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SOCIAL CHANGE IN JORDAN

By
Suleiman F. El-Khalidi

A THESIS

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan
State College of Agriculture and.Applied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

\ \ :
\
k \_ L \

Department of Sociology and Anthropology N’
l95h

Ifips:
_-3

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Chapter

I. CONCEPTS, HYPOTHESES AND THEORIES
ON SOCIAL CHANGE . . . . . . . . . . h

Theoretical Framework
Problem and Hypotheses
Methodology

Technique of Investigation

II. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE . . . . . . 28
JORDAN BEFORE WESTERN CONTACT . . . 30

The Town
The'Village

The Tribe

Summary and Analysis

III. WESTERN CHANGE AGENTS . . . . . . . 59

The Trader

The Immigrant

The Administrator
The Missionary

IV. MAJOR SOCIAL CHANGES . . . . . . . . 75

Town Growth

Educational Growth

Growth and Mechanization of Communication
Growth in Population

Greater Dependency of the Village on the Town
Political Changes

V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION . . . . . . . 95

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

INTRODUCTION

Social change is the process by which human
iinstitutions and organizations undergo modifications. The
principal sources of these changes are likely to be either;
changes in the natural environment to which the social
system is an accommodation; or new contacts with other
societies and communities.

Changes in the natural environment are either
independent of human action, or are effects of the action
of man in his environment. Some examples of the first
which lead to important social changes are the movements
of the polar ice cap, the periodic drying up of areas in
central.Asia, and the changes in the Spawning grounds of
herring and other fish.from.time to time. Each.of these
changes in environment can have far reaching effects on the
changes in human institutions and behavior. Earthquakes,
tornadoes, floods and wind storms may also lead to social
changes. Some examples of the second type of changes are
certain practices in soil erosion which in turn impoverish
certain areas and thus strand its population and cauSe
economic changes in the whole group. In this way the
culture of the group may have the effect of changing the

enviornment in such.a way as to make changes in the culture
inevitable. In the case of soil eroding practices, the
final results have been changes in farm practices,
migrations to new areas and occupations and government
relief.

Group contact has a far reaching effect on social
change. Contact can be due to war, trade, migration and
so on. The process by which culture traits Spread from
one group to another is diffusion. History records many
examples of diffusion; such as the Spread of Christianity
from the Near East to EurOpe and to the New'World; and the
spread of the Moslem religion from Mecca to West Africa
and Indonesia.

This paper will be concerned with that part of social
change in Jordan which.is due to inter-group contact.

This change is a part of a wider change in the Arab

Near East and due to the western agent.. In fact, this
social change has been reported.in most Asiatic countries
and some.Afrioan regions and due to the same contacting
agents.

In general, there are no systematic and scientific
investigations on.the study of social change in Jordan due
to Western contact. There is scanty information reported

by political scientists, historians and geographers on

the whole Arab Near East with a few treatise on social
change.1

The orientation of this paper is sociological. It
will attempt to isolate those social factors which were
responsible for this phenomena in Jordan. However, due to
the interrelationship between sociology and anthrOpology,
between society and culture, the writer will present a
summary of some theoretical models, hypotheses and concepts
used by both disciplines in this connection. Repetition
and overlapping of ideas may occur, but they will be
kept in the hope that the writer will abstract a
theoretical model of his own and will make use of certain

concepts presented by these authors.

 

1. See: Lewis, Bernard, The Arabs in Histor , London,
1950. pp. 16h-179; Thomas, Bertram, The grabs, New York,
193?, pp. 252-275: Hourani, A., S ria andeEbanon,
Oxford University Press, London, 1953, pp. 33-93:
Haddad, George, Fifty Years of Modern Syria and Lebanon,

Dar-al-Hayat Press, Beirut, Lebanon, 1950, pp. 153-206;

Patai, R., 1: cl Between East and West, Philadelphia,
1953. PD.2?-5g: Speiser, 3., The finited States and
the Near East, Harvard University Press, Caeridge,
Mass., 1952, pp. Inc-160.

 

CHAPTER I

CONCEPTS, HYPOTHESES
and

THEORIES ON SOCIAL CHANGE

Robert Redfield tried to test the hypothesis, that
there is a causal relationship between physical isolation
and homogeneity of culture on the one hand, and
disorganization, individualization, and secularization
on the other. For testing this hypothesis he chose four
communities in the Yucatan peninsula of Mexico.1 Redfield
sees the problem.as one of relationships among variables.
No one of these variables is the only cause of the other
but, “it is assumed, subject to proof, that as certain of
these vary, so do others,.'2

The isolation and homogeneity of the communities are
taken together by Redfield as the independent variable,
since he assumes that a close correlation existed between
the two so as to make them one, for practical purposes.

The dependent variables are disorganization, individualiza-

tion, and secularization of culture. His study showes

that dependent variables are present to the highest degree

 

1. Redfield, Robert, The Folk Culture of Yucatan,
University of Chicago Press, CEIcago, I§EI.

2. Ibid.’ DO 3“.

in the community characterized by the lowest degree of
isolation and homogeneity.

It seems from Redfield's findings that social change
is dependent to some extent upon such factors as
differences in degree of cultural isolation and cultural
homogeneity. At one extreme of this polar typology stands
the cultures termed as ”folk societies,‘ and on the other
extreme of the polar are “urban societies."1 In between
are societies with cultural traits that approach either
end of this polar continuum. Social change is examined in
the dissimilarities between these various communities,
rather than by their similarities in certain cultural
traits. \Thus, the rate of social change is expected to be
least in these societies that most nearly approach the
ideal-type folk society which are characterized as small,
isolated, nonliterate, and homogeneous. The rate of social *
change will be greatest in communities which are mostly
cosmopolitan, heterogenous, literate, and technologically
developedq Social change in the intermediate cultures will

—__i
_—

1. See: Becker, Howard, 'Ionia and Athens,‘ Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Chicago, 1930; Durkheim, E.,
on Division of Labor, a translation by George Simpson of
De la division du travail social, New York, Macmillan Co.,
1933; Odum, H.H., "Understanding Society: The Principles
of Dynamic Sociology,“ New York, The Macmillan Co.. l9h7,
Chap. 1“, IIFolk Culture and Folk Society'; Redfield,
IThe Folk Society,'.American.J. Sociol., Vol. 52, No. b,
January, l9h7, pp. 293-308; Sapir, 3., “Culture, Genuine
and Spurious," Am. J. Sociol., Vol. 29, No. h, Jan.,l92h,
pp. #01429; ‘l'onnies, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887),
translated and edited by C. P. Loomis as Fundamental concepts
of Sociology, New York, American Book Co., l9h0; Martindale

and Monachesi,Elements of Sociolo , Harper & Brothers,
New York, 1951, pp. 139-237.

be graded according to the variations of the two extremes
of isolation and cultural homogeneity.

Oscar Lewis, in his restudy of Topoztlan presents the
following critique on Redfield's folk-urban conceptualiza-
tion continuum:1
l. The folk-urban conceptualization of social change
focuses attention.primarily on the city as the source of
change, and neglects internal or external factors. So
called folk societies have been influencing each other for
hundreds of years and out of this interaction has come
social change.

2. Cultural change may not be folk-urban progression but,
rather increasing or decreasing heterogeneity of cultural
elements.

3. Some of the criteria used in the definition of folk
society are treated by Redfield as linked or interdependent
variables and should better be treated as independent
variables. Others have shown.that societies both culturally
well organized and.homogeneous are at the same time highly
secular, individualistic and commercialistic and are
characterized by formal interpersonal relationships,

(Sol Tax). Family disorganization is not the resultant of

commercialism.

 

1. Lewis, Oscar, Life in.A Mexican.Villa e: Tepoztlan
Restudied, University of Illinois Press, 1951;
I"l'epoztlan Restudied,’ Rural Sociolo , Vol. 18, June,
1953, No. 2, pp. 121-13 .

 

h. The folk-urban typology is all inclusive. Thus, folk
society as used by Redfield would group food—gathering,
hunting, pastoral and agricultural people without distinc—
tion. Attitudes and values of folk societies may resemble
some urban societies. And focusing only on the formal
aspects of urban society reduces all urban societies to a
common denominator and treats them as if they have the same
culture.

5. The folk-urban framework of social change assumes
uniform, simultaneous and.unilateral changes in all
institutions. It says nothing about the rate of change.

6. Underlying the folk-urban dichotomy is a system of value
Judgments which contains the Bousseaunean concept of
primitive peoples as noble savages, while civilization
corrupts man. Redfield's writing implies that folk societies
are good and urban societies are bad.

In commenting on the patterns of change, Lewis
indicates that the rate of change varies in the Tepoztlan
village; and that the persistence of the Indian language,
along with Spanish is related to the class character of the
society. It was mainly the merchants and artisans who
needed and used the Spanish.language in their dealings with
the outside, while the peasants who traded among themselves
and with the Hahuatl-speaking people, kept the Indian

language.1

 

1. Lewis, Oscar, Life in a Mexican Villa e: Tepoztlan
Restudied, University of Illinois Press, 1951, p. ““5.

According to him their is no single formula which
explains the cultural change in the village. At one
historical period, change came to the village as direct,
forced acculturation, and was determined by the Spanish
conquerors. A second factor which determined the diffusion
of Spanish traits during a conquest period was the inter-
marriage of Spaniards with.native women. A third factor
which conditioned the nature of change is the class
structure - the Indians or the lower classes were socially
isolated from the upper classes.

.And last, and.a more general factor which facilitated
diffusion was the basic similarities between the native
and Spanish colonial culture. He says, 'Both.were
stratified, feudal societies; both had a system.of communal
landholding; in both.religious and social structure was
closely interwoven; both had well-developed markets. In
addition, they shared many more specific traits, such as
the use of flowers with images....."1 He indicates that
the acceptance of one trait entails with it the acceptance

of related traits.

He relates the rate of socio-cultural changes to
historical periods. The changes during these periods are
the result of outside influences - the Spanish culture.

Each historical period varied in its effect upon the

1. Ibid., p. ##6.

socio-cultural structure, from rapid to slow, from great
changes to none. More recent periodical changes (1910-
1930) are observed most in communications, literacy,
education, consumption patterns, and values, and with no
changes in economics, social organization and religion.

Dawson and Gettys commenting on the Redfield schema,
indicate that certain aspects of culture affect the process
of social interaction, so as to obstruct or to hamper
changes in its products. They say, “The amount and
quality, the direction.and the rate of social change is
determined in the absence of catastrophe or other major
historic accidents by the character of the existing culture
complex. This generalization.holds equally for the Andaman
Islands, the Beligian.Congo and.Yucatan, as it does for
Western Europe, the United States, and Canada."1

They give the example of such groups as the Kwakiut
and the zeal Indian tribes who lived for many generations
in comparative isolation, were little influenced by the
impact of other cultures, and felt no need to change. These
groups did not posses within the inner mechanism of their
cultures the neccessary cultural base to serve as a start-
ing point for social change. This lack of cultural change,
they call, "Cultural Inertia,“ and this, 'inertia' is not

invariably correlated with isolation or with the absence of

 

l. Dawson and Gettys, Introduction to Sociology, New York,
(3rd. ed.), 19u8, p. 333.

10

contacts between cultures......there are many examples of
two ore more cultures functioning side by side with little
or no acculturation. This situation is usually due to the
fact that the practioners of the different cultures belong
to distinct social entities.“1

They conclude that when inertia to change is not
directly attributed to isolation, it is due to the presence
of some other independent cultural variables such as
homogeneity. They give three characteristics of folk-
society homogeneity which.account for the condition:
1) the traits of the cultural pattern are bound together
in such rigid, impermeable structure, that a change in one
part will destroy the whole structure: 2) that this
cultural configuration is the principal basis for the
group unity and security, and that the individual has no
personality or function outside of it: and 3) that even
in this tightly knit homogeneous organization, change may
occur, but only by the consent of the whole group and

not by one individual.
Freedman and.athers indicate that the size of the

cultural base of a given society is an important
2
determinant for the nature of its change. Innovation

and change have common elements. They are both determined

 

1. Ibid., p.. 58b,

2. Freedman, Hawley and Landecker, Miner, Principles of
Sociology, Henry Holt and Co., New'York, 1952.

11

by the nature of the existing society, and the larger the
culture base the greater the possibility of social change.

They say, “one explanation of the rapid rate of
social change today as compared with earlier times is that
the culture base is larger today."1 The cultural
complexity also determines the degree of its contact with
other cultures and visa versa.

