migration to Switzerland. CONCLUSION Through different stages of the Italian migration to Switzerland. man was the center of the problem. Man- power surplus and manpower shortage constituted the push- and-pull factor generating movement and settlement Of people. Movement and settlement varied in space and changed through time. From the middle Of the nineteenth century to the second world war. the majority Of Italian immigrants worked on Swiss railroads or settled as farmers in the mountain valleys Of southern cantons. The movement Of Italian migration to Switzerland was completely unre— stricted before World War I; but after the war the Swiss authorities began to issue work permits to immigrants. During this long period Of more than eighty years. the highest point of the Italian migratory movement was reached in 1913. From the end Of World War II to 1964. the Swiss industrial boom created a mass influx of Italians; and 99 100 although the Swiss government still required the foreign workers to have work permits before they entered Switzer- land. this regulation was not adhered tO. The peak reached in 1963 became the culminating point of the whole Italian mass migration movement to Switzerland. The wave Of Italian workers rapidly spread into Swiss urban areas; several districts in Swiss cities became predominantly Italian. From 1964 to the present. the Italian migration to Switzerland stabilized. The manpower shortage in Switzerland had been minimized by the overwhelming influx of foreign workers. and the manpower surplus in Italy had been lowered down by the economic progress. Migration to Switzerland now began to filter through the Italian govern— ment's recruitment and Swiss government‘s stringent policy. In 1964 the Rome Agreement coincided with an intensified return movement Of Italian workers. The shrinking number of Italian workers in Swiss cities was due in large part to the flow of Italian returnees as a result Of the in— dustrialization and urbanization of their home country. Indeed. the stages Of rural settlement. urban expansion. and stabilization of the Italian migration 101 to Switzerland were not single and isolated facts. but constituted harmonious notes in the world economic and migratory rhythm. At the time when Italians migrated to Switzerland and built Swiss first railroads. many thou- sands Of Swiss citizens and Europeans were also rushing to the New World. and many thousands of Americans were also migrating westward; it was also the time when "across the nation bells rang and cannon boomed with the wedding of rails at Promontory. Utah.”33 The post- World War II industrial boom in Switzerland and the Italian migration to this country was only a point in the grandiose picture Of the world postwar industrial prosperity and international migration. The Rome agree- ment between Switzerland and Italy was also born in a period Of international political difficulties. There is no omen Of a resumed massive Italian migration to Switzerland in the near future. Switzerland is facing a growing competition in the European market. and Swiss industries indicate no immediate serious manpower —_ 3Steward H. Holbrook. "The Growing Giant." America's Historylands (Washington. D. C.: National GeOgraphic Society. 1967). p. 525. 102 shortages. Italy is also working more successfully than ever to solve the problems of unemployment and emigration. Yet nearly 400,000 Italians still live and work in Switz- erland. These people and their families are important in the present spatial character of Switzerland. The impact of Italians past and present is something we need to con- tinue to study in any analysis Of this country. APPENDICES 104 APPENDIX A, TABLE I ITALY} DISTRIBUTION OF LABOR MIGRANTS RETURNING FROM SWITZERLAND, 1921-25, BY PROVINCE H Province 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 Piemonte 782. 