ANTECEDENTS OF GENEROSITY IN NURSERY SCHOOL CHILDREN: PRESCRIPTIVE VALUE ORIENTATION IN THE FAMILY Thesis for the Degree of M., A. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ANTHONY B. OLEINIK 1971 I 1" em‘t‘nnc av ":1 . unAs & suns . -. 0W omnrnv INC. - Ii- 2v 8 osnc. ‘1 a I. ABSTRACT ANTECEDENTS OF GENEROSITY IN NURSERY SCHOOL CHILDREN: PRESCRIPTIVE VALUE ORIENTATION IN THE FAMILY BY Anthony B. Olejnik Generosity, value orientations, (prescriptive- proscriptive) and discipline emphasis (reward-punishment) were studied in 78 four year old children (44 girls) and their parents in a university community in the midwest. Generosity was measured by the number of M&M candies the children gave away to fictitious "needy children." An interview technique was used to measure the value orien- tation of the children, while a questionnaire was adminis- tered to the parents to measure value orientation and dis- cipline emphasis. The finding of no significant sex dif— ferences in generosity scores supports earlier research. Significant main effects were found for the value orien- tation of the children, mothers, and fathers. Children with a prescriptive value orientation were more generous than children with a proscriptive value orientation, and mothers and fathers with a prescriptive value orientation had children who were more generous. While the data Anthony B. Olejnik revealed that fathers who were more rewarding had more generous children, there was no significant effect on gen- erosity for mother's discipline emphasis. ./. Approved g;€gé?éflé;g%aay Date {J /: /§7/ 7 f a ANTECEDENTS OF GENEROSITY IN NURSERY SCHOOL CHILDREN: PRESCRIPTIVE VALUE ORIENTATION IN THE FAMILY BY Anthony B. Olejnik A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Psychology 1971 To Shirley and Matthew ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the members of my thesis committee, Drs. Hiram Fitzgerald and William Crano for ' their assistance in planning this research. I would like to especially thank Dr. John McKinney, chairman of the thesis committee, for the advice, time, and encouragement he offered during the entire course of the research and the masters degree program. I would also like to thank the directors and teach- ers at the Edgewood United Church Nursery School, Wesley Foundation Nursery School, Mt. Hope Day Care Center, First Church of the Nazarene Day Care Center, Kendon Drive Day Care Center, Jack 'n Jill Playhouse, and the PeOple's Church Nursery School for their c00peration and assistance in this research. My deepest thanks go to the parents and their children who volunteered to participate in the research. A special thank you to Shirley for her patience, love and understanding. iii LIST OF TABLES INTRODUCTION . METHOD . . . RESULTS . . DISCUSSION . REFERENCES . APPENDIX . . TABLE OF CONTENTS iv Page 14 26 31 34 Table 1. 10. Analysis sex of of the Analysis sex of of the Analysis sex of of the Analysis sex of of the Analysis sex of of the Analysis LIST OF TABLES of variance of generosity scores: the child and value orientation mothers. . . . . . . . . of variance of generosity scores: the child and value orientation fathers. . . . . . . . . of variance of generosity scores: the child and discipline emphasis mothers. . . . . . . . . of variance of generosity scores: the child and discipline emphasis fathers. . . . . . . . . of variance of generosity scores: the child and value orientation Child. O I O O O O I O of variance of generosity scores: discipline emphasis of the parents and value orientation of the parents. . . Number of givers or non-givers whose parents had prescriptive or proscriptive value orientations on reward items. . Number of givers or non-givers whose parents had prescriptive or proscriptive value orientations on punishment items. Number of givers or non-givers whose parents emphasized rewards or punishments on prescriptive items. . . . . . Number of givers or non-givers whose parents emphasized rewards or punishments on proscriptive items. . . . . . Page 19 19 20 20 21 21 22 23 24 25 INTRODUCTION In an early general study of morality, Osborn (1894) asked the following questions about the "ethical contents of children's minds": What kind of moral ideas do children have? How do they come by them? How are they determined by their environment? And are they developed by the direct instruction of parents and teachers, or do they arise through the observation of their own conduct and that of their associates? Today, seventy-five years later, many investigators are phrasing the same questions. Since OsbornIs study, a great deal of research has been done on the develOpment of moral values. The research on the development of moral character has been reviewed by Kohl- berg (1964) and Hoffman (1970) while the measurement of moral values has been reviewed and critiqued by Pittel and Mendelsohn (1960). Much of the research on moral values has been done with paper and pencil tests, and few attempts have been made to relate moral reasoning or judgment to moral behavior. The reviews of this research have indi- cated that there are still unanswered questions on the develOpment of moral values and that there is a need to improve the methodologies for studying moral develOpment. The research on moral development has been concerned with children's conscience, strength of charac- ter, moral characteristics, and