Perry sxpounds the same theme of the cultural base
theory as a factor for social change. When the cultural
base of a given group is favorable to change, ingredients
of this cultural kin are common language, common religion,
and favorable attitudes. He concludes that similarity of
the cultural complexity between two different groups is
more likely to enhance the assimilation between the two.
He gave the example of the Czechslovakian immigrants who
came to the United.States. The first were quicker and
more susceptible to assimilation than the second. This
was due to the similarity between the Czech.culture and
the United States. The Czechs in EurOpe acquired a higher
standard of living, there were skilled workers and
professionals. These characteristics put them in good
standing when they came to the United States.2

KimbalYoung indicates that the following factorsr
effect the rate of diffusion and change;3 1) transportation

 

1‘ Ibidoe p0 3230
2. Perry, 3., Race Relations, Houghton Hifflin 00., Boston,
1951, p. 2hr“...
3- Young, K., Sociology, American Book Co., New York, 19h9,
' pp. 560-5?7e

12

and communication availability; 2) resistance to cultural
change, such as taboos, general cultural inertia;
3) prestige of the diffused culture; h) migration;
5) the need for some new elements to meet critical situations.
He also indicates that the basic attitudes and values
of the recipient group are important in determining the
nature of social change, and to use his own words, 'the
cultural and psychological elements operating in diffusion
are not unlike those which more or less determine invention.
That is, the broad.cultural base of prior skill and
knowledge must be taken into account. So, too, the basic
values and attitudes of potential recipients are
important,‘1 and later he says, I"the acceptance of
innovations is.qualified.by the nature and extent of the
changes, by the rate of which they are introduced, and by
the degree of readiness of groups with.respect to a given
modification or addition to their culture. This last,
in turn, will be affected by the pre—existing ideas,
attitudes, and habits of individuals."2
Bronislaw Malinowski as early as 192a,had published
numerous articles on culture change. His book,

The Dynamics of Culture Chagge: And Inguiry into Race

Relations in Africa, contains the main theories and

 

1. Ibid., p. 56?.
2. Ibid., p. 567.

13

principles formulated by him on his studies on cultural
change.1
The greater part of his study was conducted in Africa.
Thus, one has to bear that in mind before evaluating the
validity of his principles on.other cultural areas. His
definition of culture change is, “Culture change is a process
by which an existing order of society - its organization,
beliefs and knowledge, tools and consumers' goods - is
more or less rapidly transformed."2 He states that the
contact situation, which is a dynamic one, is a process by
which the EurOpean residents are the main motive force of
change. Because of this, the European intentions and
interests are an important, essential factor in the study
of African cultural change. KHowever this does not mean
that the European.agents of change, such as the trader,
missionary, educator and.administrator, should be regarded
as an integral part of the tribal community.) One should
view this contact as the result of an.impact of a higher,
active culture upon a simpler, more passive one. In the
study of cultural contact there are two cultures to deal
with, that of the “recipients“, or the passive, and the
'aggressors“, or the European.“ And the typical phenomena
of change are the adoption or rejection, the transformation

of certain institutions and the growth of new ones.3

 

_A_

l. The book is edited.by Dr. Phyllis M. Kaberry, Yale Univ.
Press, New Haven, 19h5. ,

2. Nalinowski speaks about two possible causes for culture
change: either factors and forces of spontaneous initiative
and growth, i.e., internal causes; or by the contact of
two different cultures, i.e., external causes.

3. Halinowski, l9fl5, pp. l#-15.

1h

He further emphasizes, that what really takes place is
an interplay of specific contact forces: race prejudice,
political and economic imperialism, the demand for
segregation, the safeguarding of a European standard of
living, and the African reaction to all this. Field work
in this area on the problem of housing, he says, “would
show that it is not a house or a bedstead which is adOpted,
nor yet a cultural complex, consisting of all these objects,
but rather an integral institution of westernized family
life..... What actually happens is the formation all over
Africa of a new type of indigenous domesticity, the result
of certain specified European influences which, however,
in the act of being taken by the Africans, have been
profoundly modified.'1 In conclusion, he states that the
study of culture change must take into account three
elements: the impact of a higher culture; the nature of the
native life which it is contacting; and the change which is
occuring due to the interaction between the two.

Melville J. Herskovits presents another approach to
culture contact and change. He sees change as "Acculturation',
which he defines as, “those phenomena which result when
groups of individuals having different cultures come into
continuous, first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in

the original cultural patterns of either or both groups...."2

1. Ibid., p. 25.
2. Herskovite, M.J., Acculturation: A Study of Culture Contact
Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1955, p. 10.

15

While Malinowski studied cultural contact between
the European and African natives, Herskovits studied
acculturation in the general sense and stresses the fact
that acculturation occurs between any two groups of differ-
ing background, whether or not Western cultures have been
involved. For Him, the Optimum situation takes place
between two native cultures. Two cultures in contact, he
assumes, will inevitably borrow from each other. The
process is a give and take, the result is a mixture and
balance of both.

Herskovits' primary concern is with the mechanism of
culture change. He poses the question, "When is a new
trait accepted and when rejected?“ He answered this
question by saying that, “acceptance or rejection depends
on the degree to which the innovation is aligned with
pre-existing orientations."1 The acceptance of what comes
from the outside is never a total acceptance and usually
reworking of it is the rule. He made it clear that such
factors are selectivity and the situations play an
important role in the acceptance or rejection of a new trait.

To him there are two types of cultural contact
situations: the one where elements of one culture are
forced on another group; and the other, where acceptance is

voluntary. He also sites the situation where there is

 

—'———-

l. Herskovits, M., 'The Process of Cultural Change,“
R. Linton, (Ed.), The Science of Man in the World:0ris;§,
New York, l9h5. p. 15“.

16

political and social equality between the two groups in
contact with each other; or where there is political and
social disequality. He concludes his discussion on the
situation, saying, I‘Political and social dominance are
undoubtedly factors in acceleration or retarding cultural
interchange. Where superiority of one group is acknowledged,
a desire for prestige may act as a powerful stimulant to
further the spread of the customs of the dominant group and
to inhibit the master taking over the traditions of those
who are recognized as inferiore."1
An important factor as Herskovits sees it, for the
understanding of cultural change, is what he calls,
“Focus in Culture." He defines this concept by "that area
of activity or belief where the greatest awareness of form
exists, the most discussion.cf values is heard, the
widest difference in structure is to be discerned."2
Cultural changes are more likely to start in these
cultural foci. .And these cultural foci are not constant,
but they are subject to realignment over a period of years.
Among more far fetched theories of change are the
deterministic theories of Karl Marx and Thorstein Veblen.
These writers regard.changes in human behavior and

associations primarily due to singular, external,

materialistic conditions. Marx stresses the economic

‘h—

l. Herskovits, M., Man and His Work, Alfred A.Knopf,

l9h9, p. 533.
2. Ibid., Pp. 5&2‘5’4’50

17

production as the determinant of economic relationship,
which in turn determine ideologies. There is a set of
relationships between technical development, mode of
production, and institutions. To use Marx‘s words,
'the sum total of these relations of production constitutes
the economic structure of society - the real foundation,
on which rise legal and political superstructures and to
which correspond definite forms of social consciousness.1
However, Marx related technical changes indirectly to
social changes, when he syas, bmaterial forces of production
are subject to change. and mess, a shift arises between the
underlying economic factors and the economic relationships
built upon them. For the order creates its 'ideology")
and its vested.interest, and these overthrow the old orders”2
Veblen's principle could be stated as follows: ‘
in human life the real agencies of habitation and mental
discipline are those inherent in the kind of work by which
men live and particularly in the kind of technique which
that work involves. Habits are shaped by men's work, and
they in turn mold the human thought. These various habits
of men vary with their material environment and by innate
propensities of human nature. Thus to him, "Man is what

he does“, and he changes when he shifts his doings.3

 

l

’v—v—‘v

Critique of Political Economy ( N.I. Stone, Tr., New York,
1904), p. ll.

Ib%d., pp. 11-12. W km hi

Ve len, Thorstein The Instinct of orj_gg§__2,

New York, 19in, chapter i.

inn) .4
0 O

18

James Watson evaluates a few theoretical socio-cultural
change models presented.by anthropologists and sociologists.1
lie divides these theories into two types; the "Develonmemtal”
(one; and the “Causal-Correlation“ one. Under the
“developmental" type, his lists the evolutionary theories
of Morgan, White, Childe, Spengler, Sorokin, and Toynbee.
IHere stress is mostly on theoretical and intuitive
speculation and less on field work. Among the “Developmental”
types, he includes Murdock's Kinship residence system -
in which lurdock attributes all changes due to the change
in kinship residence; and Barnett's linear order model -
in which Barnett sees social change in this following order,
form, function, and meaning; and Herskovits' formulation
of 'focal.aspects' of culture as being least readily lost
due to contact. He criticizes these “Developmental“ types,
when he says, "Developmental formulation lack any fundamental

concern with causation."2

They formulate a succession of
behavioral or cultural events - thus savagery is followed
by barbarism, and the latter by civilization.

He lists for the other type, Clyde Kluckholm's work
on the relationship between deprivation and increase in

witchcraft accusation among the Navaho.3 He tends to

favor the "Causal-Correlation" studies, which are

 

1. Watson, James 'Four.Approaches to Culture Change!
Social Forces, Vol. 32, No. 2, Dec. 1953. PD. 137-145.

2. 1515.. P. 139.

3. For further information, see Clyde Kluckholm, Navaho
Witchcraft, Papers of the Peabody of American.Archaeology
and Ethnology, XXLL, No. 2, (Cambridge, 19”“).

l9

concerned with causal interdependence and in co-vsriation
among event, when he writes, "it is necessary to investigate
facts “outside" of the order of data whose occurrence

one is attempting to understand."1
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK K

“The universalftone of Karl Marx and‘Veblen theories
care dogmatic, oversimplified, and lack the empirical
verifications. For both assume that human action is
Iprimarily motivated by material considerations. In some
:religious societies of Eastern countries, human action is
believed to be determinedby the super-natural.) No doubt,
Karl Hart and Veblen were influenced and were predisposed
by their own socio-cultural milieu. (The nature of their
«own societies with their stress on industrialization and
commercialism; and.aueh.vritings as those of Adam.8mith
:and Ricardo, no doubt, influenced their presentation greatly.
IIn comparison, one may turn to the Eastern super-natural
determinism of Christ, Mohammad, and loses; For they are
{also universal, dogmatic, oversimplified and lack empirical
verification.and are colored by their own religious
socio-cultural milieu.

The writer tends to agree with James Watson's
critique on the evolutionary theories of Child, Morgan.
Sorokin, White and Hurdock. They lack the fundanmntal

—.~

1, Watson, op.cit., p. 139-

20
.
concern with causation, and they have indicated that
changes are only a series of behaviorial and institutional
successions. Like the deterministic theorist, the also
lack empirical verifications.

As for the linear orderly developmental theories of
‘W. Brown and.J. Barnett, the writer feels that in his
study there is no evidence to support their theories.

IFor in.Jordan, Western political institutions, after the
introduction of technology and political ideologies, were
accepted and develOped prior to intensive social organiza-
tional changes. One explanation for that is a felt need
for political innovation.

Young, Freedman, and Dawson seem to agree on the
hypothesis that the cultural base of a given.society prior
to its contact with another society is a determinant for
social change. Perry and Lewis agree that the similarities
of the socio-cultural characteristics between two contact-
ing groups affect the rate and nature of social change.
Freedman and Dawson indicate that the broadness and
complexity of the cultural base prior to the contact is
a determinant factor for change. The writer finds certain

clues from the consensus of these writers and tends to

agree with then.

21

In summary, the writer will not fully accept one
theoretical model or the other. Like Robert Hclver, he
feels that the problem of social change is too complex and
has multiple causes.1 He will try to explain this change
phenomenon as a process and try to isolate a few of its
causalprelationships. In brief the following concepts
are chosen by the writer to help his study:

1. Hedfield's framework, that social change is
dependent upon such factors as differences
in degree of cultural isolation and cultural
homogeneity.

2. The conception of Dawson and Gettys, that
social change and its nature is determined
by the character of its existing cultural
complex prior to the contact.

3. The hypothesis of Freedman and others, that
the larger the cultural base, the greater the
possibilities of social change.

h. Perry's 'cultural kinship“ idea that the
similarities in cultural traits between two
groups prior to their contact, affects the
rate and the nature of social change.

5. Kimbal Ioung's conception, that the attitude
of the groups prior to their contact is a
factor affecting the rate and nature of
social.change.

6. Oscar Lewis's conception, that the basic
similarities between two contacting groups
is a factor in facilitating culture change,
and that the rate of change is not uniform in
all aspects of the socio-cultural structure.

7. Herskovits' notion of the ”focus of culture”
as an important point for the understanding of
socio-cultural change. ‘

 

l. Mclver, R., Social Causation, Ginn and Co., Boston,
New York, l9h2.

PROBLEM AND HYPOTHESES

This study is concerned with social change in the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan due to certain influences,
(Western contact}. It is an attempt to single out those
factors which contributed.to this change. No doubt, part
of the change is due to the timeless and inevitable'
external factors related to the natural enviornment,
and in other parts, is due to its internal demographic
conditions such as the fluctuation of its population.
(30rdan is located in a gate-way between the three main
continents of Europe, Asia and Africa. Historically,
the state of Jordan had been an area of inter-racial,
inter-national and inter-religious group contacts. Thus,
diffusion, acculturation, amalgamation and assimilation
have been going on in the area since the time of the
Babylonians, Amcrians, Hebrews, Asyrians, Greeks, Persians,
Romans, Arabs and Turks)

The writer is only concerned with one aspect of this
social change. He is concerned, mainly with those changes
occurring in Jordan due to Westernecontact in the late
18th century and early 19th century; and which.have left
observable modifications in the social system such as
the secularization of education and the mechanization of

communication. Further, the writer is aware of the fact,

23

that there is no zero point of socio-cultural stability and
the absence of group contact beside those of the West in
Jordan. However, for the purpose of his study, he will
single out the Western agents who contacted.Jordan in

this historical period and who have left their effect

upon the system.

