POVERTY AND PARTICIPATEON: VOLUNTARY ASSOCEATION AFFEUATEON [N A LOW- INCOME POPULATION Thesis for the Degree of M. A MiCHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ROBERT M. MCCANN, JR. " r‘ 1068 SSSSSS \\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\2\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\ . 1293 10523 S 5“ ABSTRACT POVERTY AND PARTICIPATION: VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION AFFILIATION IN A LOW-INCOME POPULATION By Robert M. McCann, Jr. This study examines the membership and participa- tion of low-income respondents in voluntary associations. Three dimensions of participation are examined: (1) the fact of membership, (2) office holding, and (3) belong- ing to two or more such organizations. The study is a secondary analysis of a random sample of 221 respondents, drawn from a low-income area within a middle-sized in- dustrial city. The respondents were found to be active in voluntary associations; #5 per cent claimed at least one membership, 21 per cent claimed two or more member- ships, and 20 per cent stated they held or had held of- fice. Educational attainment, occupational prestige, and residential stability were found to be strongly re- lated to membership and office holding. Respondents liv- ing alone were found to be more likely to belong and more likely to hold office. High family income was found to be related to office holding. Blue-collar Negroes were found to be more active participators than their white counterparts. Members were found to differ from non- members in certain important respects. They were found to have greater social awareness and were more adept at Robert M. McCann, Jr. solving problems. They were more aware of community problems and were more successful in dealing with social service agencies. Voluntary associations were observed to provide integrating and socializing functions. A sub-sample of respondents living below the poverty level was also examined. Affiliation and participation was found to be substantial in this group. Poor members differed from poor non-members in the same way that mem- bers were observed to differ from non-members. POVERTY AND PARTICIPATION VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATION AFFILIATION IN A LOW-INCOME POPULATION By Robert M. McCann, Jr. A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1968 1"} x I . . 3 V r " ,/ / "'1‘ V ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge my gratitude to those who have contributed directly to the completion of this vol- ume. The research, of which this study was a part, was supported by the School of Labor and Industrial Rela- tions of Michigan State University. I would like to thank Dr. Daniel Kruger, Dr.Philip M. Marcus and Mr. Earle Snider for permission to use their data. I am very much indebted to Dr. Philip M. Marcus for his guid- ance and for the many stimulating suggestions and criti- cisms he provided. I am also indebted to Dr. Sheldon G. Lowry, Dr. Harvey Choldin, Mr. Earle Snider, and Mr. Rollin M. Stoddard for their many helpful suggestions and criticisms. Most of all, I am indebted to my wife, Coral Jean, for her tolerence and for her typing. Robert M. McCann, Jr. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES INTRODUCTION THEORY AND HYPOTHESES RESEARCH PROCEDURE FINDINGS Who Belongs Effects of Membership Poverty and Participation CONCLUSIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX Additional Tables iii iv viii 10 20 26 AO 1+7 51» 61 65 Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table l. 9. 10. ll. 12. LIST OF TABLES Educational level by membership in voluntary associations Educational level by membership and occupational status Educational level by office holding Educational level by office holding and occupational status Size of family income as related to holding an office in a voluntary association Size of family income by office hold- ing and occupational status Occupational status by membership Occupational status by office holding Occupational status by office holding and educational attainment Length of time in the neighborhood by membership in voluntary associations Length of time in neighborhood by of- fice holding in a voluntary association Length of time in the city by member- ship in voluntary associations iv 27 27 28 28 29 30 31 31 32 33 33 3h Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 13. ll». 15. 16. l7. l8. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2h. 25. Race by membership, for blue-collar respondents Race by office holding, for blue- collar respondents Total family size by membership Total family size by office holding Total family size by office holding and occupational status Family size by office holding and educational level Having the ability to name a major need of people in the neighborhood, by membership How respondents perceived the major need might be met, by membership Being able to suggest how the major need might be met, by membership Being able to suggest how the major need might be met, by membership and educational level How respondents found the agency with which they had contact, by membership Respondents who found agency service hard to obtain, by membership Poverty level by office holding 35 35 36 37 37 38 Al A2 43 43 1+5 1+5 48 Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 26. 27. 28. 290 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. Identifying the major need of peOple in the neighborhood, by membership The ability of poor respondents to be able to identify a major need of peo- ple in the neighborhood, by membership How poor respondents perceived the ma- jor need might be met, by membership The ability of poor respondents to be able to suggest how the major need might be met, by membership How poor reapondents found out about the agency with which they had contact, by membership Poor reSpondents who found agency service hard to obtain, by membership Family income by membership Family income by membership and occupa- tional level Family income by membership and educa- tional attainment Family income by office holding and educational attainment Occupational status by membership and educational attainment Length of time in neighborhood by mem- bership and educational attainment Length of time in neighborhood by mem- bership and occupational level vi #9 50 50 51 52 52 65 65 66 66 67 67 68 Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 39. A0. 41. #2. #3. AA. 45- 46. A7. 