‘* VWT v—v w PERU RURVEY OF CULTURAL AREAS RN TERM: OF ACCULTURATION Them for The Degree bf. M A 4‘ MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE ' Ruben Elias Reina 19 50 iii)" —"5 -_.“__ . I IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII II IIIIIIIII I 3V12931O52 35 52 - T.-. .....r. - f‘ 1 - This is to certify that the thesis entitled *‘ . k ' DERU - CI'RJFY I‘F‘ CI‘LTTIP.” [FLAG I” TILE ’S "F 1‘ ”CT LTWII TI ‘1' ’ presented by i I Ruben Elias Reina has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for I}. o A‘:_..degree in ‘ ' SOCIOIA'V and Anthropology Jim) Major professor October 11, 1950 - I Date *- I L I 11-795 I I "'5 3 t '32 -. ‘c 93; .n‘”~¥;~;¥‘ ”if“ £8. 'WN'L Md “M W Y“ I ‘. t v s j w,‘t2.ll, . K‘ I I . ‘n .‘ ’ P E R U SURVEY OF CULTURAL AREAS IN TERMS. or ACCULTURATION by Ruben Elias Reina. W A THESIS Submitted to the Graduate School of lichigan State College of. Agriculture and Applied Science In Partial Fulfillment of the Reqnir emente For the Degree or MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1950 3 CK II 0 I‘ll; ED 31.. ELI T The investigator extends his sincere gratitude to Dr. J.i. Beegle for his advice, suggestions and corrections made in this thesis. For the invaluable assistance in methodology and presentation, the writer expresses hiszngmeciation to frofessor h. Tiedke, and also gratitude for the c00peration of graduate students in discussing the problem, and for the special assistance and criticism of inglish made by hiss Fay hlakely. ny sincere thanks are extended also to kiss Betty Burton who typed this thesis and gave to the author infinite encouragement throughout the work. 344555 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page AGUWLEGMENT C O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O 11 TABLE OF C ONTENTS O O O O O O O O O C C O C O O O 111 LIST OF FIGURES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C v LIST OF TABLES C . O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O v11 Organization or The Investigation . . . . CHAPTER I C INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O I O O O O O O O 0 O 1 n6 thOd O O O O O O O O O 1 Importance Of The Place And Data . . . . . 3 Definition Of Terms . . . . . . . . 5 . 6 8 II. III. IV. V. VI. GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING . . . . . . . . . . . Goa-Sta]. world 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O 9 The Sierra World . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 The montana- world 0 O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 13 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 THE PROBLEM OF CLASSIFICATION . . . . . . . 18 The Urban.Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Town And Village 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 25 The Tribal Areas 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 31 INSTITUTIONAL HERITAGE . . . . . . . . . . 36 The Kinship System.And The Family . . . . 37 Political And Social Institutions . . . . . 46 The Year Round . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Religious Life: Huacas And Canopas . . . . 62 THE SPANISH HERITAGE O O O O O O O O O O O O 69 The Right Of Property . . . . . . . . . . 75 INTEGRATION OF CONTEMPORARY PERUVIAN SOCIETY 78 Major Cultural Areas Measured By The Following iv CHAPTER Page Indices: Indian P0pulation, Indian-Speaking Peoples, Spanish.And Indian (Bilingual people), Education. VII. CULTURAL HOMOGENEITY AS MEASURED BY WORK SEECTIVI'IY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 99 Livestock, Forestry, Fishing And Hunting . . 109 Mining And Extractive Industries . . . . . . 112 Industry 0f Transformation . . . . . . . . . 116 Transportation And Communication . . . . . . 119 Commerce, Credit And Insurance . . . . . . . 122 Building, Construction And Repairs . . . . . 125 Public Administration.And Other Services or General Interest . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Professional And Domestic Service . . . . . 130 Population Economically Inactive . . . . . 132 Appraisal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 VIII.SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . 137 BIBLIOGRAPIIY O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O C O O O O 142 FIGURE I. II. III. IV. V. VII. VIII. I. II. III. XIII. XIV. LIST OF FIGURES Communication--A Trip Inland From The Seacoast To The Maranon River . . . . . . . Kinship System--Paternal Line, Ego Man . . Kinship System--Maternal Line, Ego Man . . Kinship System~~Paternal Line, Ego Woman . Kinship System-~Materna1 Line, Ego'Woman . Development of The Indian Political Institution................ Ranks Of Hierarchy under The Inca Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage Of Indian Population . . . . . . Percentage Speaking Indian Language . . . . Percentage Speaking Spanish And Indian, (Bilingual) O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Percentage Without Schooling, 15 Years AndOVer................. lajor outwal Areas 0 O O O 0 O O O O O O Percentages Of Native And Migrant Pepula- tions Engaged In Agriculture . . . . . . . Percentages Of Native And Migrant Pepula- tions Engaged In Livestock, Forestry, Fishingandfiunting. ee 0 e e e e e e o e Percentages Of Native And Migrant Popula- tions Engaged In Mining And Extractive InduStI'ieB O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Percentages Of Native And Migrant Popula- tions Engaged In Industry or Transformation Page 17 39 4O 42 43 52 53 80 82 84 86 96a 105 114 117 120 FIGURE XVII. Percentages 0f Native And Migrant Pepula- .IVIII. 111. XX. XIII. tions Engaged In Transportation And communication 0 e e e e e e o e e e e e Percentages Of Native And Migrant Popu- lations Engaged In Commerce, Credit And Insurance 0 e e e e e e e e e e e e o e Percentages Of Native And Migrant Pepu- lations Engaged In Buildings, Construc- tion And Repairs 0 e e e e e e e .00 e Percentages Of Native And Migrant POpu- lations Engaged In Public Administration' And Other Services Of General Interest Percentages Of Native And Migrant Pepu- lations Engaged In Professional And Domestic Service . . . . . . . . . . . Percentages Of Native And Migrant Pepu- lations Economically Inactive . . . . vi Page 123 126 128 131 133 155 vii 113T OF TlEIES TalLE Page 1. Comparative Percentages Cf The amount Cf Edu— Cationfizf11831011800000.0000...eeeeoeeeeeoeeee 2:5 Preportion Speaking Indian Only and PrOportion Speaking both Indian End Spanish; Preportions Over Fifteen Years Of mge Jithout Education, In Peruvian Departments And Selected Provinces. 96 Departments In Which The Proportion Of Native Eorn Pepulation Employed In irriculture are Smaller Than The Pronortion Of Those Em- ployed In The Same Activity Who Were Born In Indian lrea....................................105 Departments In Which The IrOportion Of Native Born IOpulation Employed In agriculture ire Greater Than The ErOportion Uf Those Employed In The Same Activity Who Were Born In Indian «ireaOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.OOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOO00.00.000.107 Departments In Which The Preportion Of Native Born repulation Employed In Livestock, Forestry, Fishing and Hunting are Smaller Than The Preportion Of Those Employed In The Same activities Who Were born In Indian area........lll Departments In Which The PrOportion Of Native Born POpulation Employed In Livestock, Forestry, Fishing And Hunting are Smaller Than The lro- _ portion Of Those Employed In The Sane activities Nho Were born In Indian area...................113 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION This study is a socio-anthrOpological study of the Peruvian past and present, giving special emphasis to the analysis of cultural areas in terms of accul- turation. The purpose of this study is to discover to what extent the Indian pepulation is becoming integrated into the urban coastal culture; 1.6. first, into the feudalistic mentality brought in 1552 by the Spaniards, and secondly to the contemporary semi-capitalistic society of the coastal region. in attempt was also made to discover the forces that have operated to change various Indian value systems. Specifically, the problem at hand was to provide an.account of the continuity in the changes experienced by the native culture due to outside in- fluences, mainly those emanating from Spain. Method The writer was reared in South.America and lived in.Argentina until 1947. During the month of Septemr ber of that year, he visited and made extensive eb- servations on Peruvian life. Therefore, much.of the material contained here has been checked against personal observation. Several tools of analysis have been used in this study; namely, anthropological, historical and statistical. AnthrOpological and especially archeological studies have revealed the deveIOpment of the Andean civilisation. Such studies are needed in order to present the three great periods in Peruvian evolup tion. First comes the Pro-Inca period, second the Ines period and finally the Post-conquest period up to the present time. Archeological studies have been used to reconstruct the first of the three periods. The Inca "Empire" period is revealed.by archeological material as well as by tradition and history. The 16th and 17th centuries are full of historical investigations and chronicles which have as their goal the reconstruction of the lost world. The Post-conquest period, dating from.1532 with the arrival of Francisco Pizarro forty years after the discovery of the hemisphere by Columbus, to the present has been studied by historians. For the con- temporary analysis of Peru, the statistical data from. the National Peruvian Census'gg'lggg‘were used in.sn attempt to delineate the cultural areas and to assess the degree of cultural homogeneity. Importance Of The Place And Data The cultural situation in Peru is important to the sociologist and anthropologist for the study of such problems as acculturation, assimilation, and cultural diffusion, because of isolation from the rest of the world until the conquest. Very early in the history of the Andean civilization, the mutation of native societies was the cause of the transition from a static condition to a dynamic one. This movement has been regarded by many historians as something fundamental in the nature of the universe.1 Peruvian civ- ilization, previous to the conquest, was the product of ab- original develOpment. Nodernskiold phrased it as follows: "The Peruvian civilization was built up of intensified In- dian culture and not by anything additional or alien." 2 The rise of Andean civilization in.relation to the envir- onment is made clear in the following quotation: The civilization which arose in South.America responded to two quite different challenges, from the An- dean plateau and the adjoining Pacific coast...the pioneers of the civiliza- tion on the coast conjured their cases out of the desert by husbanding the scanty waters that descend from the western scarp of the plateau and giv- ing life to the plains by irrigation. The pioneers on the plateau trans- formed their mountain sides into fields by husbanding the scanty soil on terraces preserved by a ubiquitous system of laboriou%y constructed retaining walls. 1 Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study g; History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1947. p. 50 Quoted by Joseph.Bram, An Analysis‘gg The Inca Militarism. New York: J. J. Augustin, 94 . p. 8 Ibid., p. 75 The Andean civilization reached the maximum.of splendor and organization at the time of the Incas. It was one of the twenty "civilizations" that passed through a period characterized by a capacity of a domin- ant minority to produce an admirable governing class. However, it waskhe time of the impact of the "conquista- dares" that the Inca Civilization had fallen to a period of dissolution or disintegration. 1 It is possible to predict that if the people of Europe had never learned about this empire, the Inca Empire would have endured for somecenturies longer. However, the Spanish conquest accelerated the process of Inca deline. The post- conquest period can be considered a regression in Inca civilization and a result of the Spanish conquest. The conquest destroyed the Incan achievements, completing a cycle of rise and fall and leaving the area disunited as it had been before the spectacular conquest of the Incas. 2 The reader may visualize in this brief review the great social and cultural change that had taken place in the so-called Peruvian country. First, it was a static primitive society; later, through increased mObility a movement was produced which gave rise to a ruling class, 1 Phillip Ainsworth Means, Fall Of The Inca Empire. New'York: Scribner's Sons, 1932. pp. 8-12 Charles Gibson, The Inca Conce t Of Sovereignty And The 8 anish Administration 5? Eeru. Austin: ‘University Ten us Press, 1918. p. 100 the Incas. This was the beginning of dynamic activities within the Andean civilization. Then, lastly, there was the period of the Spanish.conquest started in 1532 by Francisco Pizarro. Definition Of Terms . In this study, the words, "acculturation" and “in- tegration' need to be defined, because the entire study is dependent upon their interpretation. M. J. Herskovits 1 defines acculturation as ”these phenomena which.result when.a group of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with.subsequent changes in the original cultural pattarns of either or both groups." The essential element in this definition centers in the first-hand contact of the two different kinds of people which result in a change from the initial state. This definition has been applied throughout this study. A. L. Kroeber 2 defines cultural integration or social integration: "to the accomedation of new parts into a workable fit." According to M. J. Berskovits, "There are different degrees of integration, Just as there are different principles on the basis of which various societies develop the configuration that characterized their culture." 3 Kroeber's definition is followed in this study. 1 I. J. Herkovits, Acculturation. New‘York: J. J. Augustin, 1938. p. 10 2 A. L. K’roeber, Anthrogology. New York: Harcourt, Brace ‘nd Company, 19 0 pa 9 3 I. J. Herskovits, Ian £2.19. gig Work. New York: A. A. Knapf, 1949. p. 2'22" """"’ I . , O . -u. o O a C u a O a I a l-. A. . e o . . a “A. - By the word "native" is meant the peeples of the Andean culture in both the pro-Inca and post-Inca periods born in the territory of Peru. “Indians" are not considered in the Peruvian Census, .lgég from.the ethnological or scientific point of view. Indians are the native population, mixed or not mixed in blood, who speak Quechua or Aymara, use Indian clothes and an conspicuously different from the white population. This term.is used in this way in order to be able to use the Census material.1 l'Meztizo" is that portion of the pepulation of Peru having both Indian and Spanish.blood. "Departments" corresponds to the spanish word "Departe- mentos.‘ It means the largest political unit correspond- ing to states in the United States of.America. Each Department is divided into smaller political units named "Provinces." Organization Of The Investigation In order that the general plan of this investigation may be readily followed, the following organization of the study is presented. Chapter I is the introductory chapter, containing the statement of the problem.and the purpose of the study. Chapter II provides a geographical review of Peru. The country has been.divided into three geographical 1 See Chapter III of this study. ".~‘ regions, each of which receives attention. Chapter III deals with the problem of classification of peOples and areas as used in this study. For a general cultural evaluation of the regions of the country Redfield's typology as formulated from his Yucatan studies is applied as a methodological device. Chapter IV presents the literature in fields relating to the institutional heritage, especially that relating to the kinship system, political and social structure, and ceremonies and religion of the Inca. Chapter V reviews the Spanish heritage in America. Chapter VI delineates cultural areas with regard to the degree of integration as measured by the heighth of the educational level of the pepulation, by the proportion of the pOpulation speaking Indian, Spanish or both, and by the proportion of the Indian papulation, based on com- putations made from data obtained from the National Peruvian Census, M. Chapter VII includes a statistical analysis of the Indian cultural homogeneity as measured by work selectivity. Chapter VIII is the summary covering the results and conclusions of the study. CHAPTER II Geographical Setting The territory of Peru.presents extraordinary differen es in the geography. It extends from north to south.within the tropical region with an area of 428,258 square miles. 1 After Brazil and Argentina, Poru is the largest country in area in South America. In its large extension is found a great variety of resources offering a certain amount of potentiality for develOpment. On the north it is bounded by Ecuador, on the northeast and east by Colombia and Brazil, on the southeast by Bolivia and at its southern tip by Chile. The length of the coast line on the Pacific is over 1400 miles, and the maximum width.from.the coast to the border of Brazil about BOO-miles. The official 1945 estimate of the pepulation was 7,719,276 inhabitants. 2 Few other countries in the world present more sur- prising contrasts than Peru, having nearly everything*within its borders from.deserts to jungles, from coastal plain to highest mountains, from.dried-up cities on the west coast to extremely'welluwatered cities such as Iquitos on the 1 "Peru,“ Pan American Uhion.Bulletin, Washington, D.C., 1946. 2 See Chapter'VI‘Ef‘tEis EEEsIs for the distribution and composition of the pepulation. Amzon. The Andean chain cuts the Republic into two parts, giving Peru the benefit of three zones. (See Map l.) The first zone is a narrow coastal desert, 25 to 40 miles wide where the seaport and the capital (Lima) are located. Next comes the ”Sierra," which is the zone of the great Andean cordilleras with a maximum altitude of 22,205 feet above sea level. This region occupies 27 percent of the National territory and it is the chief reg1on of mineral wealth. Following this area to the east lies the Montana area occupying more than 60percent of the entire territory. 1 Coastal 19312 As has been mentioned, the coastal area is a fringe a few miles wide and approximately 1,400 miles long. learly all of this region is rainless during the entire year. Its area is approximately 12 percent of the total area of Peru. This coastal area is cut by approximately fifty streams: that is to say, an average of one in 25 miles. 2 These streams have been used from earliest times to irrigate the adjacent valleys in the most simple system of irrigation. But most of the desert area is not fer- tile even under irrigation because of its soil composi- tion which is mainly sand and gravel. The environment 1 ”Peru,“ cp. cit., p. 3 2 Carlson, F.A., Geo a or Latin America. lIew York: Prentice-Hall, Incorporata,m. p. 2'7 10 presents a similarity with that of Egypt or Arabia. levertheless the coastal region is the nucleus, not only of the Pre-Inca cultures, but of the contemporary culture. 1 This area has a pOpulation of 1,768,618 inhabitants with the greatest density per square kilometer. * The population is concentrated along the rivers and fertile valleys. 0f the 15,000,000 hectares in the entire coastal area there are available for cultivation 700,000 hectares. ** However of the potential 700,000 only 420,000 are used. 2 Though Peru's latitude is trepical, the climate is temperate due to the Peruvian current on the coast which cools the air. There is more than twenty degrees difference between the same altitude on the Pacific coast and the.At1antic coast. The geographi- cal formation of the coast belongs to the tertiary geo- logical period and the coast has the sediment eroded from the cordillera. The coastal area could be divided into two main areas, the north coast and the south coast.. The center of this division is Lima. Within the first zone Trujillo is the main city, and the center of the sugar plantations, 1 "El constraste del agua, que es la vida, con el polvo inerte de los desiertos, engendran el milagro del oasis. Entonces 1a transicion violenta de colorcs y de aspectos origins esas sorpresas que enamoran a1 espectador. Alayza P. 8. Luis, Mi Pais: Lima, 1940. 2 Jose Pareja Saldan,_6eo afia 231_Peru. Lima: 1943. p. 22 ' A kilometer is equal to £78 of a nIIET **.A hectare is equal to 2.47 acres. 11 while Piura and Tumbes are known as the great centers of cotton and petroleum. As a consequence of the cotton production, all textile industries are centered in this area. Besides cotton some rice and corn is produced, but only sufficient for local consumption. The southern part of the coast with the centers of Ica, Pisco, Nazca and Paracas, is known as the grape raising area which.was planted by the Spaniards in the 16th century. It has also become the center of production for wine and liquor. Besides grapes, cotton and corn, olives and fruit trees are also cultivated. The irrigation system built by the Incas still is used. Dry farming is also practiced near the foot of the great range. The Sierra World This is the area of the Andean Cordillera and it runs parallel to the coastal area. It is in this region that the highest peaks in the country, such.as the Huas- caran peak with an altitude of 22,205 feet above sea level, are located. The Sierra is the most pOpulated area with a total of 4,424,615 inhabitants. However, it ranks second in density, 8.5 per square kilometer, with a total area of 520,000 square kilometers. 1 Taking into consideration the diversity of climate be- cause of the variation in the altitude that goes from the foot of the mountains to the glacial peaks, one may 1 Ibid., p. 26 12 divide the central region into four sub-regions. The 33955 situated at an.a1titude of 2,000 meters. The climate and the production is similar to that of the Amazon Valley. The temperature is high (calid) and there are frequent rains. It possesses an exuberant flora similar to the tropical forest. The next sub-region is called Quechua, and is situated between 2,000 and 5,500 meters with a temperate and agreeable temperature. cereal and potatoes are its chief crops. The Quechua is one of the most healthy areas for human existence in all of Peru. The'gugg is the third area of the Andean Cordillera and is located between 5,500 and 4,000 meters in altitude. The climate becomes cold and severe. Agri- culture is restricted to grazing lands. The §3g5_is the livestock area par excellence. Great numbers of anquinidos are seen all over this area. The anquinidos include vicuna, llama and alpaca. The fourth area, the Cordillera, is over 4,500 meters. It is a region covered with per- manent snow. Garcilazo dc La Vega described it as "...nunca jamas pisada do hombre, ni de animales ni de aves, inaccesible cordillera de las nieves." 