(dordan's social structure is roughly divided into
three social units, town” village and tribe. These units
are similar in some respects, since Jordan falls within
one cultural area.1 (Thus, the three units have similar
cultural traits such as religiosity, vast differences
in wealth and unequalities between the sexes, and the
honor of the written word.)

This paper is not so much concerned with their
similarities as it is concerned with their differences.
It is due to these differences of the socio-cultural
structure that upon.the western contact, the rate and the
nature of social change is differentially distributed
among the given units) For the puropose of this study the
writer presents the following tentative hypotheses:

1. That social change in Jordan, due to Western
contact is of unequal effect. It is strongest
in the town and least in the tribe, and
inbetween in the village.

2. That it is strongest in the town due to its

larger cultural base, its similarities in
socio-cultural traits with those in the West,

 

l. Patai, 3., FThe Middle East as a Cultural Area“,
Middle East Journgl, Vol. VI, Winter, 1952.

2b

and due to the presence of two highly
receptive groups, the Moslem upper classes
and the Christian Arabs, who were both
disatisfied with their existing conditions
and who were seeking innovation.

That it is weakest in the tribe, due to its
well integrated socio-cultural edifice.

‘ II‘I' I 5‘ ' 'llll .JI 1" I Juli

 

 

 

25

METHODOLOGY

The writer will use historical documentations to
support his hypotheses and will select from these, only
the episodes and the incidents which will give light to
and answer the following:

1. description of the socio-cultural traits
of the town, village, and tribe and comparison of them
with Western traits.

2. use of the "folk-urban“ typology as a tool
for comparative analysis; the town, village and tribe
variable will be placed in this 'folk-urban' continuum.

- 3. use of Herskovits' concept “focus of culture",
as another tool of analysis; and show how the American
missionary activities were accepted with enthusiasm and
had a far reaching effect on the Jordanian social structure
because of their interaction with the cultural foci.

h. isolation of the social forces which made the
Moslem upper-class and the Christian.Arabs more receptive to
Western ideas, due to their political and social attitudes.

A brief chapter on the major social changes in Jordan
will be presented mainly in qualitative form. It is pointed

out that the study of social change is better described and

26

analyzed quantitatively.1 However, the writer feels that
qualitative data in his study is as satisfactory due to the
following:

1. the absence of satisfactory censes on
pOpulation distribution and work activities, prior to the
coming of the West, due to (a) tax evasion under the
Turkish rule, (b) military conscription evasion, also under
the Turkish rule, (0) religious values which make it un-
holy to count the human being, because all are equal brothers
and a part of a larger universal whole.

2. the writer thinks that qualitative data
is adequate for describing a new phenomena which was not
present in the past; thus, it is sufficient to say that
now a segment of Jordanians own cars and radios, which they

did not have before the Western contact.

Technique of Investigation:

1. The writer was born in Jerusalem and lived
most of his life in.Jordan, prior to his coming to the
United States. It is legitimate to assume that part of
(his data is due to his cultural participation.‘) .

 

1. Lewis, 0., Life in a Mexican‘Villa e: Tepoztlan Restudied,
University oftfllinois Press, Chicago, 1951; Lynds, Robert,
Middletown in Transition, Harcourt, Brace and Co. N.Y., 1937.

2. Schubart, Halter,fifiussia and Western Man,

Frederick Ungar Publishing cs., fiew York, 1950.

27

2. Jordanian daily papers were analyzed for a
period of six manths. The purpose was to find the
relationship between class structure and national, political
and social wants.

3. United Nation Yearbooks (1950-1953) were
studied.

u. Middle East Journals (l9b7-l953) and
Middle East Affairs Journals (1950—1953) were scrutinized.

5. Sixteen Jordanian students, now attending
Michigan State College, who registered in 1953, were
interviewed to find out:

(a) religious affinity;
(b) social class component;
(c) present field of study;

(a) future aspirations.

CHAPTER II

THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE

Jordan, as it will be used in this paper consists of
that part of the Arab Near Eastern countries which was
known until l9h8, as TransaJordan and the Arab part of
Palestine as assigned by the United Nations in l9h7.

The Jordan river divides the land into two sections. On
the eastern side lives what is left of the Palestinian
Arabs and the western side lives the Trans-Jordanians

plus the h00,000 Palestinian refugees_and immigrants. The
country is divided into several geographical regions. The
eastern part of the river is of the plateau region which
is a southern extension of the Lebanon mountain.chain.
There are no high.mountains in this region, the highest
point being Tel-Lam: (3333') in thehills of Samaria.
Next to it is the Mount of Olives (2,710') near’Jerusalem.
The hill sides are largely bare and rocky. To the east

of the hills is the Jordan valley which is the southern
portion of the Rift valley, the northern parts of which
are the valleys of the Grantee and Litani. The western
part of the river consists of the eastern half of the
Jordan valley from the Uarmuk gorge (Sheriyet-al-Munadira)

28

29

to the Dead Sea; the eastern half of the Dead Sea and of
the desert valley; the Wadi Araba, down to Aqaba, the

port of that name at the head of the Red Sea Gulf. a
narrow triangle of cultivated land, with its base about
fifty miles wide on the Syrian frontier area of desert.
Thus, Jordan is bounded in the north by Israel and Syria
in the west by Israel and the south by Israel. the Red Sea
and Suadi Arabia and Iraq in the East.

(The climate is on the whole Mediterranean)\although
one should allow for variations. There is a rainy season
from October to lay and a dry. rainless summer. Westerly
winds which blow regularly have a moderating influence on
the climate.

The people of Jordan.number 1,300,000,0f whom, one
half million live on.the eastern side, 600,00Q,on the
western side and about b00,000,live in refugee camps.1
Racially, they are a mixture of many stocks. The
Arabian type of the desert (Semite) is predominant among
the Bedouin. The peasants are a highly mixed group who
are the descendents of the ancient Cannanites, Armeanians
and.Armeniods. The town people are generally a product
of successive waves of conquerors and officials and of
traders who came to the land. The predominant type
resembles the southern European, but there are examples of

the Nordic types and these are the decendents of the Crusaders.

___-

1. Statistical Yearbook, 1953, United Nations.

30

In the Jordan valley, one might notice the negro strain,
probably a remnant of those soldiers who fought under
Ibrahim Basha, in the middle of the 19th century. In the
Gaza strip, the population is largely of Egyptian origin,
(Hamite).

There are about 100,000, Moslem tribesman, and the
rest are divided among villagers and urbanites in the
ratio of 7 to 3, of the Christian.Arabs 80 per cent live
in the cities and 20 per cent in the villages. As for
the hoslems, 70 per cent live in villages and 30 per cent
in cities.1 Beside these two major religious groups -
there are about 10,006, Chechon, and about 1,000,
Circassiane. These are descendents of those Hoslem tribes
who emigrated from.their homes when they were conquered
by the Russians — and were settled by the Turkish

government around Amman.
JORDAN BEFORE WESTERN CONTACT

Before Western contact (19th century), Jordan was
a part of the Turkishploslem.Empire. It was neither a
separate country or of one administrative unit. West of
Jordan there were three SanJaks or distrcits; two of these
were in the Vilayet (province of Beirut); the Sanjak of
Acre; the SanJak of Nablus and the independent Sanjak of

__‘._.

1. Royal Institute of International Affairs, Great Britain
and Palestine) l9l5-1945, London, 19h6.

31

Jerusalem. The'Western part of the river was part of the
Syrian Vilayet.

The administration of the Turkish empire functioned
effectively in large towns. Top administrative work was
controlled by Turks. \The local leaders enjoyed a good deal
of power in their communities. The Moslem Judge had a
control over his immediate Moslequrab community in its
Judicial and political sphere. However, these rulers were
not fully satisfied with their existing status, which they
considered one of subordination. They were seeking
self-rule.

Social organization was divided into tribe, village
and town. Each.of these three units had distinct features.
They had a few characteristics in common. The family was
patricharical, patrilineal, and patrilocal and it was a
part of a larger kin-grouping which had priority over the
individual. Religion.permeated.all phases of life and

Cholitical.groupings were determined by the religious and
family associations) Arabic was the spoken language.
Society.at large was better described as “sacred" like.

Kinship grouping was the basis for other groupings.
Age and custom.were.highly respected. (Physical isolation
was characteristic of the village and tribe. However,
'sacredness' varied within the social structure, i.e.,

the tribe was more "sacred" in some aspects than the other

32

aspects than village and tribe.

This study is not so much concerned with the
similarities in characteristics among the tribes,
villages and towns as it is concerned with.their
dissimilarities.(:lt is due to these dissimilarities,
thatJupon contact with the Western Agents, the rate of
social change was not equally distributed.)

The following section of this paper will present
data on the characteristics of the three dependent

variables prior to Western contact.

was TOWN1

Since the eigth.century A.D., Jordan.has been a
Holy country for the Christians, Jews and Ioslems. It
was mainly because of that, that some towns of Jordan
prior to Western contact were hetergenous in character.
They were composed of different religious, ethnic groups.
Each religious group occupied a limited area. It had
its own sentiment, defined needs, aspiration and leadership.
It served, first the need of its religious members; next,
complimented the needs of the other existing religious
communities. Thus, the Moslem community served as an

intermediary between the two other religions and the Turkish

1. The term is not a mere abstraction for all towns in
Jordan. The writer here, is specifically describing
' the socio-cultural traits of Jerusalem. However, certain
characteristics described here are also applicable to
such towns as Nablus, Hebrun and.Amman.

33

rulers, e.g., levied taxes. The Jewish community
mon0polized the alcohol and money lending trades, while
the Christian community controlled the tourist trade.

Historically, these religious communities were
called the 'Dhimmis" and.were introduced by the Moslems.
Jews are called, "The People of the Book,‘ or believers
in God. The 'Dhimmis' were sanctioned by the Moslem
rulers to continue their religion within their own
territory, provided they payed taxes to the rulers in
return for which they were protected. During Turkish rule
these "Dhimmis'l came to be known by the ”millet system.“
Under this system each religious community enjoyed a kind
of political self-autonomy within the Turkish Empire. It
had a local,administrative body which had the right to
maintain a law-court of its own which supervised marriage,
inheritence, and divorce among its co-religionists. The
head of this system.had direct access and responsibility
to the Sultan in Turkey. Moreover, he had a great
economic power by reason of the Hashaa land tenure system.
Under this system.the land was registered in the name of
a few notables of the religious sect and the head of the
I'millet" held it in trust for the community.

Among the most important religious communities were
the Roman.Catholic.Church.and.the Greek Catholic Church.
The Roman Catholic Church was headed by the Patriarch of

3h

Jerusalem. He controlled all the secular clergy of the
Latin Rite as well as the religious personnel engaged in
parish work; and also advised the congregations of

nuns and exerted limited authority over the monastic orders.
This Patriarchate was established in 18h7. Before this
date, Catholic holy cities in the country were controlled
by the Franciscan Order.

The Greek Catholic Church had an older historical
attachment to the country and had more adherents. It was
led by the Patriarch in Jerusalem. From the first century
on, the Bishop of Jerusalem was the head of the Christian
community in the country. In the Byzantine age, the
Patriarch of Jerusalem was one of five supreme
ecclesiastical authorities; two of the? the Patriarchs of
Rome and Constantinople and the other three the
Patriarchs of.Antioch, Alexandria and.Jerusalem. Beside
the parish churches, the Greek Catholic Church had large
properties which were concentrated chiefly around
Jerusalem.

This Church included.among its branches, different
nationalities; each.with its own head. All of them agreed
on canonical theology. None of them, excepting the
Russian Church, which became autonomous in 1589, had an
independent religious establishment in the country.

The Russian church also owned large properties, especially

in Jerusalem.

35

Islam gave a rational definition of the status of
Christians and.Jews and called them, ”The People of the Book.“
However, these two groups occupied a disfavorable position
during the Turkish rule. The majority of the people were
Moslems, so were the Turkish rulers. Religious tolerance
between the hoslems and these two groups varied within
each historical episode. Tolerance was greatest in the
period of the early Arabic rule and dimished during the
Turkish rule. Christians and Jews came to be called the
”infidels'. No doubt the voluntary, physical segregation,
as defined by the 'Dhimmis" system made them more
conspicuous for discriminatory measures.

The town occupied a small area. Its houses were
conglomerations of buildings, one stuck close to the other.
In the center of each.religious community stood.the place
of worship, with.the adjoining religious courts, and the
religious school (Kuttab). Stretching from this center
and in various directions were the residential streets.
Each street was usually occupied by a single kin group.

The elite of each community lived closest to the place of
worship.

Next to the dwelling section and farther from the
center was the Bug, (commercial center.) The center of
this Suq was the vegetable bazaar for the villagers. On
either side of this bazaar and running in different directions,

36

were streets occupied by particular crafts or trades.
Each craft had its own guild system. In this center too,
was located the Khan (hotel, for the foreign merchants).