48. #9. Length of time in neighborhood by of- fice holding and occupational level Length of time in neighborhood by of- fice holding and educational attainment Length of time in city by membership and educational attainment Length of time in city by membership and occupational level Total family size by membership and edu- cational attainment Total family size by membership and oc- cupational level The ability to be able to name a major need of peOple in the neighborhood, by membership and educational attainment The ability to be able to name a major need of people in the neighborhood, by membership and occupational level How respondents perceived the major need might be met, by membership and occupa- tional level How reSpondents perceived the major need might be met, by membership and educa- tional attainment Being able to suggest how the major need might be met, by membership and occupa- tional level vii 68 69 69 7O 7O 71 71 72 72 73 73 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Location of census tracts 13, 15, and 19 21 Figure 2. Concentration of physical blight 23 Figure 3. Concentration of social blight 24 viii INTRODUCTION This study is concerned with formal voluntary asso- ciations, and in particular, with the manner of partici- pation exhibited by residents of low income neighbor- hoods. It examines the organizational membership of low-income residents and explores the differences be- tween those who participate in voluntary associations and those who do not. The characteristics of members and non-members are examined and certain important ef- fects of membership are discussed. Voluntary associations can be defined as organiza- tions whose membership is comprised of individuals who have become affiliated by personal choice or individual volition.1 Most members are not paid to participate and members are not physically coerced into participation. Voluntary associations can be contrasted with work or- ganizations, where most members are paid to participate, and with coercive organizations, where most members are physically coerced into participating.2 Visitors to America are often surprised at the 1This definition is similar to that used by Smith. See David Horton Smith, “The Importance of Formal Volun- tary Organizations for Society, " Sociology and Social Research, 50, (July, 1966), p. L83. 2Distinctions used in the definition are based on the analysis of Amitai Etzioni, A Comparative Analysis of Complex Organizations, New York: The Free Press, A Division of:the Macmillan Co., 1961, Chapters 2 and 3. 1 number and variety of voluntary associations found in American communities, and the degree of involvement of Americans in these organizations.3 The huge number of voluntary associations found in contemporary society, the number and variety of goals and objectives finding expression through voluntary as- sociations, and the great numbers of people involved in such organizations has been well demonstrated.h It has been well established that a great many Americans belong to voluntary associations. wright and Hyman, utilizing a national, random sample of 2,379 adults, found that 36 per cent held a membership in at least one association.5 This study did not consider union membership or church membership in arriving at this figure. These students also found that of those belonging to associations, 1? per cent belonged to two or more. Mbst researchers have found a higher rate of organizational affiliation than that reported by Wright and Hyman. Axelrod, for exam- ple, utilized a random sample of the adult population of 3 See for example Alexis de Toc ueville Democrac in America, New'Yorkz’ Vintage Books? 1954, 01 II. hSee, Murray Hausknecht, The Joiners New York: The Bedminister Press, 1962. See also, Encyclopedia of As- sociations, third edition, Volume I: NatibnaIIOrganiza- tions of the United States, Detroit, Michigan: Gale Re- search Company, 1961. SCharles R. Wright and Herbert H. Hyman, "Voluntary Association Memberships of American Adults: Evidence from National Sample Surveys " American Sociological Re- view, 23 (June, 1958), pp. zéa-294. 3 metrOpolitan Detroit and found that 63 per cent of the residents belonged to one or more associations.6 Axel- rod included union membership but not church membership. Similarly, Goldhammer distributed a questionnaire to ap- proximately 5,500 Chicago residents and found that 70 per cent of the men, and 60 per cent of the women in his sample, belonged to at least one association.7 Goldham- mer considered union membership but not church member- ship in arriving at these figures. The lower rate of organizational participation re- ported by Wright and Hyman is probably a result of the nature of their sample. Wright and Hyman utilized data obtained from two national surveys and they included rural respondents in their samples. The rural mileaux is not as condusive to the formation of voluntary asso- ciations as is the urban.8 It has been demonstrated that rural residents are not extensive joiners.9 Not all members of associations are equally active. 6Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social Par- ticipation," American Sociological Review, 21 (February, 1956 . pp. 13-18. 7Goldhammer's sample was not selected on a proba- bility—design basis, and 22 per cent of the 5,500 sched- ules were distributed to persons known to be members of at least one voluntary association. He relates that be- cause of the nature of the sample, the membership rates he found are almost unquestionably the maximum possible number of urbanites with affiliations. See, Herbert Goldhammer, "Some Factors Affecting Participation in Voluntary Associations," in E. W. Burgess and D. Bogue, (eds.) antributions to Urban Sociology, Chicago, 111: University of Chicago Press, 196h A Although the number of persons claiming organizational membership appears to be quite large, it should be noted that voluntary associations often have the active par- ticipation of only a minority of their members.10 Axel- rod, for example, noted that while membership rates were high, one-quarter of those claiming affiliation had not attended a meeting, and one-third only rarely attended meetings of associations of which they were members.11 Little research has been completed in which an at- tempt has been made to study the relationship between area of residence and membership in voluntary associa- tions. While the slum has been extensively examined, 8The rural community is more of an all-inclusive social group. Members know each other and are accessi- ble to each other. Racial, national, religious and economic differences are not as extreme as in tfie city. There is a high degree of direct communication and less social exclusiveness and specialization of interests. In the city, the family has fewer economic, protective, educational and recreational functions. Many of the services and functions provided by the family and other primary groups in rural areas have been assumed by other agencies. These include commercial establishments, schools, government units and voluntary associations. 93ee for example, Ted Teruo Jitodai‘ “Urban-Rural Background and Formal Group Memberships, Rural Sociolo- gy, 30, (March, 1965), pp. 75-83. 1OSee, Bernard Barber "Participation and Mass Apa- thy in Associations," in Alvin W. Gouldner (ed.), Stud- iesin Leadership: Leadership and Democratic Actign New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950, pp. h77-50h. so also, W. Keith Warner, "Attendance and Division of Labor in Voluntary Associations," Rural Sociology, 29, (Decem- ber, 196A), pp. 396-407. 