1 The south sierra includes the Departments of Arequipa Puno, Cuzco and Apurimac. One of the main cen- ters of papulation is Cuzco known from prehistoric times and identified with Inca cultural tradition. In this 1 "Never occupied by man, neither by animals nor birds, inaccessable range of snows..." Author's translation. 15 region is also located the great Lake Titicaca used as an artery of transportation. The lake is situated at an altitude of 12,518 feet covering an extension of 158 mdles long and 69 miles wide. The Montana World This particular region is often referred to as the ”Jungle‘World," the empire of rubber, petroleum, hard woods, strange fruits and animals, trepical deluges and fevers, rivers with exotic fishes and golds.- It was the last area to be integrated into the economic life of Peru and it is the largest of the three regions. It accounts for 60 percent of the total territory of the country. On the basis of tepography and vegetation, three sub- regions can be distinguished. One expanse of dense low- lying forest is remarkable for the size of the trees and the great variety of their species. A second sub-division is characterized by a series of foot-hills, ranges and rolling ground which is heavily timbered with deciduous trees: and finally, a third area is an open plain includ- ing the pampa of Sacramento and the pampa of Tarapato which are covered with.grasses and shrubs. 1 The rivers on the eastern slepes of the Andes are wide and slow moving. The chief rivers are the laranon with its tributary the Huallaga, and the Ueayali which after flowing northward through parallel valleys combine 1 Llewellyn Williams, People and Products of the Upper Amazon.Basin. New York: Pan.Imerican Union, 1951. pp. 615 14 in the eastern.Department of Loreto to form the.Amazon River. In the south, the Apurimac and the‘Urubamba con- verge to form thUcayali and in southeastern Peru the ladre de Dios after crossing Bolivia enters Brazil Just below Ianaos. The montsna region has a popudation of approximately 759,980 inhabitants in an area of 550,000 square kilome- ters. Therefore the density is very low, 1.3. 1 The main city is the port of Iquitos, capital of the Depart- ment of Loreto. The oi ty is situated about 1,200 miles fron.Lima and 2,300 miles from the.Atlantic coast, con- nected to it by the.Amazon.River. Due to the high.moun- tains between Lima and Iquitos there is very little trade between them. The principal products of the montana area are ivory, nuts, cotton, coffee, mahogany, Spanish cedar, rubber, chicle, cotton seed, cattle and hides. Conclusion These three general geographical regions and sub- rsgions of Peru have determined to a large extent the direction of the population growth and the economic activity of its people. In each.region, however, there exists both.favorable and unfavorable factors. In the coastal area, for instance, among the unfavorable factors are the existence of sand dunes which are a barrier to 1 Jose Pareja Pas Soldan, Geografia Del Peru. Lima, 1943. p. 26 15 life, and also a complete lack of rain which gives rise to the non-productivity of the coastal area. On the other hand, among the factors that offer opportunities for development are the nearness of the sea which affords favorable conditions for seaports and a fishing industry, and a good climate because of the Peruvian current. For the Sierra region geographical factors hindering develop- ment are the topography of the area in the first place, deficiency in the diet, rigorous climate and lack of trans- portation. However, there are regions such as the Yppgas with good soil, good climate and great mineral resources. As far as the montana is concerned’factors obstructing human habitation are the hot climate and high humidity, lack of roads, impenetrable woods, lack of urban centers and an.anhealthy tropical climate. 0n the other hand, there are such attractions for habitation as the existence of hard woods, forests of mahogany and cedar, rubber, navigable rivers and potentialities for agricultural developments dependent upon the improvement of technology and chemical fertilization. Communication lost of the Peruyian highways have been built in the coastal area. They connect the principal cities and ports with the interior. Lately several new roads have been opened, the first in importance is the one from Lima to Oroya and the second is the route over the Andes from.Lima to Huanuco to Tingo Maria and actually is being extended 16 to Pucalpa on the Ucayali River. The highways are playing a major role in the economic development of the republic. The 1944 statistical report gives 17,227 miles of roads. 1 The two chief railway systems are the Ferrocarril Central de Peru, connecting the capital and its port with the leading mining section of the country and the Southern Railway owned by a British company that serves southern Peru and links it with Bolivia and Buenos Aires. The na- ture of the area is such that construction of these rail- ways required a knowledge of all available modern engin- eering techniques. The 215 mile main line of the Central, from Callao to Buancaya via Oroya, passes through La Cima at 15,665 feet above sea level. The Southern railway with a length of 5‘79 miles runs from Mollendo to Cusco via Arequipa and Juliaca, Puno and Lake Titicaca. The Pacific is now connected with the Atlantic by a combination of roads and waterways, but the trip is still arduous. The distance from Trujillo city to Cajamarquilla in the interior is only 430 kilometers. The first 250 kilometers may be covered by a car or truck but the rest of the way must be covered by mule-back, walking and cros- sing the rivers by raft. The figure on page 1'? shows the distance between the centers of pOpulation and the number of hours required for each Journey. These barriers to transportation from the coast to the interior prevail throughout most of Peru. 1 ”Peru," Pan American Union Bulletin. Washington, D.C.,1946. 1'7 GOINU'NICATION--A TRIP INLAND FROM THE SEAGOAST TO THE RUTA TRUJILLO-CALLMARQUILLA 1 HARANON RIVER Dist ancia Altu- Tiem- Lugarea Parcial-Total ra po 1 Trujillo Km. 0 0 It. 64 2 Quirihuac 21' 21 . 180 3 Poroto 2'7 .5 48 .5 605 4 Chiquin 32 .5 81 2520 5 Agalpampa 12 93 ‘ 3136 6 Motil 9.5 102 .5 2846 7 Shorey 30 132.5 3893 8 Quiriv ilca 5 137.5 4014 9 Callacullan 14 151.5 4100 10 Quesquinda 7 158.5 4100 11 Yamobamba 29 187 .5 3150 12 Huamachuco '8 19 5.5 3240 13 Capabamba 45 240.5 2724 He. '7 14 Sitacocha 38.5 279 3030 5 15 Marcamachay 20 299 2634 4 16 Sta. Rosa 32 331 1251 8 17 Rio Mar-anon ~.. .. __, - 18 Shoroberen 20 351 1200 5 l9 Machunoha 25 37 6 2000 5 20 Pane 20 396 2600 4 21 Caiamarquilla 34 430 3198 6 TRUJILLO .251 - Km.-Kilometer 1ft .-Met er He . -Hour o d- — ° '0 2 :3 o e 2 0 i 3 PH In N n N - N a 40 «too 300 400 430 Km- FIGURE I 1 LWilliams, "East Of The Andes; People And Products Of The Upper Basin," Pan American Union, LXV (January 1931). CHAPTER III THE PROBLEM OF CLASSIFICATION According to the Peruvian Census of 1940, 25 percent of the p0pu1ation were classified as Indian and 52 percent as mestizo. The long continued contact and interaction between the two main ethnic groups began with two different societies each possessing their own mores, values, racial and other.cultura1 characteristics. Both groups moved toward a single society and many differences tended to disappear. Immediately after the conquest the Incas and the Spanish looked upon each other as being distinctly different. As is usually the case, the conquerors became the upper class while the Indians becamp slaves. This division was perceivable through historical data from Central America to the deepest part of South American territory wherever Spanish.were the Conquistadores. Later both ethnic groups began to participate with one another in their daily life in closer cooperation. In many cases they were forced to this cooperation due to the unfavorable environmental con- ditions. Because of the cooperative effort there resulted interbreeding. Other criteria of differentiation such.as occupations, costume, and residence replaced race as the important element in the social stratification of Peruvian 19 society. This condition is analogous to those which Redfield found in his study of Yucatan. .As the product of the interbreeding of Whites and Indians the 'mestizc” appeared. This type of individual stands between two cul- tural forces with the result that sometimes he identifies himself with.the Indian population not only in dress as such, but in c10se participation with the Indians in social affairs. However, there are cases of the mestizOs living in cities and with little or no differentiation from the white p0pu1ation. The Census of 1940 does not define races from.the ethnological or scientific point of view due to the fact that census takers could never have the capacity to categorize people with precision. The identification of an Indian as a pure blood as Opposed to the mestizo on a biological basis is a practically impossible problem. "When Indians have adopted the Span- ish language, European clothing, and other national traits, so that they are no longer conspicuously different from the other people, they are classed as mestizos, though.racia11y they may be pure Indian." 1 In the town of Chucuito is one of the many cases registered in.High1and Peru of a fulliblooded Aymara Indian who was considered mestizo be- cause he had learned ”city ways” in.Arequipa and had later married a mestizo woman. However, his full sisters who 1 Julian.H. Steward, The Chan 1 Of American Indians. In the Science of Ian In tEe‘WorIE CFisis. Edited By B. Lin- ton. lew Yerk, 1945. p. 283 20 lived in Chucuito were classed as Indians. 1 Language may also be used for a classification of the p0pu1ation. Spanish, Quechua and Aymara are the three main languages. Quechua and Aymara are used by the Indians, while Spanish is spoken by‘Whites. But again, there appears the fact that some mestizos in the Highs lands of Central Peru speak Spanish well and yet live culturally under Indian conditions. But even though,cul- tural factors have limitations for making a clear cut division among the people of Peru. Anthropologists and sociologists tend to agree that cultural definitions are one of the most practicable ways in which to identify individuals and social groups because of the difficulties involved in the use of pure racial or-linguistic data. Several types of cultural contacts can be found in the territory of Peru since the conquest by Francisco Pizarro. The Incas did not particularly resist the in- troduction of new elements, yet there were times when the native p0pu1ation became very upset. Indians were incap- able of quick re-adaptation to changes in "social" climate, as is indicated by the introduction of such new institu- tions as the repartimiento. Because of the introduction by the Spaniards of this institution, the native popula- tion diminished a great deal. Though in certain parts of Peru.as it was in the South.during the conquest, the two 1 Harry Tschopick, Higpland Communities 2; Central Peru. Smithsonian Insti u ion, Washington, 1947. p. 12 21 strong cultures met and both persisted. Despite this, it is possible to conclude by saying that generally speaking there has been a gradual cultural assimilation and amalgamation of the Indian peOple with.immigrant Spanish. 1 However, complete amalgamation or accultura- tion has not been reached because there remain many traits and ways of life all over Peru that derive from the Inca or Indian culture. It is possible to identify certain material as well as non-material elements with the Spanish tradition and others with the Indian heri- tage. It is true by observation that the coastal area of Peru has been deve10ped under the direct contact and in- fluence of ”urban civilizations.“ Therefore, in this region the Indian p0pu1ation has been absorbed by the urban culture of the Spanish. It is practically imp possible to determine the people as being whflb, mestizo or Indian ethnically speaking. It is in the coastal area that one may group the p0pu1ation as urban or under Redfield's classification as ”city." By comparing the three geographical regions it is possible to observe that communities have been affected by modern influences. As soon as one moves toward the interior the modern influence becomes less and less. This fact may be attributed to the nature of isolation. By observation and without considering the multiple exceptions to be found, it is possible to 1 Locke, Alain and Stern, When Peoples fleet. New‘York: 1946. pp. 104-105 22 arrive at a general conclusion in the comparison of the three geographical areas. The isolated society of the interior appears to have more homogeneity, is more sacred and collectivistic and is characterized by a well-organized culture as compared with the less isolated, coast and part of the‘Yungas which is characterized by more heterogeneity, less sacredness and more individuality. 1 The urban Area The Census of 1940 defines urban centers, or under the category of cities, those populated centers that by law are capitals of the departments, provinces or districts. According to this definition it is possible to find urban centers in all of the three geographical regions. However, from.the point of view of the concentration of p0pu1ation, kinds of people and the economic, political and social life, the situational environment is not urban; therefore, the definition is no longer applicable. Besides the capi- tal of Peru, Lima. located in the coastal area, there are other centers of population.that from the cultural point of view are urban or cities such.as Chiclato, Trujillo, Pisco, Arequipa, Honquegua. All kinds of communication such as steamer, airlines or motor car via the Pan American Highway converge on the coastal centers and most of them do so at the capital, Lima. It is in this region that all kinds of modern machinery for agriculture, electric power plants, oil refineries, automobile dealers, banks, insurance 1 Robert Redfield, The Folk Culture or Yucatan. Chicago: The university of Chicago Press, 1921. 23 agencies, modern hotels and all other kinds of specialized business are found. As far as education is concerned this area has all the institutions of higher learning such as the Colegios Nacionales, Escuelas Normales, preparation for University and the University of San Marcos in Lima. 1 TABLE I COMPARATIVE PERCENTAGES OF THE AMOUNT OF EDUCATION BX'REGIONS =5— School-age popuIa ti on Total Populated Region Population Places ToEEI WIEET ‘without ' Instruc— Instruc- tion tion Coast 34.35 14.93 33.60 51.51 23.89 Sierra 60.28 77.42 60.60 40.71 71.39 lontana or Jungles 5.37 7.65 5.80 7.78 4.72 It is in this region where the first adoption of all European.and American culture traits takes place, those traits which.are later pushed to the interior. This move- ment is directly correlated with the means of transporta- tion and the ambunt of movement among the population. .Another characteristic of this region is that the Spanish-speaking population is concentrated here. In addition to language, the Roman Catholic religion is in a certain sense more pure here and paradoxically integrated 1 Peruvian population data from.Estado De La Instruction‘gp 1:1 Peru, p. 15 Handbook p_f_ s. “m 11 13337.1. Steward. Washington, U. 3. Government Print, 1946. p. 461 24 thus with the Indian way of worshiping. That is to say, in the coastal area the elements of Catholicism and Indian religion are more difficult to separate in the functioning of the church, while in the interior the sources of the component elements of a religious service are more easily distinguished. The sociedad of Peru, meaning the elite or aristocratic, which includes the wealthy landowners hacendados as well as most of the professional people, take residence in the coastal area. The mestizo or Indian does all the manual labor in manufacturing, handicraft, commity and domestic service. In Lima are found the high "caste" families. The rigidity of the social struc- ture is very apparent. Life in Lin combines the "patio life" of old Spain and Indian civilization, making the real Peruvian. Women pass by on their way from the market with their baskets filled with fruits and vegetables. llestizo servant maids drift about everywhere, sometimes distinguishable by the two braids down their back. Another daily scene is that of women mounted on ponies and donkeys with great cans tied to their saddles, delivering milk with each customer furnishing her own container. Indeed many elements of Indian culture have reached the capital. Cases of witchcraft have reached the courts of law and some enterprising curanderos advertise the effectiveness of their cures in the leading Lima newspapers. All kinds of other foreign elements are to be found in the coastal area besides the Spanish heritage. At Talara and Negrito in the northern part of Peruvian territory, which.only a few years ago were amid blown waste, an extensive petroleum district now is being develOped. Trucking trails lead from.the outlying field units to the town. It is located six hours by air north of Lima. Here Americans and Canadians are operating the plants and.rofineries. They have established their own colonies and clubs with swimming pool, modern hotel, and also have planted palm.trees in defiance of the barren sand. As a conclusion, for this area one may say that by simple observation one is able to notice the complexity in its ecological distributions as well as the physical and social heterogeneity of its population. It is also a focus of continuous change in various aspects of its life as a reflection of internationalism. "It stands out among the communities of Peru as the place where the old culture has suffered the greatest amount of disorgani- zation and where new ways of life, borrowed from other urban societies or developed under the stimulus of its own urban conditions, are most in evidence." 1 Town And Village Within the area of the second geographical region, the Sierra, there are a great number of centers of p0pu- lation that do not possess the same cultural characteris- tics as those of the coastal area. There are some communities 1 Redfield, op. cit., p. 55 26 Joined by railroad to the capital such as Oroya, Conception, Huancavelica to the south of Oroya, and Junin, Cerro de Pasco and Goyllarisquisga to the north. Also in the south- ern part of Peru another railroad Joins the port of Mol- lendo to Arequipa, Juliaca, Ayaviri, Sicuani and Quilla- bamba. Other important p0pu1ated centers located in this area located near the Pan American Highway or branches of the highway such as Cajamarca, Huanuco, Avancay, Cusco and others. These towns are important as centers of agri- culture, mining or tourists. The geographical areas of this particular region according to altitude are four: Yunga, Quechua, Puma and La Cordillera. 1 The first is limited to an altitude of 2,000 meters; the second 3,500 meters,; the third 4,500 meters; and the last over 4,500 meters. These altitudes Ire in direct relation to the kind of production and kinds of activities that the peOple develOp in their daily life. The lower altitudes include lands which belong to the first subdivision and produce maize, rice, camotes (sweet potatoes) and some fruits such as pears, apples, oranges, chirimoyas, and tunas. In the Quechua area potatoes and some maize for local consumption are grown. The grazing is sufficient for llamas, alpacas and vicunas. This region as well as the third region, is where the greatest exploitation of mineral takes place. The climate becomes progressively 1 See page 12 of this work. 27 colder as one ascends, but the native p0pu1ation, in great part, live even up to the snow line. Spanish is used in most of the p0pu1ated centers but is complemented by the native languages, Aymara in the south.and Quechua in the north. The Indian population, in the cultural sense, has swallowed the whites and there are even cases of whites being transformed into Indians. 0n an.average these people differ in appearance and habits from.those of the coast and in the montana. In the population of the highland communities, mestizos, in the main, are the arti- sans and small merchants while the Indians are the laborers. Some of these towns are the cabecera or seat of the munici- pal or provincial government, and also the seat of the Judicial district. As mentioned before in this chapter, such government centers are classified as urban centers or cities. However, culturally sp aking, all of them have a small degree of urban sophistication. All writers on Peru.tend to agree that the center of population located in the fertile valley of the Yunga sub-region near the coastal area have more similarities, culturally speaking, to the cities of the coastal area; but, as the altitude rises the culture comes to resemble that of the Indian civilization more and more while the degree of Spanish influence decreases. These observations are similar to the finding of another survey of the region which con- cluded that, Elements of the Roman Catholic religion, iron implements and tools, articles of European- type clothing, beliefs and cus- toms of 8panish.origin, and Old World species of cultivated plants and.domesticated animals have pene- trated into the most remote moun- tain valleys. But although the civilization of the Inca is long since extinct one may still speak preperly of 'Indian culture” in the Peruvian highlands, and in many regions, particularly in the southern departments, the Indian elements heavily outweight the Spanish in the mode of life of these present day communities. Chicha as well as coca are the main products which by the extent of their use may be said to characterize the population culturally. Chicha, an Inca beverage, is made from.naize which.has been chewed up, spat into a Jar of brakish water and allowed to ferment. It is the drink that is st.11 used by descendants of the Inca's subJects on such festive occasions as weddings and birthdays. On these occasions, the strong maize beer is poured into the upper hole of a rock and as soon as it runs down through a canal in the form of a snake is drunk by the people directly from.the small canal. 0n the market and cpen street women are present with Jugs and pitchers of chicha to serve to their men. Iatives set a high value on coca leaves. They weigh the narcotic with.much care. It is argued that men living at such.high altitudes, from nine to fifteen thousand feet, must have a drug in order to ease the strain and defeat the cold and fatigue. 