In between the residential area were the different
"coffee shops", which were the only places of entertainment.
It was here that the different social classes met to play
cards, dominos and backgammon, and where they met to
discuss the political and religious affairs of the community.
It was also where various trade and commercial transactions
were made. During the evening of "Ramadan", the religious
Hoslem fasting month, this place served as'a theater. It
was customary also to get news of the community here.

.And those who sought advice from more experienced, older
peOple, found it here. Each religious community had its
own "coffee houses.“

The 'Vaqf“ was another institution associated with
the town. It represented a kind of religious and
charitable trust. Its revenue was donated from a wealthy
community member and was supervised by the Shara Court,
(loslem Court). This revenue was allocated for religious
objects and for charitable maintenance of persons or
institutions. Usually as the property was dedicated it
came under state control, and was subject to great
restrictions. 'Waqf' preperty could be inherited according
to the Hoslem code. It continued unchanged after the death

37

of the original owner. Holdings often became small and
subdivided among a great number of inheritors. However,
in some cases, the ”Waqf” came to be a kind of social
security for notable families with rich ancestors.

The town was socially stratified; at the top were
the few belonging to the ruling class and at the bottom,
the masses. The ruling class was composed, first, of the
various religious community leaders and second, of the
very few Turkish administrators. In power and prestige,
they were rated as follows: Turks, Noslem upper~class,
Christian Arabs, Jews, and other religious nationals. The
Moslem upperbclasses claim to be the decendents of the few
Arab conquerors whose home was once Mecca. They controled
the religious and administrative functions of their own
community. In conjunction.with this group, the very few
Turkish administrators levied taxes and performed judicial
functions. Both.came to be informed in the Moslen
jurisprudence and in the Turkish law. Thus, there was a
kind.of specialization.within this group in law,
administration and jurisprudence. They kept their class
well closed, married within their own family, or within
their own class, and in some cases, they inter-married
with the Turkish rulers.

The lower_classes ofthe town_were the petty merchants,

,_..—n

n...

traders, craftsmen, 'coffeeshop' owners, musicians,

38

entertainers, porters, and unskilled laborers, and beggars.
In between was a small class of wealthy merchants and
money lenders, who were mostly Christians and Jews.

The wide extent of the Turkish Empire necessitated
extensive international trade. The merchants were
Christians, Jews, and loslems. Such ports as Beirut,
Jaffa, Haifa..Aca, Sydon were active in land and maritime
commerce. Eastward, traders went as far as China.1
Goods were generally transported by relays; few caravans
went the whole distance. Such.items as tea, silk and
spices were imported. Uesterward trade reached.lorocco,
Spain, and.ather Southern.lediterranean cities. Merchants
carried with them Eastern items such as dates, sugar, cotton,
spices and silk.

Their commercial activity rested on home industries.
Hand industry was established all over the main cities.
Jerusalem came to be famous for its various tourist, jewelry
and leather industry; Nablus for soap; Hebron, Sidon and
Tyre for glass; Jaffa for tables, sofas and lamps; Damascus
for vases, kitchen untensils, camel and goat-hair fabrics,
spun-silk cloaks, copper lamps, needles, knives and swords.

Jordanian towns came to be famous for a wide variety
of handicrafts and I'cottage" trades. Of these, small scale

w

working of metals has continued since earliest times.

__'i __w_

1. According to Historical records there were connections
as early as the eight century A.D. (See Philip Hitti,
History of the Arabs. London, 19h0).

39

COpper and bronze, and iron melting were developed from the
scanty ore deposits of the north center of the liddle East.
Highly tempered steel for weapons and harnesses, ornamental
domestic utensils with.elaborate chasing and inlay work,
and gold and silver ornaments were the chief products of
handicrafts in metal.

Another product of small scale craftsmanship were
textiles of different sorts. Raw material such as cotton,
flax. silk. and.wool existed.abundantly, as well as, camel
and goat-hair which.were available in steep regions. The
peOple used cotton and silk for their clothing, and cloaks
of finely woven camel-hair served as an outer garment for
the Bedouin.

Another aspect of textile craftsmanship was needlework
and embroidery. Embroidery, lace-making and drawn-thread
work on silk, linen and cotton reached a good standard.
This trade developed in association with the tourist traffic
of Jordan; the product being sold chiefly to travelers and
pilgrims. Lace from Hazareth and Beirut, linen work from
Jerusalem and embroidery from Bethlehem provided a liveli-
hood for their population.

Other widespread industries were the preparation of
foodstuffs (olive-oil. food.pastes, dried fruits, and wine),
and soap-boiling. The latter was centered more in an area‘
of olive growing trees like Nablus.

“O

The craft industry was small and based on familial
ownership mainly. It included small workshops, maintained
by a single owner with.the assistance of his family, or at
most, five or six.oaid assistants. Shops of a similar
trade were grouped together in a single street. Each town
had different trade streets of the coppersmiths, the
carpenters...etc.

Trading activities were protected and regulated by
'Cuild_merchants'. These organisations were composed of
all the inhabitants of the same town, who engaged in
selling merchandise. They were formed to protect and
regulate trade and to preserve for its members a trade
monOpoly. Among its privileges, its members enjoyed
exclusive rights to sell at retail price and the right to
buy from the other merchant at cost price.

The craftzguildg were composed of a group of men with
whom manufacturing was the main business of life. The
articles they manufactured.combined their artistic talent
within the sphere of their religion. Some of these places
of manufacture were located in the craftsman's dwelling
house. They owned their own tools and only bought the raw
.materiale from the market. The demand for their product
was a stable one and most articles were called forth by the
necessity of the lcacl market. The trade was carried on

With given families and thus, considerable manual skill was

bl

attained. Regularity of production was important and so

was the regularity of price, i.e., the just price: "for

“It“ is all from Allah, He gives and He takes.” In some
cases a customer, usually from the upper-class, brought

the materials to the shop, and returned for the finished
product, paying him for craft and labor. {The guilds are
usually subject to the authority of the town administration,}
(centered in the courts).

The workman attained full membership in the guild
after he had passed through the successive grades of
apprenticeship and of journey man, and had reached the
position of a master. The young man entered the trade as
an apprentice and was bound to a master for a number of
years. The parents of the apprentice usually signed a
contract which.guaranteed.that clothing, food, and.lodging
should.be provided.by the master. Some of these workmen came
from nearby villages. This was one process of population
movement - the internal and slow movement from the village
unit to the town. After the termination of his term of
apprenticehsip, he moved to the "journeyman“ or full
workman stage and continued.with his master, but as a wage
earner. Usually, at this stage, he saved enough money to
establish his own shop.

The Kuttab was the only educational institution and

was attached to the Mosque. Lower classes as well as upper

./
,1

42

classes were educated in the ”three r's'; religion,
arithmetic and Arabic. Greater attention, however, was
given to the upper class children. These, after

graduating from the local town Kuttab were sent by their
parents either to Cairo or to Constantinople for higher
education. In Cairo, they joined the Al-Azhar and
studied.Fikh (Mohammedan law), Osoul, (principles of
Mohammedan law), Tafsir (Exegesis), Hadith (traditions of
the prophet), Tawhid.(monothestin divinity), Nahw (grammar),
Bayan (rhetoric), Al-Iabtuj (logic), Al-Hesab (arithmetic),
Algebra and.Astronomy. In Constantinople, they practiced
civil administration as defined by Turkish law. They

also served.there as representatives for their local town
communities and as ambassadors of good will.

In summary, the town.was a heterogeneous community
composed of various religious groups. It.was the center of
internal and external trad; and was the seat of the Turkish
administration. It's socio-cultural base was composed of
the religious 'myllet systems”; the multiple_class social
strata; the anf systems; theflmerchant and trade guild
system; and the_bureaucrats. It was spatially arranged
in such a way that the further it was from the religious
center, the lesser status it had. Physical and cultural
contact with the outside world was not evenly distributed

among all its components. Two groups had more access to it;

“3

the Hoslem upper-class due to their education abroad, their
knowledge of the Turkish language, and their marriage with
the Turks; and the Christian.Arabs by virtue of their
religious ties with the Italian, Greek and Russian churches.

THE VILLAGE1

The Jordanian.village consisted, first, of the village
proper or the dwelling area, and second, for the cultivated
land.which.was located at a distance. The village proper
was a conglomeration of buildings concentrated in a small
area. The religious building stood almost in the middle,
followed by the harsh, or a wide space where the fellahin
assembled, either, to exchange goods, or to celebrate
festivals. From this center stretched the dwelling streets
in various directions better known as the harah. Each
harsh was usually occupied by one kin group. Outside the
village prOper was the farmer's cultivated land.

The fellah cultivated his land within various types
of land holdings. The first was the mulk land system.

Land in this type was held in full ownership. The owner
cultivated his land and sold his products as he wished.
The second.kind.was the miri. Originally the land in this

system was held by the state, and many times it was

_A __...-
w—w

l. The term is not an.abstraction of all villages in Jordan.
Descriptions-here are specifically those of Silevan
village. However, certain characteristics are true of
other villages in Jordan, such as El-Tur, Beit-Haninah,
Beit-Sahur,.Abu~Deis, and El-Azariah.

nu

transferred to certain landlords. In some cases transfer
was made as full ownership. The percentage of land holdings
in this type varied.among the various parts of the Arab
village within the Turkish.Emnire.

The third type was the Hatrukhi under which land was
held for the benefit of the public. It was owned by the
whole village and its income was distributed among the
whole village and its income was distributed among the
whole participants. lore frequently the matrukhi was
kept as grazing ground.for the village as a whole.

The last type was the masha system which was to some
extent similar to the matrukhi, since it was a kind of
communal ownership by a single group. Allocation was
made on the basis of one share per male in each family and
a half share for the female. The families with more males
had more shares than the ones with females.

The most widely spread type of tenancy was share-cropp-
ing (metayae). Under this system the landlord provided
seed, and sometimes implements, and received one-half of
the yield after the taxes were paid. The most common type
was full land ownership.

Subsistance agriculture economy was predominant. The
fellah cultivated his land and used its grain, vegetables,
and fruit for himself, first; and the surplus he exchanged

for manufactured goods in a nearby town. Foodstuff was the

“5

main crop. Wheat and barley were grown in winter; and
millet in summer. Fruits and vegetables were also an
essential crop. Each land had its own orchard and gardens
and the fellah.tried to have a proportion of both. Olive
trees occupied a good.area of the planted fruit land, next
to the vineyards. Among other fruits and vegetables were
figs, tomatoes, cucumbers, onions, cherries, peaches,
apples and apricots.

The male did.the heavy work in the field and carried
on the heavy selling and buying transactions. He was also
responsible for the training of the male children in his
own labor. The female took care of the housework and other
light farm work, i.e.,.raising poultry.

[The village social organization was usually composed b
of two or three hamullahs (clan). Each hamullah consisted
of related blood members in the male line. The smallest
unit of it was the neuclear family - husband, wife, and
children, and sometimes the grandfather and.his other
unmarried children. Uork was based on the neuclear family.
In the heavy season of the field work, there was usually
cooperation within.the hamullah. In the neuclear family,
decision making rested on.the eldest male and the women
were subservient to the men. Decision making on the
hamullah level was based on such indices,as; age, generosity,

prOperty, and wisdom.

U6

Earriagegwas arranged by the parents and usually
within the hamullah, dowry was paid to the parents, either
in cash money or in land property. ’Its amount varied
according to the beauty of the girl and her family power
and;prestige. Thus, a dowry came to be a symbol of
prestige for both the husband and the wife. Divorce,
although permitted by Islam, was neither encouraged nor
honored. Islam also allowed polygamy - but most marriages
were monogamous.

[Family loyality was the basis of one's values,
aspirations, and personality adjustments. To commit an
offence against one's family was to commit an offence
against the village and was to lose contact with one's
social life. ,

Each village had its political leader, the mukhtar.
He was appointed by the Turkish government through its
administrators in the town. These qualifications were:
the size of his family and~property, his oral wisdom,
and his generosity. He collected taxes from the fellahin
for the town government. He represented the fellahin in
their Judicial affairs, (administered by the town
bureaucrats) in such matters as divorce and prOperty
inheritance. He was assisted by an informal elected body
of the elders. These were usually all the older members

of the clan.

Lt?

Each village has its own store. The store—keeper
went to the nearby town and bought clothes, sugar, coffee,
and other manufactured goods, and farm equipment. He
exchanged them either for money or for the fellah surplus
farm commodities. He came to be a wealthy man and a money
lender, however, he had no authority or power unless he
came from a qualified family. Trade in the village was
not a full time specialty. The farmer during the slack
season took care of household, carpentry and repair work.

Religion permeated the whole life of the fellah. It
was not only confirmed to the formal service at the Mosque.

(Islam is a religion, and a way of life; I'Allah's" name
was used by the farmer before any act or duty was performed.
The Imam (the priest) was a member of the village community.
He sometimes went to the nearby town and obtained elementary
education in the Koran. Thus, he became the only literate
man in the village and the link with the town. He usually
was the channel of communication from the town to the
village and visa-verse.