1J'Morris Axelrod, op. cit. 5 few studies have focused on the role of voluntary asso- ciations in low-income areas. Early students of urban sociology drawing upon the classical theories of Durkheim, Simmel, and Tonnies, tended to emphasize the social disorganization of the slum.12 In examining urbanization, for example, Wirth discussed urban social systems in terms of size, density, and heterogeneity.13 He saw these as important in af- fecting the social relations in an urban environment. Wirth stated that an "increase in the number of inhabit- ants of a community beyond a few hundred is bound to limit the possibility of each member knowing all the others personally."lh High population density was seen by the early stu- dents, as affecting the character of social relation- ships. It was implyed that under these circumstances, contact as full personalities became impossible and hu- man relationships became segmentalized. Differentiation and specialization in land use and in occupations was seen as accompanying urbanization. The urban mileaux in general was seen as differentiated and disorganized, 12This position is maintained by Nicholas Babchuk and C. wayne Gordon, The Voluntary Association in the Slum, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1962, p. 10. 13Louis Wirth, "Urbanism as a way of Life," Ameri- can Journal of Sociology, AA, (July, 1938), pp. l-2A. 151b1d., p. 11. 6 but the greatest disorganization was seen as occurring in the slum. It was here that social relationships were viewed as being most transitory, anonymous, and segmen- talized. Burgess, in his theory of city growth, presented such a view of the slum. He postulated an ideal-type city which was constituted of a series of concentric circles.15 It should be noted that in moving from the suburbs to the center of the city, both physical deteri- oration and social disorganization were seen as increas- ing. In Zone II, the area containing the slum deteri- oration and disorganization were said to be most evident. ' Burgess related that poverty, bad housing, family disin- tegration, juvenile delinquency, and poor health were more characteristic of this zone than of the others. In The Gold Coast and the Slum, Zorbaugh compared an affluent area with a slum.16 His perspective was con- sistent with that of Wirth and Burgess. He saw the slum as an area of high mobility, delinquency, and vice. He discussed the "disorganized" aspects of the slum, and suggested that its residents had little community 15Ernest W. Burgess, ”The Growth of the City: An In- troduction to a Research Project," in R. E. Park, E. W. Burgess, and R. D. McKenzie, (eds.) The City, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925, pp. 47- 2. 16Harvey W. Zorbaugh, The Gold Coast and the Slum, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929. 7 awareness. The slum was seen as an area inhabited by transient rooming house tenants and the first generation ethnic p0pulation. Early urban sociologists were preoccupied with the dramatic and disorganized aspect of the slum and they subsequently overlooked the "normal" law-abiding, inte- grated, and organized pOpulation within such an area.17 It is easy to conceive how this could occur, however. Vice, crime, delinquency, and social pathology in gen- eral is more common in the slum; and it is true that minority and ethnic group members, as well as recent mi- grants from rural areas commonly reside in such low- income areas. It has become apparent, however, that early descriptions of the slum were over-simplified. In addition to the widely discussed disorganized areas, there are many well integrated, homogeneous, stable neighborhoods. Perhaps the first student to recognize this and challenge the earlier assumptions was William F. Whyte. He recognized that slum areas had a considerable range in types of social organization. In Street Corner Soci- ety, Whyte described a well organized and integrated 17Nicholas Babchuk and C. wayne Gordon, 0p. cit., p. 115. 8 ethnic neighborhood within a slum.18 He also noted that the area had a number of voluntary associations. Recent thinking in this area has led to a concep- tion of the slum as a series of neighborhoods; such as racial, ethnic, and rooming-house neighborhoods.19 If urban low-income areas are examined in this manner, it reduces the inherent contradictions in the theoretical schemes discussed above. Well integrated neighborhoods can exist even in slum areas. Within these neighbor- hoods, considerable social organization is in evidence. The extent of social organization which can occur in a low-income area has recently been well documented 20 He made an extensive study of Bos- by Herbert Cans. ton's West End. This area was adjacent to the North End, where Whyte made his classic study reported in Street Corner Society. At the time of Gans' investiga- tion, the West End had been identified by the city of- ficials as a slum; and it was scheduled to be torn down under the federal renewal program. Cans, in studying 18It should be noted that this was a case study and that Whyte was focusing on organization. It is possible that the degree of social organization observed by Whyte in Boston's North End does not occur in many low-income areas. See, William F. Whyte, Street Corner Society, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, l9h3. 19 p. 12. 20Herbert J. Gans, The Urban Villagers, New York: The Free Press, A Division of the Macmillan Co., 1962. Nicholas Babchuk and C. wayne Gordon, op. cit., 9 the Italian-American population in this area, found a high degree of social organization to be present. So- cial interaction among many residents was intense. Cans discovered that these residents, particularly those of the second generation, tended to band together into peer groups. The peer groups were composed of friends and relatives of approximately the same age. Members of the peer group were of both sexes, but interaction among the members tended to be limited to those of the same sex. The peer groups met nightly and visiting often continued into the early morning hours. Gans reported that the hold of the peer group was so great that many members were unable to conceive of leaving the neighborhood and the group. As related above, few studies have attempted to ex- amine the relationship between membership in voluntary associations and area of residence. One exception is a study by Bell and Force.21 They discovered that many persons living in a rooming-house slum area belonged to voluntary associations. They also found, however, that these residents were less likely to hold memberships than were residents of more affluent areas; and that they were less likely to hold office or attend meetings as often. 1Wendell Bell and Maryanne T. Force, "Social Structure and Participation in Different es of Formal Associations," Social Forces, 3A (May, 1956 , pp. 345-350. 