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BEVO‘LU‘HONARY ELEMENTS IN THE
WORK! OF MARIANO AZUBLA
BEFORE 1915

1hukkufiuthmmidfikfiu
MICHSGAN sun C6LLEGI

john William Saileck. It.
1948

 

 

 

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524 3467 . . ‘

This is to certifg that the '

thesis entitled

Fevolutinnary elements in tfie wnrkn

Of Mariano Azuela heFore 1075

4,;

presented by

John W. Selleek, Jr.

has been accepted towards fulfillment

of the requirements for

-_ ”2.31.45 2 _ degree in__ 32.“ 3.3-34 3h

W 13446424441

Major professor

Date—75: 21:2ng 91: I? 1911 5‘

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drop to
LIBRARIES remove this

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h. your record.

he charged if
returned after

stamped below.

FINES will
book is

 

REVOLUTICKARY ELlfiffiTS

IN THE WOPKS or KARIANO AZUELA 33F RE 1915

by
JCEN rILLIA: SEL ESE, JR.

W“

A THESIS
Submitted to the Graduate School of Michiqan State
College of Agriculture and Acplied Science in
partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF 2T5

Department of Foreign Languages

1948

THESIS

 

 

 

FOREWORD

Dr. Kariano Azuela is known throughout the literary
world as the author of the revolutionary classic Los fie

Abaio. In reading this book one gains an unusually vivid

picture of the whirling, uncoordinated action, of meteoric

I)“

o f

[.1

leaders w ash across the military horizon and are gone.
But while being able to ap_reciate the author’s ability to
catch the essence of the Revolution of 1910 in Iexico one
is also impressed with the impersonal, objective presenta-
tion seemincly impossible to a man so vitally and person-
ally involved. In this masterpiece by Azuela a mood of
pessimism is dominant. His is a crystal clear realization

of the inefficacy of a particular leader, or a specific

plan as the panacea of the ills of his fiexico.

 

That such a realistic, detacned pessimism did not en-
erge full blown in this book seems quite evident, and this
study is an effort to trace the origin and development of

this revolutionary soirit peculiar to Iariano Azuela. Th

historical background of the Revolution of 1910 is outlin-

ed briefly in order to understand the basis for the 1021-
cal develooaent in Azuela's thinking. The more basic phase
of this study is a consideration in a chronolofical order
the works of Dr. Azuela before 1315 to illustrate the dev-
elopment of the author's special revolutionary spirit

through noting the revolutionary elements expressed there-

in.

2fl7620

III.

IV.

V.

VI.

C

Early Social and Political Trends.

The Fat Porfiriana.

 

vmrvms

-~ Junk-u _.

lariano Azuela: The Ian.

The Content of Revolutionary Elements.

A. Short Stories.

3. Iarfa luisa

 

 

 

C. Los Fracasados.
D. Kala Yerba.
E. Andres Perez, 1““

 

 

'11

. Sin Amer.

 

Conclusion.

Biblioxravhy.

ll

20

Part I

EARLY SOCIAL AYE POLITICAL TRFKDS

To one who has studied the history of Latin America
a few sympathetic statements will ring familiar: there is
nothing easier than to become lost in the myriad details

of plans, pronunciarentos, and revolutions. The countless

 

names of caudillos that pass before one's eyes are confus-

 

ina. The tourist who announced upon her arrival in a Lat-
in American country that she had come to see one of their
charming revolutions spoke with unwitting aptness. There
were many and a short wait was sure to be rewarded.

It is difficult to trace through the histories of the
various Latin American countries what seems by comparison
to our more or less well ordered Anglo-Saxon tradition a
significant trend of governmental evolution, but there has
been a growth in experience and a growing interest of th
people in certain ideals for which they are now striving.
In this respect Iexico seems to have been unusually self-
conscious and the succeeding revolutions there appear to
have had a deeper meaning than in other countries. Thus,
by way of background, and to justify the discussion of hex-
ico's Revolution of 1910, a brief consideration would seem
appropriate of the Listorical strugales which had gone be-
fore with some indication of their siinificance. ”ere
these revolutions fundamental in their cause? Were the

Indians and Kestizos striving for yet unrealized Ideals

Or were they the dupes of self-seeking leaders?
On August 24, 1821 the last Viceroy of New Spain,
In I i A, 1
Juan C eonoju, signed the Treaty of Cordoba with Agust n
de Iturbide and Kexico was independent. The "Three Guar-
antees" included in the treaty indicate the compromise

character of the liberating forces for they specified the

guaranteeing of (1) the Catholic religion and clerical

\U

privileges, (2) absolute independenc: and (3) racial equal-
ity.l Independence was a fact, the Catholic religion and
clerical privileges were facts but racial equality and all
its implications was to remain an unattained ideal.