Recreation in the village was associated with the
religious festivals, the Iadafha (guest house), and the
various marriage ceremonies. These festivals were sometimes
occasions for peeple of near by villages to get together
and celebrate. Another recreational activity was the

'Sahra'3 when all the male villagers get together in the

#8

Madafha, some played games, others listened to a story
of ancient Arab heros (Abu~Z eid), being told or read.
Weddings were another source of entertainment, when all
the villagers stOpped their rountine and participated in
the affair.

Communications between villages and towns was on foot
or by donkey. It varied according to the proximity of
villages to each other and villages to towns. Not all
villagers communicated with the town. The main channels
of communication were through the lukhtar, the store-keeper,

and the Imam.

KI“ summary, the village was a self-suffecisnt,
agricultural community. The family was the basic
institution.and channel through which the major organized
activities were followed. One's loyality was first to
one's family and.next to one's religion. The village
was slightly dependent on the town in economic and
Judicial affairs. The farmer exchanged part of his
vegetables and grains for metal work and clothes. However,
not all villagers and villages interacted with the same
frequency with the tOwn. The Hukhtar was its chief link
and through him the fellah paid his taxes and settled his
Judicial duties. With the exception of the priest, all

'the villagers were illiterate. i

)
/

1+9

1
was rain;

The material possession of the tribesman Was simple.
His major possession was his camel, his tent and his cloths.
His tent was usually made from camel or goat hair. He
wore a long robe of thick material as a principle garment.
On his head he puts the 'Oafiah and Ikal', which was a band
around the head tied and fixed to his head by a cord. He
wore light sandels on his feet.

The unit among the Badu was the tribe. The tribe was
divided into two main groups, the free men and the strangers.
The free men are all social equals and headed by the Sheikh.
The relationship between the freemen and the Sheikh.was
defined by tradition and custom. The rank of the Sheikh was
hereditary in a definite house, usually, he was the most
suitable man in mental and physical power. Age alone was
not a qualification for leadership. During the raiding,

a new Sheikh.was elected with the quality of cunning,
courage, ehrewdness and physical ability. But in this case
the old Sheikh.maintained his power and was called

Sheikh Al-Bad and the new called Sheikh Al—Harb. The old
Sheikh usually established blood relation with the new one,
through marriage.

 

1. The description here is that of the Ruwalla tribe.

50

The strangers in the tribe were the slaves, the
blacksmith, the sorcerer (soothsayer), and the merchant.
Each of these had its own institutions within Which he
operated, and had definite rules and obligations to the
tribe. The sorcerer gave information about the coming of
rain, about the birth.among the humans and camels, about
the success and failure of the raid, and about sickness.
The slaves watered the camels; loaded and unloaded the
supplies; lead the laden camels; and helped the women with
unloading and loading and transportation and in pitching
the tent. The merchant, usually a wandering one between
different tribes, brought his goods and sold the Badu
cloths, tabacco, drugs, coffee. The Badu bought these
commodities on credit, paying.25 per cent interest in five
months. The debt and interest must be paid at the time '
of the camel market, when the Badu went to the nearby town
(city market) to sell his camels.

Thehblacksmith occupied an inferior position in the
tribe, like the other two. He shoed the horses, repaired
rifles and daggers, and often made rifles, sabers and
spears. He claimed that all blacksmith in the different
wandering tribes were his kin, thus he had certain

obligations to them, like marriage, and portection and
allegiance. These strangers were held as inferiors to the

freemen and only functioned within their separate

51

institutions. Few of their institutions overlapped with
the tribal ones, i.e., in no case do the freemen intermarry
with this group and visa-versa, and in no case do these
“strangers" accompany the raiding party.

The family among the tribesmen was patriarchal,
patrilineal, and patrilocal. Marriage was within the same
tribe. Usually, the tribe was composed of related blood
group in the male line. The division of labor was clearly
defined. The male specialised in raiding and camel or sheep
raising; the female in the household and pitching the tent,
loading and unloading it. Harriages within the tribe were
based on love and inclination. (The first cousin 'ahl' of
the girl had priority to her and can stop any marriage deal
outside the 'ahlfl.

Each wandering unit (tribe) had certain rights of
pasture and occupation. The limits of each tribal
territory were defined. The size and quality of this
territory was related to the size and power of the wandering
unit to the others. Thus, existed defined institutions,
based on custom and tradition, between one unit and the other.

Among these institutions were the 'Khuwa' by which a
weaker-tribg~§cknowledged the supremacy and protection of a
stronger one provided it paid a special agreed amount of
taxes. .Another institution.was the I'h'ajh“ on the individual

level, and it gave the right of protection for a freeman

52

outside his territory provided he approached the Sheikh of
that territory and asked for his word of protection. A

more complicated institution was the "blood feud“ by which
the report of the murder of any freeman.became the obligation
of the whole tribe (kin), and the guilt rested on the whole
of the 'ahl' murderer. Vengence became the duty of his

own 'ahl' (kin). The avengers sought only the best suited
and closest relative of the murderer. If the murderer
could not be reached, the best suited target was the closest
relative provided he was a male and passed the childhood
and boyish stage, usually after the seventeenth year of age.
However, this vengence could be stOpped by the arbitrary
interference of the Sheikh of a third tribe. .There was no
monetary reward for this interference and if the inter-
fering Sheikh was of esteem and power and reputation among
the wandering tribe, his verdict was obeyed.

A more complicated institution was raiding. Customarily
each tribe was in perpetual war with the other unless their
relation was defined by the 'Khawa' institution. Raid (war)
gave the tribesmen Opportunity to display their cunning,
courage, fighting skill and to obtain economic reward (booty).
As a rule, petty theft, or the fiction of it was the cause
of the raid. However, the raid was ceremonialized. First
the individual freemen accussed each other of keeping a

lost camel. Next, the Sheikh of both tribes interfered and

53

agreed to assume responsibility in finding the lost

camel. Time and place of a raid was agreed upon. Only

the chief of the tribe delcared the raid. The expedition
was headed by a commander who was characterized by prudence,
bravery and good fighting ability. These qualities were
not inherited and by this, they became a means for
acquiring leadership. The old Sheikh built blood relation-
ship with this tribesman. Usually the sorcerer accompanied
the raid, also a specialized man in the art of finding the
watering places. The commander of the expedition decided
whether and how the booty was to be divided.

The interrelation within the unit was defined by
tradition. Usually the_$hgi§h was the Judge, who controlled
order within his unit. However, serious differences were
settled by a hereditary freeman Judge, better known as
'Arefa'. His Judicial stature was inherited and monopoliz-
ed by a certain kin group. However, if one lacked intelligence.
the litigants turned to his uncle, or to his closest cousin.
Furthermore, the Sheikh was not to interfere with the
Jurisdiction of the hereditary Judge.

The status of the women was inferior to the men, as
in the town and the village, and its explanation existed
within.the Islamic code. The most valued cultural items
to the Bedouin were raiding and camel raising. These two

were monopolized by the men.

5b

In summary the close knit organization and the size
of territory in relation to the peOple did not allow the
tribesman to have close contact with the outside world.
His way of life was well served, so his needs within his
basic institutions, too. Family organization and raiding
gave him economic and social prestige needs. His way of
life did not allow him for production and to much surplus
with which to buy much. He had limited contact with the
outside world; and it was through three channels; the
rotating city market, the wandering merchants and the
blacksmith. Unlike the villager, he had less religious

and administrative links with the town.

§UMMARY AND ANALYSIS

In summary, the town was heterogeneous in character.
It was administered on the basis of three major religious
groupings. Each religious group had its own physical
territory, interest, and shared sentiments. The town was
stratified by small upper-classes and the masses. It was
spatially divided according to religion and according to
kinship groupings. Social status was spatially arranged
in such a way that the closer it was to the religious center,
the higher the status. The rate of physical and cultural

contact with the outside differentiated and was greatest

55

among the Noslem upper-class and the Christian Arabs.

The first inter-married with the Turks, were educated
abroad and Spoke the Turkish language. The second had
religious affiliations with the Latin, Greek, and Russian
churches. Towns had trade and specializations. The
Hoslem Judicial courts combined both religious and Judicial
functions, and included among its staff members, a Judge,

a lawyer, and a clerk. Trade was organized in guild
institutions.

The village was a semi-closed,self—sufficient,
agricultural community. At the bottom, the family
institution was the basis for other activities. It was
dependent on the town through the medium of its store-
keeper; by which it exchanged the surplus farm products
for manufactured goods. There existed some interaction
within villages and this varied according to their
proximity. The Iukhtar was the official political leader
and was its main channel of communication with the town.
Other channels of communication.were its priest and
store—keeper. Almost all villagers were illiterate.

The tribe was a close-knit organization; with
integrated structural and functional edifice, in which
most activities, rewards and honor were centered on the
raiding institution. There were three foreign groups in

the tribe; the wandering merchant, the slaves, and
\H A

56

blacksmiths. At the bottom, kinship groupings
determined all other activities in the tribe and the
“we: feeling came before the "I" feeling. {It was less
dependent on the town in its religious and administrative
affairs and only contacted the town for exchange of
surplus.)

The following chart summarized the socio-cultural
characteristics similar to those found in the West.

Summary of Socio-cultura Characteristics

Similar to the West Among the
Tribe, Village, and Town

 

Town Village Tribe
Guild system Presence of more Heat
than one religion specialization
Coffee-house
Surplus in agricultural
Trade production
City Narket Religious teacher
Iiotel Dowry
Bureaucracy Private pronerty
ownership
IProfessionals

(.Judge, lawyer
sand clerks)

Elocial classes
upper, lower)

Presence of more
han one language
C Arabic, Greek,
talian, Russian)
3L”. For a brief description of the Western mediaeval socio-
cultural trait characteristics, see Chapin,8tuart,
Cultural Cha e: The Century Company, 1928, New York.
PP. I7E-I§7; gurus, E. I., Western Civilization, Norton
Company, l9hl, New York, pp. 311-379.

57

Town cont.

A written code
(Islamic Cannon)

Presence of more than
one ethnic group.

From the preceding chart, it is safe to indicate
the the town has more socio-cultural traits similar to the
West and the tribe has the least. In degree of physical
and cultural contact, the town also ranks first and the
tribe ranks last. Also the town is most heterogeneous,
since it includes; more than one ethnic group; more than
one language; trade and specialization; written code
and social strata.

The hypothesis implies also that the rate of change
is strongest among the Hoslem upper—class and the
Christian Arabs. From.the given data, it is clear that
the Mosiemvupper-elasses-had high frequency of physical and
cultural interaction with the outside world. They
intermarried with the Turks, they spoke the Turkish
Ilanguage, along with their own and they traveled abroad
:for higher education. The Christian Arabs had only
(Bultural accessibility to foreign ideas through their
Ireligious allegiances with European churches such as the

C}reek, Latin and Russian.

 

 

58

Moreover, the given hypothesis implies a high
susceptibility of the Moslem upper—classes and the
Christian Arabs due to depreviational attitudes. The
Moslem upper—classes were dissatisfied with their political
situation under the Turks which they considered as one
of subordination.' The Christian Arabs were dissatisfied
with their social position. Both supressed latent
hostilities and were ready for any innovations which could
ease their grievances. The writer, in the following
chapter of this paper will present a historical
document to support his argument on Herskovits‘ idea

of “Focus in Culture"?

~

3L. See p. 58 of this paper.

CHAPTER III

WESTERN CHANGE AGENTS

The Westerner came to Jordan as missionary, educator,
trader, administrator and immigrant. He came with a
different socio-cultural background. This difference can
be seen in the light of the concept "secular"; in which
the state is separate from the church; in which religion
did not permeate all phases of life; in which sex
differences are not so great; in which the division of
labor is highly complex; in which education shows
specialization; in which the government was of three
separate powers, Judigial, executive, and legislative; and
in which the political parties were the basis for acquiring
governmental power. No doubt the spirit of such
organization is different than the one which existed in the
.Arab Near East, and in Jordan in particular. The spirit
could be seen in the light of the concept, 'middleclass.
jprotestant_gthics'}'in which success in this world is a

~

:1. Warner, W. L.,,American Life, University of Chicago Press,
1953; Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and The S irit
of Capitalism, Charles—gbribner &‘§bns, New TorE, T955;
Fromm, Erich, Escape from Freedom, Farrar & Rinehart Co.,

New‘York, l9hl;'Nead, N. And Keep Your Powder Dr
w. lorrow and Co., New York,19h2; Gorer, G., The American

People, W. W. Norton, New York, 19b8.
59

 

 

60

virtue; in which one's success is measure by one‘s material
achievement; and in which the good citizen sacrifices part
of his labor to the community and the state.)

Each one of these agents affected the Jordanian
structure in one way or another. Sometimes, these effects
are distinct, but for the most part, they are overlapping.
These influences varied in degree and in rate of acceptance.
Thus, the missionary was responsible for introducing the
national awakening, i.e., pride in one's ethnicity and the
pride in one's achievement as a good citizen, universal
education, and the press. The administrator reorganized
the administrative structure, separated the state from the
church, and created more specialization in the government
administration. The trader introduced new services, such
as the railway, the highway, electricity, and the telephone
and telegraph. The immigrants intensified and emphasized
the items brought in by the other three agents.