10 The existence of voluntary associations in a low- income area was also documented by Babchuk and Gordon.22 They noted the comparative ease with which a profession- al community organizer was able to develop voluntary as- sociations among slum residents. They also discuss the wide range of organizations to which the residents be- longed. THEORY AND HYPOTHESES The central emphasis of this research is the exam- ination of the extent of participation, in voluntary as- sociations, exhibited by residents of loweincome areas. It explores the characteristics of those found to be members, and compares these members with those found to be non-members. Also of interest is the manner of par- ticipation of “poor" reapondents. The research examines organizational participation among this group to see if it differs from that of the non-poor respondents, and to see what effect affiliation produces on each. Voluntary associations do more than provide their members with an avenue for sociability and entertain- ment; they also serve to integrate the member to his community, and it has been suggested that they serve to integrate the wider society by providing important links 22Nicholas Babchuk and C. wayne Gordon, op. cit. ll 23 between communities. Numerous studies have indicated that education is related both to holding membership in voluntary associa- tions and to the intensity of participation of the mem- bers.24 Lazerwitz, for example, utilizing data from a large national sample found that increasing activity in voluntary associations is directly associated with high- er educational achievement.25 Rose found that group leaders were much more likely to have had at least some college education than was the general pOpulation.26 Similarly, Goldhammer27 reported that the higher the lev- el of education, the greater the rate of participation, and further, that the more highly educated an individual is, the more likely it will be that he will assume a 23See for example, Ruth C. Young and Olaf F. Lar- son, "The Contribution of Voluntary Organizations to Communit Structure " American Journal of Sociology, 71 (1965 , pp. 178-186. 253cc for example Mirra Komarovsky, "The Voluntary Associations of Urban Dwellers,” American Sociglogicgl Review, 11 (December 19A6), pp. 686-698; See also, John Scott Jr., "Membership and Participation in Voluntary Associationsi; American Sociologica Review, 22 (June, 1957), pp. 3 4326. 25Bernard Lazerwitz "Membership in Voluntary Asso- ciations and Frequency of Church Attendance " Jog%nal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2 (Fall, 19 2 , pp 0 7L-8If 0 26Arnold M. Rose, “Alienation and Participation: A Comparison of Group Leaders and the 'Mass', " American Sociological Review, 27 (December, l962),-pp. 834-838. 27Herbert Goldhammer, op. cit., p. 229. 12 leadership position. The following hypothesis was derived to test this relationship: Those with higher educational attainment will have a higher rate of organizational participation. Also of interest is the relationship between other class-linked variables, such as occupation and income, and participation in voluntary associations. It has been noted that persons of higher socio-economic status are more likely to join, and more likely to hold leader- ship positions in voluntary associations. They also tend to join different types of associations. For exam- ple, Freeman, Novak, and Reeder found that income was the most useful variable for predicting whether an indi- 28 Nather vidual held a membership in an association. found higher-income to be related to belonging to a wider range of types of voluntary organizations.29 With re- spect to occupational level, Hagedorn and Labovitz30 found that respondents having higher occupational pres- tige tended to be more likely to join, and participated 28Howard E. Freeman, Edwin Novak, and Leo G. Reeder, ”Correlates of Membership in Voluntary Associations," American Sociological Review, 22 (October, 1957), pp. 528-533 0 29William G. Mather, "Income and Social Participa- téon,; American Sociological Review, 6 (June, 19L1) pp. 3 0'3 lie 3ORobert Hagedorn and Sanford Labovitz, “An Analy- sis of Community and Professional Participation Among Occupations," Social Forces, 16 (June, 1967), pp. A83- A91. 13 to a greater extent than those with lower occupational prestige. Scott reported that non-manual workers are greater participators than manual workers;31 and Rose found that 52 per cent of the leaders in his sample were from professional or managerial occupations, while only 12 per cent of the general pepulation fell in this cate- gory.32 These conclusions were utilized to derive the following hypotheses: The higher the occupational status, the greater the rate of organizational participation. The larger the income the greater the rate of organizational participation. The relationship between residential stability and participation in voluntary associations will also be ex- amined. It would seem logical that the most stable res- idents would be most likely to join. This has been more often assumed than demonstrated, however. One study bearing on this relationship was conducted by Jitodai. He found that recent migrants to the Detroit area had membership rates significantly lower than those of the natives.33 Jitodai related that rural migrants had somewhat lower rates than migrants from urban areas, but that migrants from both groups who had lived in Detroit for a longer period of time tended to resemble the 31 32 33 John Scott, Jr., op. cit. Arnold M. Rose, op. cit., p. 83A. Ted Teruo Jitodai, op. cit., p. 82. 1h natives in rate of affiliation. The following hypothe- sis was derived for testing: Length of residency is positively related to organizational participation. The extent of participation of minority-group mem- bers has not been widely examined. There appears to be some evidence that Negroes, particularly lower-class Negroes, are diSproportionately represented in voluntary associations. Babchuk and Thompson found Negroes to be more likely to be affiliated with voluntary associations than whites. This was especially true at the lower- class level. They found that 75 per cent of the Negroes in their sample held at least one membership.35 These findings are in agreement with Myrdal's thesis that American Negroes are more inclined to join voluntary as- sociations than are whites.35 Drake and Cayton, howa ever, found many Negro organizations, but they report that very few lower-class Negroes participated in them.36 Dackawich found that working-class Negroes held more 3“Nicholas Babchuk and Ralph v. Thompson "The Vol- untary Associations of Negroes," American Sociological Review, 27 (October, 1962), pp. 6A7-655. 35Gunner Myrdal, Richard Sterner, and Arnold Rose, An American Dilemma, New York: Harper, 19AA, p. 952. 6 3 St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Me- tro olis, New York: Harcourt, Brace, 19A5, pp. 606-607. l5 memberships than working-class whites.37 He states, (however, that this was partially because Negroes be- longed to more church related voluntary associations. There was a smaller difference between the two groups when the comparison was limited to membership in non- church related organizations. The following hypothesis is derived from these conclusions: Negroes will have a higher rate of organizational participation than will whites. Certain other variables will be examined. For ex- ample, age appears to be related to organizational par- ticipation. Babchuk and Edwards note that participation of adults generally increases with age reaching a peak at 50 or 60 years of age and then declining.38 Similar- ly, Lazerwitz found participation increased from a low point in the 21-2A year old group to a fairly constant high level from 30 to A0 years and then decreased quite regularly until old age, where the level is about that of the young group.39 Goldhammer also found high mem- bership rates for mature or middle-aged adults, and 37John Dackawich, "Voluntary Associations of Cen- tral Area Negroes,“ Pacific Sociological Review, 9 (Fall, 1966), pp. 7A-78. 