480 830 1.023 1.078 Ligura 55 37 46 34 39 Lombardia 2,970 2,480 3,267 5,039 4,598 Veneto 475 431 688 2,032 1,753 Venezia Tridentina 49 61 94 111 308 Venezia G. & Z. 8 13 4 7 4 Emilia 169 100 116 202 178 Toscana 116 77 246 144 147 Marche 15 8 17 21 9 Umbria ll 8 6 5 7 Lazio l9 9 25 20 36 Abruzzie Molise 10 4 7 3 22 Campania 18 17 18 20 25 Puglie 6 6 -- -- ll Basilicata 2 -- 2 1 '- Calabrie 4 1 2 1 " Sicilia 15 2 3 6 21 Sardegna 3 4 3 2 1 Italy 4,727 3,738 5,374 8,671 8,237 17* Source: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Annuario Statis- tico Della Emi razione Italiana del 1876 al 1925 (Rome: IstitutO centra1e'di Stétiética; 1926); pp. 1368-72. 105 APPENDIX A, TABLE II ITALY: DISTRIBUTION OF LABOR MIGRANTS RETURNING FROM SWITZERLAND, 1950-53, BY PROVINCE Province 1950 1951 1952 1953 Piemonte 613’ 549 644 1,123 Valle d'Aosta 70 25 45 36 Lombardia 502 1,421 1,585 2,883 Trentino—A.A. 40 64 85 270 Veneto 149 397 429 1,018 Friuli-Venezia G. 24 127 236 609 Trieste -- 5 8 17 Ligura 14 53 37 113 Emilia-Romagna 129 212 272 507 Toscana 68 60 62 186 Umbria 7 11 21 35 Marche 19 25 23 45 Lazio 28 51 76 133 Abruzzi e Molise 3 19 19 79 Campania 18 41 48 114 Puglia 7 32 24 65 Basilicata l 1 “ 6 Calabria 8 4 13 28 Sicilia 23 32 22 46 Sardegna 1 3 1 22 Non-indicated 232 1,170 393 2.360 Italy 1,956 4,302 4,043 9,695 Source: Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Annuario Statis- tico Dell'Emigrazione (Rome: Istituto Centrale d1 Statis- tica. 1955). pp. 83-84, 203-04, 323-24, 443—44. ITALY: 106 APPENDIX.A, TABLE III DISTRIBUTION OF LABOR MIGRANTS RETURNING FROM SWITZERLAND, 1960-54. BY PROVINCE I -_ Li Province 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 Piemonte 852 1,100 919 905 729 Valle d'Aosta 1,154 1,133 951 783 683 Ligura 207 378 411 240 276 Lombardia 10,389 12,997 12,385 11,618 9,944 Trentino-A.A. 1,077 1,417 1,616 1,736 1,439 Veneto 9,282 12,692 13,621 12,107 10,877 Friuli—Venezia G. 3,731 6,304 5,534 5,711 4,810 Emilia-Romagna 1,848 2,708 2,826 2,734 2,177 Marche 2,305 3,006 3,385 3,871 3,344 Toscana 1,387 1,894 2,106 1,602 1,602 Umbria 154 455 507 633 612 Lazio 597 957 1,272 1,523 1,565 Campania 8,240 13,060 15,933 18,826 20,721 Abruzzi e Molise 4,453 6,905 7,493 8,954 9,370 Puglia 7,589 13,940 14,264 18,517 20,246 Basilicata 2,989 4,232 4,649 5,115 6,101 Calabria 3,387 5,109 5,898 7,070 7,130 Sicilia 789 1,566 2,477 3,161 3,870 Sardegna 191 273 453 916 821 Italy 60,621 90,207 96,700 106,022 106,317 v ‘— Source: .Istituto Centrale di Statistica, Annuario di Sta- tistiche del Lavoro e Dell'Emigrazione (Rome: Centraledi Statistica, 1960), pp. 134—36 (1961); 36 (1962); pp. 62. Istituto pp. 134— 136—38 (1963): pp. 140-42 (1964): pp. 160- 107 APPENDIX B, TABLE IV SWITZERLAND: FOREIGN WORKERS SUBJECT TO EMPLOYMENT RESTRICTIONS BY COUNTRY OF ORIGIN, 1965—1969 (IN AUGUST OF EACH YEAR) Country 1965 h‘ 1966 1967 1968 1969 Italy 448,547 432,776 425,236 409,344 398,929 Spain 79,419 77,247 75,945 80,861 95,696 Germany 67,668 58,378 59,089 60,404 57,199 France 23,775 25,624 29,521 33,980 36,842 Austria 24,184 21,245 20,155 20,246 19,865 Others 32,735 33,278 38,136 43,220 50,698 Total 676,328 648,548 648,082 648,055 659,229 Source: Economigue, fasc. no. 11 (Bern: de l'Economie Publique, Nov.'1969), p. 550. Commission de Recherches Economiques, La’Vie Le Département Federal 108 APPENDIX B, TABLE V SWITZERLAND: DISTRIBUTION OF ITALIANS, 1969 Region ‘ Number Zurich-Luzern 169,033 Basel—Baden 119,618 Berne-Neuchatel 88,902 Lausanne—Brig 81,537 Lugano 77,596 St. Gallen 58,551 Geneve 41,403 Chur 24,262 Total 660,902 fl Source: Data communicated by Missione Diocesana Emigrati Italiani, Lugano, Switzerland, November 1969. 