'THE TRADEBL

The Jordanian, or for that matter, the Arabs of the
Near East, had been in contact with‘western Europe since
the time of the Islamic conquests in the 7th century. In
§3pain and.aicily, they had ruled Western European populations
sand had maintained diplomatic and commercial relations with

C>ther Western European states. They had received European

61

students in their universities. The Crusaders had brought
the West to the Near East and the Near East had gone to
the West.

From the beginning of the sixteenth century a new
relation began emerging between the Arabs and the West.

The West, after the renaissance, had made great technological
advances. They abolished fuedalism and freed trade, this
happening in the Arab Near East. This lead to European
expansion in various directions.

European expansion, as early as the sixteenth century,
began with the French negotiations under the Ottoman rulers
in Constantinople for the purpose of giving the French
traders certain rights and privileges in the Ottoman
territories. These rights were given in the so called
'Capitulations of 1535', granting the French traders the
safety of their persons and property, freedom of worship,
etc. French penetration developed rapidly. French traders
took advantage of the Opportunity and established trading
jposts and consular missions in both Syria and Egypt. Other
leapitulations were granted later to the English in 1580,
sand to the Dutch in 1612. During the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, EurOpean trade grew steadily and
Ilumerous colonies of traders settled in the ports and other
130wns of Syria under the protection of their consuls.

During the nineteenth century, European economic

62

activity entered upon a new phase. In this new phase,
Europeans became not mainly concerned with trade, but with
deve10pment and control. This control becoming manifest
either directly by obtaining concessions or indirectly
through loans to local governments of resources and
services, most especially to communications. Since the day
of Vasco Da Gama, the European had gone to India through
the open sea, around the Cape of Good Hope, thus avoiding.
the Riddle East. Throughout the nineteenth century, there
had been a return to the ancient overland highWays, but
without success.

From the beginning of the nineteenth century British
companies from India ran regular steamer service to both
Basra and Suez. To make the route secure, British-Indian
naval units charted the Arabian seas, put down Arabian
piracy, and acquired strategic watch-points. A.series
of expeditions from Bombay against predatory tribes of the
eastern and southeastern coasts of Arabia ended in the
'treaty of peace in 1820 with the Gulf Sheikhs giving the
British political supremacy over the area. In 1839, the
British captured Aden and occupied it. In the lediterranean,
£1 British steamship company began regular services to

Egypt and Syria in 1836 and was followed by French,
Austrian and Italiancompanies.

As I indicated in the first section of this paper,

63

transportation in Jordan was mainly by means of animals,
either the donkey or camel. The EurOpean engineers in
facilitating the functions of the traders, introduced
steam boat service which linked lesOpotamia with Basra
and the Persian Gulf. The East Indian Company and the
Peninsular and Oriental Steamship Company in 18h0, linked
the overland route between.Alexandria — Suez in Egypt,
using it both for goods and passengers. In 1851, the
Pasha of Egypt gave George Stephenson a contract to build
the first Egyptian railway. By 1863, there was 2&5 miles
of track, by 1882, over a thousand, by 191”, over 3,000.
In 1869, the Suez Canal opened the Sea highway and it was
built by French capital. For effect of the introduction
of these various services, see the next section of this

paper.
IflE IEMIGRANT

Two kinds of immigrants brought change to Jordan —-
'the one who came from Europe and settled in the country,
and the other who left his country, settled in America,
sand then came back. The first were the JewishpEuropean
:immigrants who came to Palestine early in the late nine-
teenth century and settled side by side with the Arabs.
They came motivated by ethnocentricity and by a definite
<3b,}ective for building a national Jewish State. In the

6#

beginning, these immigrants were few in number and came
mostly from the eastern part of Europe. In Palestine
they settled, either in separate quarters, but in Arab
towns, or they built their own communal villages. These
few were effected by the Arab structure rather than
effecting it.1 But later in the 1920's, they came in
larger numbers and from the Western part of EurOpe. It
is after this period that their effect came to be noticed
on the Palestinqurab structure.2
The second immigration was led by those who left the
country. The majority of these immigrants went to the
new world, either South.America or the United States. They
were mostly villagers who went to America to secure a
better economic position. Another segment came from the
Christian minority who left the country because of certain
prejudices and looked for greater comfort in Christian
America.3 Some of these immigrants returned and established
economic institutions and other institutuions as they had

found them in the new world.
'1_‘I-IE ADMIWISTRATOE

The Westerner came to Palestine as an administrator in

31919. The League of Nations assigned England as a mandatory

!

. Patai, Raphael, American.Anthropologist, Vol, #9, Oct.
1997, No. b.

Ibid., 'On Culture_Contact and Its Working Kodern Palestine".
Hourani, A., S ria and Lebangg, Oxford Press, London, l9h6.
Tannous, Afif, The Village in the National Life of Lebanon,”
Riddle East Journal, Vol. 3, April l9h9, No. 2: The
founder of the Arab Bank in.Jerusalem (first local bank)
is Abdul Hamid Shuman from Beit-Hanina, a village located
six miles from Jerusalem.

f'wp) H

65

power over Palestine. On the Western side of the river,
England was theoretically an advisor, but in reality
functioned as administrator for the Amir Abdalla.1

The government established by the British was of the
"crown colonyI type. According to this a British high
commissioner is the representative of the King of England,
in whose name he performs his functions. He is the
commander—inpchief of the armed forces and has a good deal
of executive, legislative and administrative powers,
which are limited only by the terms of the mandate, orders
in council and specific instructions received from the
colonial office. He is assisted by an executive council
consisting of the chief secretary, the attorney general
and the treasurer as ex-officio members and other civil
servants which the high commissioner may appoint. The
high commissioner is expected to consult with his
executive council, but he is not bound by their advice.

Under the British administration, a system of courts
’was established which included magistrates courts, land
courts, district courts and the supreme court. The
religious courts which existed before were allowed to
function in cases of religious law, i.e., marriage, divorce,
and inheritance. These religious courts retained their

Jurisdiction over the Hoslem charitable institution.

w

l. The term Palestine is used interchangeably with Jordan,

since part of it prior to 19h? was better known as
Palestine.

66

Under British rule, Palestine was divided for
administration into three major districts: northern,
southern and the Jerusalem districts. The district
commissioners as well as the departmental heads of the
central administration at Jerusalem were British. In the
Junior services, Palestinians were the predominant element.
The major part of the police force consisted of Arabs,
but the officers were British.

The administration introduced new governmental
departments. In 1920, an agricultural department was in-
troduced, designed to improve the general condition of
agriculture. Measures were enacted to limit losses due to
winds, locust invasion, insect pests, and plant diseases.
Experimental stations at Acre and Deisan, horticultural
farms at Jerusalem and Jericho and stud farms at Acre. A
number of forest nurseries and model plantations were
established. Veterinary and quarantine services were
instituted to control animal diseases.

J The Palestinian government reorganized the postal,
telephone and telegraph services into one department
following the model of the British post office. The
government improved the railway, built highways and gave
technical assistance in the development of village roads.

The government set the base of the public school

system under the supervision of the department of education.

67

Grade schools and high schools were established in all the
towns for all the children. In many villages elementary
schools were cpened and scholarships were given to enable
the villagers to continue their high school education in
the neighboring public schools.

The Palestine department of public health was
established as a centralized service. The department
included such functions as registration of medical
practitioners, regristration of death and birth,
quarantine, inspection of sanitary conditions, control of
infectious diseases. The government also built a number
of hospitals in several cities. A number of epidemic and
casualty posts in.Arab towns and villages, organized a
number of infant welfare centers, and pre—natal and post—
natal clinics in large cities.

Nurses training centers were established in connection
with the government hospitals in the cities and a school
for midwives was conducted at the maternity hospital in
Jerusalem. A special school was organized to train school
teachers in hygiene, to enable them to treat children
affected with eye diseases, malaria or vermin and to aid
in controlling.infectious diseases. Owing to the
considerable incidence of rabies among dogs and Jackals
throughout Palestine, anti-rabies measures, both therapeutic

and preventative, were instituted at Government expense.

68

The Department also maintained a laboratory section

whose work included the preparation of vaccines for the

anti-rabies campaign and for the control of cattle disease.
This complexity in the division of labor, with the

creation of more occupations, demanded a trained body of

Jordanians who could adjust to it. This no doubt created

a newly trained group and dislocated the old trained group.

THE uxssmmar

American, English, German and French missionaries
began their activities, which were mainly centered on
establishing schools, as early as the mid—nineteenth century.
For the purpose of this thesis, the writer will only concern
himself with the.American missionary activities, since it
has a theoretical consideration for the phenomenon of
social change. Herskovits' concept, “Focus in Culture",
will be used by the writer for explaning the ease of
receptivity with which the American innovations were met
in Jordan.

Language and literature play a central interest
position in. Arab communities. The Arabs pride themselves
on having a rich literature and long languistic, historical
development. Eloquence, oratory, and literary abilities

are symbols of honor and prestige in most present Arab

69

societies. Community leardership, among its other
qualifications was accompanied with literary ability
and knowledge. These required traits were also honored
and rewarded in most historical stages of the Arab societies.
In pre-Islamic Arab times, it was customary for poets of
all Arab communities to meet in a specific annual market,
(Zug Okaz) and compete for honor in their poetic and verse
talent. -Thus, social recognition was associated with
literary ability. Among other characteristics of
Mohammed, the prOphet, was his eloquence and poesy. Thus,
we may conclude that oratory and literary knowledge are
major foci of culture for the Jordanian Arabs.
In a previous part of this paper, the writer pointed

out that Jordan in the late 18th century was a part of
the Turkish, loslem Empire, and that Arab communities were
politically subordinated, and that the Christian segments
were socially discriminated against. Further, the Turkish
rulers forced the usage of their language as the official
one in the Communities. Due to this the Arabic language
deteriorated in usage and structure. This added to the
grievances and discontent of the Arabs and increased their
suppressed hostilities to the Turks.

The American Missionaries came to Syria in 1820. They
were keen enough to observe the social and political

deterioration of the Arabs under the Turkish rule. It is

70

reported by George Antonious, that their insight in
observing these conditions and their sympathy for the Arabs,
made their activities successful:

“In the second place came the American

missionaries whose contribution was all

the more productive as it was governed

by ideas as well as by enthusiasm. They

realized that what the country needed

above all was a system of education

consonant with its traditions, and they

had the imagination to perceive that a

nation's lost inheritance may not be 1

recovered except through its literature.'

The Americans built schools. To provide these schools
with Arabic text books, they ordered an Arabic press.
Some of them even learned the Arabic language. Within a
few years they had printed enough books to supply the
schools they had founded, and even other schools beside
their own. These Arabic books spread very rapidly, and
“the avidity with which these books were seized upon
showed not only that they filled a want, but that minds
were awakening to knowledge."2
These missionaries activities extended rapidly by

Opening schools in various parts of Syria. Their first
schools were centered in Beirut, Jerusalem and Lebanon.
By 1860, they had established thirty~three schools, attended by
approximately one thousand pupils, of whom nearly one-fifth

were girls. The climax of their educational work came in

 

—— w

1. Antonious, George, The Arab Awakening, G. P. Putman's & Sons
New York, 1946, p. El.
2. Ibid., p.h2.

71

1866, when they founded the Syrian Protestant College in
Beirut. The studies in this College were at first confined
to courses in higher secondary education and of medicine
and the language of instruction was Arabic. But as the
time passed the range of its courses spread out until now,
it has attained a university status. This institution came
to play a strong role in the leading Arab countries.
Antonius summerizes their education activities, saying:

“the educational activities of the American

missionaries in that early period had, among

many virtues, one outstanding merit; they

gave the pride of place to Arabic, and, once

they had committed themselves to teaching

in it, put their shoulders with vigour to

the task of providing an adequate literature.

In that, they were the pioneers; and because

of that, the intellectual effervescence which

marked the first stirring of the Arab revival

owes most to their labours."

This literary revival gave a stimuli to literary,
national awakening and later to political, national revival.
Bustani and Iaziji, among the first Arab students educated
in these schools, founded the.first Arab daily, weekly
Journal in 1860.2 This Journal aimed at preaching concord
between the different creeds and of union in the persuit of
knowledge. They advocated that knowledge leads to
enlightenment and to the birth of ideals held in common.
Three years later, Iaziji and Bustani founded a school

which they called the National School which aimed for

 

1. Ibid., p. #3.
2. Both were of Christian Arab descent.

72

providing boys of all creeds with an education based on
religious tolerance and patriotic ideals.
Bustani and YaziJi were the first to form the first

Scientific association based on common interest. The
name of this society was Society of Arts and Sciences.
Among its members were two AmeriCane, Eli Smith and
Cornelius van Dyck. Antonius commented on the Society,
Saying:

"This was the first society of its kind ever

established in Syria or in any other part of

the Arab world. The idea of promoting

knowledge by an organized, collective effort

was foreign to the individualistic nature

of the Arab Whose method of approaching

higher learning was akin to that of Plato’s

Greece, where a Raster would hold his

academic court and disciples flocked,

sometimes from great distances, to sit at

his feet. But it turned out to be a

fruitful innovation. Other societies

were formed after its patterns, which

were to play an important part in the

growth of the Arab national movement.‘

In 1857, the Syrian Scientific Society was established.