38Nicholas Babchuk and John N. Edwards, "Voluntary Associations and the Integration Hypothesis," Sociologi- cal Inquiry, 35 (Spring, 1965), pp. 1A9-l62. 39Bernard Lazerwitz, op. cit., pp. 77-78. 16 lower rates for young adults and older adults.“0 In this research, three age groups will be examined. ”Young" (29 years & under), "mature" (30 to 59 years), and "older” (60 years & over), respondents will be in- vestigated to see if there are differences in their or- ganizational participations. It has also been noted that there is a differential between male and female participation. Generally, it has been found that the participation rate of males is greater than that for females. This has been found to be true in studies of the general population,41 and in studies of ethnic42 and Negro p0pu1ations.‘+3 This study will examine the participation of male and female re- spondents and compare their rates of office holding and membership. It would appear that marital status might influence organizational participation. Research in this area has produced contradictory results, however, and it is not yet clear whether the married participate to a greater extent than the unmarried. In this research, marital 40 L1See for example, Bernard Lazerwitz, 0p. cit., pp. 78-79. See also, John Scott, Jr., op. cit., p. 32A. Herbert Goldhammer, op. cit., p. 229. thartolomeo M. Palisi, "Ethnic Generation and So- cial Participation," Sociological Inquiry, 35 (Spring, 1965), pp. 219-226. #3 p. 652. Nicholas Babchuk and Ralph V. Thompson, 0p. cit., 1? status, per se, will not be examined. A more fruitful approach will be the comparison of the organizational participation of those respondents who live alone (one person families), and those who live with other people (larger families). Persons who live alone are deprived of the functions and services commonly provided by the family. Voluntary associations are one of the agencies which provide these functions and services for such in- dividuals. Organizational participation may be related to the number of friendships an individual has. Sills has in- dicated that people are often influenced into joining groups through the persuasion of close friends.55 Bab- chuk and Thompson, in a study of Negro participation, found that persons claiming at least six close friends were both more likely to be members, and more likely to have multiple memberships.L5 Similarly, Palisi found that Italian-American respondents citing seven or more friends were significantly more likely to belong to at least one formal organization than those listing less than seven friends.’+6 Finally, Rose found group leaders M’David Sills, The Volunteers, Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1957. 6 h5Nicholas Babchuk and Ralph v. Thompson. 0p. cit-. pe 520 A6Bartolomeo J. Palisi, "Patterns of Social Parti- cipation in a Two-Generation Sample of Italian-Ameri- cgnsi"8Sociological Quarterly, 7 (Spring, 1966), pp. 17‘7e l8 claimed to have more close friends than did individuals from the general pOpulation.l’7 In this study, the rates of membership and office holding of those respondents who reported having seven or more "best" or "close" friends are compared with those who reported having six or fewer friends. The composition of the family also has an influence on organizational participation. Lazerwitz found that families with no children in the home were the least ac- tive in voluntary associations. He found an increase in organizational activity for one child families, and a substantial increase for two child families. Larger families were slightly less active than two child fami- lies.48 In this research, respondents having children (under 18 years old and in the home) are compared with those who do not have children. The rates of membership and office holding of the two groups are examined and compared. It has been noted that integration and socializa- tion are two important functions provided by voluntary associations.“’9 If this is true, then organizational members should be more integrated into their community than non-members. If socialization, (or education in h7Arnold M. Rose, op. cit., p. 835. 8 h Bernard Lazerwitz, op. cit., p. 80. thee for example, David Horton Smith, op. cit. 19 its broadest sense), occurs in voluntary associations, then members should be more knowledgeable or skillful than non-members. This research will examine the re- sponses of members and non-members to see if members ap- pear to be more integrated into the community, and to see if they appear to possess greater pragmatic know- ledge. A sub-sample of respondents living in poverty will be examined in the same way. RESEARCH PROCEDURE The data for the present study were obtained from a larger survey concerned with community needs.50 The study was conducted during the winter of 1967; and the sample was drawn from a universe of adult residents of three low-income census tracts in Lansing, Michigan.51 A structured schedule was used. A sample of 300 house- holds was drawn at random. The interviews were conduc- ted in the late afternoon or evening. This helped to insure that males would be well represented. The sched- ule was protested prior to its use. A total of 221 com- pleted schedules was obtained, which was a response rate of 7A per cent. The three census tracts were adjacent to each other. The area sampled lies partly in the city's center, and partly in the interstitial zone. The location of the area is shown in Figure 1. According to information ob- tained from the 1960 census, the tracts chosen for study possessed a higher rate of poverty characteristics than other tracts in the city. Twenty-two per cent of the 50The study was conducted by Daniel Kruger, Philip M. Marcus, and Earle Snider, and was supported bythe School of Labor and Industrial Relations of Michigan State University. 51The population of the central city in 1968 was approximately 130,000; and that of the metrOpolitan area was approximately 350,000. See, "Area POpulation Con- tinues Rise “ Lansing, Michigan, The State Journal, Feb- ruary A, 1968, section B, p. 6. 