This hour of liberation was Iturbide's greatest. He
was the great ponular hero of Iexico's newly achieved in-
dependence. But he was filled with selfish ambitions
which were satisfied only when he had become emperor Agus-
tfh I. He was Mexico's first leader and his opportunities
as such to achieve a stable peace and the good of the
people were unlimited, but he was vain and dissolute, and
a man in whom donor was secondary to ambition. In the
first perioe of Iexican independence he delayed forming a

government while the spirit of mutual renunciations was

still alive.

 

1 Herbert Ingram Priestly, The H xican Nation, A
Historv (New York, 1926), 248.

 

2 Ibid., 249, 257.

6

With Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna achieving his long
nourished desire for power in 1832 Kexico had reached the
nadir of her political fortunes. One author describes him
as "a sordid opportunist quite willing to shift sides for
his own advantage or amusement, he assumed and shed office
with a remarkable agility."3 He was an amazing character
in the history of Iexico who by great skill always man-
aged to be on his estate whenever some governmental crisis
whould arise, thus passing the blame and_grief on to his
vice-president.

Such were two of the "notable" personalities in the
early history of Hexico. That were the political and ec-
onomic forces at work during their time? Partly because
of these two men but more in spite of them there were de-
veloped or discarded certain broad ideas of government.
fiith he fall of Iturbide the idea of monarchy, at least
of the domestic variety, was pretty thoroughly discrid-
ited. Now among the republican forces were those favor-
ing a centralistic government and ano:her group that
thought a liberal government necessarily meant a federal-
istic one. In the constitution of 1824 the federalistic
idea won out and Mexico, contrary to her history, was

artificially divided into nineteen states.4

 

3 Mary Wilhemine Tilliams, The People and Politics
.2: Latin America (Boston, 1945), £57.

 

 

 

4 Priestly, 92. cit., 261.

7

By 1836, however the pendulum had swung the other way
and the constitution of that year was the result of a nine-
year struggle on the part of the military-clerical conser-
vatives. In it there were property or income qualifications
for voting and holding office. The powers of the provin-
ces were aiain restricted.5 Moreover, there was in this
instrument a somewhat superhuman body known as the "Power
Conserver" which could depose the president, susoend Con-~
gress, and invalidate judicial decisions. Checks on the
executive were explicitly designed for Santa Anna who was
expected to be president and whose ambitions were suspec-
ted.6

Now a vague outline of the battle lines characteris-

tic of the history of hexico begins to become apparent.

(D

On the one side there are the forc s of conservatism, cen-
tralism, and the interests of the military-clerical group
and the owners of vast estates. Opposed to them are the
less well organized forces of liberalism, federalism, and
the interests of the Indians and Kestizos.

In 1853, after the loss of Texas and the far with the
United States, Santa Anna returned from his "perpetual

exile”. His return meant the end of the prospects for

social reform. Late the sane year he had himself pro-

5 Williams, p. ci ., 261.

‘————

6 Priestly, pp. cit., 274.

claimed "perpetual" dictator, but his dictatorship was

l 1

less lasting than his exile for on Iarch l, l8 W the Plan

'

N

of Ayutla was proclaimed which called for the removal of
Santa Anna and the calling of a constituent confiress.7
With this plan began a marked aboriginal participation in
the affairs of he government.8

Benito Juarez, the spiritual leader of the Indian
and Kestizo masses, was to be of significant influence in
the history of Mexico from the Plan of Ayutla through the
French intervention until his death in 1872. He was a
full-blooded Zapotec Indian from Oaxa a, who in his youth
had begun to study for the priesthood, but had shifted to
law. He practiced with distinction in his native state,
where he later served as governor with popular approval.
He was honest and stable of character, and, having reached
the conclusion that special privilege should be abolished
for the good of hexico, he spent the rest of his life
working toward that end.9

The constitution of 1857 contained three 1eyes of sig-
nificance. These were: the Lgy Juarez, the Ley Lerdo, and
the £21 Iglesias. The first outlawed all special courts.