Its membership included the leading Arab personalities of
all creeds. On its board were the famous Druse Amir Muhammad
Arslan, Husain Baihum, head of an influential Koslem family,
and the Bustanis son. Membership Was based on the following
interest: -'the progress of the country as a national unit
was now their incentive, a pride in the Arab inheritence,
their bond. The foundation of the Society was the first

1. Ibid., 52.

 

73

outward manifestation of a collective national consciousness,
and its importance in history is that it was the cradle
of a new political movement.“

Literary and scientific innOVation led to the
formation of political associations. The first organized
effort in the Arab national movement started in the year
1875 - when five young men who had been educated at the
Syrian Protestant College (American University) in Beirut,
formed a secret society. They managed after sometime to
include twenty-two members of different creeds and
representing the enlightened elite of the country. The
center of their activities were the main cities of Syria,
Beirut, Damascus, Tripoli, Sidon, and Jerusalem. They
met in secret. They appealed to the public with placards
containing a violent denunciation of the evils of Turkish
rule, and exhorted the Arab nonulation to rise in
rebellion and overthrow it. It also rebuked the Syrian
' for their lethargy under the tyranny of the Turks and for
their habits of dissension. It stressed the importance of
unity and incited the peOple to forget their religious
differences and unite toward a common Arab ideal. One of
their programmes read as follows:

(1) the grant of independence to Syria in union
with the Lebanese;

 

1. Ibid., 5n,

7n

(2) the recognition of Arabic as an
official language in the country;

(3) the removal of the censorship and other
restrictions on the freedom of expression
and the diffusion of knowledge;

(h) the employment of locally-recruited units
on local military service only.

For the purpose of this paper the writer will cite
two other political associations whose members came to be,
after the first world war, political learders in Lebanon,
Syria, Palestine, and Transjordan.1‘ One of these two
societies was founded in Cairo in lSlZ, with the name
of I'The Ottoman Centralization Party." Its objectives
were: to impress upon the Turkish rulers the need for
decentralizing the administration of the empire; to
mobolize the Arab opinion in support of decentralization.
Its founders were men of experience and of leading families.2

The other political organization was Al—Fatat which
was founded in Paris in 1911 by seven young Arab students,
all of Moslem upper—class families. The objects of this
society were to work for the independence of the Arab

countries and their liberation from the Turkish rule.

1. Two of its members, Auni Abdul—Hadi (from Jenin) and Rafiq
Tamimi (Mablus), during the British Mandate regime over
Palestine founded the Istiglal political party, Auni
.Abdul-Hadi, at the present time is the Jordanian Ambassador
in Egypt.

2. Among them were: Rafiq Al-Azm (Moslem from Damascus);

Rashid Rida (loslem from Tripoli); Iskandar Amman (Christian
from Beirut); Salim Abdul-Hadi (Moslen from Jenin);

Hafez Al-Sa'id (Hoslem from Jaffa); and Ali Nashashibi
(Hoslem from Jerusalem).

CHAPTER IV

MAJOR SOCIAL CHANGES

The rate of social change is differentiated in the
town, village and tribe, and within the town's social
strata. In a previous part of this paper it has been
pointed out that the introduction of an.Arab press by
the American missionaries - (due to a felt ideological
need) - led to a literary and educations revival. In the
towns, this led to the development of voluntary, political
associations based on common, national ideals. It is in
the political institutions that the focus of cultural
interests are now being talked about and discussed.
Political institutions have gone through strong changes.
Those persons that are enhancing these institutions are
being highly honored and rewarded, and in turn are coming
to be the new leaders of the society.

(flu the past Jordan's social groupings and activities
were determined by the religious loyalties of the town and
by village and tribal affinities. Thus, social structure
included multi-religious ethnic groupings, each with its

own territory and shared sentiment} At the present time

75

A

76

(religious multi—associations are being replaced by one
national loyalty} Membership in the state is determined by
common, abstract, national goals: enhancement of state
power; defence against foreign enchroachment; social and
educational equality of all its members, its economic
self-sufficiency; and the revival of the Arabic historical
past. Agencies of control in this national state are:
constitutional government, the army, the bureaucracy, and
the political party system. These are all modeled after
British political institutions.

(bther observable changes in Jordan are it's town
growth, mechanization of communications, secularization of
education, and the growth in the varieties of occupations
and professions. Many of these changes are most apparent
in the town, less so in the village, and almost absent
in the tribe.) The village is becoming more dependent on
the town, educationaly, administratively, economically,
and culturally.

The writer, in the following section of the paper will
present qualitative data and an analysis of a few social
changes. The major portion of this data is qualitative,
however, statistical, quantitative data will be presented

when available.

77

TOWN GROWT

—__

__
—

The town has grown in size, structure, and population.
At the present time a new town has been built surrounding
the old one. It differes from it in style and in
ecological distribution. Historically, this new town was
introduced by the Western missionary educator and trader.
These two built their schools and houses at a distance
from the old town. The style of the buildings are
European. These buildings are now being used as models
and this area is becoming the new, elite residential
section. (how residence is based on common educational and
professional background. Thus, spatially, the farther one
lives from the old center, the higher one's status.)

In between this new residential area and the old city,
new governmental bureaus and a new business center are
being built. Among some of the governmental bureaus are
the agricultural department, the post office, the courts
building, the highway department, the health department
and the educational department. Next, and closer to the
old city is the new commercial and trade center. Notioeable
here are the different shops, trade and professional
advertising agencies, e.g., car agencies, Shell Gas, radio
and electrical equipment, sporting equipment, theaters,

restaurants, Insurance companies, banks, pharmaceuticalsfi»

 

1. There are 105 pharmacists in Jordan, Statistical Year-
book, United Nations.

78

criminal lawyers, land lawyers, pediatricians, ear-eye and

nose specialists,l dentists,2 and civil engineers, etc.

EDUCATIONAL cnow'r;

Education is no longer tied with religion and is no
longer a privilege limited to the upper-classes. Now, in
theory, it is available for all. However, its access and
availability are related to the historical circumstances
of Western contacting agents. It is true that the
Western missionaries built their schools mostly in towns,
and very few of them in Christian villages. It is also
true that the foreign administrator built more schools in
towns where he resided.(Jerusalem, Ammon). Historically,
also, education was valued by the upper-class.

(Now, education is being sought by the farmer, urban
masses, and merchants? (It is an essential tool of social
recognition and social climbingg; The old traditional
noslem.Arabic system of education can no longer function
effectively in the new structure. Thus, the traditionally
educated are no longer greatly honored. Honor and reward
are associated with.Western education. During the British
administration, those with.Western education were given
governmental civil service positions. This phenomena is

still continuing.

 

1. There are 1,216 physicians in Jordan, Statistical Year-
Epok. United Natgpns.

2. There are 62 dentists in Jordan, Statistical Yearbook,
1953, United Nationg.

79

Also, during the British administration a few
scholarships of higher education, mostly in English
universities were awarded to the better students. It is
interesting to point out that most of these awarded
scholarships were given to fellahin students.< At present,
a good number of the new intelligensia and the new
bureaucrats are of this jroupJ This group no longer
desires to return to their villages. Of the fifteen
Jordanian students at Michigan State College, there are
seven villagers, who are getting professional training,
which will enable them to compete for positions in towns.

Education also is a tool of nationalistic enhancement.
The government is fighting illiteracy. Night schools are
being made available for the illiterate and old town's
people. More schools are being built every day.1
Education is associated with national aspiration and
statehood strength, and as one editor puts it; ”The future
of our country lies on the shoulder of the educated Youth,".

Equality in education of both sexes was encouraged by.
the British administration. This led to employment of some
women in secretarial work. This generalization is limited
to some Christian.Arabs and very few Hoslem upper-class
women. The teaching profession is the predominant occupation

of women.2 (Women occupation is still alien to the town

 

1. There are about ShO primary schools, 78 secondary schools,
and h technical schools in Jordan, Statistical Yearbook,
l2§3J United Nationg,

2. There are 57h women teachers among the 2,522 total number
of teachers in Jordan, Statistical Yearbook. 1951,

United Nations.

 

80

lower classes, villagers and tribesmen. There is little
indication of much change in the family structure.

In brief, school organization at the present time,
consists of the administration, (principal and his secretary,)
and the teachers, (with various specialties) and the
students. The curriculum at the grade level includes
Arabic, two years of English, (or another foreign
language,) arithmetic, local geography, Euronean and local
history, art, and elementary physics. High school includes
four years of Arabic (grammar, literature, and composition,)
Chemistry, Mathematics (algebra, trigonometry, and
arithmetic.) local and world history, local and world
geography, physics, botany and zoology.

There are at least three high schools and seven grade
schools for each town; however, this number varies with the
size of the town and the religious composition. Each
village has its own grade school and some Christian
villages have high schools. Both-girls and boys are being
educated. Co-education is not practiced. In each town,
there is at leat one girls' high school and more grade
schools. And there are more girls schools in towns with
a Christian majority (like the city of Rommalh,) than

towns of equal size with a Moslem majority, (like Hebron).

81

GROWTH AND MECHANIZATLON OF COMMUNICATION

l. TranSportation:

Mechanized transportation is noticeable in Jordan.
The old wheel-cart has given way to the motor-car. The
donkey and camel has been replaced in many places by the
bus, train and airplane. These new communication agents
make shorter the distance between the village and the town.
At the present time there is either bus or train service
between all towns, and between most larger villages and
towns. This has made it possible for greater mobility
between the two and for internal migration from the village
to the town.

At the present time there is a railway operating
between Lebanon, Syria, which passes through Ammon, to
Ma'an. This is the old.Hejaz railway. There is a main
trunk road joining Jerusalem, Jericho, Salt, Ammon, and
Naghdad. Jordan has air connections with most of the
countries of the Middle East and with Britain and India.
The most important air port is at Ammon which is on the
B.O.A.C. route from Britain to the Far East. There is
an airplane base at Kallia on the Dead Sea, largely used
by the Iraq Petroleum company. Air services are Operated

by British, Egyptain, Lebanese and American companies.

82

2. Mass Media - Broadcasting:

Broadcasting began in Jordan in 1930, under the
supervision of the mandate government. The station was
owned and Operated by the government. It's programs
were in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. In 19b8, the
Jordanian government took over.

At the present time all programs are in Arabic. They
are important in spreading education, in entertaining, in
expressing public Opinion and in giving news and information.
Usually all the members of the "new class" own radios.
Fewer radios are owned by the peOple who still live in the
old town. There are usually at least one or more radio

sets in the village.

3. The Press:

The press in Jordan goes back to 191h, when the first
Arabic paper was published in Jaffa. At the present time
the center for newspaper publishing is Jerusalem. Among
the dailies are: Falastine, Defah and El—Jihad and among
the weeklies, the El-Sarih.1

In brief, mechanized communications are strengthening
the central, national government, and breaking the cultural
gap between the three social units. However, this
generalization.is true only as a unifying factor between

the town and village. Better transportation facilities

 

1. Statistical Yearbook,_1953. United Nationg.

83

are narrowing the physical distance between the town and
village. The higher rate of literacy and the availability
of town publications (newspapers, magazines and books),

are narrowing the cultural and aspirational scope between
the two. Broadcasting systems are governmentally controlled

and are used to enhance its programs and ideals.
GROWTH IN POPULATION

The population in Jordan, like that in the other
Hear Eastern.Arab countries has been increasing rapidly.
In the early twenties, the population was nearly three—
quarter of a million, now it is almost a million six-hundred

thousand. The density of population is great in the

cities.1

The cause of this high rate increase is the high
crude birth rate. The infant death rate has fallen from
around 200 per 1,000 live births in the nineteenptwenties
to below 100 in l9hh. The rate is still high and deaths
under five years, still amount to more than half of the

deaths among the Arab population.

GREATER DEPENDENCY OF THE VILLAGE ON THE TOWN

The village is now a part of the Jordanian nation.

Factors which are relating it to this larger whole are:

 

1. Royal Institute of International Affairs, The Middle
East, a Political and Economic Survey, 1950: and
Survey of International Affairs, 1925, Vol. I.

IJ‘IAI-lllllll‘
I'll" III I
1.. .

1' [I'll-

8h

cultural, administrative, political and economical.

1. Cultural Factors:

The school is becoming an effective mechanism for
nationalizing the village, by means of standardization of
texts and teaching methods. The school personnel are
recruited from various parts of the state, rather than from
the village itself. These teachers have different back-
grounds and expose the village children to the customs and
sentiments of their respective regions. The school, also
stimulates the Jordanian nationalism and is a powerful
factor in developing the feeling of Jordan. The school
teaches the georgraphy and economy and the history of the
Arab nation and Jordan in more detail.

Horeover, each year the secretary of education makes
available one or more scholarships for students to
continue their high school education in a nearby town.
These new experiences away from the village are no doubt
changing the habits, outlook and sentiments of the students.
It is no wonder that some of them upon finishing their
high school education in towns, stay in the towns and seek
employment there. This is also true for those farmers who
completed their academic education.

Most of the books which are used in the villages are
text books approved by the national government. At the

85

present time there is a stress on the revival of the Arab,
heroic, historical past as a major part of the villager's
primary school education.