20 21 ODD D DDUDDDDDUDDDDU Location of census tracts l , 15, and 19 Figure l. 22 residents of the area were Negro. Median family income was low; the 1960 census lists the median family income as$h,786, $5,33h, and $5,A22 for the three tracts. The rate of unemployment was reported as 7.8 per cent. Edu- cational level was low, as compared with the general population. The median school years completed by persons twenty-five years old and over was reported as 9.A, 11.0, and 11.8 for the three tracts. iost of the area under discussion falls within the areas identified by the ~ city's community renewal office as suffering from physi- cal and social "blight."52 This is demonstrated in Fig- ures 2 and 3. Churches will not be considered to be voluntary as- sociations in this study. None of the studies discussed in this paper included churches as voluntary associations. Special interest groups affiliated with churches, such as bowling teams or ladies aid societies, would be con- sidered voluntary associations in the present usage of the term. Similarly, unions are excluded because union membership is required in factories having union shop provisions, and membership is often a prerequisite in other work situations. 52Community Services Council, Lansing, Michigan, 'Reporton Social Blight," prepared for the Community Renewal Office, City of Lansing, Michigan, March 1967. The measure of "social blight" was determined by asking a number of social-service agencies the geographical .location of heavy client concentrations. "Physical 'blight' is a measure of deterioration of buildings. . 23 . - .1 .l __ -. Figure 2. Concentration of physical blight .7 ‘ 2:235 I“ . . . \‘wrfl . 2h a C] DEN] DEN] [3D EN] [N] C] I] C] CUE] I __ 7 Figure 3.» Concentration 0 social blight ’ I 25 Several dimensions of organizational participation will be examined. These are whether a reapondent holds at least one membership, holds two or more memberships, or holds an office. A member will be defined as anyone who has claimed membership; similarly, those considered to be officers will be those who have claimed to hold an office. Finally, the chi-square test will be used in exam- ining the significance of association. In tables with small frequencies, a Yates correction will be employed when computing the chi-square. FINDINGS Who Belongs Analysis of the data revealed that many residents of low-income neighborhoods do participate in voluntary associations. Forty-five per cent of the respondents claimed membership in at least one voluntary associa- tion; 21 per cent claimed they belonged to two or more such organizations; and 20 per cent stated they held or had held an office in organizations on which they were reporting. Educational level was found to be strongly associa- ted with organizational participation. Respondents who attended some college were significantly more likely to belong to one voluntary association than respondents who had finished high school or less. Similarly, those who attended some college were much more likely to belong to two or more organizations. Table 1 presents these data. This relationship was not greatly altered when an occu- pational control was introduced. Although, controlling for occupation did indicate that the relationship was strongest for white collar reapondents. This is depic- ted in Table 2. 26 27 Educational level by membership in voluntary Table 1. associations Educational level Member- Some college Finished high ships or more school or less Belongs to two or more 35.2 15.4 Belongs to one 27.8 23.9 Does not belong 37.0 60.7 Total 100.0% (54) 100.0% (163) x2 - 12.39 p<.005 df - 2 N - 217 (4 no-response) Educational level by membership and occupa- Table 2. tional status White-collar Blue-collar Some Finished Some Finished Member- college high school college high school ships or more or less or more or less Two or more 44.8 15.4 16.7 13.8 One 2706 3h06 [+1.7 26.3 None 27.6 50.0 41.7 60.0 Total 100.0% (29) 100.0% (26) 100.1% (12) 100.1% (80) X2 . 5.86 p<310 df . 2 12 - 1.52 df - 2 N = 55 (not sig.) N - 92 (2 no-response) Educational level was also found to be associated with holding office. ReSpondents who attended some col- lege were more likely to claim they held or had held of- fice. This relationship is shown in Table 3. 28 Table 3. Educational level by office holding Some college Finished high or more school or less Holds office 31.5 15-3 Does not hold office 68.5 84.7 Total 100.0% (54) 100.0% (163) x2 - 5.78 p<.025 df - l N = 213 (8 no-response) When an occupational control was introduced, how- ever, it was found that the relationship was true only for white collar respondents. Among blue collar respon- dents, the relationship was slightly negative.53 See Table 4. Educational level by office holding and occu- Table 4. pational status White-collar Blue-collar Some Finished Some Finished college high school college high school or more or less or more or less Holds office 55.2 15.4 0.0 15.0 Does not hold 44.8 84.6 100.0 85.0 office Total 100.0% (29) 100.0% (26) 100.0% (12) 100.0% (80) I X2 - 7.74 p<.Ol df = l X2 - 0.95 df - 1 N = 55 (not 31 .) N - 92 I2 no-response) 53This result is hard to explain. The number of cases is small (12). Also, these respondents probably have low incomes and appear to be employed in jobs be- low their skill level. 29 Family income was found to be associated with or- ganizational participation, but the relationship was not significant. Respondents with higher incomes were more likely to belong to two or more voluntary associations, and somewhat more likely to belong to one organization. This tendency remained when occupation and education were held constant, but the relationship was not found to be statistically significant}!+ A significant relationship, however, was found be- tween office holding and high family income. Those with higher family incomes were found to be more likely to hold office. This is depicted in Table 5. Size of family income as related to holding Table 5. an office in a voluntary association 4 High income Low income Holds office 29.8 16.4 Does not hold office 70.2 83.6 Total 100.0% (57) 100.0% (140) 12 - 3.70 p<.10 df - 1 N - 197 (24 no-reSponse) The tendency for those having higher family incomes to be more likely to hold office was changed somewhat after the introduction of an occupational control. ShThe table showing the relationship between family :income and organizational membership, and the tables showing this variable when occupation and education are controlled, can be found in the appendix. 30 The relationship between high family income and office holding remained for blue-collar reSpondents, but it was diminished for white-collar reSpondents. See Table 6. Size of family income by office holding and Table 6. occupational status Blue-collar White-collar High Low High Low income income income income Holds office 25.0 6.8 42.9 33.3 Does not hold ‘ 75.0 93.2 57.1 66.7 office Total 100.0% (28) 100.0% (59) 100.0% (21) 100.0% (30) x2 - 4.18 p<.05 df - l 12 - 0.16 df = 1 N - 87 (7 no-reSponse) (not sig.) N - 51 (4 no-response) Occupation was found to be related to participation in voluntary associations. White-collar respondents were found to be more likely to belong to one associa- tion than were blue-collar respondents. They were also more likely to be affiliated with two or more organiza- tions. Blue-collar reapondents were much more likely to be without organizational affiliations. These relation- ships remained after education was held constant.55 These relationships are depicted in Table 7. 