1 TschOpik, op. cit., p. 15 g. 29 The Indians consider the coca leaf sacred and it is used as an offering at the road shrine of the old Inca God and there are also places for these offerings at the feet of modern Catholic saints. Curanderos_and Santiaguadores, or pagan and Catholic practitioners, cure sickness by the use of the coca leaves. They work with.a combination of scientific knowledge, superstition, black magic and prayer. For instance, one way of curing is for the witch.doctor to put a wad of coca leaves on the bosom.of his patient. He then inquires about the friends and enemies of the sick person. To each coca leaf he gives a name, then tosses the leaves into the air, letting them fall on a black cloth. Erom.the way they fall, their arrangement and Jux- taposition, after proper incantations and star-directed mutterings, he divines who among the friends or enemies has‘bewitched his patient. Having ascertained this, he searches for the animal or effigy into which the ill person has stuck pins. If the witch doctor can destroy the animal or image, the sick person is at once freed from. the evil spirit and recovers. For the Indian, coca seeds seal all pacts, are the sacraments of his fiesta, the sanc- tifier of his wedding, the consolation.of all his sorrows, the companionship of his Joy, the incense of his supersti- tions. It is the tribute to all his fetishes, the mystic cure for all his diseases. 1 1 "The Drug Eaters or The High Andes," Travel Ma azine, Lxx (December 1937), 29 30 With regard to dress, sandals and the poncho are always worn by the men while the women usually are seen in bare feet with big hats decorated with blue and yellow. Iothers carry their babies suspended in their shawls. Their techniques of making blankets also remain as in antiquity. They lay down the warp for a large blanket. The pattern is determined largely by the skill with which the warp is laid down. Women are constantly weaving while they are watching the herds of alpacas, llamas or vicunas. For their religious activities hundreds of them gather on the hills for a so-called Christian religious festivity. Indians have always been deeply devout whether worshiping the Sun or the white man's God. In their processions usu- ally each one is present holding a sacred cross in gold and silver. All of this ceremony suggests the Holy Week pre- cessions in Spain. HominaIly the Indians are Christians, but in their festivities pagan and Christian customs are often mingled. A11 cultivation and gathering of crops is a comunity enterprise. All farmers ina given locality help each other to cut the grain by hand and then tie it into large bundles. Usually after all crops have been cut the communities hold Indian dances on the streets accompanied by drums and 31_l_e_n_a_, an Indian wind instrument. Small stores place a frayed broom over the door. This is their method of telling the world that the place is a public house where beverages of various degrees of alcoholic strength may be found. 51 Some urban elements are seen occasionally. For instance, in the streets of Cusco there were advertisements announcing to the people of these remote mountain highlands the sufferings of the Belgians and asking them to contri- bute for the benefit of the Belgian Red Cross. Near the theater, an Italian merchant is established; he is the banker for small change but also sells everything from sugar to American candy. The ecological distribution of houses and churches in the towns and villages are typically Spanish, the plaza always being present. In conclusion, all these towns and villages are usually trade centers located sometimes along important lines of communication. They are also seats of the national or state government. Two worlds meet here, the mestiso, half breed peoples; and the Indians. The Indians are in the lower strata of society while the mestizo and whites are . in the higher part of the social structure. They are the ones who mintain connection with the other towns and cities of the coastal region. The Tribal Areas Three to four days by car and mule from Trujullo across the Andes lies the montana, the area under cmsid- eration. The p0pu1ation of this area has characteristic cultures which are the most backward of any of the people of Peru. The environment keeps them in a state of isolation. Each group of the p0pu1ation has different characteristics and mores. Among the main tribes are the 32 Amnhnacas, Araonas, Arasairis, Tampas, Cabines, Mashcos, loinos, Toromonas, Sirineiries, Yamiacas and Iscunaguas. The tribes have not been yet studied in detail by sci- entists; therefore, the amount of material is not so great as for the areas of Peru. All these tribes are independent of each other and they are usually situated at the margin of the numerous rivers, tributaries of the Amazon. There are several theories about the origin of these peoples. One theory holds them to be people from the highlands; another theory implies that the people of the highlands began their existence in this area. Neither of these theories can be proven. There are a great number of material and non-material cultural traits that these peOple from the Anson possess that are also found among the peo- ple of the highlands. During the time of the Inca Empire, a number of Inca invasions of this area are recorded dat- ing from the time of the Inca Roca and his son Inca Yupan- qui who aimed at the domination of the Antisuyo. 1 Religion is the only influence left among these In- dians from the colonial period. This is explained by the fact that most of the expeditions in this historical period aimed at the conversion of the Indians to Christi- anity. Among the expeditions registered in history are the expeditions of Pedro de Candis in 1564, Diego de Aleman in the same year, and Gaspar Soleto in 1566. All of 1 Alberto Ballan Landa, Los Hombres 93 p3 Selva. Lima, 1917. 53 these expeditions have left their marks and have caused changes among some of the tribes. The major means of subsistence are gl'mitazo (hunting), fishing, and gathering of fruits. They display an extreme ability and knowledge of the forest; and moreover, they have ability and skill in their environment. To a consid- erable extent the gun has replaced the bow and arrow or other primitive arms. For fishing they use the fish-hook, bow and arrow, trap and poison. The most primitive method of fishing is by poisoning thewater with certain narcotics. These narcotics are not dangerous for those who eat such fish. ‘Women work most of the time at domestic tasks. However, they do help the men on certain occasions. Due to the fact that polygamy is practiced, one of the wives stays at home with the children while the other, usually her sister, goes with the man. 1A great number of superstitions are found among them. and all of them are concerned with the power of wild animals and the unknown power of nature. The ygcumama or boa snake is never killed because of its sacredness, although the snake meat is not rejected when it is found dead. The main economic activity is the gathering of rub- ber which is exchanged for salt, knives, cloth, guns and other such articles. .These natives do not have any conception of the use of coins. A few physical facts and cultural traits will serve to 34 illustrate the level of this Indian culture. The Indians of the Balsapuerta region are physically of a markedly mongol type. They paint their faces in geometrical patterns with dark purple or reddishybrown vegetable dyes. They are physically strong. The men are able to carry 100 pounds or more kept in place by broad bands crossing their chest and foreheads. The masata is made by mixing a soft cheese-like preparation of yuca with.water which they then carry wrapped in banana leaves. The yuca roots are pulled, boiled and mashed and then chewed by Indian women who spit the masticated pulp into earthenware bowls. The pulp is left from.four to six.days, the action of the human saliva producing the fermentation. It is said to be both a nourishing and stimulating food. In conclusion, European influence is weak in all these regions except in that of Iquitos. A center with a popu- lation of 34,431 *(is a city by'law), Iquitos is connected with the Atlantic by the Amazon River. Great boats are able to dock in its port, bringing with them European influences. The Indians surrounding the area of Iquitos are reached by missions and schools which teach religion, the reading and writing of Spanish, agriculture and better health and sanitation. The relatively low density of the population and the * The Peruvian census classifies as a city all urban cen- ters over 40,000 and the capital of provinces and de- partments. Iquitos is classified as a city by virtue of the latter criterion. 35 great size of the forest together with theaabsence of government regulation makes each group an independent one. These peOple do not depend on any town either economically, politically or socially. CHAPTER IV INSTITUTIONAL HERITAGE This section of the study will deal with an analysis of the Incas' institutions and with the reforms introduced by the Spaniards to the Inca society. It is true that the Spanish tried to maintain the policy of taking the Inca organizations as they were found; nevertheless, sociologi- cally speaking, it is evident that under any circumstance the Spanish.would have experienced difficulty maintaining any instituticnin the state on which it existed previous to the colonial period because of the fact that they come from.cu1ture based upon a feudalistic system.while the Incas were held together under a socialistic political system. It is also clear that Spanish ambitions of con- quest led them to impose regulations in terms of their own end rather than fitting them to the framework of the Inca civilization. It is evident that a “New Deal" began among the Incas with the introduction of raw values resulting in an unbalanced cultural and societal situation. However, it is not the object of this section to consider the effects of the Spanish impact alone but to analyze the institutions under the Inca system.on their "pure” form.or the state of their existence prior to the Spanish conquest. 3'7 To avoid misunderstanding on the definition of insti- tution, R. G. Angell has the following one which serves the purpose. Institutions are systems of social relationships to which peOple feel loyal because these systems are judged to embody the ultimate values that these people have in common. Their acceptance need not be rational or consciou , it is often tradition or emotional. Because it is of the most concern to study the so— cietal institutions which are focused aromid the Inca life, the mjor institutions which bring about a "common orien- tation" for all their members will be taken into consid- eration. These include the family, the political struc- ture, religion and the division of labor. Through a hundred years of Inca imperialism the value system did not alter much because conditions remained practically the same. There is no doubt that certain adjustments in the institution occurred in order to reinforce the common values but the harmony continued until the arrival of the Conquistador-es. The Kinship System And The Family There is no doubt that the family went through a pro- cess of evolution which was due largely to the new contacts with other tribes and later with the Europeans. There is in existence sufficient historical data to show that the family organisation of the Indians at the time of the conquest 1 R. G. Angeli, The Into ation _o_§_ American Society. New York: chraw Fm, I§El p. 55 38 differed from that of the Spanish. These evidences are scattered in the chronicles but the focus of attention was upon the administration and religion of the Inca rather than a description of the family or village organization. The first term to be introduced in relation to the kinship system is the flu. The 5.1.1.93. is recognized today as the fundamental social group common to all Andean socie- ties, great and small, ancient and modern. 1 The term m1} is translated as "clan” by Beuchat and Trumborn, Germn scholars, while the Spanish translated it as "tribu," ”genealogist," "case," "familia," and "parcialidades de Indies.” Today, it is agreed to consider the £11.12 as a kin-grouping based on real or imaginary blood-ties, and at the same time, as an economic and social unit. Several early studies have been made regarding the kinship system with the _A_y_l_l_1_1. In the Quechua tribes, a single word covered the whole series of relationships, whose actual proximity in blood could vary from close to distant. This system differs from the Aryan cultures in which each relative is determined by a fundamental term as father, mother, brothers, son, and daughter. The Quechuas had a separate word for father, mother, son, daughter, niece and nephew. However, the term father extends to ego's actual father, father's brothers and the term mother extends for ego's actual mother and mother's sisters. It is shown by 1 H. Gunow, _E_l Sistema De Parentesco Peruano Y _L§_s Conunidades Gentilicias De 150s Incas. fiaduccion del aleman El espanof per [aria Worscheck, Faris, 1929. 39 momma sesame .aovnwssa mom mnonoo dzedoo seam: mango mnemoo snomoo nopmwssn mom Hmsmb mango mopnwssm m.pm3< mom n.9n54 “modem smog» dado smog» HH EZDUHM nommmmnw hmszdm monomers shew nonpsmmmsau snosm AflmmadmllmfiaumWWm mHfimmHm gorgQSdQ mom hozwmdnm ma a ..9He .mo .sommo ooowz seamen mnodoo snodoo noynmssa mom aaesm mesa seam: assao aopmfim nonpoam deem hoswnssm nonpsm shew 4O nopzmsmn mow wmzmb Hyena nopnmssm m.oaonb mom m.oHomD “mama sneooo ooofiz Bongo: snouoo moonoo mnonoo mzonoo Hfidsm ammo mango mmeooo odes: 6000 H negatiomm nopnmsmowamnu ESE mam ooofim aengoz novgmssm now nopmwdsm mom Hams: finso amen: wnzno fimSmD mango nopmflm nonpoam dasm 0mm mozmnmsm hometown mfisa nonwofimmmnc drama EH HA A SE38 fig'wfia. m E m 552g wH .m ..pwo .Lo .nonSO H ooofiz eczema szonoo mmoaoo nopnmddn mom Hassm memo HmSmb mango nopmflm nonponm scam mosmaszm compo: mama 41 Figures I, II, III, and IV that ego considered as his brothers and sisters not only the children of his own father but those of all his father's brothers as well. The children of his father's sister, on the other hand, were designated by the terms Ypapa Cari Huahua and Ypapa Huani Huahua (aunt's son and aunt's daughter). Ego con- sidered the children of his brother as sons and daughters while ego's sisters' children were considered as nephews and nieces. The distinctions between the descendants of brother and sister is not mintained in the second descending generation where all of them are considered the grandchild and designated by the same term.1 The same principle is applied to the consaguine rela- tives on the maternal line. 2 Ego uses the term grandmother (Paya) not only to designate his real grandmother but also his grandmother's sisters. All of grandmother's daughters are his mothers; the sons and daughters of his motlnrs are his brothers and sisters. The grandmother's son is called uncle (coca) and uncle's family are to be considered cousins (sesapa churi and cocapa ususi). The male egc's brother's children and female cousins are also considered ego's children. Ego's sister's children and male cousins are his nephew and niece and all children without exception in the second generation are his grandchildren. The rela- tionship for a fouls ego follows the same rules. 3 1 Ibid., p. 1:5 Diagram II 2 Ibid., p. 14 Diagram III 3 Ibid., pp. 14-17 Diagram Iv and v 42 some .,.H Bongo...” no vnwzsa now no 2.1.33 mom s33 62an nonesm gnomm .Sfissm .95 can «Epsom Taco macaw “use mega “undo 39:05.8 mLSé. now .0385 SE .35 as: 9.5 amp mam unannoflm smog». waao macaw mesa pend on; 5H .m .358 .m0 assessed En MMBUE nopmwssmczmno hgansm aepnmfisa com meow: oooflz novamwasa new coca; conned gnaw Tandem «:2: s33,” orgasm 935m 6:53 same: Edam “you Tandem “Coo Edam “also flfinfifi finso nonponm nopmfim nonponm om... shoe amz .989 confirm keeper...” and» show aoafimmmndaw enema m2 HA afia 3m. 4m slump... wwr m m Hmmz HM Hugohawllowm ‘43 mooaz seamen aapamsam eHHsa aHHsa Hanszm Homo Hunmsm Son nopzmsmm mom mzsmzm mssdsm Hhso Hands: Hnmo F nopnwssm m.oHonD mom m.oHomp > $.5th ROWomsno sense ncpnmsoa mom mzxssm mznmsw Hausa Haeo nopmHm Hemmblmmmooo Hasxolsdoooo mama 0mm OHQGD tampon sooo one; nonpoamusac whom 934 H3359fi~1|a3 H 50.15.- 0 WE mH .m ..pHo .mo «30:50 ooon seamen nopsmssm mom afiasa aHH:m asaasm asaasm Hamsm Hnao Hessm Homo aonpoam nepmHm shoe mama nonpoa mafia ooon aogmoz mHHSE dHHsE Hf Efiflm nonponm shoe aaso H 44 The conjugal relations are more complicated. A man used one term for both his father-in-law and his brother- in-law; another term for both his mother-in-law and her sister-in-law. Ego called his sisters-in-law by the same term that his own parents and sibblings used for his wife and her sisters. Male ego's parents called his father-in- law uncle and his sister-in-law aunt. However, there was a special word for husband but the only word for wife was nwoman." Harriage was prohibited with all direct ancestors or direct deseendents such as brothers and sisters. Marriage to a first degree cousin was prohibited if she was to become chief wife; however, there were differences in the restric- tions according to social class. Nobles were allowed to nrry their half sisters. The explanation suggested by the chroniclers is the custom of the later emperors of making one of their full sisters the main wife. Therefore, the nobles also had certain privileges distinguishing them from the com— mon people. 1 Plurality of wives was also an index of wealth and prestige. The common people were monogamous from neces- sity. Iarriage among the Incas was practically an exclus- ively economic rather than a romantic affair. The common people were under the direct supervision of the state because the state furnished each family with an adobe house, house- hold equipment and fields in conformity with needs and status in society. The age set for marriage was twenty-four for 1 J. a. Steward, Handbook 93 South American Indians, Vol. II. Iashington: U. 3. Government Hint, I516. p. 552 45 boys and eighteen for girls. When a group of young people were ready to be married they were called together. The Inca ruler presided over the marriage assembly of his own class, the noble (signifying their marriage) joining the hands of the couples who were to be united. The Curacas, chief of a smaller area, did the same thing among his people. The free selection of a wife was not allowed; however, the consent of parentsand preferences of the parties were con- sidered. 1 Upon.marriage the parties involved acquired their respective adult statuses in the community. A widow c>uld not remarry unless she was inherited by her husband's brother; i.e. levirate. A son could inherit his father‘s secondary wives who had not borne children. However, secondary wives never became main wives, the explanation for which is to avoid intrigue among them, Despite the fact that biological descendents were not distinquished in the kinship system from certain other members of the same generation, the biological unit which was comprised of husband, wife or wives, and their off- spring. 80 previously indicated and in conclusion, a brief survey of the kinship system shows that the family pro- vided a high degree of stability and security and hence was basic to the social structure. The real father was the head of the small unit, the family, and he was res- ponsible for the education of his children, especially 1 J. Prescott, History 9; The Conquest 95 Peru. 1847, p. 112 46 the boys. The girls were under the clOse supervision of their mother. The extended family offered the children as much psychological security as did their real parents. (Each.individua1 knew early in life his relatives, and also had plenty of opportunities to learn his role in bases of his status.) Therefore, from the extended family system people learned to adjust their overt behavior to- ward eaeh other in terms of their ascribed positions in the system. The social system.among the Incas is by no means simple or undifferentiated for that period. It could be said in one regard, that the family secures for the individual often the function of a means to the end of Itisfying various physical and social needs. From early childhood the individual is accustomed to using a group relation; for instance, his relation to the mother or to the family and as a member of the group he usually recieves ideals and goals from the group. The chroniclers show clearly several systems of institutions functioning besides the family, which.related the individual to the culture. The family and the rest of the institutions were related in such a way that the whole system.con- tinued in cohesion and unity until the impact of European civilization. Political And Social Institutions Although it encompassed a wide territory, the Inca Empire had a unified political system. It passed through a long evolutionary process starting in the PreeInca 47 period. Historical and archeological evidence show that theJAylgu‘was perhaps the earliest of all political organizations. 1 The;Ayllg consisted of a few house- holds or a hamlet. In time of war it was under the sup- ervision of a chief called Sinchi. The group was usually located at the tOp of a hill which served as a fortifi- cation. Later, the Ayllu'began to grow and neighboring Azllus formed the Curaca ruled by a permanent chief whose office was inherited by his children. The Curaca was an outgrowth of the Sinchi-ruled state, the Ayllg, and finally the compound state whichd eveloped from the 93:;- _a_c_e_._. The compound state(which covers mny valleys) was substantially a union.of several Curacas. As a consequence of the population expansion, which came about with the tribes' planned conquests, the estate pressed toward the lowland seeking more land for agricultural development and flockpraising.. P. A. Means compares the Pro-Inca compound state to that of feudal Europe. The major part of this development was focused in the highlands. However, the coastal area felt some impact of expansion from.the highlands which resulted in thed evelopment of the feudal system in the coastal area also. 2 The legends hold that the invasion of the Inca tribe from.Lake Titicaca gave rise to the establishment of the complex Inca Empire which subjugated the native tribes. The simple £13.12. system which the Pro-Incas had originated 1 Phillip a. leans, A Transactions of the A 2 pp. 428-29 Figure VI, p. 52 Stud 9!; Ancient Social Institutions. cademy of Arts and Sciences, XXVIII1925). 