The second caused the church to sell all property not be-

fl

Henry Bamford Parhes, A History pf Mexico (Boston,
1938) 227.

U

Tilliams, pp. cit., 469.

 

\OCI)

Ibid., 469.

\0

ing used for worship in an effort to create a group of
small 1a.dholders. But the people were reluctant to pur-
chase, and the estates were bought up by the newly wealthy
families of Creoles who had hitherto been landless. The
third law limited the church's power in respect to burial,
baptism, and marriage.10

These worthy measures failed to be realized for the
first president under the constitution was the weak com-
promiser Comonfort, who, through his faltering policies

‘P

protracted the strife for civil liberty, and plunged hex-
ico into years of foreign intervention.ll Throughout this
period of intervention from 1861 to 1867 Juarez remained
in the field ever the champion of the liberal forces.12
The net result of the Kaximilian interlude was to end
all sentiment in favor of monarchy, and to create a grow-
ing national consciousness..13 meanwhile the liberal for-
ces of Juarez reinstated themselves in power. Many of
Juarez's friends advised him not to run for president
again h wever, since by now he was beginning to be sus-
pected for dictatorial tendencies. But he was adamant in

his decision, for he felt that the good of Mexico demanded

10 Priestly, p. cit., 323—325.

—~

11 Ibid., 330.

12 Wilfrid H. Callcott, Liberalism in Iexico, 1857‘
1929 (Stanford University, 19517, 50- —_

13 Priestly, pp. cit., 364.

 

 

10
his services as vuardian and executor of the constitution“
None of the candidates received a majority of the votes
and congress, left to the final choice, declared for Juar-
ez. The disappointed candidate to lead opposition by re-
volt was Porfirio Dfaz, popular hero in opposition to the
French intervention. But the way was left open to him
when Juarez died on July 18, 1872 after long illness.

One definite advantafie which had been obtained in
this first sixty years of independence was the divorce of
the church from the state.“r

Little enough had the peasants gained. The almost
incessant strife had retarded the material development of
the country. The theoretical liberal advantafes gained
were little comfort, if indeed understood by the great
mass of the aboriginal population. But now the magnif-
icent political star of Porfirio Diaz was in its ascend-
ency. fihat was the fate of the Hexican people which it

foretold?

14 Ibid., 372.

Part II

T33 PAZ PO7FIFIAYA

Then Porfirio Diaz first became president Oi
Hariano Azuela was three years old. The year was lc76.

Dfaz was to give peace until his final overthrow in 1910

to a nation which had scarcely k.own the meaning of the
V'I'O Pd 0

His methods were direCL. Those who were to surround
him as ministers, jufzes,and provincial officials found
that those who opoosed him were either purchased or elim-
inated. The ones listenin: to reason were rewarded with
la re grants of land but at the same tine they were re-

.wv

moved from QOllth~l influence when their rivals were re-

' )

.cipients of official prestize. Iaturally the beneficiar-
ies were interested in the perpetuation of the peace and
of Diaz in the presidency.1 Diaz's method was to play
off one against another the forces potentially opposed to
him. The corollary was "Bread or the Club”.

What were the motives and abilities of this big-
boned Eixtecan mestizo? One author describes him as vain
and ambitious, but a man who had ever been eneraetic and
:forceful, capable of seeing the material needs of his

ccnintry. T'Tot so for political neecs; he checked polit-

icaJ.develOpment in Hexico by restoring military dicta-

(I)

A
K7.

1 Plniestly, ‘0. Cit. , 3

.‘n-——

12

,t he was an able poli-

CD

torship.2 Another says of Dfaz th
tician dominated by two springs to action, "personal am-
bition and desire for the material development of the
nation."5

First and foremost peace and the security of life
and limb were essential. Under DIaz Hexico became pos-
sibly the safest country in the world. -his he achieved
by means of his :uardias rurales, an efficient police
force which included many a former bandit who now found
it more profitable to serve Don Porfirio.4

In the field of foreign relations Dfaz immediately
set about improving conditions. He finished the payments
of debts agreed to with the United States, and by 1838
treaties of friendship, commerce, and navimation had been
signed and some rat'fied with Sweden, Norway, France,
Great Britain, Ecuador, and Japan.5 He had established
Hexico's credit. Now he could encourafe the investment
of foreign capital.