55The table depicting the relationship between oc- cupational status and membership in voluntary associa- tions, with education held constant, is presented in the appendix. 31 Table 7. Occupational status by membership Memberships White-collar Blue-collar Belongs to two or more 30.9 14.9 Belongs to one 3009 2707 Does not belong 38.2 57.4 Total 100.0% (55) 100.0% (94) X2 ' 7.04 p<.05 df - 2 N - 14956 White-collar respondents were also more likely to be officers than were blue-collar respondents. This is shown in Table 8. Table 8. Occupational status by office holding White-collar Blue-collar Holds office 36.4 13.8 Does not hold office 63.6 86.2 Total 100.0% (55) 100.0% (94) 12 - 8.95 p<.01 df - l N - 119 56 It was not possible to classify 72 respondents occupationally. These respondents were not in the work force. Analysis of this sub-sample revealed that they were nearly all housewives. This group did not appear to differ greatly from the larger sample with respect to the other variables investigated in this study. It should be observed that in tables where occupation is held constant, the total N is also reduced to 149. Ta- bles 2, 4, 6, 8, 9, and 17 have a total N of 149 for this reason. 32 When education was held constant, it was found that the relationship between white-collar occupational sta- tus and office holding disappeared for respondents hav- ing low educational attainment, but remained for the more highly educated respondents. See Table 9. Occupational status by office holding and Table 9. educational attainment "Higher” "Lower” educational educational attainment attainment White Blue White Blue collar collar collar collar Holds office 55.2 0.0 15.0 15.4 Does not hold 44.8 100.0 85.0 84.6 office Total 100.0% (29) 100.0% (12) 100.0% (26) 100.0% (80) x; - 8.66 p<.01 df = 1 12 - 0.05 df - l N - 41 (not sig.) N - 106 (2 no-response) Residential stability appears to be related to par- ticipation in voluntary associations. Respondents who had resided in their neighborhood for one year or long- er were found to be somewhat more likely to belong to one organization than were reSpondents who had lived in their neighborhood less than one year. Those living in their neighborhood for one year or longer, were also more likely to belong to two or more voluntary associa- tions, and were more likely to be office holders. In- troduction of occupational and educational controls did 33 not alter the relationships.57 These relationships are shown in Tables 10 and 11. Length of time in the neighborhood by mem- Table 10. bership in voluntary associations Memberships Over one year Under one year Belongs to two or more 25.0 14.3 Belongs to one 25.7 22.1 Does not belong 49.3 63.6 Total 100.0% (110) 100.0% (77) 12 - 1.79 p<.10 df - 2 N - 217 (4 no-re3ponse) Length of time in neighborhood by office Table 11. holding in a voluntary association Over one year Under one year Holds office 23.6 13.0 Does not hold office 76.4 87.0 Total 100.0% (110) 100.0% (77) x2 - 2.87 p<.10 df - l N . 21 (4 no-reSponse An additional index of residential stability, the length of time the respondent had resided in the city, also provided evidence that residential stability is re- lated to organizational participation. The prOportion 57These tables appear in the appendix. 34 of respondents who belonged to one voluntary association was about the same for both long and short term resie dents of the city. Respondents who had lived in the city for four years or longer, however, were much more likely to belong to two or more such organizations. Table 12 depicts these relationships. Length of time in the city by membership Table 12. in voluntary associations Memberships Over four years Under four years Belongs to two or more 25.2 10.5 Belongs to one 24.5 26.3 Does not belong 50.3 63.2 Total 100.0% (159) 100.0% (57) 12 - 5.52 p<.10 df = 2 N a 216 (5 no-response) The relationship remained when occupation and education were held constant. There appeared to be little rela- tionship between long tenure in the city and holding of- fice. It was anticipated that Negroes in the sample would prove to be greater participators than white reSpondents. Little difference in participation rates was observed, however, until an occupational control was introduced. The Negro respondents in the sample were disproportion- ately blue-collar, and when they were compared with blue-collar white reapondents, a relationship appeared. 35 Blue-collar Negro respondents were found to be somewhat more likely to belong to one voluntary association than were their white counterparts. Similarly, blue-collar Negro reSpondents were found to be more likely to hold office, and more likely to belong to two or more organi- zations. While these relationships were not found to be statistically significant, they are consistent with oth- er findings. See Tables 13 and 14. Race by membership, for blue-collar re- Table 13. spondents Memberships Negro White Belongs to two or more 17.6 15.1 Belongs to one 35.3 26.4 Does not belong 47.1 58.5 Total 100.0% (34) 100.0% (53) x2 - 1.12 (not sig.) df - 2 N = 87 (7 no-response) Race by office holding, for blue-collar Table 14. respondents Negro - White Holds office 23.5 9.4 RSI; gggice 76.5 90.6 Total 100.0% (34) 3106.0% (53) x2= 2.22 (not sig.) df = 1 N = 87 (7 no-response) 36 Age and sex were expected to be important variables related to organizational participation. In the present research, however, these variables were not found to be related to belonging to one association, belonging to two or more associations, or holding office. Similarly, controlling for educational level, as well as occupation, failed to reveal any important relationships. The structure and size of the family is an important variable. Respondents who lived alone (one person fami- lies) were found to be greater participators than those who lived with other people (larger families). ReSpond- ents who lived alone were found to be more likely to be- long to organizations. These relationships remained relatively unchanged when controls were introduced.58 See Table 15. Table 15. Total family size by membership One person Larger Memberships family family Belongs to two or more 26.4 18.9 Belongs to one 30.2 23.2 Does not belong 14301? 5709 Total 100.0% (53) 100.0% (164) x2 - 3.11 (not sig.) df - 2 N a 217 (4 no-response) 58 These tables appear in the appendix. 37 Similarly, a greater proportion of persons who lived alone claimed to hold leadership positions. The intro- duction of educational and occupational controls did not greatly alter the relationship between living alone and holding office; but, it revealed that this relationship was clearest among reapondents having higher socio- economic status. Tables 16, 17, and 18 show the rela- tionship between family size and holding office. Table 16. Total family size by office holding One person Larger family family Holds office 32.1 15.9 Does not hold office 67.9 84.1 Total 100.0% (53) 100.0% (164) 12 . 