judgment; and the theoreti- cal impetus has come primarily from the works of Piaget (1932) and Freud (1959). Psychologists have devoted far more attention to the issues of anti-social behavior than to the factors affecting the acquisition and performance of pro-social behaviors. Emphasis has been placed on the pro- hibitions, the proscriptive, "thou shalt not" aspects of morality, such as cheating, stealing, and lying. Guilt about transgressions and resistance to temptation have been the primary aspects of prohibitions studied (Aronfreed, 1961, 1963, 1970; Burton, MaCcoby & Allinsmith, 1961; Grinder, 1962; Hartshorne & May, 1928-1930; Sears, Rau, &. Alpert, 1965). Hoffman (1963) has suggested that the reason research has focused on prohibitions is that most .research on the parental antecedents of moral development has been inspired by psychoanalytic theory, which stresses the importance of repression in the internalization of moral standards. Although in the past relatively little research attention has been given to behaviors that reflect the altruistic aspects of morality, recent research has revived the interest in studying generosity, kindness, cooperation, and sharing behaviors in children (Baldwin & Baldwin, 1970; Bryan & Walbek, 1970 a, b; Elliot & Vasta, 1970; Harris, 1970; Rosenhan & White, 1967; Rutherford & Mussen, 1968; Staub & Sherk, 1970). Two recent reviews on altruism have summarized the revived interest in this area of research (Bryan & London, 1970; Krebs, 1970). In the 1890's, altru- ism was a pOpular and widely discussed topic as a social panacea and a religious ideal, but the interest in it quickly passed away. The current revived interest in studying altruism may be due to some of the current social problems facing our society. Research on altruism has been primarily interested in eliciting altruistic acts rather than the learning or antecedent conditions of altruism. Aronfreed (1968) and Rosenhan (1969) argued that the acquisition of altruistic responses requires a history of reinforcement and the development of a self-reward mechanism. The research on parent-child relations and altruism suggests that warm and nurturant parents tend to facilitate altruism in children. Rettig (1956) found that altruism in parents was positively correlated with scores made by college students on an altru- ism scale. There was some evidence that the effects of direct reinforcement of altruistic behavior by parents dis- sipates over time, whereas modeling effects were more enduring. Hoffman (1963) found that consideration for others in children was positively related to the mothers' use of an other-oriented induction type of discipline. Peck and Havighurst (1960) observed that parents of altruistic children typically were warm, nurturant, and relatively non-punitive; and in his review, Becker (1964) concluded that warmth, use of love-oriented discipline techniques, and consistency of parental control facilitate learning of guilt or moral expectations. Rosenhan (1967) found that a group of active civil rights workers had a close relationship with at least one altruistic parent. In a study by Rutherford and Mussen (1968), generosity in nursery school boys was positively related to warm and nurturant fathers: generous boys saw their fathers as being more nurturant. More recently, Mussen, Rutherford, Harris, and Keasey (1970) found that both boys and girls who were altruistic in their relationships with others were the children of generally permissive, democratic, affection- ate and nonpunitive parents. They also found that parental emphasis on high standards of behavior for the child, including acceptance of personal responsibility and elevated achievement goals, appear to be prominent antecedents of altruism. Similar findings have been reported by Whiting (1969). He found that children in six cultures in which mothers report that they assign important tasks to them (such as baby tending), behave more altruistically as meas- ured by offers of help, support, and responsible sug- gestions, than children in cultures in which they are assigned fewer or less responsible tasks. Staub (1970) suggested that learning to take responsibility for others' welfare may often begin through assignment of responsibility to children by socializing agents. It appears that families which are warm, nurturant, and non-punitive, which provide models of altruistic behavior, which support the expression of affect by the child, and which assign responsibilities to young children are most likely to raise children who are altruistic and concerned for others. While Rutherford and Mussen (1968) studied gener- osity of boys in nursery school and found that the boys' generosity was related to perceptions of their fathers as warm and nurturant, they also found that generosity was part of a pattern of moral behaviors. Rutherford and Mussen suggested that parents and other agents of social- ization may have many Opportunities to "teach" children proscriptive rules, by rewarding approved responses and by punishing behaviors that violate such rules. They felt that proscriptive rules are "taught" by means of reward and punishment, while more positive--perhaps more complex char- acteristics--are acquired by means of developmental identi- fication with a model. Hill (1960) has suggested that the psychoanalyti- cally derived terms of "identification, introjection, and internalization" be replaced by detailed analyses in learn- ing theory terms of the acquisition of values. According to McKinney (1971), in both psychoanalytic theory and learning theory, there is the implication that children's values develop as children are punished for doing what is wrong and rewarded for doing what is right. A recent modification of this two-fold process has been suggested by McKinney as instrumental in the development of moral behavior. McKinney pointed out that while learning theory and psychoanalytic theory have dealt with both positive and negative behaviors in the develOpment of values, another consideration involves the possibility that chil- dren might be punished for "not doing" good, that is, what they should; or they might be rewarded for "not doing" wrong, or what they shouldn't. A four-fold model was sug- gested by McKinney with a reinforcement dimension (reward or punishment) and a behavioral dimension (right doing or wrong doing). According to McKinney's model, the child learns a prescriptive value orientation when he is rewarded for doing what is good and punished for not doing good (sin of omission); and he learns a proscriptive value orien- tation when he is punished for doing wrong and rewarded for not doing wrong. The difference in the two value orien- tations is the result of emphasis being placed on either doing right (prescriptive) or doing wrong (proscriptive). McKinney's (1971) research has indicated that individual values do develop on a prescriptive-proscriptive dimension and that college students with a prescriptive value orien- tation perceived their parents as being more rewarding and less punitive, while the proscriptively-oriented subjects perceived the opposite. The present study was concerned with generosity in nursery school aged children and its relationship to the value orientation "taught" by parents to their children. While Rutherford and Mussen (1968) studied the effects of parental reward and punishment to doing good and doing wrong and explained their findings in terms of a child's identification with the parent, the present study attempted to apply the four-fold model suggested by McKinney (1971) to study the antecedents of generosity in nursery school children, and thereby eliminate the need to use the concept of identification in describing the acquisition of values as suggested by Hill (1960). Some behavior-contingent learning takes place when socializing agents use their rewards and punishments with the intention of modifying the child's behavior. Concrete rewards and punishments, praise and blame, and various other explicit indicators of approval or disapproval are the most obvious and direct channels of behavior-contingent socialization. Since more information is needed on the child rearing practices which influence the develOpment of children's altruistic behaviors, the purpose of the present study was to discover antecedent conditions of value orien- tations acquired through behavior-contingent learning and to find the relationship between these value orientations and generosity. The child who was guided by a prescriptive value orientation was expected to be more generous as emphasis has been placed on doing good behaviors in the home. Emphasis is placed on doing good behaviors when parents either reward their children for sharing their toys, helping their friends, or doing household chores or punish children for not sharing their toys, not cleaning their room, or not being kind to friends. Since Rutherford and Mussen (1968) found that warmth and nurturance were related to generosity, and McKinney found that subjects having a prescriptive value orientation perceive their parents as being more rewarding, it was expected that generosity would be related to the prescriptive value orientation in the family.. The empirical evidence suggests the following hypotheses: (a) the value orientation (prescriptive-proscriptive) can be measured and that there is a reliable difference between people holding prescrip- tive (ought to) values and those holding proscriptive (ought not to) values; (b) children will be more generous in those families in which the mothers and fathers have a prescriptive value orientation; (c) children with a pre- scriptive value orientation will be more generous; and (d) parents who are more rewarding than punitive in their discipline emphasis will have children who are more gener- ous . METHOD Subjects The parents of 34 boys and 44 girls between the ages of 4-0 and 4-11 enrolled in nursery schools and day care centers in a university community in the midwest agreed to be subjects and allowed their children to partici- pate in the experiment. While previous research on prescriptive and pro- scriptive value orientations has been primarily based on college students, nursery school aged children were chosen for this study because this age was most appropriate to measure the relationship between parent-child interactions and the acquisition of moral values; it was assumed that during these early years parental influences predominate over peer influences. Procedure There were two phases in the experiment. In the first phase, the children were observed for twenty minutes individually in a structured situation designed to determine the child's value orientation (either prescriptive or pro- scriptive) and