The greatest evidence of material progress was the
development of the railroads. In 1876 there were 691

kilometers of tracks, but by 1911 this figure had grow

 

Tilliams, pp. git., 480—1.
3 Priestly, 92. £13., 579.
4 Tilliams, 93, 933., 481.
5 Callcott, pp. 923., 121.

13
to 24,717 kilometers. In addition to buildinz lese lines
Dfaz manaqed by means of a huge loan to buy many of the
lines and gain the controlling interest of the rest.6 It
was easy to comprehend what the peace created by Diaz was
making possible.

In the field of financial reforms Mexico also was
making great strides. his was due in larg measure to
the astute promoter—financier, José'Yves Limantour. By
the year 1896 he had balanced the budget, largely refund—
ed the internal debt, and broutht about the abolition of
the alcabala.7

From the following statement some indication of the
industrial development can be :athered:

During the Porfirian epoch factories grew by .
thousands, including sugar mills, smelters, cot-
ton and woolen mills, chemical works, breweries.
In 1910 the textile factories numbered 135, em-
ploying 35,000 hands. The smelters and mines
employed many thousands more. And the growth

of factories was accompanied by develOpment of
hydaulic power..... In Hidalgo the Cascade de
Regla, in Kexico City the RIO Tlalnepantla, and,
more important than all, the great Necaxa re—
servoir producing 127,560 horsepower for the
capital, were among the important developments
of this order.8

With a consideration of the progress along material

-

lines as indicated by the preceding statements we begin

 

 

6 Tilliams, 92. cit., 483-
7 Callcott, _2. cit., 131-

d

O

H
C’.
KN
KO
[0

8 Priestly, 9_

14

1

to see Wiat a change “ad been wrought on the Mexican land-
scape through the efforts of the great Don Porfirio. Diaz
"had no precedent in Mexican history; few of the benevo-
lent despots of eiahteenth century Europe equalled his ma—
jestic performance. He won the heart of his people, who
long loved him while they feared him, who admired him when
they wished his aovernment ended, and who respected him in
exile and mourned him in death."9
Dfaz had become a living legend. All public utter-
ances of the times abounded in adulation of the executive.
But there were discordant notes to be sounded for in the
splendor of the Dfaz dictatorship there were elements of
corruption and of hollow magnificence:
Dfaz was not the apocalyptic angel imazined by
Tolstoi, nor Binqe's melodramatic tyrant; rath—
er, an opportunist, determined to rule. As he
strides ahead in power, he grows hazier as a
moral figure concerned with principles, truth,
he real beauties of life. Beneath this dina-
saurian armor stood a morally punt figure, a
product, not master of his race, time and cir-
cumstancesi ever prey to the corrupt forces
about him. 0
The most serious indictments of the regime of Porfir-
io Dfaz were in respect to land distribution, justice, ed-

ucation, the reinstatement of the church, foreign invest-

ment and favoritism, and governmental bureaucracy result-

 

lO 5
(Philadelphia, 1932), 299-

9 Ibid., 393.
Carleton ‘eals, Porfirio Dial, Dictator pf Iexico

15
ing in corruption of the middle class.
It is said of Porfirio Dfaz that he completed the
conquest of the Indians in Hexico. This statement is made
clear by the fact that in 1888 and 1889 Diaz ordered the

breaking up of eiidos, or communal lands in the apparent

 

desire that the individual Indians would become landown-
ers. The result, however, was that the neighboring hacen-
dados soon absorbed most of them.11 Further concentration
of land in the hands of a few resulted when real estate
companies were given as recompense one third of all lands
surveyed.l2 By 1910 nearly half of Mexico belonged to
about three thousand families, and most of the Indians who
had ,reviously held their land in a community interest

were now forced to become the laborers for the absentee

hacendadoc.13 The hOpe of horelos, efforts of the far of

 

Reform and the Lay Lerdo were officially backed by Diaz,
while actually he proceeded to sell the lands with sub-
soil rights to foreigners, and otherwise distribute them
among those rich with land. "Had the hacienda been effi-
cient, this colossal looting might have been justified.
But the hacienda, a self-sufficient feudal organism, pro-

moted little commerce; cheap labor obviated the necessity

 

ll Callcott, pp. cit., 136.