5.65 p<.025 df = 1 N - 217 Total family size by office holding and Table 17. occupationa status White-collar Blue-collar One person Larger One person Larger family family family family Holds office 57.9 25.0 16.7 13.5 Does not hold 42.1 75.0 83.3 86.5 office Total 100.0% (19) 100.0% (36) 100.0% (18) 100.0% (74) 12 - 4.48 p<.05 df . l 12 - 0.01 df - l N ‘ 55 (not sig.) N = 92 (2 no-response) 38 Family size by office holding and educa- Table 18. tional level "Higher” "Lower" educational educational attainment attainment One person Larger One person Larger family family family family Holds office 53.3 23.1 23.7 12.9 Does not hold 46.7 76.9 76.3 87.1 office Total 100.0% (15) 100.0% (39) 100.0% (38) 100.0% (121) 12 - 3.30 p<.10 df - l 12 - 1.83 df . 1 N = 54 (not sig.) N - 162 (1 no-response) It was anticipated that having children in the home would be related to organizational participation. Hav- ing children in the home, however, was not found to be related to belonging to one association, belonging to two or more associations, or holding office. The two final variables considered were the number of "best" or ”close" friends the respondents claimed to have, and whether the reapondents had relatives living in the city. It was thought that friends and relatives might be influential in inducing participation in volun- tary associations. These variables were only slightly related to affiliation and to holding office; and the relationships were not significant. As noted earlier, a considerable proportion of the residents of the low-income area surveyed, participated 39 in voluntary associations. Many of these respondents belonged to several organizations, and many were offi— cers. Previous research has shown that socio-economic variables are strongly related to participation in vol- untary associations. Most earlier studies, however, have concentrated on the membership and participation of middle-class individuals. The present research has dem- onstrated that even in a low-income area, inhabited by people of relatively low social status, educational lev- el, family income, and occupational prestige are strong- ly related to organizational participation. Residents of low-income areas are commonly thought to move more often than the general population. The present research has shown that respondents who have re- sided in the city longer, and respondents who have lived in the neighborhood longer, are more apt to be associa- tion members and officers. It may be that such residen- tial stability as exists is aided by the "ties" that or- ganizational participation provides. An additional important finding was the rate of Ne- gro participation. Blue-collar Negroes were found to be active participators. Effects of Membership The research also investigated the reSponses mem- bers and non-members gave to questions about problems of peOple in their neighborhood and about their contact with social-service agencies. Voluntary associations have many functions. In ad- dition to the obvious but important function of provid- ing an avenue for pleasurable activity, and personal gratification through face-to-face interaction, volun- tary associations also provide integrating and sociali- zing functions. In this section, it will be shown that, on the ba- sis of the reSponses they gave, members appear to be more integrated into their community than non-members. Similarly, members appear to be more skillful in identi- fying and solving problems. Some evidence was found supporting the contention that voluntary associations serve to integrate their members to the larger society. When the respondents were asked what the people in their neighborhood needed most, members tended to give less individualistic an- swers. In this respect, they appeared to possess great- er social awareness; rather than stating that individ- uals needed help, they were more likely to reply that the city needed improvement or should be the recipient of help. 40 W“i.‘.' 41 It would also appear that those who were affiliated with voluntary associations were more aware that prob- lems existed in their area of residence. Respondents who claimed membership in at least one such organization were more likely to be able to identify a major need of pe0ple in the neighborhood. This relationship remained 1"”th relatively unchanged with the introduction of occupa- tional and educational controls.59 See Table 19. Having the ability to name a major need of Table 19. peOple in the neighborhood, by membership Member Non-member Able to name a problem 71.0 60.3 Unable to name a problem 29.0 39.7 Total 100.0% (100) 100.0% (121) 12 - 2.30 (not sig.) df = 1 N - 221 0 Similar relationships were discernable from the replys to the query of how the major need might be met. Organizational members, who had identified a need or a problem, were more likely to suggest the problem could be resolved with social-service agency, community, or governmental help. Non-members tended to reply that resolution of the problems named was an individual re- sponsibility, or that they should be solved by individual 59These tables appear in the appendix. 42 effort.60 This relationship was not greatly changed by the introduction of occupational and educational controls; it is depicted in Table 20.61 How respondents perceived the major need Table 20. might be met, by membership Member Non-member Community, govern- mental, or agency 52.7 36.2 responsibility Individual reSponsibilitY 47.3 63.8 - Total 100.0% (55) 100.0% (47) x2 - 2.18 (not sig.) df = l N - 10262 Of those naming a major need of the people in the neighborhood, there was a distinct tendency for members 60It should be noted that in coding this question, only those respondents who stated that resolution of the problem should be attained by individual effort were in- cluded in the table under “individual reSponsibility." Those who supplyed answers coded as community effort, local or city agency responsibility, state government responsibility or federal government reaponsibility, appear in the table as "community, governmental, or agency responsibility." 61These tables appear in the appendix. 62The replys of 119 respondents were not included in this table. These were respondents who were not able to answer the question adequately. Responses coded don't know, not applicable, no-response, move, or other, were not included in this table. Table 21 illustrates that non-members were more likely to supply this type of inadequate reply. 43 to be more likely to be able to suggest how the need might be met. This relationship remained when occupa- tional and educational controls were introduced, but it proved to be the clearest among respondents having high- er educational attainment. This relationship was sta- tistically significant as shown in Tables 21 and 22. Being able to suggest how the major need Table 21. might be met, by membership Member Non-member Able to answer 75.7 58.0 Unable to answer 24.3 42.0 Total 100.0% (71) 100.0% (81) 12 - 1.64 p<305 df = l N - 15563 Being able to suggest how the major need might be met, by membership and educational Table 22. level "Highera "Lower" educational educational attainment attainment Member Non-member Member Non-member Able to answer 87.5 57.1 69.4 56.9 Unable to answer 12.5 42.9 30.6 43.1 _Total 100.0% (21) 100.0% (14) 100.0% (19) 100.0% (65) I; - 2.99 p