48 by approximately 1000 B.0., was deveIOped to a high degree of complexity by approximately 1300 A.D. under Inca rule. 1 Laws played an important part in the Inca Empire and served to hold _it together. Laws were respected by the people because they were believed to have divine origin. The Inca ruler was considered divine and because he made the laws, they assumed divine characteristics. As such, they were inviolable and unalterable, and all people regardless of social caste were subject to the same laws. Punishment for crime increased with its magnitude; for example, a crime against the monarch was punished by death. In these cases the individual was not permitted to defend himself regardless of the cause of his violation. The violation of law was, however, punished with increasing severity as the status in caste system declined. Nonethe- less, because of the belief in the divine origin of these laws with differentiation in the punishment for their violation based upon social caste resulting not in any unbalance in the operation of the social system. The overt behavior of people toward each other, toward the Curacas, and toward the State was closely directed and controlled. This part of the law of behavior was chvided into three main parts according to Garcilazo de la Vega. The ”fraternal law" was concerned with the responsihluty of all individuals toward each other for help and assis- tance. The so-called Curaca Law dealt with the enform- ment of the individual' s contribution to the common 1 Bennett and Bird, Andean Culture History. New York: 1949. p.112 49 welfare by work or by tribute. 1 The 5113.3 did not disappear with the growth of the Inca Empire but rather persisted and was found with minor changes in certain aspects. For example, under the Incas it continued to serve as the institution controlling the division of land in the same manner as it had done pre- vious to the Empire. Before the time of the Incas the land was collectively owned by the A1113. Under the new system the £113.}; apportioned the land according to the following divisions: one part belonged to the Sun, another part was designated for the Inca, and‘ a third part belonged to the tribe. Besides this, the individual was given the right to a portion of land each year in prOportion to the size of his family. Taxes were paid by labor on the land of the tribal chief of the Incas and of the church. This revenue went to the support of the Inca religion, and government and local tribes which were in need. The first thing to be done in a newly conquered ter- ritory was to divide the fields into the three parts. Each married couple was given a portion of land called 292 2 and right of usufruct. For each new boy added to the family, the government gave another 2122 and for each girl half a m was allowed. When the boy married, the father gave him one £1313, which was granted for his main- tenance as a child. The father, by law, could not retain 1 Charles Wiener, L'Empire 933 39.212- Paris: Maisonneuve and 016, 1874. p. 66 2 The tupu was roughly an acre of land. 50 what had been given for his son's support. The daughters did not take their half 3323 when they were married. Since the land had not been granted as doweries but as the source of their subsistence and since land had to be granted to their husbands, they could not take their own.away. Father retained the lands granted for the sustenance of daughters if they required them; if not, they were returned to the State since no one was allowed to buy or sell land. 1 The orderin which the fields were tilled was also determined.by the system. The fields of the Sun were attended first; second, those lands belonging to the poor. By the term.poor is meant the unfortunates, the physically handicapped, widows, orphans, the aged and the sick. In the third place, the land of the head of the household was attended by the head and his family and close neigh- bors if needed. After his own land, attention.was given the Curaca's land or chief of his district. Finally, the land of the Inca was tilled. 2 The State provided two granaries, one for the Inca and the other for the common people. The Inca's granary supplied the provinces in case of crop failure while the other was used to combat famine, to supply the aged, and to feed the army in case of war. Father Gobo 3 reported 1 Quoted by P. A. Means,.Ancient Civilization or The Andes. From Garcilaso de la Vamtmc'fiapm III—3r Volume I, p. 10 of Markhamfls translation. 2 Louis Baudin, L'ggpire Socialist Qgg_;g§g. Paris: Ins- titut d'ethnolog e, 297—737‘95 3 Bernabe Gobo, Historic Del Nuevo Hundo. Madrid: Imp. de E'Rasco, 1890. p. 186 51 that the Indians enjoyed agricultural work. Evidence of this is found in the continuous praises and songs of the Inca. 0f the tree types of land, the Indians were said to derive most pleasure from working the Inca land. Among the tangibles, the Incas placed an extremely high value upon their lands. Land was an essential ele- ment, not only of the social structure but also of the economic structure of the Inca state. The system of chasgui or road runners and the tampus (called by the Spaniards tambos) or post houses, played an important part in the economic development of the great Empire. Any remote corner of the Empire could be contacted rapidly by these professional runners. Cusco was the capital of the Empire, and as such, was a center of eco- nomic, religious, and political organization. The high degree of centralization, organization and even unifica- tion achieved by the Incas may suggest an individual plan, possibly the product of the mind of a single individual. Actually, the Inca tribe was nothing other than an 5113.}; which began dominating the Cusco valley, with Cusco City becoming the center of all activities. Reports differ as to the Inca system of administration; however, Means be- lieves that the ranks of the hierarchy were as shown by rims VII. 1 The Pro-Inca social groupings had been very irregular in size and diverse as to functions. With the Inca con- quest all groups were reduced to a symetrical administrative 1 Means, cp. cit., p. 292 52 DEVELOPKENT OF THE POLITICAL INDIAN INSTITUTIONS AYLLUS (Few households under the au- thority of the Sinchi for war.) AYLL'U-CUNA (Composed of several a llus un- der a hereditary authorIEy called a Curaca.) COMPOUND STATE (Comparable to Feudal Europe) REATFEUDALKINGDOMS (Composed of Compound States) Figure VI 53 BANKS OF HIERARCHY UNDER THE INCA ADMINISTRATION Social Sapa Inca Caste Orejones l 2 3 4 The Inca And The Empirial Caste The Apu-Cuna or Hatun ApuPCuna.Spanish called them Viceroys N Tucuricuc-Cuna Officials ruling jurisdictions containing 40,000 households called Guaman (Provinces) Noble and Gentle- Hunu-Camayu-Cana men Official in charge of 10,000 households On the called Humu Curacas Huaranca-Camayu-Cuna Official in charge of 1,000 households called Huaranca Pichuca-Pachaca-Camayu-Cuna Official in charge of 500 households called Pichuca Pachaca-Camayu-Cuna Official in charge of 100 households called Pachaca m Pichca-Chunca-Camayu-Cuna Official in charge of 50 households People called Pichoachunca Chunca -Camayu-Cuna Official in charge of 10 households called Chunca Figure VII. i'Data from P. A. Means arranged in a diagram. 54 pyramid. The strength of the Empire arose due to the participation of all three social castes; i. 6. Imperial or Inca caste, nobility and the people. The officials of the Pachaca-Camayu to Tucuric-Cuna were called Curaca, meaning "gentleman" or"nobleman." The officials of the Tucuricuc-Cuna and Hunu-Camayu-Cuna were appointed by the Sapa Inca or by the.Apu~Cuna and called by the Spaniards ViCeroys. These officials of the two highest ranks were very often of the imperial blood and dependent directly from the Inca himself. The Chunca-Camayu-Cuna and the Pichca-Chunca-Camayu-Cuna were appointed from.among the heads of households in their respective subdivisions of ten households in the former or of five Chuncas as in the latter case. Therefore, the chiefs of Chunca-Camaya- Cuna and Pichca-Chunca-Cuna divisions were in closer con- tact with the peOple than any of the other officers. Their duties were concerned with the supervision of house- hold work, and provision of sufficient food, clothing, seeds, and tools. They also punished minor offenses. All officials were appointed by their immediate superior in the hierarchy. Officials of the two highest ranks were from imperial blood and were under the direct supervision of the monarch. P. A. Means writes: Taking the old ayllu as a point of departure, and transforming it, by what arbitrary methods one cannot exactly say, into a group of one hundred households, the achaca, the Incas built up an exEraordinary 55 social structure in which each rank of officials was firmly rivetted to those above and be- low it, and in which the current of authority flowed ever downwards from the source of all earthly power-~the Inca--with no contact at §_I_L_l_ between officials E eguaI ram. 1 The whole p0pu1ation was divided according to age for the assignment of work. This division was stressed in the two lowest classes due to the fact that they were the productive labor force. Babe in arms Babe, one year old Child, between one and six years old Bread receiver, six to eight years old Boy playing, eight to sixteen years old Coca picker, sixteen to twenty years old (aiding his elders in their tasks) Able bodied men, twenty-five to fifty (head of a household and payer of tribute) Half old, fifty to sixty years old (light work) Old man sleeping, sixty up. Because of this order in society, it has been said that equality in poverty made all the Indians rich. No man could be rich, no man could be poor, but all might enjoy and did enjoy life. Competence, ambition, avarice, the love of change, the morbid spirit of discontent, found no place among the people of the Inca Empire. Because they were under the same laws, the royal families enjoyed few privileges. However, the royal offspring received higher education by the Amautas or “wise man." 2 1 2 leans, op. cit., p. 293 W- H. Prescott, Histor 95 The Conquest _O_f 13333. New York: E. P. Button and Company, 1909. p. 20 56 The Amautas taught them.the laws, the principles of govern- mental administration, religion, priestly functions, to speak with purity and elegance, as well as the science of the Quipu. Science was not intended for the common peeple but for those of noble blood. It was thought that persons of low degree with education.became conceited and were rendered vain and arrogant. Neither should the common class take part in the affairs of government, for this would bring the high offices into disrespect and be detri- mental to the state. 1 Charles Wiener says that high moral standards were the foundation-of the state. The individual should take part in the political affairs of the state but he should respect the sovereign's orders and maintain respect for women and children. Adultery was punished by death. Therefore, husbands and wives generally devoted themselves to their families. Vagabonds were also punished by death. 2 Army discipline was extremely severe and it was considered a duty to serve in the army. The time was limited by contemporary political conditions. Desertion and insub- ordination were punished by death. Rapine and pillage after a conquest were forbidden. This violation was also punished by death. The system.of Mitimaes was also practiced under the Inca system. Garcilaso de la Vega explained it as follows: The Incas transplanted Indians from one province to another for 1 Prescott, op. cit., p. 116 2 Baudin, op. cit., p. 71 (author's translation) 57 especial reasons, some for the good of their vassals, and others for their own purposes and to se- cure their dominions from insur- rections. In the course of their conquests the Incas found some provinces to be naturally fertile but thinly populated. To these districts they sent Indians who were natives of other provinces with a similar climate. This pre- caution was taken that no injury might befall the settlers. On other occasions when the inhabitants of a locality multiplied rapidly, so that their province was not large enough to hold them, they removed a certain proportion of the people to some other district...When some warlike kingdom was conquered, which it was feared that it would not remain loyal or tranquil, then some and not in- frequently all, the inhabitants were removed to a loyal district where they would be surrounded on all sides by faithful vassals of the Inca and they would themselves become loyal..." 1 In conclusion, Rowe 2 thinks the Inca government to be an unqualified despotism deriving its power from the supernatural being that was over the Emperor. The Em- peror regarded his people with a paternalistic attitude and the people found in him.and in his system security. That is to say, it was a well-balanced exchange. The state offered them (the people) security in exchange for labor. Equality before the law was stressed for all classes of people. Louis Baudin thinks this system.socialistic, in the economic sense. Baudin writes: 3 ...The word socialism, it is true, 1 Means, op. cit., pp. 213-215 Steward, 0p. cit., p. 273 Baudin, op. cit., p. 5 (author's translation) 58 leads to confusion; we have abused it so much that it has become an extremely vague term applicable to theories very different from each other. We would be precise then in placing ourselves strictly at the economic view point, that socialism as Opposed to individualism involved the substitution of a rational plan of organization for the spontaneous equilibrium obtained by the action of personal interest and the free play of them. The plan itself being established in conformance to a certain ideal of equality and through the suppression of individual prOperty. The rationalization of society, the effacement of the individual, the tendency to equality and the suppression of private preperty, such.are the char- acteristics of socialism that we will ask the reader to admit as a postulate. We will see that the Inca state of Peru is not only a pure socialist state conforming to this definition but it recalls by certain points others states of antiquity, mainly Egypt. In fact, there does not exist more of a pure socialism.than a perfect individual- ism. The absolutes are the case limits which enclose the economic life and which.are worth'being studied because of their simp plicity as a first approximation of reality. This reality itself is much more complex and we will say in anticipating our con- clusion that there has been in Peru at one time an agrarian collectivism.and a state socialism, the one sometime before the Incas, the other established by the Inca conquest, the one resulting from.long evolution, the other the creation of human power... 1 Ceremonies Buttressing Social Action The Year Round It is almost necessary to reserve a separate chapter 1 Ibid., p. 5 59 for consideration of the multiple ceremonies of the Incas. Iany of them were part of or derived frombreligion itself while others have no religious function. One may observe an internal relationship in these ceremonies as well as a relationship to certain major institutions. Some of the ceremonies had a definite structure, with a more or less well-develOped group of specialized persons. Ceremonies served to control people's behavior in many facets of life. The Incas divided the year into twelve periods. Each brought different activities and different life problems in the various seasons. Therefore, a series of ceremon- ies and rites were developed connected with.annual round of seasons. The llama was the main sacrificial object. The color and age of the animal were carefully selected for each ceremony. In the Intip Raimi period, approximately comparable to thezmonth of June, the feast to the Sun which lasted thrity days was celebrated. The Sinchi was the Inca ruler and the main participant. One of the rites in this ceremony was that of entering the temple of the Sun and kissing the sunbeams afterward, having sacrificed a black llama. The left side of the animal was cpened by the high priest who examined the heart, lungs and gullet through which it was believed the future might be known. When omens were propitious, there was great Joy and the festival continued although in actuality the participants live in oppressive conditions and dreaded cruel wars, 60 epidemics, failure of crOps and all manner of calamities. The favorable interpretation of the omens made them.look to the future with great joy and hope. During the Chahuar Huarquiz period, which corres- ponds to July and August, there was a celebration prior to the cleaning of ditches, ploughing, and irrigating the fields. The Inca monarch himself plunged his arm into the springs and then offered a sacrifice of a llama. With this ceremony the opening of ditches and the beginning of irrigation.was started. ’ Yapaquiz was the following period between August and September. The concern during this period was with the craps and the sowing festival, called Huayara, was celebrated in order to bring good crops. Fifteen.brown llamas were brought from.different parts of the Empire and offered as sacrificial objects to each of the Huaca Guns. Priests and priestesses simmdated the ploughing of the field with a white llama having golden ornaments in its ears. Then the fieldwas sprinkled with.maize beer, and the white llama was sacrificed along with hundreds of guinea pigs. On this occasion the peeple used colorful Objects in order to appease the air, water, ice and thun- der so that they might be favorable to the crops. Goya Raimi, from.September to October, was the cele- bration to the moon, the purpose of which was to ward off sickness and other ails. At this ceremony thirty white llamas were sacrificed and a small pudding was made with 61 their blood. This pudding was distributed by chosen women of the Sun to those who were sick. The period from.October to November, called Una Raymi, was a period characterized by a rainless season; therefore, all ceremonies were concerned with this fact. The method of asking for rain.was to tie a black llama in the sun field. It was not fed until the god, through pity, sent rain. Aymara Raimi, which is the period between.November and December, wasthe period of the puberty ceremony for boys and during Capac Raimi (called the period of dis- cretion) between.December and January, the youth of the imperial caste were prepared to enter adulthood. Youths went through tests of virility, endurance, strength and discipline before their ears were pierced and ornaments as well as armaments were provided them. The period fromLJanuary and February was called Gamay. The ceremonies in this period consisted of piercing the ears of old llamas and later sacrificing them.in order to ensure the health of the Inca. {As part of this ceremony the peOple lined up on both sides of a long cable to which they grasped and moved to the rhythm of the music until it was broken. The cable was made by. them.out of camels' wool in different colors especially for this occasion, and it seemed to keep all of the people in the same rhythm. At the time of Hatun Pacay; which is from February to larch, few rites were held due to the fact that the peOple 62 were busy preparing for harvest. Pacha-Pucury is the period from.March to April. The function of the ceremony for this period has not yet been interpreted by any scholar. Ayrihua from.April to May was a time of harvesting and hard work. There was also the preparation for the girls' puberty rites. May to June, called Hatun Cuzqui, a festival cele- brating the beginning of the harvest was held. On this occasion, five llamas were sacrificed and their flesh was roasted and eaten. At this time there was also a ceremony to lama Sara or Mama Maize, the goddess of the corn. Thus, the year came to a close. In this survey of ceremonies, it will be observed that all were Observed in order to control natural forces that were often adverse. Sickness, death, fire, storm, thunder, earthquake brought terror into these peeple's hearts. Those ceremonies represented a way of con:rolling the supernatural powers, and as time passed these cere- monies became traditional acts. 1 Religious Life: Huacas And CanOpas Religion cannot be omitted from the review of Inca institutions. In fact, the life was centered upon religious teachings. Extensive studies from the archeological and historical points of view have revealed and documented the religious system. It was natural, that as is the 1 leans, cp. cit., pp. 558-415 63 case with.most primitive peOples, they were animistic. Thus, the power of nature became the main object of worship. The rugged physical environment of Peru aided such deve10pment. Religion provided a means to face the hardship of natural phenomenon. Before religion became formally organized, there were other forms of cults such as the Huacas and Conapas. Some remnants were persistent among the contemporary Indians. _ The Ragga cult is characterized by its simplicity and is one of the oldest of all religions. Essentially it involves the veneration of material and non-material things. It was not an.averyday conern but rather it was used by the individual in danger or in expected times of crisis. Two kinds of emotion were involved in this cult. One was fear and another gratitude. The first represents a desire for propitiation while the second a desire for reward. The meaning of guggg in Quechua was a "holy thing," whether animate of inanimate. The most common objects of veneration were springs, rivers, mountains, cliffs or strange forms of rock, ferocious or rare animals. ‘ggggg were shrines or places of prayer. The religion did not requre a priesthood. The simplicity of the cult is seen clearly in the practice of women.who while engaged in planting the seed, would talk to their mother, the Earth, praying to her asking to make the crap a success. At the same time, a propitiatory offering was made by scattering maize-beer and milled maize upon the soil. Another instance was the practice 64 of travellers who wished to cross a river. They would drink a little of its water and thereafter beseech the stream to let them cross in safety. This cult was not peculiar to Peru, but it is found among other primitives such asthe Melanesians, who had the word m to express the power of some objects. Among the Fiji the word 92.4.92 had the same connotations. Birds, fishes, trees and certain men were considered to be _k_a_l__o_u. They represented material forms with certain degrees of spiritual sephis- tication. The Chota Nagpur's religion was also based on the power of the forest. Even in the primitive re- ligion of the Romans, the gods and ethical abstractions were a systematic idealization of activities and functions. 