109 APPENDIX B, TABLE VI SWITZERLAND: ITALIAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS FOR ITALIAN EMIGRANTS (IN OCTOBER, 1969) Mission Address 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. National Direction, Zfirich Aarau AG Affoltern Am Albis Allschwil BL Altdorf UR Appenzell AI Arbon TG Neuarlesheim BL Baden AG Baden AG, BBC Brisgi Basel Basel Bern Bienne (Biel) BE Brugg—Windisch AG Burgdorf BE Bulach ZH Balderngasse 7 Feerstr. 2 Breitenweg 383 Baslerstr. 71 Rathausplatz Kapuzinerkloster Landquartstr. 34 Bahnhofstr. 14 Sonnenbergstr. 24 Capell. a11a Brown Boveri Rfimelinbachweg 14 Rheinfeldstr. 26 Bovetstr. 1 Rue Aebi 92 Gladiatorenweg 10 Pestalozzistr. 48 Obergasse 15 Table VI (Cont.) 110 r Mission Address 18. Carouge GE 19. Chur GR 20. Davos—Platz 21. Delemont BE 22. Dietikon ZH 23. Dubendorf ZH 24. Dulliken SO 25. Einsiedeln SZ 26. Emmenbrucke LU 27. Engelberg CW 28. Frauenfeld TG 29. Freiburg 30. Geneve 31. Glarus—Riedern 32. Heerbrugg SG 33. Herisau AR 34. Horgen ZH 3S. Klingnau AG 36. Kloten ZH Rue J. Dalphin 34 Hof 4 Kath. Pfarramt Rue des Moulins 5 Bahnhofplatz 5 Neuhausstr. 34 Altlandstr. 28 Kloster Seetalstr. 18 Kloster Staubeggstr. 13 Avenue du midi, 39 Rue de la Mairie, 17 Neuheim, 6 Karl Vélkerstr. 1419 Eggstr. 17 Burghaldenstr. Flfie 765 Schulstr. 16 111 Table VI (Cont.) Mission Address 37. Konolfingen BE Grfinegg 38. Kreuzlingen TG Bruelweg, 2 39. Kussnacht/Rigi Grepperstr. 66 40. La—Chaux-De-Fonds NE Rue du Parc, 43 41. Langenthal BE Hasenmattstr. 36 42. Laufen BE Rampenweg 7 43. Lausanne VD Rue Valentin, 9 44. Lausanne VD Case Ville, 1096 45. Le Locle NE Rue de la Chapelle, 5 46. Lenzburg AG Niklausstr. 6 47. Liestal BL Mumzachstr. 2 48. Locarno TI Via Nessi 22 49. Lugano TI Piazza Indipendenza 5 50. Lugano TI Tipografia "La Buona Stampa" 51. Luzern Rfitligasse 1 52. Martigny VS Rue de la Moya, 14 53. Matzingen TG St. Gallerstr. 43 54, Mellingen AG Kleinkirchgasse 26 55. Mels SG Kapuzinerkloster Table VI (Cont.) 112 Mission Address 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. Montreux VD Muttenz BL Naters VS Neuchatel Olten SO Rapperswil SG Reinach AG Romanshorn TG Rorschach SG Ruti ZH St. Gallen St. Imier BE Sarnen 0W Schann FL Schaffhausen Schonenwerd SO Siebnen SZ Sirnach TG Sissach BL #1 Avv. des Planches 27 (Luigi Serafini) Baselstr. 48 Missione Catt. Italiana Rue du Tertre 48 Hausmattrain 4 Herrenberg, 42 Gigerstr. 6 Kirchgasse 7 Rosenstr. 7 Konsumstr. 6 Heimatstr. 13 Rue Temple 7 Kapuzinerkloster Spekigasse Neustadt 29 Ballystr. 14 Convitto Wirth Winterthurerstr. 33 Himmelrainweg 5 113 Table VI (Cont.) Mission Address 75. Stfifa ZH Kreuzstr. 19 76. Solothurn Rossmarktplatz 5 77. Stans NW Saumweg 21 78. Stein AG Schaffhauserstr. 110 79. Sursee LU Bahnhofstr. 216 80. Thun BE Steffisburgstr. 4 81. Tramelan BE Grand Rue 131 82. Uster ZH Neuwiesenstr. 19 83. Vevey VD Rue de la Madeleine, 20 84. Watwil SG Wilerstr. 58 85. Wil SG Scheibenbergerstr. 14 86. Winterthur Wartstr. 11 87. Wohlen AG Fischerhfisliweg 3 88. Yverdon VD Rue de la Maison rouge 7 89. Zofingen AG Mfihlethalstr. 21a 90. Zug Oswaldsgasse 10 91. Zurich Feldstr. 109 114 Table VI (Cont.) Mission Address 92. Zurich-Orlikon Schwamendingerstr. 55 93. Zurich Militarstr. 109 c/b ACLI Source: Commissione Episcopale Per Le Migrazioni, Bollet- tino dell'Ufficio Centrale per 1'Emigrazione Italiana, V- 10/11 (October-November, 1969), pp. 44-48. B IBLIOGRAPHY Accord entre la Suisse et 1'Ita1i§_re1atif E'l'émigration 'de travailleurs italiens en Suisse, Rome, 10 aofit 1964. Rome: Tipografia riservata del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, 1964. Allen, Cecil J. Switzerland: Its Railways and Cableways, Mountain Roads and Lake Steamers. London: Iaan Allan, 1967. Bouscaren, Anthony T. "Italy's Role in International Migration." R.E.M.P. Bulletin, X—3 (June- September), 1962. . International Migration Since 1945. 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