Other common items of the town read by the villagers
are its newspapers. Today one finds the youth of the
village reading the paper to older neople. IHowever,
newspapers are only published in big towns and especially
those having political leadership. This means that the
sentiments of the nationals are having an access on the
villager's mind. The national sentiment is also reaching
the villager through.the broadcasting system. However,
not all villagers have radios, in fact only the very few
have them, and most of these are Christian villagers.
Partially, also, entertainment has become dependent on the
.town. Movie house attendence is a luxury and only a few
villagers can afford it - those who live within the
proximity of the town, or those who can afford bus
transportation. However, this new entertainment is desired

by the farmers.

2. Administrative Factors:

There is an increasing governmental administrative
attachment on the village. Factors for this are tax
collection, health services, agricultural services, national

defense and Justice. However, the villager tries to evade

llilll. Allin!
l! 1'.

86

paying taxes to the central government. He has not yet
developed a positive attitude toward the ideology and
responsibility of the national government. In the past,
the central government was a foreign, oppressive rule.

The national government sends it's health worker to
the villages from time to time to administer innoculations
against communicable diseases. The ministry of agriculture
tries to extend its agricultural services to the villager.
These two are also met with a negative and critical

attitude.

3. Political Factors:

The guerrilla war against the British rulers and the
recent war against Israel, has been an important factor in
deve10ping a sense of nationalism among the villagers.
Hany villagers fought together with the town's political
and guerrilla leaders against both the British and the
Zionist and thus have had occasion to travel widely with
the fighting forces.

At the present time some of the intellectual farmers
are becoming representatives in the lower house in the
Jordanian parliament. This makes the villager more aware
of the political maneuvers in the town. During the national
election of the lower house members, campaigning of the

various village representatives was conducted in their

' Hh‘-.~

 

respective villages.

u. Economic Factors:

The village economy is still not self-sufficient but,
is becoming a more integral part of the national economy.
This is further encouraged by the national state to
increase it's power. The villager still sells his wheat,
barley, vegetables and fruits to nearby towns and inturn
imports manufactured goods and some foods, like rice,
sugar and tea. These trading relations involve contacts
between the farmers and the nearby cities and since the
construction of highways and the introduction of bus
services between.the village and the town, trade and

economic contact has been increasing.

POLITICAL CHANGES

The national govenment of Jordan immerged as a
consequence of the Western contact. Nationalism from
its start develOped as a literary and historical revival
which lead to political aspirations for self-rule. From
its start, also, it has been associated with two main
town groups, the Moslem upper-class and the Christian Arabs.
fit is an ethnic group movement which seeks the replacement
of primary grouping and religious loyality to an abstract
state loyality. It seeks changes in the life style and7

88

life chances of its members, and aims to secure social
equality, maintenance of economic self-sufficiency, and
protection of its physical territory from any foreign
group enchroachment. Its program is secular in nature and
Western in origin.- Thus, nationalism is stronger among
these groups which are highly Westernized. It is a town
phenomena. (Its main group components are the Westernized
upper-class Moslems, the intellectuals, the professionals,
and the new industrialists./

The national governmental mechanisms are:
constitutional government, political parties, national

industries and the army.

1. Constitutional Government:

The governmental status of Jordan is a constitutional
monarchy. It is modeled, in general, after the British
pattern. The parliament consists of a Senate (Ian),
and a Chamber of Deputies (Bush). The Seante has twenty
members, all nominated by the King. Every five years,
half of the Seantors retire and new nominations take place.
The Chamber of Deputies is elected by universal sufferage
on the basis of one deputy for each major town.

The general control of affairs of the State is exercised
by the Council of Ministers, the members of which form the

Cabinet. The Cabinet consists of eleven ministers: the

89

prime minister, minister of finance, education, health,
agriculture, commerce, communication, interior, exterior,
defence and Justice. The Cabinet is resnonsible to the
Parliament.

Legislative authority is vested in the King and the
Parliament. Powers of appointment and dismissal are
vested in the King. War and peace treaties cannot be made
without the consent of Parliament; however, Parliament is
now controlled by the Cabinet. The King has the power
of dissolving Parliament.1

The country is divided into the desert area and six
administrative divisions (Liwas), each under a Governor.
The settled areas are subdivided into districts under
officers, with the Administrative Officer as Chairman.
Municipal councils exist in the towns and major villages.
They also have four different courts, modeled after the
English court system,which are the Magistrates' courts,
District courts, Land courts and a Supreme court. The
Shari‘s courts have direction and Jurisdiction only under
the Islamic Law (marriage and divorce), and control over
the Awqaf. {There is a Bedouin Control Board consisting of
a member of the King's family, the Commander of the Arab
Legion, and the Bedouin Sheikh, which controls the movement
of the Bedouins and settles any tribal disputes in the

desert area.

 

l. The real power with Parliament is within the Deputies,
after the assassination of King.Abdullah, little power
is being exercised by his grandson.

90

2. The Army:

The Arab Legion, with about 15,000 men of all ranks,
comprises a military unit (5,000 to 6,000 men), mechanized
and equipped with light artillery, and a police and prision
staff. It grew out of the Desert Patrol, organized by
British officers and recruited from among the Bedouins to

keep order in the desert.

3. Political Parties:

At the present time, there are six major political
parties: the Revival Party, the Reform Party, the Istiglal
Party, the Youth.Party, the Communist Party and the
National Defense Party. The National Defense Party,
founded in l93h, aims at the welfare of farmers and workers
and the encouragement of education. The Istiglal
(Independent) Party, aims at the independence of Arab
countries, and believes that these countries are an
indivisible entity, in which Jordan should form an integral
part of Syria. The Communist Party (better known by the
name of the Arab League of National Liberation), regards
the present state of Jordan as a tool of imperialism, equal
to the Zionist leaders. It has connections with the Arab
Trade Union Congress.

All these parties are really a one man party. Rational
and defined programs are in the process of develonment., The

party vigor is measured by its head. Membership in some of

91

these parties is largely based on family associations,

A. Modern Industries:

The development of modern industry is to some extent
on a nationalistic bases. The Jordan state has embarked
on a policy of industrialization with the objective of
attaining self-sufficiency in certain manufactured goods.
This has lead to the adoption of modern methods in order
to allow newly develoned industries to compete effectively
in the home market against American, British, German and
French goods. In Jordan, this expansion has been conducted
under private enterprise, with certain concessions, usually
a tariff wall against foreign imports, imposed by the state.

[Because of the limited resources, both in fuel and in
raw materials, there seems to be no great possibility of
big industrial deve10pment. For Jordan lacks iron ore
and fuel and at the present time the major prOportion of
its machinery and capital goods come from abroad.

Jordanian modern industry has deve10ped in textiles,
in the processing of food stuffs, and cement manufacturing.
In textiles, greatest attention has been laid on cotton.
Good sized spinning and weaving plants are being Operated.
Processing of food stuffs is a traditional industry and
existed prior to the coming of the West. However, of

later develOpment is the canning of fruit and olive oil.

92

These industries seem to have future potentialities. The
production of cement is a new industry in Jordan.

The develOpment of this new industry on a nationalistic
bases is associated with an erection of tariff barriers.
These measures are being conducted to protect and stimulate
the emmerging local manufacturing. At the present time,
there is no urban proletariat. Among the few labor groups,
low standards of living prevail.

Labor legislation restricting hours of work and the
employment of women and children has been enacted. But,
due to the laxity of the governmental control, it has become
a dead letter. Children of ten or less are to be found
at work, sometimes under hard conitions and the large
surplus of unskilled labor due to the high birth rates
and gradual extinction of handicraft industries, has meant
that(collective bargaining of the laborer is low.) In fact,
tradeCunions have been treated with suSpicion by the
government and labor organization is in its early stages)

(There is little indication of an organized class conscious
labor group, so far.¥)

In summary, the town is changing in structure and
function. It's ecological distribution is redistributed
according to the mechanized communication facilities, to
the secular education, and to the importance of such

occupations as the medical and legal professions. No longer

1. This statement is also true in modern Lebanon and Syria,

SSE6A. H. Hourani, Syria and Lebanon, Oxford, New Haven,

93

is residence det rminsl primarily on kinship and religious
associations. Now it is determined on educational and
occupational similarities. These new indicies of
residential distribution became factors for social honor
and prestige.

The village is becoming more dependent on the town
in education, in livelihood, and in entertainment. Better
communication facilities between the two are making it
possible for a rapid internal migration from the farm to the
town. However, this migration is selective and is determined
by certain educational and occupational needs. Thus, it is
heavily distrubted among the intellectual farmers who can
perform either clerical and bureaucratic work. Associated
with this selective migration is the strong need for the
intellectual farmer to acquire the symbols of the town's
political and social sophistication. (in contrast with this
Spacial mobility, the village is left intact with its
agricultural and social organization. The old farming methods
and the old residential structure are still the same. At the
present time these intellectual farmers are competing with
the traditional Kukhtar for the village leadership.

At the present time there is little indication that
the tribal structure and function is being modified. One
expects in the future, with mechanized communication and the

encroachment of the central government, that the tribe will

9h

surrender its aloofness to the town.

Political institutions are going through rapid
modifications. The old kinship and religious associations
are being replaced by national loyalty which emphasizes
secular education, literacy, economic self-sufficiency,
social equality in life chances, and its protection from
any foreign encroachment. The national government is a
constitutional monarchy with its three branches,

executive, legislative and Judicial.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

In this study, the writer attempted to explain
Social change in Jordan's social system due to its contact
with the West. More specifically,he tried to explain the
differential social change among the town, village and
tribal social units.

Three tentative hypotheses guided his study:-

1. that social change in Jordan due to
Western contact is strongest in the
town, and weakest in the tribe, and
inbetween in the village.

2. it is strongest in the town due to
its socio-cultural trait similarities
with the contacting West; and due to
the presence of two highly susceptive
groups - the Moslem upper—class and
the Christian Arabs.

3. and it is weakest in the tribe due
to its well integrated edifice.

The writer, first isolated the three variable socio-
cultural characteristics and computed them with.Western
ones. It was found that towns in Jordan had social strata,
trade, guild systems, a written code, schools, bureaucracy,
money economy, specialization in trade and professions.

The village had private property ownership, money economy,

surplus farm trades. The tribe had only meat specialization.

95

96

It had a well integrated socio-cultural edifice based on
one institution and it was well adapted to its desert
environment.

Next, the writer tested the second hypothesis on the
two highly receptive groups, the Moslem upper—class and
the Christian.Arabs. Herskcvits' "focus of culture,"
helped eXplain this part. It was found that language and
literature plays a cultural foci of interest, and that
the missionary Western agent interacted with this focus
of interest, when he introduced the first Arab press.

This led to the formation of voluntary, literary association
and to voluntary, political association. It was also found
that Christian Arabs were the first active and receptive
receivers to this innovation, due to their religious
affinity with the West and due to their social
discontentment under the Turks, and that the Moslem upper-
classes were next, due to their political discontentment
under the Turks.

In the last section, the Writer presented some
qualitative data on the phenomena of social change. He
showed that the town grew in size and is changing
ecologically. Spacially, the town residence is based on
common, professional and educational interests, rather than
on religious and kinship associations. And the further the

residence is from the center, the higher the status.

97

Also the village is becoming more dependent on the
town for entertainment, education, administration and
politics. There is little indication of social organization
and agricultural, technical changes in the village. Internal
migration from the village to the town is selective from
the intellectual farmers who can adapt to the bureaucratic
and professional town functions. This led to the emergence
of a new intellectual farmer who lost the link with the
village and who aSpired for the town sOphistication and
national, political control.

It was shown that political changes are by far going
through the strongest change, since they are linked with
the community cultural focus of interest, and because of
a felt need. These political changes include loyalty to
the state, equality in life style and life chances of all
its members, economic self-sufficiency, secular education
and fighting of illiteracy, a constitutional government
of the three branches, (executive, Judicial and legislative)
and the political party system. It was pointed out, that
nationalism is a secular phenomena and it is strongest
among the most Westernized. Thus, it is strongest among
the Westernized.Moslem upper-classes, new professionals,
intelligencia, and the new industrialists. And that mass
communication is narrowing the physical and cultural gap
between the town and village, and it is strengthening the

control of the central government.

I .llllill.
?

98

Conclusiog:

 

1. That similarities in the socio—cultural
characteristics of two contacting groups is a determinant

factor of social change.

2. That change in one institution causes changes in
others. Technical changes led to organizational and
ideological changes.

3. That the rate of change is a differential among
the various social institutions, and that it is most in
those institutions which are a cultural focus of interest
and which serve a socio-psychological felt need.

b. That due to the differential rate of social change,
the Hashemite Kingdom is in a transitional period of “cultural
lag.‘ Old institutions are functioning side by side with
new ones.

5.( That the trend of change is towards secularization.
God's law is being replaced by man's law. And that life
style and life chances are determined by mans effort on
this earth.

6. Leadership at the present time is being associated
with the emerging needs and functions in the structure. That
the Westernized, who performing these needs will in the

future, become the new elite. The old elite 15 dying out,

99

unless it adapts itself to the new needs of the structure.
7. That the intellectual farmers in the town

are the ones who went through the greatest and the most

radical changes.of any of the groups relative to their

respective, pre-Western contact cultures. And due to

it, mental health disturbances among this group are the

highest. However, further research on this aspect is

needed.

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