1 Thus, the M power is found in the power of nature and in death. The huacas were the rulers of the universe affecting all things. Therefore, prayers and offerings were made to the gods to maintain good relations between the power and the dependent human being. Canopas was another form of religion very similar to Huacas. They differed, however, in that the former were household or personal gods analogous to the Lares and Penates cf the Romans, while the Huacas were objects of worship common to a tribe or even to a whole province. The Quechua word for Canopas was huasicamayoc which 1 J. Jijon y Caamano, _I_._a_ Reli ion Del Im erio De Los Incas. Quito, Ecuador: Tip. saT‘L—eeianos‘", 19 9. 'p'Eo‘F I."— 65 expressed, according to the translation, the domestic and individual nature of the guardian. 1 Small figures made of stones or wood were carried by each believer as per- sonal guardians. This was their way of protecting theme selves from dckness and misfortune. These amulets were often inherited from parents or friends. Canopas served a more definite end among the Incas for whom.it served to heal or avoid sickness, to avoid dangers, to guarantee good luck, and to obtain specific desires such.as the growth of livestock and crops, and success in love. Cults similar to Canopas were also found among many other primdtive peOples such as the Eskimos who had a similar system of beliefs with the name of Arnuag; in the Aleutian islands the hunters made use of a rare stone and the cult was called Tkhimkee. The Blackfoot Indians kept their own skin as an amulet and a number of other peoples could be enumerated who practiced the same kind of cult. The transition to more complex beliefs was very slow among the Peruvian Indians; however, the development in their religion paralleled that in other secular aspects of their culture. It seems to represent a tendency to move away from.superstition. In comparing the Aztecs and the Incas, as far as religion is concerned, the Inca worship tended to be somewhat less pagan; while the Inca had a tendency to value the spiritual, the Aztecs placed more emphasis on the material aspects of life. The Inca 1 Pablo J. de Arriage, Exterpacion.pg,;g_Idolatria. Lima: San Marti y Ca, 1920. p. 14 66 religion of the Sun was organized around 1450 with the rise of the Inca rulers. They considered themselves sons of the Sun sent to earth to organize and teach the poor people to live better. The internal organization of the Sun salt had similarities to the Roman Catholic system. leans described the organization as follows: 1) at the top of the pyramid was the High Priest or Pontiff who was usually an uncle or brother of the Sapa Inca. He was known by the title of Villac Umu; 2) after him the priests were of tw0 kinds, those to perform the most sacred rites (persons of Inca blood) and those to perform ceremonies of lesser importance. The latter had become Incas by privilege but most of them were actually members of powerful families in the curacas. The- Inca had honored them by accepting them into the Inca caste; 3) local priests were in charge wherever there was a temple. The local priests were selected from the family of the local chief. By this means the Inca welded the lower member of the ruling group more closely into their regime through spiritual bonds. Cobo and Cieza lead us to believe that there was a priestly family or tribe; however, there is insufficient evidence to affirm that there was a hereditary priestly family or tribe which passed the priesthood of the church from father to son. 1 Clerical offices were held entirely by men; nevertheless, 1 leans, Op. cit., p. 408 67 a large number of women were consecrated to the service of the Sun. They were called "Virgins of the Sun" and were "chosen" women living in convents. They were selected between the ages of eight and fifteen and placed under the supervision of older women. They were charged with the food preparation for public ceremonies and the weaving of all clothing worn by the Inca and the Goya. Any fe- male member of the order who transgressed her virginity was buried alive while her partner in sin was strangled. Some historians classify the virgins into three types of religiouses. First are the free virgins who accepted their vows, received a few years of religious training and later were sent back to their area of origin to marry; second, there were the virgins of provinces who were given to the Inca as concubines after their period of serving the Sun; the third were the Cusco vir- gins who as virgins of the Sun could never marry. Her residence for life was the Cusco convent. Violation of a girl's virginity was punished by her death if she‘be- longed to the first order; violation was punished by death for bothif she belonged to the second order; and violation was punished by death for both of the sinners and their respective families if the girl belonged to the third order. 1 In the official religion the gods were arranged in a hierarchy. The god named Viracocha was considered to be 1 Charles'Wiener, Essai Sur Les Institutions Politigues, Religiouses, Economiques, §§ SocIaies QgIL'Empire Des nca. aris: laisonneuve & Cie., 1874. 68 the creator of the world; the Sun was second in importance; thunder, moon as the wife of the Sun; the stars and constel- lations had also especial functions in their worship. Fasting and confession were duties performed by the priests. The Inca Empire had existed a hundred years before the Spanish conquest; therefore, sufficient time elapsed for the Inca to perfect and organize the religion prior to outside influences. The Inca tribe was the one among many tribes in Peru making the pioneering in social movements. They raised themselves to more complex levels of s0phistication and pulled along with them.oll the surrounding tribes into a social and cultural evolutionary process within their territory. CHAPTER V THE SPANISH HERITAGE There are few sources of information which give sufficient information to reconstruct the social condition and organization of Spain at the time of the conquest. Historians of this period were concerned with the newly discovered Indians. Consequently, the chronicles were focused mainly on the raw world, omitting an analysis of their own culture. However, scattered materials that have been collected will permit us to reconstruct certain facets of the Spanish culture in Peru. Spain.was not at its best, politically speaking, previous to the conquest. It had been drawn together by the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella which was a success from.the point of view of dynastic unity but not insofar as national unity was concerned. Their triumph was not only over the ancient feudal nobility but also over other local authorities in municipalities and parliaments. It was under the auspices of Isabella that Columbus made his dream.real, and consequently Isabella incorporated the new land into the Castikacrown. For this reason, Castilians were the first to have free access to the Indians, carrying to them the Spanish culture of Castilla. 70 All other peoples from the Iberian Peninsula except the Castilians were considered foreigners, and as such, were required to obtain special permission to migrate. The Spanish in the is w world were surprised by the different degrees of Indian culture. Because of this fact, the treatment of the Indian.was in accordance with the political power of the tribe. There were great differ- ences in the treatment accorded the Arawaks, the Aztecs and Incas. The Arawaks were reduced rapidly and subju- gated without consideration, while the high civilization found among the advanced ones was admired even to the point of producing a bi-racial colonial policy. Among the Mexican and Peruvian empires, Obedience to the King of Castile was made an issue by the Spaniards. In most of the cases Spaniards captured the native rulers and followed this by the exprOpiation of their administra- tive machinery. The system found among the primitives was never totally destroyed by the Spaniards but re-shaped to meet requirements. Writers tend to stress the economic interest of the monarchs in the New World. Nonetheless, for each expedi- tion Spanish missionaries were secured for the purpose of propagating the Catholic faith. Among many other duties imposed upon Columbus by Isabella and Ferdinand was to convert the natives to Catholicism. Therefore, in addi- tion to the economic motives there was also a strong re- ligious purpose. As a matter of fact, economic motivation 71 only began to increase in importance with the discovery of the Aztecs and Incas. Nevertheless, a constant in- terest in the welfare of Indians was shown during the colonial period. .In the period of exploration the Indians were treated like children. They were considered to be inferior to the Europeans and their descendents, spiritually andintellectually, and no "cultural" values were seen in the Inca culture. Between the time Francisco Pizarro began the con- quest of Peru in 1532 and the arrival of Francisco Toledo as Viceroy to Peru in 1569, the Spanish.and Incas underwent a notable accomodation and acculturation. 1 Several leaders such.asFather Bartolome de Las Casas got the interest of the sovereigns in the situation concern- ing the welfare of the Indians, and in the abolition of slavery. The Castilian menarche passed innumerable royal cedulas condemning slavery and it was declared that the Indians should be considered free vassals of the Castilian Crown. 2 Nevertheless, the repartimiento and the encomi- 2295 were institutions of an economic order. Even the fact that the encomienda was an institution of Castilian origin.brought to America, it acquired different charac- teristics. Here a group of Indian families with their chief were subjugated to the encomendero. 3 He was the one designated to look after the Indians and to provide 1 P. A. leans, "Indian Legislation In Peru," The Spanish American.Historical Review.(l920) 2 ms Capdequi, Wdo EsEanol g3 _L_a_s Indias. Mexico, 1946. 3 Ibid., p. 37 (translation) 72 than with.religious and educational services. In ex- change the encomendero received personal services from the Indians. A new law was passed in 1543 due to Las Casas effort. After the death of the conquerors, the repartimiento of Indians given to them in encomienda, were not passed to their heirs, but were placed under the King. All offi- cers of the crown were to renounce their repartimientos forthwith. Second, all encomenderos in Peru who had taken part in the wars be- tween the Pizarro and the Almagro factions were to be deprived of their encomiendas. And third, the natives were free from personal service and the encomenderos were permitted to receive only moderate tribute only. 1 Indians not under the encomienda were left to devise their own administrative powers. Such populations were called reducciones because it was necessary to reduce themselves into small groups. Later the reducciones became corregimientos, that is they were brought under the rule of special Spanish officers called corregidors. Another basic institution of Indian.origin that soon was to be adopted by conquerors was the mita. Under this system.the Incas were assigned different kinds of work such as building roads and ditches, performing domestic service for tie Inca, and cultivating of the fields. During the Spanish period the pits was applied by the Inca system of drafting Indians, including the ones under encomiendas 1 Ibid., p. as I. 73 to do work in the mire s. Underthis system Indians were exterminated so quickly that Charles V prohibited its use in Peru in 1549. The Viceroy Toledo made use of Inca institutions and organization. He took over the ancient Inca post runner service and road house services. The Enaconas, the domestic servants of the Inca period, were also used by Toledo for the same purpose; e.i., domestic service. The new towns founded under the Spanish regime were organized under the Spanish system; however, the alcalde (the magistrate) in.most cases was chosen from.the Indians who had been already christianized. The overall function of Toledo in the New World was that of establish- ing a governmental systemnwhich.combined a major government of Spanish antecedents with a minor government of Incan antecedents. The major governments were organized in the following way: the Viceroy was appointed by the Crown. He ruled in ccnjunction.with.a court of four civil and four criminal judges appointed by the Crown, which was presided over by the Viceroy. The first political subdivisions within the Viceroy's jurisdiction were the corre imientos, which were governed by officials called corregidores. They were the chief object of hatred among the indiginous people. In the pure Spanish towns the alcalde and other minor municipal officers completed the Spanish governmental system. Minor governing was done by Indians, officers who were used as tools to extract tributes from the masses of their own race for the Spanish colonialists. 74 Soon after the excitement of the new conquest died down there was a relaxation of discipline and morale among the Spaniards. Most of those who came to America (in official positions) were the descendents of the Spanish aristocracy, but due to the system.of primogeni- ture, they were poor and bitter about the Spanish system of inheritance. For them, America became a new promise to become wealthy. It also offered the possibility of satisfying their sexual desires easily among the con- quered pe0p1e. Family life was not considered at all. The Sovereigns became aware of the situation and soon now cedulas were passed to recognize the legal status of those living in concubinage with the Indians. By the Real Cedula of February 5, 1515, the King ordered the following: My voluntad es que los dichos yndios e yndias tengan entera libertad para se casen con quienes quisieran asi con yndios como con naturales destas partes...1 On December 17, 1557 a cedula was dictated by the Audience in Peru to allow anyone to marry just one 'Omane A ningun cacique aunque infiel se le permitiese casar mas de una vez, ni tener mujeres encerradas, o privarles de que ellos executen con quien quisieran. 3 . 1 "my will is that Indians will be given complete freedom to marry whom.they wish, Spanish.or Indians.“ Ibid., p.95 2 "Any chief will be allowed to have more than one woman or to marry more than one." Ibid., p. 95 75 Cedulas from the King and Viceroy were abundant and tended to maintain the practice of unity in family life. The church also took an active part by their effort to preserve legal and controlled marriages according to Catholic dogma. The Right Of Property All territory belonged to the kings, but they made grants for imsadministration. The Spanish wished to main- tain and encourage the Inca socialistic way of life. This is evidenced by some of the regulations as to the free access to pastures, forest and rivers. Recopilation de 1680. LEYES DE INDIAS: que los pastos, montes y aguas sean com- unes en los Indios, que las tierras sembradas, alcada el pan sirvan de pasto comun, excepto las dehesas, boyales y concejiles; que los montes y pastos de las tierras de Senorio sean tambien comunes y que lo sean igualmente los montes dc frutas. All the gold, silver and precious stones in the temples which had been dedicated to the Sun.and other gods were claimed as their property by the Spanish Church. As soon as the extent of this nalth (in the Inca Churches and tombs) was discovered the King, in 1575, ordered that it was to become the property of the Crown. Despite the fact that the best lands had been taken from.the Incas in earliest times of the conquest, the ”Recopilacion do Leyes de Indians” of 1680 ordered that 1 Ibid., p. 166 "that all pastures, forests and waters " as well as theiueed land may be used by them common to all. 76 it and its resources be given back to the Indians, and it was stated that they should receive the best part of the land on which they could plant trees and other things in order to maintain their families...1 Although Peru got its independence in 1821, the condition of the Indians did not greatly change from its state at the earliest period of the era of conquest. Francisco Garcia-Calderon described the situation in 1879 as follows: A brief study of our.political con- dition back to the year 1821 brings the conviction that one of the causes which have tended to restrict the social, intellectual and moral progress of the Hispanic American regions was the oppression and hu- mility of the indigines. 2 The present conditions of the Indians in Peru.received the following criticism.by Dr. Ulloa Sotomayor. His statements seem to echo the same conditions which in the middle of the last century were existant. He wrote: ...the Indians are abdurate with.re- gard to work. Their greatest hap- piness consists in doing_nothing more than is needful for gaining a meager living, cultivating for that purpose a patch of land which will yield him.up a few fruits. And this is what the greater part of them do. The Indian workman labors badly with- out spirit in his work, without 1 Ibid., p. 184-185 (translation) 2 Means, op. cit., p. 522 77 gaining satisfaction from.a duty well done, far removed from that affection for his work which is necessary to be felt by a man in order that his work will not be repugnant to him, and without taking the slightest interest in the results of his efforts...1 E1 on ache, the literal translation 5? which is “hook" is the name for the revival of the mita. Indians were tricked into signing a contract to work when they were under the influence of liquor, consequently they were bonded to the new institu- tion for almost free work. 2 A. P. Means feel that the only solution for the Indian prOblem.and for the development of Peru is the rise of a really intelligent and well-disposed middle class. The problem may be posed thusly: How are landlords who persist in abusive practices to be made to turn from their present methods to those more consis- tentwith.the social problem.of Peru today? This still is an open question which needs an answer and offers a challenge to sociological and anthrOpological research. 5 1 Alberto Ulloa Sotomayor,m MOr anizacion Social‘YL m5 Del habajo En El Peru. Bria: 1916. p. 2 Keane, op. cit., p. 3 Ibid., p. 528 CHAPTER VI INTEGRATION OF CONTEMPORARY PERUVIAN SOCIETY Part four of this study showed that the Inca social system.did have weaknesses. However, its political power was extended from.the northern part of Chile to the north- ern section of Ecuador, an expanse of territory that was held for almost a century. At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards in 1545, two Inca brothers were fighting for power and this situation made it propitious for the Spaniards to take possession of the empire. In this process of change there were great conflicts in the "native" society. On the coastal region the people were subdued without putting up much.resistence, but the highland people resisted the Spaniards for a longer period of time. Today the highland area is the most Indian, racially, and culturally, as Figure VIII clearly reveals. Through the centuries it is evident that the people of the highland region have maintained the Inca tradi- tion. Somewhat more recently, the conquistadores in- fluenced both the material and non-material culture of the Incas. Therefore, the Inca culture has passed through great changes in the process of acculturation between the "old” and the ”new" values introduced by the Spanish. At 79 the same time, it must be remembered that the highland people have lived under relatively extlmne physical iso- lation. This fact has aided this region in maintaining angh‘gg similar to that of the Inca period. The social changes occuring in this area, although somewhat under the pressure of western civilization, have not reached a level comparable with that of the coastal area. In such activities as crop production and the crafts, to a large extent dependent upon barter, the Indians still live under a semi-socialistic system of cooperativism. 1 It should not be assumed that the highland peoples are completely isolated; nevertheless, all indices from the Peruvian Census show that the core of Indian culture is still maintained in the highland area. This region seems to present rigid barriers opposed to the intro- duction of anything new which might destroy the indigenous social tradition. However, the Indians from.the highlands and the mestizos and whites are being brought from.the coastal area together in some of the fringe towns. As yet this communication is limited to the economic sphere, although they are brought together by their social activi- ties still continuing in separate worlds. This is due, at least in.part, to the fact that there is greater physical proximity between the people of the highland area than between people of the coast and the highland. This prin- ciple of proximity facilitates the association and inter- action within their own respective cultural areas, and 1 TschOpik, op. cit., p. 26 I‘r’\ ..... PERCENTAGE OF INDIAN POPULATION - sac am oven @ 26.0-45.9 6.0-25.9 53] UNDER so 2‘ V11 1. I L1 .1. Jklnhg ‘14- ‘1' 81 and important factors in maintaining a highly integrated value system. Towns located on the fringe of the highland, such as Castroverreina, Ayacucho, Huancayo, Oroya, Huancavelica, Huanuco, Cajamarca, function chiefly as centers for the exchange between the coast and the highland. The pattern of trade is characterized by movements of short distances, since the highland people go to these closer towns for trading their products. Therefore, the diffusion of new cultural traits begins with the immigration of people from the coast to these fringe cities and it is continued by the people from.the highlands who come to the fringe town to trade. This interaction is characterized by a lack of western influence in the interior of the Peruvian territory. It can be safely hypothesized that the farther one goes into the interior, the less western influence is found in commerce and trade. 1 One might anticipate a comparatively high degree of integration in the more remote highland areas. There are other indices which are suggestive of the degree of integration. There are numerous languages spoken in Peru, but many of them.are tribal languages. These have not been counted separately in the Census. The two main Indian languages, insofar as the number of the population which speaks them is concerned, are Quechua, the Inca language, and Aymara, the language 1 Ibid., pp. 15-54 Ifllfis‘fifl PERCENTAGE SPEAKlNG INUAN LANGUAGF UNDER 5 5 ‘25 26'45 46‘65 66'85 86 AND 02/; ;« ET firL ml". 1 A 8? 83 spoken near Bolivia. Both languages have very similar grammar and phonetic systems. 1 The distribution of the Indian languages, as shown in Figure IX cdhcide with the distribution of the Indian population in Figure VIII. 