the child's generosity to fictitious "needy children." While the child was at either a day care center 10 or nursery school, the teacher introduced the experimenter (E) to the child. The subject (S) was asked if he or she would like to play a game with E in another room. In the experimental room, E spent a few minutes developing rapport with 83 before the interview. Each S was asked to answer two questions: what makes a bad boy (girl) and what makes a good boy (girl)? Alternative questions such as when or why is a boy (girl) called a good boy (girl) were asked to make the questions clear and to obtain responses. Questions were asked in a random order. Subjects were then given a bag of 18 M&M candies which were poured out on a table. Subjects had an opportunity to give away some of their candy to "needy children," whose parents couldn't afford to buy them any candy. Two pictures of "needy children" (one boy and one girl) and a donation can were placed in front of the child on the table. Subjects were able to give some of their candy by placing it through a slot in a partially- filled donation can the contents of which were invisible to the Ss. Midlarsky and Bryan (1967) found that there were virtually no differences among 33 of varying grades regard- ing their tastes for M&M candies and that the differential preferences for M&Ms did not account for the variation in eight self sacrifice responses or donations exhibited by children. Each S was told that the size of the donation was his decision and that he did not have to give any candy if he did not want to do so. Subjects were told to put the 11 candies they wanted to give in the donation can and the ones they wanted to keep for themselves back into the plas- tic bag. In order to create anonymity for the donor, E left the room for a few minutes. Subjects were free to make their own choice without any additional pressure. Since all the M&M candies in the donation can were brown and Ss received other colored M&M candies, the amount donated by each S was easily obtained after S left the room. The generosity score was simply the number of candies S gave away. Each S was told that he could pick up his bag of M&Ms from the teacher at the end of the day. All 85 and teachers were satisfied with this procedure. Regardless of the amount of candy donated, all 83 received a bag of 18 M&Ms to take home. Value Orientation Measures The value orientation of the child was determined by scoring the responses to the two questions. The respon- ses were scored prescriptive when they included either doing good or avoiding good behaviors, and proscriptive when they included either doing wrong or avoiding wrong be- haviors. Responses which could not be classified as either prescriptive or proscriptive were not scored. The number of prescriptive and proscriptive responses were added separately and the differences between the number of pre- scriptive and proscriptive responses determined the child's value orientation. 12 In the second phase of the experiment, a question- naire which measured the value orientation of the parents was sent home with each child. The questionnaire consisted of a list of 24 behaviors a child might do or avoid (see Appendix), and the mothers and fathers were asked how much they would either punish or reward the suggested behaviors. The behaviors included the four types suggested by the four-fold model of McKinney (1971). There were six exam- ples of each of the following types of behaviors: doing wrong (items 3, 6, 8, 15, 17, 20), avoiding wrong (items 4, 7, 10, 12, 16, 24), doing good (items 2, 9, l3, 14, 21, 22), and avoiding good (items 1, 5, 11, 1e, 19, 23). These were listed in a random order, and the parents were asked to circle one number from 1 to 5 (very little to very much) as to how much they would reward or punish their child. The value orientation of the parents was determined by adding separately the punishments and rewards for the 12 prescriptive items and the punishments and rewards for the 12 proscriptive items and taking the difference between the two scores. If there was a stronger emphasis placed on the prescriptive items, then that parent was considered pre- scriptive in his value orientation. If there was a stronger emphasis placed upon the proscriptive items, then that parent was considered proscriptive in his value orientation. Similarly the emphasis on rewards versus punishments was measured by adding the scores on the 12 reward items and 13 then adding the scores on the 12 punishment items. There were an equal number of prescriptive and proscriptive value orientation items within the punishment-reward dimension, that is, there were 6 prescriptive-reward items and 6 prescriptive-punishment items. The difference between the punishment and reWard scores was used as a measure of dis— cipline emphasis. In addition, standard scores were computed for the prescriptive-reward items, the proscriptive-reward items, the prescriptive-punishment items, and the proscriptive- punishment items. These scores were computed so that the prescriptive items could be separated from the proscriptive items in analyzing the discipline emphasis (reward- punishment). Conversely, the reward items could be sepa- rated from the punishment items in analyzing the value orientation (prescriptive-proscriptive). RESULTS There were no significant sex differences (t