'Figure I presents the distribution of the population which speaks both Spanish.and an Indian language. The greatest .concentration of these bilingual people corresponds with the area of greatest social change which is going on at the present time. Figure XI shows the percentages of the population over fifteen years of age without schooling. The highest concentrations of these people are to be found in the Indian area. It is the purpose of this study to bring out the different levels of cultural integration in Peru. In the third part of this study, Redfield's typology is applied to Peru.in a broad way. The typology was substantiated by an analysis of material and non-material elements of the culture. A By means of the indices shown in Table 2, it has been possible to divide Peru into areas. These are basedupon a combination of percentages of Indian population, the percentages of population speaking Indian language, the percentages of the population speaking both Spanish and an Indian language (bilingual), and the percentages of the population over fifteen years of age without schooling. Figure XII shows Peru divided into six major cultural 1 John H. Rowe, "The Distribution Of Indians and Indian Languages In Peru," The Geographical Review, XXXVII(1947), 208. a I a y . I I . ' . ‘ Q EAK'N’ SP ’ERCE NTAGE SPANISH 61 WW AN / (BILINGUAL‘ a E H. a 85 regions. The political boundaries of the Departments of Peru have been used as the basic unit. The statistics are compiled by provinces and Departments; therefore, the cultural areas have been built upon the boundaries of the large units. There is in many cases a similarity between the smaller political units (provinces) and the departments to which they belong. In some cases there are significant variations between some of the provinces and their respective departments. In these cases sub- divisions within the departments have been analyzed as separate units. This was necessary for the most part in some of the coastal departments where some provinces have been taken into consideration for in division of the country into cultural areas. This was done in order to delineate the urban coastal area from.the highland areas with these departments. Those provinces are highly populated and present great differences with the adjacent provinces of the same department. The six regions prove useful to an understanding of the social and cultural difference of Peru.without1:aking into account many local cultural variations. For practical purposes working with numerous subregions will present many difficulties which the author feels are unimportant in this study. * Assumption: The author assumes that the statistical analysis used for this work is not used for or considered to be the determinantcf the cultural areas described herein but that the analyses are intended to be a verification of the author's assumption with regard to the six. l l mmmmmmmm WITHOUT SCHOOLING I5 YEARS OLD 8s OVER m UNDER 27.7 27.7 - 42.6 m 42.7 - 57.6 a 57.7- 725 I 07.7 awe oven . u. FI frURE Al 87 Area I; has the highest percentage of Indian popula- tion, according to the Census definition of "race." This area includes the Departments of Huancavelica, with.a 78.0 percent Indian population; Ayacucho with 76.0 percent; Cusco with 71.0 percent; Apurimac with 70.0 percent; Puno with 92.0 percent; and the province of Cailloma which belongs to the Department of Arequipa, with 80.6 percent. The average Indian population for the whole area amounts to 79.1 percent. Language is an index that suggests a high degree of Indian cultural integration in this area. Moreover, language is highly correlated with education. Education is a Spanish institution under the leadership of whites and mestizos. The figures for the people over fifteen years of age without education for this area ranges between 77.0 percent to 87.0 percent, or an average of 84.4 for the area as a whole. I It is possible to hypothesize that the lack of education is responsible for a great degree of cultural integration of the Indians in this case. Besides, there is no doubt that most of the communities in this area appear to exhibit a high degree of cultural stability. The father from the coastal area, the less cultural change can be observed in them. The closer the centers are to the coastal area, the more accelerated is the social change. According to the date analyzed and the cultural description presented in Chapter III, it is clear that the evolution 88 of culture moves from west to east, from urban to folk, from.nodern to Indian. The following quotation will show clearly enough the social change occuring. Fiestas are said by the local inhabitants of the highlands to have lost much of their traditional character in recent years. It appears that with the improved fac- ilities for travel and trade the process of secularization and "holy day" to "holidays" is becoming in- creasingly marked. Fiestas of a purely social nature and national holidays are reported to be assuming greater importance. Cultural Area II includes the Department of Huanuco and the eastern part of the Department of Ancash, that is, the Provinces of Pomabamba, Huaris, Huaylas, Carhuas and Huaras. The Indian p0pu1ation ranges between 49.9 percent and 79.9 percent. The percentage of people speaking the Indian language only is high, ranging from.52.0 percent to 81.5 percent of the total people, or an average of 61.5 percent, while the percentage of the population who use Spanish and Indianis relatively larger than in Cultural Area I.~ The range is between 18.5 percent and 41.5 percent, i.e. an average of 30.9 percent for the whole area. This fact, that the percentage of the population speaking Spanish and Indian language (bilingual)- is larger than the percentage of those who are living in 1 Ibide, p. 26 89 ArmaI,could be attributed to education. For Area I' we found 84.4 percent were without schooling, and for Area II, 71.9 percent are without education. The data at hand suggest the conclusion that both of these two areas are well integrated with regard to Indian values. However, Area II is characterized by more education and larger percentages of the population are using both Spanish and Indian languages. Therefore, Area II is changing more rapidly from Indian to Western culture than Area I. Part of this change is brought about by the communi- cation system. The railroad from the city of Lima goes east to La Oroya where the railroad divides, one section going north into Huanuco and the southern section going to Huancavelica. This connection between Lima and Huanuco brings urban cultural traits to Huanuco. Area III, located between I and II, presents cultural variability. This area includes the Department of Junin. There would be some basis for including it with Area II. However, the railroad system.which connects Junin with Lima, the number of roads, and the great mining centers have given this Department characteristics more urban. The Indian p0pu1ation is 60.8 percent for Area III while for Area II it is 63.5 percent, showing a difference or 2.7 percent. There are a total of 47.2 percent of Indian-speaking people and a total of 52.0 percent of the total p0pu1ation who speak both Spanish.and Indian. 90 In relation to Area II, the percentage of Indian p0pu1a- tion is almost the same; however, the percentage of Indian speaking people is smaller, and the percentage of people speaking both Indian and Spanish is larger. The most important factor in this analysis of indices for Area III is shown by the difference in the education level in Areas II and III. In Area II, 71.9 percent of the peeple are uneducated while in.Area III, 59.6 percent are uneduca- ted. This difference becomes significant when considering the Indian p0pu1ation of both.areas, because percentage of the Indian p0pu1ation is practically the same. Area III for a great many years has been under the direct influence of the urban center of Lima. Thus, Junin has become one of the most prosperous and produc- tive in the entire republic. The chief source of wealth is the mining industry. The town of La Oroya with its smelters, and Cerro de Pasco where the operations of the Cepper Corporation are concentrated, have made of this area one of the most important metallurgical centers in South.America. It handles practically all the minerals of the entire mining region of Peru. La Oroya is the focus mining activities while Huancayo is the commercial center. Huancayo is the town where the primitive Indians from the remote uplands mingle with the tourist and urban peo- ple from.Lima. Hacendados, soldiers, priests, arrieros, Indians, Spanish people, vendors of patent medicine, all wander among the crowd. Fortune tellers divine the 91 future with the assistance of trained monkeys and parrots; sellers of lottery tickets are found daily on the streets. Within the last twenty years, according to older residents of this area, many native handicrafts disappeared before the flood of manufactured articles from the coast. The Jauja Valley is very rapidly changing in the direction of the culture of the twentieth century world. 1 The preceeding description of Area III suggests the accelerated cultural changes which the region is going through. There is relatively less cultural integration among the Indians than in the other highland areas. Per- haps this area affords a glimpse of the future changes for the highland areas. However, it will not come about until the means of communication and urban centers become well developed in Areas I and II. Area IV includes the Departments of Loreto and ladre de Dios. Madre de Dios has a density of less than 1 person per square kilometer and Loreto has from.1 to 3 persons. It is an area which is quite different physically from.the highlands. For a great many cen- turies these areas have been divided into tribal groups with.their own Indian language and culture. Modern civ- ilization is breaking into this area by way of the Ama- zon.River. The Spanish influence is becoming apparent, since 24.8 percent of the p0pu1ation use both Spanish and some Indian language. The Census data are not accurate 1 Ibid., P0 36 92 due to the impossibility of reaching all the Indians. The census lists 37.8 percent of the population as Indian. The p0pu1ation fifteen years of age without school- ing is 50.6 percent. Iquitos is the most modernized city and is always in direct contact with the outside world by means of the Amazon River. Most of the white p0pu1ation of this area is concentrated there. The remainder of the p0pu1ation, mostly Indian, live in small groups wherever they are able to find a productive piece of land. It is unlikely that this region will become unified due to the physical environment. 1 The indices computed_for Area V show a different level of cultural integration than in the rest of the highland. It includes the Departments of San Martin, Amazonas, Cajamarca, the provinces of Ayabaca, Huancabamba, Marr0pon and Piura in the Department of Piura, the provinces of Patas, Otusco, Santiago de Chusco, Huamachuco and Bolivar in the Department of La Libertad, the provinces of Bolognesi, Yuncay, Pallasca and Aija in the Department I of Ancash. Great similarity was found in the indices computed for these northern Departments and a southern area composed of the Departments of Tacna, Monquegua and the provinces of Carvelli, Castilla, Condensuyos and La Union in the Department of Arequipa. The whole of Area V pre- sents great complexity. In the first place this area is next to the lowest in percentage of Indian p0pu1ation on 1 See Chapter II of this work. 95 the coast. It has an average of 54.5 percent Indian population. Most of the p0pu1ation speaks Spanish, since only 6.6 percent speaks an Indian language and 9.7 percent are bilingual. However, one of the main.reasons for making these departments and provinces a cultural area is the high.degree of illiteracy; 59.1 percent of the popula- tion over fifteen years of age in this area is without school- ing. There exist great variahnities within the area as to the percentages. However, the degree of assimilation of the Indian population is shown'by the fact that the prov- inces of Ayabaca, Huancabamba and Piura in the Department of Piura has 56.5 percent, 66.6 percent and 55.8 percent respectively of Indian p0pu1ation. However, no one in these sub-areas is reported as speaking an Indian language only. Nevertheless, Spanish is not learned in the schools since the percentage of the p0pu1ation without schooling range between 56.5 and 78.2 percent. In the southern section, composed of the Departments of Tacna and Monquegua, there is a difference in some of the indices. The Departments of Tacna and Monquegua, for instance, have an Indian p0pu1ation of 52.2 percent and 46.1 percent respectively. Although these percentages are as high as in the northern area, the percentage of languages spoken is different. There is a larger percentage of p0pu1ation speaking only Indian and Indian and Spanish than in the northern area. 1 The same is true for the 1 See Table 2 of this'work. 94 provinces of the Department of Arequipa, although the level of education isrelatively the same for all the sub-areas, this condition makesof this area a very dis- tinct one. The area, as a final conclusion, shows the greatest degree of transition. Some sub-areas have re- ceived the impact of urbanization and they have changed, while adjacent sub-areas, near to the ones which have changed, remain.re1atively isolated from.the urban impact. Area VI includes the Departments of Tumbes, Lambayeque, Lima, Ica; the provinces of Paita and Sullana in the Depart- ment of Piura; the provinces of Trujillo and Pascamato in the Department of La Libertad; the provinces of Santa in the Department of Ancash, and the provinces of Arequipa, Camana and Yslay in the Department of Arequipa. The prov- inces and departments mentioned above, are located next to the coast. The area contains the highest concentration of p0pudation. Out of the total population, 16.6 percent were counted as Indians; 1.9 percent speak an Indian language only, and 9.0 percent are bilingual. The area has the highest concentration of schools; thusthe Opportunity for education is greatly increased. The area has an average of 22.4 percent of the total p0pu1ation without schooling. This area is the Merida of Peru. 1 It represents the "receiving area" while the highland is the "mobile area." The migration between the highland and the coast 1 The author is indebted to the studies of Redfield and Miner for suggesting some of the lines of analysis applied here. See R. Redfield, Folk Culture Qf‘Yucatan; Horace Miner, _St. Dennis A French Canadiap CommuniJ. 95 is a fact worthy of consideration, because of the resulting dispersion of cultural traits. There is no doubt that since World War II a great economic revolution has taken place and many of the people are leaving the occupations of "primary" production for these connected in some way with industry. This area is the highly capitalistic area of Peru and as such the leading one in the administrative economy of the country. .0 Cd MAJOR CULTURAL All ‘*-~ fLJLII.) v—‘ .7. 96 TABLE 2 PROPORTIONS SPEAKING INDIAN ONLY.AND PROPORTIONS SPEAKING BOTH INDIAN AND SPANISH: PROPORTIONS OVER FIFTEEN YEARS OF AGE WITHOUT EDUCATION IN PERUVIAN DEPARTMENTS AND SELECTED PROVINCES ‘ Tndian Indian Bilingual POPE-Era on Area Population Speaking People Without Peeple Education, 15 years and over TI 011500 7108 7904 1809 8108 Puno 92.4 85.4 15.2 85.8 Apurimac 70.0 86.2 15.4 87.4 Ayacucho 76.0 82.4 16.7 85.5 Huaniauelica 78.7 78.4 19.9 85.2 Arequipa: Prov. Cailloma 80.6 66.7 50.5 77.0 TOTAL 79.1 81.8 17.0 84.4 II Huanuco 6305 5206 350.7 72.2 Ancash: Provinees Ponabamba 65.8 67.1 22.7 84.0 Huaylas 49.9 52.0 55.0 65.1 Huari 6107 8105 1803 8108 Carhuas 79.9 80.0 19.2 81.0 Hue-ran 6502 55.2 4103 6206 TOTAL 65.5 61.5 50.9 71.9 III Junin 60.8 47.2 52.0 59.6 IV Loreto 58.1 15.5 25.2 50.8 Madre de Dios 25.9 5.5 11.7 46.8 57.8 15.2 24.8 50.6 TOTAL 97 R—Indian fIndian ‘__§ilinguai FopfiIation Area Population Speaking Peeple Without ' Peeple Education, 15 years and over V San Martin 2500 1206 20.3 42.3 Amazonas 20.4 5.5 18.5 55.9 Cajamarca 12.1 1.1 5.5 64.0 Piura: ov. Ayabaca 5603 -" 001 7003 Ella-neabamba 660 6 "" O. 1 780 2 MarrOpOn 160 4 -- " 680 4 Piura 55.8 -- 0.2 56.5 La Libertad: ov. Pate-3 25.4 5109 4909 5901 Otusco 8.6 -- 0.1 57.5 Sgo de Chu- 800 500 506 5404 6307 Huaniachuco 55.7 0.1 0.1 82.4 Billiunr 1905 " 001 5606 Ancash BoIognesi 49.8 54.4 61.6 59.2. Ymcay 6202 6801 3000 7407 Pallasca 3300 705 1409 6007 Aija 55.8 57.8 60.1 59.2 Are ui a Earavelli 24.4 6.4 51.6 50.0 688tilla 36.7 52.3 5203 6000 Condensun- gos 28.9 21.4 21.8 58.1 La Union 59.7 58.4 40.5 70.0 Monquegua 46.1 24.5 24.2 56.1 Tacna 52.2 6.1 55.7 41.7 TOTAL 54.5 6.6 9.7 59.1 ‘ 98 “Indian Indian Bilingual Topulation Area Population Speaking Peeple ‘Without People Education, 15 years and over VI Lima 15.5 2.4 11.6 15.4 108 29.2 12.7 1.8 25.6 Callau 209 109 900 1604 Are ui a: IgquIpa 15.5 54.5 56.2 24.7 Camana 4.6 0.5 4.4 29.4 .1813, 507 005 805 21.2 Piura: 8. 1407 "" 002 33.2 Sullana 7.9 -- -- 49.7 L": Libertad: TrujilI6* 10.0 0.1 2.5 28.5 Pascanayo 2.6 0.0 0.2 27.6 Ancasa: n 2300 800 50.4 4306 I‘m‘yoque 3000 208 4.3 3908 TOTAL 16.6 1.9 9.0 22.4 * Numerical figures for each of the indices are found in the Peruvian Census, 1940, Tables 45, 47 and 67. CHAPTER VII CULTURAL HOMOGENEITY AS MEASURED BY WORK SELECTIVITY The present section of the study will deal with the internal movement of the Indian p0pu1ation in Peru, and will be primarily concerned with the kinds of activities in which the Indians are engaged. It is believed that such an analysis will indicate, at least to some degree, the extent of acculturation.between Indians and whites. The cultural situation of various regions has been analyzed by means of indices of education, distribution of languages, and distribution of the Indian p0pu1ation. These indices show the amount of cultural change due to the impact of urbanization. It might be said that the diffusion ofmaterial and nonsmaterial culture is highly correlated with the degree of education. With.the growth of literacy, advertising and radio in the Indian areas, has developed the consciousness of city customs. However, the break- down of the isolation in which the old culture was main- tained has been accentuated by increased mobility which tends to accelerate cultural diffusion. A large proportion of the Peruvian p0pu1ation moves frequently in search.of a better economic situation. Some of them.move on.a temporary basis while others move permanently to other areas. 100 The 1940 Peruvian Census shows the number of the p0pu1ation economically active and economically inactive for each.department. At the time the census was taken, the statisticians agreed to use the three basic questions presented by the Committee of Statistical Experts of the League of Nations: a. Branch of economic activity b. Position as an employee or employer c. Individual occupation In addition, the p0pu1ation was divided into active and inactive on the basis of income from work. An individual with income was considered to be active, otherwise he was recorded as inactive. It was found that 59.87 percent of the Peruvian population was active and 60.15 percent was inactive. The population economically active was classi- fied under the following branches of economic activity: 1 Percent a. Agricmture O O O O O O O O O O O 52.24 b. Livestock, forestry fishing and hunting . . . . . . . . . . . 10.22 0. Mining and similar extractive industries 0 O O O O O O O O O O 1 .81 d. Industry of transformation . . . 15.56 e. Building, construction and repairs . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.44 f. Transportation and communica- tion 0 O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 5.59 g. Commerce, credits and insurance . 9.55 h. Public adminbtration and other services of general interest. . . 7.70 1 Peruvian Census, 1940. p. 193 101 Percent 1. Professional and domestic services . . . . . . . . . . . 6.67 J. Others . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.66 As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, the problem to be considered here is the types of occupational activities in which the Indians are engaged and their re- lationship to the degree of expOsure to urban values. However, thieeaection is limited by the fact that the Census does not classify the occupational groups by race. In order to overcome this limitation, it was necessary to select only these departments with the highest percentage (50 percent and over) of Indian population. The departments which were selected and the proportion of Indian p0pu1ation included in each are as follows: Percent Tacna . . . . . . . 52.0 Ancash. . . . . . . 55.0 Junin .‘. . . . . . 60.0 Huanuco . . . . . . 65.0 Apurimac . . . . . 70.0 Cusco . . . . . . . 71.0 Ayacucho. . . . . . 76.0 Huancavelica. . . . 78.0 leo O O O O O O O 92.0 As these figures show, these nine departments consti- tute a region which is predominantly Indian. As an index of migration, the Census affords an occupational break- down according to department of birth. Thus, a comparison 1"2 of the occupational distl nation 01 persons born in the 12111 an «artilhos wit) tli t of the motif: born popula— tion is made possible. The sections fella ing attempt to analy"e the extent "n3 significance of Indian migrants in various economic activities. Table 5 shows tElat a lar"er preporti on of tile immigrants from the Indian.area were 03:1731 in agriculture than native-born pCP"0nS in nine de;artments. In the dice ' ‘ of S.n Iiart in, 70.; pzfl'c ant 0?. all persons born in the Indian pr tinces and now living in this dO‘uPtlkPL were ones ed in agr icalture . In contrast only 26 percent of all economically productive persons born in San Hartin were employed in agriculture. It has been grown in CF‘ptor II that the total agri- cultural productien is limited in Peru by the nature of the physical environment. The nine apartments mentioned in Table 5 contain the best land for large scale cultiva- tion. Tacna, Linn, Ancash, Callao are specialized in sugar cane and cotton; Ionquegna and Ice in fruit and ~rapes; ulli-uco in coca and cacao; and San E rtin and Eadre de Dies in rubber. A1.1;ose dew.ru.evts offer work Opportunity to the Highland Indians during the crop season. Furthermore, the cropping ,eriod of hose areas corresgvends with the period of in, widvity in the noun- tainous highlands. The native po ulation of the depart- ments s1101.'n i.n Table 5 engaged in agriculture is not sufficient to cover the demand for labor during harvest. lOo I’;l.3.C.§.‘;Z.‘2‘A3ZJS c1“- KATIE AND ELIGZL'LIT POPLKATILZI 3? (5.1813331) IN AFT-.110 ULTIEE L --I N 12.9 5 23.0 s 2.8 ' 1&9 7. 13. 25.1 ;- no r- w. QHQO o . 1. Tube: N 19.3: g 1, 2. Piura. m 19.5. 42v i... , 3. W ,’.‘60’ E 's ”s 4. Games ,-‘N 15’.O " : 11.333 “. 5m AEBZODQS 7;? H'fl‘.8 {I i 70b41' cs. Sun Lhrtin ; ? 10‘.9-< 7. Loreto ”K ; 8. 1 a. 19. Liberted "Irma 9. Azmsh Ll 13,.BN‘ “X- ‘3 10. lizmmoo / 9;‘w‘"’ "fin”-.. 11. Lima ’ l: 2 2* 10. ‘g 12. J:min Bi 83.4: 11221.4 ,4. 13. Callas : M 28.7’/ ‘~.. I; 14'. 103 .I- ’1’ 12. \ l.” 15. wanes-veins. ".,'I “of" I” 2 .5 \.--‘ ,X- 16. Ayacuceo II 12.1 1 1&5,“ " ISL/'u ', ..... 17. Prime H 15.5 13 253.7 g 18. Cusco 13. x ”1‘53. 25. 21.1 g I? 8.1 19. Eadre De Dice 1: 0.2 1}. 235.3.-- 3 1221.2 20. Arequipa 2.: rug” ‘3"! 204,: 16, , . 21. Pm .--." 51:7. “Nu,“ to." 22.150quogm 11:. f {"3 33.5 ,' \"' 25. Taom II 191.313.5433: 17.3} 3' I1. 11 3334' 1131-46 . N 25.3 x’ ‘ x x M: 4 H ' “Man ' ,4. ' W ------ i ' ‘~.“"_.' :3 .J.3 '. lm-tive 1a 0.5 ‘ 1131.0..nt from Departments having 50.0 percent or more Indian p0pu1ation. Z-‘ICiLiJS l‘lIII ) 0 We?! 3.: 33,5~23 ' yr’zém‘ In 35.. 104 The methods of harvesting are still very primitive and most of the collecting of cotton is done by hand. The department of San Martin mentioned previously used large numbers of migrants. The fact is that the Huanuco Department sends most of them.not only to San Martin but.Ancash and Lima. This movement is due to the lack of specialization in economic activities. Indians produce only coca in small quantity and the economically-active p0pu1ation is larger than the labor demand for that activity. This fact leads the p0pu1a- tion to migrate on a temporary basis. They move for the cr0p season and then return. It is important to point out that such departments as Ancash. Lima, Tacna, Monquegua, Ica, and Callao are located near the coast. In such locations the contact with the outside world is more frequent. Therefore, the migrants coming from the Indian area here are exposed for a period of time to a more urbanized environment. By ' the movement of these peeple the urban mentality is carried to the hinterland and a slow cultural change has begun. The departments shown in Table 4 do not offer great Opportunity for agricultural migrant workers, mainly because an adequate supply of labor is obtained within these territories. Furthermore, the seasonal demand does not correspond with the free time of the Indian workers. The departments located in the highland area 3983. one 05 .ogfiunsmaw .ogozoga. .sowaobaomgfl .0936 £5.56 .oonmds: Simeoq< used defloGH a. 105 ¢.m m.o oednmo ¢.mm ¢.mm 4 magma. $5..“ H.NH 99A N. .m N a. gem oosndsm ¢.mn m.afl aOH mfmm 1m moE ow opossum m. mm atom sausage m.mm Hém «no.3. ice flow eafiea new pmoafismom mega nH magagfipmd mauvmsgumm nH oozoam QH cohoamam “sects. afiesH SH new 65» pummtaoa .9025 ”Com doapmasmom mo ommpmwohom fiH nowpwafimom mo emdpfiooamm psorfihemoa 1.01:1: J] 11 r n _.. «mad afia“: _HH E5: Emu.» OE...” HabhEBHmwd 2H QMCnOAAH.§ mwomru no moHamcmomm mm; H.339 wadsfi 53. mmzbeflbonma 2H QHMQAH,.GM ZOHBA‘HDAWOA amomlmkfiafim v.5 ma..MOH,wV:.Vmoth Mme :UHES EH mEvaiExd m... m... ,’—1 dmda 106 produce coca and potatoes in the south, and coffee and some rice in the north. Cereals are produced between the coast and the highland, mainly in the departments of Huancavelica, Ayacucho and Apurimac. In most 3: these departments the few Indians who migrate find them- selves within their own value system; therefore, cul- tural changes may be expected to proceed more slowly. Ever since an early period in the history of the Inca Empire, agriculture has held an important place in the culture, to the extent that the value system'was main- tained greatly by the agricultural work done on a social- istic basis, as in the EleB' With.the arrival of the Spanish the emphasis was shifted to mineral exploitation. It was during the 17th and 18th centuries that Peru be- came a great producer of minerals. Many townstn the highland areas today remain_depopulated, an evidence of the past economy of the Spanish period. During the later part of the 19th and the 20th centuries the govern- ment once more began to emphasize the develOpment of ag- riculture due to the fact that during the first and second World Wars, Peru faced a shortage of basic foods. During the Inca period extensive agriculture could be practiced because land was sufficient to supply the p0pu- 1ation. As the p0pu1ation increased, production was in- creased by building terraces and irrigation systems in order to bring more acres under cultivation. The popu- lation increase that followed the EurOpean migration during 107 OE, N.¢ m.mm 0.0 m.mH meadomh¢ o.HBD< mmdm mme 2H meoqmfim Mnome mo ZOHBmomomm mme Zara mmwawmo mmd MMDHHDQHMO¢ 2H waoqmfim ZOHBmADmom zmomla>Heqz ho ZOHBmomomm Mme IUHmB 2H teamfiemmmma q mamas 108 the last century was so great that the land available for agriculture was no longer able to supply the p0pu1ation with.all the basic foods. As a result, the Europeans have introduced an intensive system of production in the coastal area, and government plans were deveIOped for the specialization of certain areas. The Indians are said to dislike work on the haciendas of the coast because of fears built around the mechinized EuroPean system of agriculture. 1 There are many Peruvian scientists who think that Peru has great potentialities for agriculture. According to R. Ferrero 2 the Peruvians are agriculturally minded. However, he points out the notable lack of land which handicaps further develOpment. He also adds that this lack has had the following effects upon the p0pu1ation: 1. Low standard of living 2. Insufficient food in quantity and quality ‘ 5. High value of land and high rent 4. Lack of land for the working p0pu1ation 5. Limited the internal market for the raw material to be industrialized 6. Limited available capital In conclusion, it might be stated that modern agri- cultural techniques are not known throughout the whole country. This fact does not hasten unity in a psychologi- cal sense. Feelings connected with the sowing period are 1 Tschopik, 0p. cit., p. 26 Quoted by Soldan, 0p. cit., pp. 278-279 109 different in the Indian and in the coastal areas. Many of the methods of preparing and drinking chibcha, for example, are not the same. The urban mentality has changed the peOple on the coast and it is actually in the process of working its way into the Indian area. § Livestock, Forestry, Fishing, And Hunting A total p0pu1ation of 252,975 are engaged in live- stock, forestry, fishing and hunting activities. However, livestock production, according to the census figures, accounts for 255,529 of the total; 6,905 people are found in forestry; 8,501 in fishing; and 615 in hunting. The six departments shown in Table 5 are those which have a higher pr0portion of migrants than natives engaged in livestock, forestry, fishing and hunting. Of the six departments, Huanuco has the largest prOportion of migrant and native population engaged in the given economic ac- tivities. This department is not specialized in agri- culture; therefore, many migrate to other departments during the harvesting period. In this case, most of the migrants are men who leave their families at home. This fact correlates with their economy since they are animal husbandmen. It is characteristic for the male to migrate and leave the herds in charge of the women during their absence. Herding has remained the basis of the economy of Huanuco. Large numbers of sheep and llamas as well as some alpacas are raised within the territory. Although these animals are kept chiefly for their wool, chargui, 110 (dried meat) as well as hides constitute important ar- ticles of their economy. Since this department has 65.0 percent of its population classified as Indians, great cultural differences will not be encountered by the mi- grating Indians. The departments presented in Table 5 have a higher proportion of native population than migrant population engaged in livestock economy. The data in Tables 4 and 5 suggest that the popula- tion of Peru is not an important subscriber to the live- stock industry. One of the reasons for this fact is that until twenty-five years ago the state of the livestock production.was extremely poor due to lack of scientific knowledge. 1 The quality of the animals was very poor because they were descendents of the early breeds brought by the Spaniards. Even today, the conditions have not improved a great deal. Therefore, the Opportunities are not great for the migrant population to take jobs in this line. Nowaday, the government is helping the live- stock industry to improve production by assisting with major problems. Many consider that Peru has better po- tentialities in animal husbandry than agriculture due to the natural pasture and good climate. Llamas, vicunas and alpacas have been raised since the pro-Inca time and today it is still typical for the Indians to have at least a flock of llamas. Methods of l Pareja, 0p. cit., p. 550 111 >.H ¢.H «EH4 H.m m.n snows m.m m.¢ dsmosvnoa ¢.w e.¢ comma H.m . H.H 60H >.mm w.em ooandsm . floating .938 . 335m nH mafipnsm 62¢ mafinmfim .mhpweuoa dam wnwnmam .mhpmonom .Moopmobaq .xoopmo>fig :H cohoagam menfi mmfiomH aH cohoagam Ufi¢ pcmapuamom cobflw waoaphsmom :H nuom nofivaHSLom mo owapmoouom nH apom nofipsasmom go owdpnooncm . fifiwd mafia». 2H Zfiom flxME om3.mmHBH>Heo< andm awe EH am»ogflum mmome ho nowaxcmoxm axe Zdze mqu¢2m mm¢.$zHBzwm Qz< ©ZHmem .Mmemmmbm «mooemm>HA EH QmMoAmzm ZOHemgbmom mmomlmbHadz mo ZoHemomomA Mme EOHSE.ZH mBZQEBmwA :H oohoamam on.a. pdofifimaom paeafinemom :nom :ofipwnsmom no owepnoonom £935 :H 98m :ofipsfiaom mo owdpnoonem .453. ,,HHA 2H QBQHE..E ZCBEAOAH zmomlmbfiwfia mo ZOHHNOMONE ”NEH. H.325. 2H Emmmgmdmmm w @1349 114 PERCENTAGES OF IIATIVE AITD IHGRAITT IiiOPUIATIOIiIS ENGAGED IN LIVESTOCK, FORESTliY, FISHI ITG.AHD HUHTING I N 3 5 ‘ 7‘ I, M -- 53. 10 J 6.3 I. 1'1 309 H. \ H _3. T5: 3.3 O "‘u. | N, 200 .‘ i “ 1'7 202. : 4‘ : 83" ’3\ \:' :' 0‘ S‘. -. ~ "1‘? 2.0‘: "\ 0:6. \.ra.‘ 1' 0.2 “.N’2.8 \‘ .o I 0.4 "u; 'HZQZ ‘3‘: m 0 2.. 1. Tumbes #{ z. ' 2. Piura ... ' ‘ 3. Lambayeque 8. nv3 8 ‘ \ K 4. Cajamrca 1112/ 9. \~,..:v" .“.‘ . 555' gngmi- 'N 4.3‘_ 10."-"'°° - an “ar 1n n 3.9 {N 24.4 x ~ 7. Loreto (I; 29 7 ', “ . 8. La Libertad “ ' ,' 1 ,' 90 AncaSh \ "..T.-"" 12. \ [..J 10. Iuanaco 1:11;}: 4 O ‘I’ x‘ ' ..." 110 Lima 0 ‘ N . :"Ho' " .0‘0 -. _a’ 12. Junin ' 1.7 x~m.1.7 .‘x 18- z 19. \ ¢\.o . 13. Callao ~~ J {m~ N 4.4 1 14. Ice. N 1000 x {15... 5.111 6.4 1 1‘? 6.0 ' . . M 1.5 at 5.3 16. °. 11 2.4 15. Huancavolica 5M 4 9 K --.--. 16. Ayacuceo .i'E: O." :.~§'?‘.§~~ " ...r 17. Purimac ‘~ 6 1 ' ‘~. ’ 21 18. Cusco l'I‘:’ ‘N 4'4 . 5w 14 6 19 1&1er De Dios LI 2.1(N 4.3111 4.5; ; 11 4'7 20. Arequipa 3L1 3'2 “pa?! ,.. .1 ° 21. P‘lno a“ ‘ 0' \-".. ‘x: 22. lioquegua “" “ 20. .. 23- Tacna N 19.5 E‘x u 9.5 l,’ ‘o ( 22.;‘. . ' .-‘23¥’ N-Native N 4. - 11 9.5 /‘ fi-r 1.1-Migrants from Departments having 50.0 percent or more Indian population. FIGURE XIV 115 percent of the total population of the Department of La Libertad. For the Department of Ica 10.9 percent are so classified. Of the native population of each depart- ment 0.7 percent in La Libertad work in the mines while in Ica 1.5 percent are miners. These departments are near to the Indian area; therefore, the movement of mi- grants into those mining areas does not present great difficulties. Although the Departments of Tumbes and Piura are at the extreme north of Peru and far from the Indian area, there are great numbers of Indians also doing min- ing work, more than the native people in these depart- ments. In Tumbes 1.2 percent of the workers are native as against 5.5 percent Indian. In Piura 1.4 percent are native while 5.1 percent are migrant Indian workers. Historically, it has been a pattern for the Indians to work in the mines. They were forced into mining ac- tivities by the conquerors. As miners they were used as labor force and later, through the encomienda system, mining became a kind of part-time employment. In cer- tain seasons, especially in the fall and winter, the inhabitants of the high regions are not over-burdened with flocks and other activities. Hence, they are drawn to the mining centers for that period of time. Usually men go in groups of eight or ten, leaving the women and children behind to herd the livestock. Nevertheless,1 I Tschopik, 0p. cit., p. 24 116 Indians seem.to be very dissatisfied with mining work. Many informants have stated to Tschopik, Jr. 1 that mine wages are low and the work is too hard; therefore, they do not remain at such work for more than two or three months. Then they return to their homes to stay until their earnings have been spent. This pattern suggests that cultural integration in the Indian areas is maintained due to the temporary na- ture of migration. In the mines daily interactions at work are largely among themselves and the relationships with whites are limited to the "patron" or manager. Hence, the attitude is very negativistic. It is not ex- pected that a great cultural interchange would occur un- der such circumstances. 'Psychological marginality of the Indian is hardly felt in mining areas due to the fact that they are not going to urban centers where they could find themselves surrounded with differ-ent values. However, mining may serve to introduce them to the modern world by 13 ans of contemporary mechanical devices. It is quite likely to assume that contacts gained in mining will not greatly affect their non-material valueswhen they return to their home environments. Industry or Transformation Under this category are included the production of textiles, wood and metal products, chemicals, paper, to- bacco, liquor, electricity, photographic supplies and 1 Ibid., p. 24 117 PERCEITAC—ES OF KAT ‘."E AND LIIGLAI‘TT POPUIATILI‘TS I’SI‘IGAGBD III LIIIIII'IG AND ECTF..\.CTI'."E IITDUSTEKIES I . I H 1.2 7- .1 3. ‘ 1. 5.: N 0.6 2'? '\, u 4.1 Q ‘ -- ‘ é:i a ; mo.9‘..-.‘ x ..o' :< 4 o t: ‘ .‘o 6 Avid." . .11 -- .. c, 311 0.0 ‘: lo Tmbes " "" :N001‘\. .0. M 1.4 I. 2. Piura 15913.6 "31 {I 5. Iambayeque 'hm.x 3 . k 4. Cajamarca, 8. 11°C.? \xa a‘ 5. Amazonas Mfiéu”‘.‘ 3,“ j 60 San Lhrtin '0' 90 ““1 0.. "o"-\‘ 70 Loreto ' N 0.4 ‘s N 0.1 ‘: 8. La Libertad M 1.9 I M 0.7 “x 3‘ 90 AHOESh X E X I ‘1. '0 10. Huanaco '3‘ ..,e’ 12, ‘1‘ 11. Line. ‘~,,-11.‘;“ N 2.9 u 12. Junin N 0.21 m 7.3 .~-./19‘b--' , 15. Callao . 1.1‘.‘ x \l N 0-3 g 19- 14:. Ica ‘s. a"? ‘.M 200 ‘1 N 3.7 15. Huancavelica 1: 0 %5 I x avg/(1)5; 1%" x x a“ 12130.4 16. A‘vacuceo $1.003 , 0 'N 001.. .--... ‘ 17o Pllrimao . ..°"M 2' ' 45:...hs.‘ :; .“ . ‘0‘ 18. Cusco .143“. f . . o 5. ,1 21:0. 19. Lfadre De Dios N 1.0.5} ‘N 0.3 {N 0.5 20. Arequipa. I 10. 9 ‘,. ¥. 300 "o' 'f' 1400 210 Puno x... x "'3”: . : 22 . lioquegua ."~. ~. {go 3,. ‘1‘. 25. Tacna N 1.1 1 x Most Important Mining Area M 3'5 ”.322". x I‘I-I‘s'ative N " .32" u .. , M -- ’3 Reg awhigrants from Departments haV1ng 50.0 percent ‘ i or more Indian p0pulation. FIGURE 3W 118 jewelry. However, it is necessary to emphasize that the textile industry is the major one in this group since 190,910 out of a total of 580,281 persons in Peru are employed in this industry. It is also important to note that 158,541 of the total number are women. As shown.by percentages in Figure.XELeach department presents a large difference between the percentages of the native and migrant populations engaged in this in- dustry. The percentages for migrants engaged in indus- tries of transformation are smaller than the percentages of natives so engaged in the following departments only: Loreto Native MigEants San Martin 5.2 1.8 Tumbes 5.2 0.7 The probable reason for the above figures is the lack of Opportunity for migrants in these three depart- ments. San Martin and Loreto, for instance, are located east of the highlands and the climate is trepical. The need for heavy clothing is unnecessary; therefore, the market is not great. Tumbes, Piura, Lambayeque and Cajamarca are far removed from the Indian area and are located near the tropics. Furthermore, it will not be economically profitable to move long distances to where the textile Opportunity is limited. All the departments which form the Indian area contain consistently higher percentages of migrants 119 engaged in industries of transformation than the per- centages of natives so engaged. This is to be explained . by the fact that this one produces all the products such as textiles, clothing, and drinks used by the Indians while the coastal area produces good of this nature for the urban p0pu1ation. The coastal area is a great producer of cotton and a modern textile industry is developing. The highland areas have been and still are the main producers of wool and the textile industry there still has folk character- istics as practiced at home by the Indian women. The highland products are taken to the town markets, usually located on the fringe areas between the coast and the highlands, to be sold to tourists. However, travellers noted in Peru that Indians are adapting their products more and more to urban demand. Their material culture with regard to clothing is changing mainly through the introduction of cheap machine-made clothing sold in the mining company stores. In most of the highland towns} today the people wear machine-made European-style clothing. Although some of the Indians have adepted the overalls and blue denim jackets of the miners, many continue to dress in native-woven bayeta and ear ponchos, hand-made felt hats, and wear sandals or go barefoot. Transportation And Communication The percentage of the native population in each department engaged in transportation and communication is 120 PEGRCEITAGES OF NATIVE AND LIIGPAI-IT POPULATIOI'TS ENGAGED IN INDUSTRY OF T RA NS FORIIAT I 0 N I Q‘ .’ N 3.2 x ,' m 0. 3 7. _ I 5.8 “‘ 2. ~14 7.5. 312.5 N 7.0 f 3 M 1.6 I 4. ' ‘,-.-. L j). 4. i -. 621/1 ,9 16.5 2. $11 5.2 3.4 310.61 :"11 1.8 lo Tumbes - II 6.9 .o-{ ‘7’ 2. Piura A 5 X I 3. Lambayeque 733:3" ‘.~ \. 4o Cajamrca I 5.9’1"‘ "“3.- \ 5. Amazonas /’9. ‘u/‘16?“‘~ ..... fl 5- San I‘iartin N 5.2 ‘~, N 3.5 1 7- Loreto 11 7.4 n: 6.0 -"‘. , 8. la Libertad ; ,/ ,v 9. Anoash 3‘. X. 12. ‘9‘ ’4" 10- HuanaOO “:..-1'1.?"1I4.4 .m. _, ' 11. Lima 1 5.4'. 1: 7.8 r~.: ‘v'18o----"' 12. Junin 7.7%. x N 8.0 t 19. 13. Callao ‘~ .~-J.,M 10.5 '. 11 0.7 14. Ica 13 , x154 ‘~.-. .1 11 1.8 15. Huamavelica { 5.8 .03/4‘5 10.: a”... 16. Ayacuoeo 14 3.8 m’ . 9 O" ‘3‘ ‘4‘\‘ . 17. P'urimao "1 - .,' ," 17o.‘\. :' -’ 18. Cusco II 4.6. .‘o ogN 6.0 : '0' 210 19. nadre De Dios 1.; 5.42 1,11 8.7 -‘ :1 5.9 20. Arequipa ‘: N 6.91:“...“5 gm 11.4 210 Puno .2111 8.5 ’p‘ ‘ ""\.’~J' 22. Lioquegua ' "~.....’ 20. " 23. Tacna N 8.6 '. M 10.5 "-‘. ,"'22.‘ Q "A N-Native LI-Migrants from Departments having 50.0 percent or more Indian p0pulation. FIGURE XVI 121 smaller than the proportion of migrant workers. Their percentages are consistently larger in the coastal de- partments where the communication system such as rail- roads, buses, boats, airlines are better developedgland in the interior departments, such as Junin, Puno and Cusco where the road and railroad networks have penetrated. However, the railroads do not present the best Opening for the migrant Indians. The arriero is and hasbeen the typical Indian system of transportation and communica- tion. By means of their llama or mule flocks, the In- dians transport goods and passengers to places where modern means of transportation have not yet been deve10ped. A total of 50,286 people are engaged in transportation by means of cars, trucks, ox carts, and service stations. From.the above number a total of 8,507 people are active in the arriero business. The modern means of transpor- tation will certainly bring about social changes but as yet in Peru the modern means are largely located between the coastal area and a few areas in the highlands such as Junin, Puno and Cusco. For the remainder of the country the arriero is the sole mode of transportation. Therefore, social change will be expected to be accelerated in former areas of Lima, Junin in the center of Peru, and Arequipa and portions of Puno and Cusco in the south. These are the departments which.are exposed to a constant change due to the encounter of both civilizations. 1 See Figure.XVII 122 Tschopik suggests 1 that the arriero which is the principal means of livelihood in many highland villages, is of Spanish origin. It is an activity that has been taken.over entirely by Indians and has become part of the Indian value system. In a physical environment like Peru, this activity will not be displaced until the modern means of transportation reach the remote places. Thus for the develOpment of modern transportation progress has been very slow. For the most part the arriero works within his own area, and his only inter- action with urban values are through contact with tourists. This interaction cannot change his value system to any degree, although it will present the Indian with the trends of the materialistic modern world. Commerce, Credit And Insurance A total p0pu1ation of 112,126 has been counted as engaged in commerce, credit and insurance in Peru with 104,704 of this number engaged in commerce. Figure XVIII shows that there is a consfimently higher proportion of natives than migrants engaged in these activities for the vanous departments. Departments such as Ancash, Lima, Huanuco, Junin, Huancavelica, Ica, Ayacucho, Apurimac, Cusco, where the communication system is well develoPed in relation to the rest of the country, have the largest percentage of native population engaged in these activities, especially in commerce. These de- partments have substantial pr0portions of migrants who 1 Tschopik, op. cit. p. 30 ' 123 PEEZCEETTAGES OF IEXTIVE AND LIGRAEIT POPUIATIOITS EI‘IGAGE‘D IN TRANSPORTATION AND COLE :UTTI C}. TIC I? I \ N 0.6 "o, 7' / M 1'4 0. 3 N 0.4 2. .0: --.‘ 1;: 0.6 N 0.9 1 : 1 M 1.4, E : L... )3"; 4o .0 \e ‘0‘. 7". x111.3\. ‘. }N 0.1‘ . 1. Tumbes 1111.4: ‘\ t. M 0.2 . 2. Piura 4N o.2'-.-". ," 3. Iambayeque \ 110.6 2 .1. \ 4. Cajamrca ‘ST'N'bfi ”a ‘.‘ 5. Amazonas 31.5,” "~, “g.“ ‘t 6. San Martin ‘6' 9' ‘1". 1 ""‘-~-'\ 70 Loreto 0'2 \ sq 6 2 ‘ 8. 1a Libertad M 1'3 i I} 1.5 I'Ls 9. A ncash ’ . . ’12 m“ " 10. Huanaco .L . ' O " / 110 Lima. I‘M-”1'1 .f..‘ g g.g “xi“ 5", 12. Junin N 1.4... . {an} 1831'. (“0"... 13. 08118.0 _I 2.6“ .0. N 0.3 o 190 14. Ica N‘ .'”§~'“\M 1.8 i 15. Huanoavelica 13 , ‘. I15. 16"."3 \ N 0.8 16. Ayaouoeo 11 3.8 W 0.2". 1 m 2.1 17. Purimo m 5.1 ,1’M 0.9' ...Z--.. "'A / 18. Guam .145‘ t, 0' 17o .‘ I; 2]: 19. Madre De Dios ~ .4 1 EN 0.2 ,i ,’ 3(1). fiequipa -.. .5 \N a: 2.0 ,1 [N 0.2 o no \ 0.2 “Hub: .131 3.0 22. Moquegua '1‘M 2.1 ," ‘u/uu‘“: 23. Tacna ““u‘. 20. 1 N 2.0 g M 3.8 r". 11.-rat ive 3’22 . ‘. Ii-Isiigrants from Departments having, 50.0 N 0 . 3 K23.“ percent or more Indian population. 11 0:7 0.8 .. FIGHT-113 XVII 124 are engaged in these activities. Nevertheless, it is necessary to note that most of thedepartments mentioned above belong to the Indian area with the exception of Lima, Ica and the small department of Callao. There, percentages show that commerce is carried intensively by Indians in these areas. This ability has been devel- oped quite rapidly since they have been introduced to it by the European pe0ple. The Census figures show that women are extremely active in commerce, 35,100 being employed in commerce alone. Arequipa presents an exception. It has the highest percentage of native-born persons engaged in commerce, 6.5 percent, and a high.percentage of migrants are also engaged, namely 4.9 percent. The Indians lack experience with the kind of commerce practiced here. A great part of the commerce is done with foreign counlries such.as Chile and Argentina. For all the departments in the coastal area it can'be concluded that the complexity and importance of trade involving the use of money and the participation of an elite is increasing day by day. The Spanish invasion, the increasing division of labor, the use of money, the system of markets have differen- tiated this area more and more from the Indian area where secularization and individualization is not great. However, those urban characteristics are pushing the frontier further east. It is then possible to conclude, as Redfield ddibs for Yucatan Peninsula, that 2;. 125 Where most goods are measurable in terms of money, and where much time and attention are devoted to practical, competitive bargaining by means of a mundane and universal measure of value and of achievement, it is easy to add the conclusion that intense personal religious life and non-rational sanctification of social objects are not likely to occur. 1 Building, Construction And Repairs This category includes construction of roads, irri- gation systems, dikes, ports, and buildings. Figure XIX shows that the urban departments, such as Lima, Arequipa, Lambayeque, and Tumbes, are the ones having the largest percentage from.the Indian area engaged in these economic activities. Two departments within the Indian area, Apurimac and Huanuco, also present great difference in percentages between natives and migrants. Percentages on FigureIIX show that the Indian p0pu1ation has moved great distances, in the case of Lambayeque and Tumbes. Therefore, there is indication that they are taking an active part in construction. Historically speaking, Indians have deve10ped this ability early, even in the Inca period. Great monuments, cities, bridges and canals for irrigation have been left as a sign of the Inca ability. Their engineering knowledge was a part of their cultural system. It is not, therefore, surprising to find that they are still greatly interested in this economic 1 Redfield, op. cit., p. 666 PEKCEEITAGES O F Indian p0pulation. HA T173 .126 ART) I-IIGRKITT POPULATIOZ‘IS ENC IA}: 3 III CCIZIIPC V“, 0111:1111 1.1m 1151311101: I I, N 1.0 / M 2. o E 7. 2. a. 50“. N. 1.2 N 1.4 2. 3 z 1: 0.8 M. 105‘ 0' :N 0. \r“~‘ ’45.»: :‘M __ ‘1‘ .\,‘.‘.'. ."N 1.8‘~ 4.1. 1 1 1. Tumbes 3.8 N 0.5x. jN 0.5 / 2. Piura .41 1.9 ("an 0.5 ,' :5. lambayeque ' g.“ 38:. X. 4. Cajamaroa 1:3” ‘~ . ‘3 50 mzoms ‘ 106’...\~ :t. ‘.. ‘ 6. San Martin 9. ~—" 10. 1.... g 7. Ioreto ’ 0.6 g N 0.6 3 8. 1a Libertad .- 4.1 :11 2.7 ,7"... 9. Anca sh E x’ “. / 10. Hmnaco ,3~....-" 12. ". ,’ 11. Lima "VII. 1 N 1.4 tra‘ ..x“ . 12. Junin N 2.6”“. 11 4.1 :-..-' 18*" 1'9. 13. Callao M 4.4%. X N 1.6 3 14. Ica .'(-'\M 5.4 3 N 0.3 15. Huancavelica 13 ’, ‘xw 52‘167". '. M 2.1 16. Ayacuoeo N 1.7 ‘;N 0.8,‘No.9- ‘~ ------ , 17. Pm-imao 11 4.9 ,(o- 11 5.6’ .-.1. "IX-..“ 18. Cusco J14.. : 3 17. ~‘; 3 19. Hadre De Dios 2.2 ‘x 1 :N 0.4 ,I 1 21. 200 Arequipa. 3.2 (M 4oé M 6.5 I i 21. Puno ‘. “3...: . :1 1.1 22. Noquegua . v" " “M 1.9 23. Tacm """' 20. ‘. N 6.5 3.“ M 4.9 ,-' ‘x‘ i’ 220 :3 I'I-IIative N 0. - ”'23 " 1.1 3.2 ’N 2.1 MAMigrants from Departments having 50.0 percent or more 1 3- FIGURE XVIII 127 activity. Perhaps the motive has changed; that is to say, in the Inca times it was a method of paying taxes to the state; now it is a method of subsistence from the pay received. The percentages of population engaged in these activities is very small. However, it adds to the spread of urbanization in Peru, and with.it comes change of cul- ture in the direction of secularization and individuali- zation. Public Administration And Other Services Of General Interest There are 56,578 individuals classified in this economic activity in the republic. It includes different categories of work, from the president of the republic with.all its dependencies down to the local town govern- ments. .At the first glance at Figure xxnit is unbelieve- able that migrants from.Indian areas to the coast and northern departments surpass the pr0portions of native coastal p0pu1ation in official capacities. If this be the case, we might assume that peOple from the Indian area are better prepared for Public Administration, a fact which is counter to the opportunity for education. With.the exception of the two departments which have the largest difference of percentages between natives and migrants engaged in this activity are located out- side of the Indian area. PEP CSIII “AGES OF IIATIJE Al‘ D ILIGt.’ CONSTRUCTION AND .‘J‘JPAIRS I N 0.9 5.". 7. LI 3. o 1 0.3 y: it 1.9. I‘: 0.2 N 0.5 g ‘3 3 m 0'3 0.5 I I [‘56 I .‘o 6..‘...~.. . l. Tumbes 'N 0.8%. ‘1, 3;“ ° ".3 2. Piura 113-6 4-"~ I .. I, 30 mmyeque ,4 N 002 P ”0 M 0.7 o. 'M __ 0 . , 4o Cajamarca . ,.. ,' '. '0 5. Amazonas y - No.42,” ‘o. 6. San Martin magf‘\ :‘..‘.\ ‘2 7. Loreto ,1 9. ‘r .W.:“"'\. 8. la Libertad N 0.2 ~, 10- 1 9. Ancash M 1.4 g N 0.5 ,n". 10. Huanaco I‘M 2-3 f". I} ’1' 1].. Lime. :~,.u'" 12' a ' 12. Junin " "11' N 0'6 VIN. ,.../ 15. Callao N 1.7‘ M 105 ("'4‘ ~"-1.80 ..h 14. Ice. - 2-7 ‘~, a. N 0.5 : 19. 15. Huancavelica .«“}~‘~, M 1.6 3. .1 0.1 16. AYacuceo N 131-30” 3...; 153' "‘\ ‘. M 2.1 17. Purlmac m 2 5 N 0.3 ‘. 1, u...” . 18. Cusco ° .v. 1.5'7 .«..3-.. ,7"-.,. 19. Nadre De Dios ' 1 . : 16.1 17. : 20. Arequipa 047‘. ‘ in 0,7 t r, 21, 21. Puno N 0.8‘:' N 0.2 N 3.6: ;N 0.3 22. Moqueeua " ~11 1.2' a...” g M 1.0 23. Tacna ,u, ,3 3.! """‘; ‘ "““.‘ 200 D ‘g N 200 ‘3 .; 6.1 "o'..‘\‘ II-I‘Iative 3' 22 . :. , . N 0.3 “ x123.“- -.1—I-.Ilgrants from Departments having 50.0 m 1.7 percent or more Indian p0pulation. FIGLTLE I‘IT PCPULA TIONS XIX 128 ENGAGED III BUILDING 129 m... 3293- III-37:9 Piura 0.5 11.7 Lambayeque 0.8 25.7 Amazonas 0.6 15.9 La Libertad 0.5 25.7 Lima 2.3 8.0 Callao 5.0 16.0 Ancash * 0.5 4.6 Puno * 0.4 10.4 The large proportions of persons from the Indian area engaged in this activity are due to the fact that most of the Navy, Army and police posts are in the coastal area and northern departments. In 1940, the ministry of war and.dependencies listed 16,712 people and the police force hada total of 11,581 employees. An understanding of Army policies sheds light upon the differences be- tween migrants and natives in Public.Administration. The Army is compulsory, and all males at the age of 20 must serve in the.Army or Navy for a period of one to three years. Therefore, the peacetime Army numbers 15,600. 1 Police and gendarmes amount to about 10,000 persons in- cluding civil guards and mounted police. 2 The question should be raised, why does the Indian population remain in the.Army in such large numbers and in the police force? In the first place, from.the history 1 "Peru," The ggcyplgpaedia Britannica, XVII(1946), 625-54. 2 "Peru," The Statesmanrs gear Book, (1949), 1248. * Departments within the Indian area 130 ofthe Incas, the Army has'been a part of their system and subjugation was a part of the life since very early times. Secondly, further research in this occupation may indicate that there is an appealing factor in the Army for the Indian from the economic point of view. As far as cultural integration is concerned, the Army or police cannot be considered as a means of Indian reintegration. It was noticed in the analysis of cul- tural Area 4, in the preceding chapter, which corres- ponds to the northern department, that there was a dif- ferent level of integration from the rest of the high- land areas. The data computed for Public Administration suggest that the Army may be one of the causes for such difference. The Army will place the Indian in contact with urbanization and with the outside world with.a re- inforcement of the militaristic spirit. Whatever is connected with urbanization is spread rapidly by the military institution. The individual does not have a choice of selecting values; he must accept the values imposed by the institution. Professional And Domestic service There were 165,099 peeple included in this cate- gory in the entire country. The immediate question would be, what pr0portion of the peopleare in domestic service and what proportion in professional activities? The 1940 Census counted 3,324 professional persons and 118,038 in domestic service. PERCENTAGES OF NATIVE AI‘ID LIIGRAI‘IT POPUIATIOI'IS ADIJIIISTRATIC‘I‘I AND OTHER SE {VICES OF N 0.9 ..I 78.0 1. I ..wm-qs .. 01 0 (J1 11,.7‘: 030 .' '36:»?"s. ofl' 008‘. 9 4o 07"N 0.5 ; \rn' 110.5 m |.... l. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. Tumbes Piura Iambayeque Cajamarca Amazonas San L’artin Loreto La. Libertad Anoash Huanaoo lama Junin Callao Ica Hmnoavelica Ayacuceo Purimao 18. Cusco 19. Madre De Dios 20.Arequipa. 21. Puno 22. Moquegua. 230 Tacna. h v- o ‘ ,,,,, ...o' 8 0“ 31650 "'21 M 5 1"4'. 0.9'.‘ :\-Iiative LI-Iligran'ts from Departments having 50.0 percent or more Indian p0pu1ation. FIGURE. XX -"‘l“ M 3.1 53 165-. 11 1.8"?' EI-IGAGED IN PUBLIC GEITI‘II’AL INT EREST . ‘3‘. “ .'d' '18. v” N 0.7 IQ. I Q ..o.... .8311 0.‘ CW 59.3w... " 17o ‘. IN 0.4 ‘~ 11 3.5, '0 I, ..‘ ' ‘ o 0' ‘.""'.‘ 2 O. N 4.1 ‘ 4.6 Q ’10. N 0.9 M 4.6 131 ‘\ .o"“o‘ .' 0" 19. N 0.9 132 FigureXXI shows consistently larger prOportions of migrants from.the Indian area than native born persons in this occupational category. it is reasonable to as- sume that the departments with the large cities, such as Callao, Lima, Ica, Arequipa, Cusco, Ancash, and Tacna will show the highest percentage of migrants in domestic service. From.the figures given.above, it is quite safe to generalize that most of the p0pu1ation leaving the In- dian area go into domestic rather than professional ser- vice. Due to this kind of movement the division of so- ciety in urban centers can easily be felt. it parallels the situation of the Negroes in America who migrate from the south to northern urban areas. The Indian in this situation might become acculturated, as in the case of Negro. However, the Indian as well as the Negro is not integrated within the total urban society. The concen- tration of the elite, wealthy peOple are served by the migrants. Migrants are often at the bottom of the social scale. This situation brings out a social class distinction based mainly on ethnic and cultural traits. Pepulation Economically inactive The census includes in the economically inactive category the following groups: Children up to six years of age ... 1,147,503 women .000.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 841,845 ,\ 133 PLEZCEIITAGES OF NATIVE AIID KIGPAIET POPULATICICS EI. GAG13D III PROFL 'ISSIO LAL AI ID DOIESTIC SERVICE 0 \ \“ N 2.4 '- ’ 11 2. . 5:; 7. 90 9 ' 0.3 . , 31.14. 1: N 2.3 II 3.3 E 3 o. L 5.8 I" 300 3 ‘ 'b‘s.‘ 333.? 3 '1 63".... '11 2°33 4' "1. 311 0.8 '3 1. Tumbes 6.2 '11 1.1 ~. ,5 11 3.0 ,.’ 2. Piura J“ 4.2 '3'”: ‘o' 3- Imbayeque ..8 'x 4- Cajmarca N 1.7 , 5. Amazoms . 1 3.5... 0.... :5...”’ 6. San Martin ."' 9' t, "’ "‘s. 7. breto N 1.9 '5 10. I" 8. La Libertad * 409 g N 1-1 ..' x. ' :H 4.4 '0' 12. x If, 9. ,inoash . .3.....“"..‘N 1.8 x. I“ r 100 Huamco "'w"no0,. M 800 1" “ ’.--' "'v 11. Lima N 2.5 ‘. .u...‘ -"18.:"' g 12. Junin - 15.2‘~. \. 11 2. 5 : 19. 13. Callao ' "‘c .' “v."J-I 900 I N 0.8 14:. Ica 13- ’ ”ah/1501.; "v‘s‘ " H 4:05 15. Huancavelica I'ng': 1.1 35"2’216". """‘---,. ." 16. Avacuceo ‘1 0 " o ’ ...-“.... '. \, ,‘a 17. P'urimao . “143». : g 17. . 2i. 18. CUSCO " 2‘5 'y' '5 IN 104 I {IN 103 19. Liadre De D108 1004 ':"N 004"Id 506/" .II M 8. 3 20. AI‘OQUipa EM. 704.'::~:‘ “, “ ..g 21. Puno J. I ‘: "' ""2 O t 22. lioquegua " N 13 ('5 1. 25. T . \' acm M 18.2 'e'.~‘.. {"22 1.‘ N 2.3 I"'23 05' II-Iiative M 10.8 311 3.4 2.2 II-IIE if, rants from Depart ment; ha ing 50. 0 percent or moze Indian :0 1111 1*: 3n . -. fl FIGULL: )CiI 134 students ............................. 549,148 Unemployed ........................... 46,117 Other inactive older than six years .. 1,135,645 The percentages shown on FigureXXIi indicate that the prOportions of migrants are consistently smaller than the percentages for the native p0pu1ation economically inactive. This correlates with the fact that the p0pu1a- tion economically active is composed largely of males. This is also substantiated by the study of literature on Indian mores. Tschopik 1 found that men from.the highlands migrate in men‘s groups and leave their wives and children.for several months to care for the house or small farm. in addition, the.Army calls all males to serve in that institution. It is in coastal areas where figures show the highest difference in percentages for native over migrants. All this is suggestive of the fact that the smaller difference between native and mi- grants in percentages of those economically inactive reveal a greater probability of finding a better in- tegrated area. Appraisal It is difficult to appraise, by the analysis of these indices, the cultural integration of Peru. How- ever, it is thought that they will be suggestive of the transformations in the internal culture of Peru. 1 TschOpik, op. cit., p. 24 PERCENTAGE OF NATIVE AND MIGRMI'J.1 POPUL'LTION ECONOMI CALLY I NA 131‘ IVE 135 ‘.‘ 7. '0. N71.8 . \ N62.5 M5.o 5. 3 1151.2 .."‘ N670? 2. , 31155.3 N65 .1 g 4.: - 3 g * - 1»! E '1." 3‘ . . / 30 ‘ \ E k “A. 1 68.6“. N62. 4 rN66.o ,' 1. lumbas . :,.1 6.0 ‘~.-: 1120.4 " 2. Piura. r“. 33;. ( 3. Lanbayeque ”11553-1“ x. x‘ 4. Cajamarca ..t;z.6 .-~‘ ”7..“ ‘. 5. Amazcnas "/93“ -- 'fo' 3.11"” 6. San Martin ’N63.8 N66.1 . 7. Loreto 46.6 g 1165.5 . 7.1 80 16 Libertad I [‘12. ‘. 9. Ancash : ..’ ‘7. /’ 10. Huanaco '\.,.-".“{'°"ii62.9 ‘5... .../I 11- Lima 11.: 1145.4 -..1 "' .----- 12. Junin 1169.6. \ ’ : 19. 15. 05.11516 59.5.“ .M 18. g N 77.6 14. Ice. 15 ’ '15 3' “1.155. 6 : 113.2 15. Huancavelica N80.4 Q’ .1161 1316 ‘MMSBJ ‘ ~. 16. Ayacuceo 1150.2 ”(1147' 1157.3 ‘ “u“..a 17. Purimac i4. 03137.n7‘ 18. Cusco N6811‘ ) IN5605 3 j 19. Madre De Dies “no.5". .M45.1 .' 21. 2) . Arequipa ‘. ... ‘v' ;' N50.6 21. Puno L 1. ' ...... g 1156.4 22. MOquegua ’ \.,,_,.-‘ Z) :" " 23. Tacna N37.4 1 1132.4 g..\ .82. ‘\ I .“Z3v. 11.11.61“. 1157.8 1160.7 1&06 " 4o Mthiigrents from Departments having 50.0 percent or more Indian population. FIGURE HII 136 Activities such as agriculture, livestock raking, mining, industries of transformation (textile), commerce and the arriero system have had little influence appar- ently in altering Indian folkways. It is in the fringe areas that those economic activities seem to be losing their folk characteristics. For instance, agriculture and livestock raising in these regions are changing their techniques due to government programs or due to direct foreign influence. The textile industry is adopting a pattern suited to theciemands of urban people and trade under the capitalistic system, and is a growing activity. The fringe area, between the coast and the highland is where the old and the new ways are blended. However, as a general view, poverty characterizes the rural areas 'and the main reason is the low productivity per worker. The diffusion of elements of material and non-material culture from the cities to the country have a channel in the following occupations: building, construction, public administration.(Army and police force) and domestic service. By_these means thedependency upon the industrial civiliza- tion is increasing and the adoption of urban elements makes the folk society more and more dependent upon urban centers to maintain a new mixed culture. CHAPTER VIII SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Peru has been divided into six cultural areas. Each has been found to possess a different degree of cultural integration. In terms of Redfield's typology, the high- land represents the folk culture. This area as a whole possesses innumerable traits acquired from.the Inca civili- zation. 0n the other end of this continuum is the coastal area which portrays the urban culture. The degree of secu- larization and individualization decreases as one moves from.the coast toward the highlands. Geographical and historical factors have been the major causes of this cul- tural variation. The mountains rise abruptly between the coast and the highlands, constituting a serious obstacle to the mobility of the p0pu1ation. As a consequence of the difficulty of this movement, new techniques and ideas from.the modern.world do not diffuse rapidly from the coastt:o the highland. For many centuries the p0pu1ation has had the characteristics of a static population within its own geographical area. Furthermore, from.the historical point of view the Inca civilization had as its focus the Cusco area-~the highland-~and today this is the area which most resembles 138 culturally speaking, the Incas. As a result of this analysis, it is possible to recognize the areas in Peru characterized by the "old" and the "new" cultures. The urban areas of the coast have been greatly affected by the impact of western civili- zation and the area of Lima has become the leading urban center in the country. Significant changes have taken place in this area in the economic and political spheres of life. The highland area is highly characteristic of the transitional stage. The Incas who had developed an elaborate culture of their own could not resist the "new" arrivals. Therefore, the changes made within the country, since 1532 when the Spanish arrived, were tremendous. The Inca center of Cusco was not in a strategic position for the Spaniards who were looking forward to establishing immediate commercial relations with Europe. Therefore, the whole center of their activities was shifted to the coastal area, although the physical environment is not the best for subsistence. The areas in transition have reached various levels of acculturation due to the effect of institutions which have operated in the process of cultural change. The com- munication system was improved in the coastal area and the result was a change in the economy. The small self- sufficient communities of the coast were replaced by metropolitan, interdependent cities. At this time, the pre-capitalistic mentality began to change into an urban 139 mentality. This change has been produced mainly due to migration. The result is thatthe cities began to gain in p0pu1ation, factories increased in number, mines be- gan to apply modern methods of exploitation, and rail- roads were built into the mountainous terrain. The mobility of the people themselves also began to increase. The areas far removed from the urban regions of Peru are still fairly immobfle. Life is family-centered and a great deal of ritual is characteristic. The pat- tern of living is smooth, personal, and homogeneous. However, transportation facilities such as the two rail- road systems in the south and north are favoring slow change in the areas which they penetrate. Along with increasing communication with the coastal areas, the barter economy gradually gave way to a money economy. In the words of Miner: It is a commonplace that social systems change to meet their structural prob- lems. ‘When the traditional ways cease to solve problems of life, social be- havior varies from the old ways until a solution is found. If the new ways are successful, they in turn will become tradition. 1 It is apparent that the urban areas of Peru have rein- tegrated themselves to a modern life more rapidly than the hinterlands of Peru. This urbanized coastal area has felt a direct impact from Western soc1ety which 1 Horace Miner, op. cit., p. 235 140 caused it to change in order to become part of the world economy. Historically, this transition.was not difficult since the internal social integration of these urban areas hadnot been highly influenced by the Inca tradition. It was one of the later regions to be added to the Inca Empire and this was done only shortly before the Spanish conquest. The southern area of Peru, composed of the Departments of Tacna, Piura and Arequipa, was incorporated into the Inca culture in early times, and it is struggling today to make an adjustment between the capitalistic system and the system of the 51112. ' Although exact statistical data as to the volume of migration are not available, we can be assured that in- ternal migration from the country to the cities is taking place at a relatively rapid rate. This type of movement has been true of most of the world. Population usually moves from.an area of low technological potential to one of high technological potential. Thus, the population is moving from the highlands to the coast; that is to say, from rural to urban centers. The cultural areas of Peru shown in Figure XII reveal the importance of ecological consideration. Geographical conditions and the deveIOpment of communication among other factors have created a sense of cultural unity within each region which differentiate it from.other regions. An important contemporary problem for the government of Peru is to bring these six areas into a 141 single cultural unit. The diffusion of the Spanish language is still slow. There is still a large percentage of the Peruvian population which speaks an Indian language only. The most important means for the extension of the Spanish language is the school. However, all areas do not have an equal Opportunity for education. It hesiteen found in this study that the indices suggestive of the degree of integration (the preportion of Indian p0pu1ation, the prOportion of Spanish.and Indian-speaking peoples, the proportion of Indian-speaking peOple, and the degree of education) are all interrelated. They have also suggested the various levels of accultura- tion. This survey reveals the existence of marked differ- ences from.region to region and even from.community to community with.reference not only to religiouspractices' but also to economic adaptations, trade and marketing, social and political organizat‘ on and material cultm'e. These have resulted from.the contact of Indian and the Spanish systems throughout four centuries. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, I., "Outline Review Of The Geology Of Peru," Smithsonian Report, (1908). Alayza, P. 3., Luis Ni Pais, Lima, Gil, s. a., (1940). Angel, R. 0., The Integration Of American Socie . : New Ybrk McGraw Hill, Incorporated, 19 ). 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