12 Parkes, op cit., 289.

13 Ibid., 306-7.

16

of introducinq modern machinery..... In 1892-93 hexico im-
ported over 6 million pesos of corn and wheat, in 1909
over 12 millions." 14

"Justice was, in short, a part of the machinery of the
Porfirian state."15 Accordina to the constitution the
lesser judges were to be appointed by the supreme court.
Diaz dominated the latter body and therefore the whole ju-
dicial system. His general order of preference in regard
to judicial decisions was: foreiéncrs, especially Americans,
second, Hexicans of wealth who had the dictator's approval,
third, the Mexican people. But for this latter droup jus-

'1

tice hardly existed. Those wh were undesirable to the
governors of the states were "drafted" into the army. The
celebrated rurales made the country safe--except for Hex-

l6

icans. "A bull-fiahter killed a WOLEH, and in the face
of public clamor was released for a Saturday corrida. He
escaped to the United 3tates whereuuon his brother was ar-
rested, tried, and acquited."l7

It is said that under Diaz education of the peOple

in general was considered to be no tore desirable than the

education of the slaves in the American South before the

 

1“ Seals, Porfirio Diaz

1 _ ' - ,
5 wrnest Gruenin“, nexico and Its Heritare (New Yorx,
1928)! 4970

16

 

 

Parkes, pp. cit., 293-4.

 

17

Beale, Porfirio Tfaz, 293.

 

17
Civil War. In 1910 a report by the :overnmant indicated
that there were about 800,000 pupils in schools of all

types, or about five per cent of the total pooulation.

The normal school population of a country is between ten
and twenty per cent.18 From these fi§Ures it can be seen

A

that illiteracy was only sliihtly eliminated Ior tL

(D

se
figures were issued by the Porfirian government and would
certainly not be an understatement. Dfaz "did introduce
normal schools and extend the public school system consid-
erably, but nothing ade‘uate was -one--or even attempted--
to make the population really literate and wipe out the
dense ignorance which was an obstacle to the development
of self-governmen ."19

Previously it was stated that as a result of strug-
gles up to and including the Tar of Reform that the Church
was finally divorced from the State. It is true that its
power was definitely reduced but under Dfaz the church re-
:ained many of its former powers.20 The ecclesiastical
oreanization was growinj; seven new bishoprics being or-
ganized and the number of priests more than being dou-

bled.21

 

c+
',..J

0
1° Gruening, on. oi ., 5 5.

.-—.

 

[\-

(D
O\

19 Hilliams, 92. cit., P‘

 

20 Beale, Porfirio Dfaz, 342.

c—*.

21 Callcott, 0. Ci

‘-——-

., 244.

18

Further grievances of the Iexican people grew with
respect to privileges accorded foreigners, especially
foreign capitalists. Americans had larger investments
than even the Iexicans themselves, and the British were
not far behind.22 While Diaz was wise to encourage for-
eign investment he made a serious mistake in granting the
sub-soirights along with land rights, thus allowing for—

0

sign investors a free hand in the exploitation of the re-
sources of Ijexico.23

Another failure in the Dfaz nation was in regard to
a stable middle class. Dfaz "was.....the savior of the
middle class, ever buffeted by previous governments, lost
in armed turmoil, sunk in the wide gulf between Indian
helots and feudal overlords. But the new group was with-
out morality, without patriotism, without native roots."211L
"The bureaucracy was.....expandinq; between 1876 and 1910
the government payroll increased by nine hundred per cent

.....only too willing to serve the dictator....."25

As a basis for departure in the consideration of th

early works of Mariano Azuela an attempt has been made to

 

22

\O

Parkes, 93 cit., 50

23 Killiams, 92. cit. 484-5.

24
Beale, Porfirio Dias, 231

 

25 Parkes, o . cit., 294.

—-——

19
indicate the cultural milieu in which they were created.
Without an appreciation of the economic, social, and polit-
ical background of the Revolution of 1910 much of the mean-
ing of the novels and short stories is lost. Without this
knowledge the social conditions depicted seem merely sor-
did and without purpose; the courage of the author in pre-
senting these issues, in part before the outbreak of the
Revolution, cannot be appreciated. Realizing the condition
and the needs of the people as expressed in previous strug-
gles and in the discontent of the masses which existed in
the closing years of the Porfirian era it can be seen why
Azuela did not choose to write of "prettier things". If
the morals, both public and private, which are portrayed
seem degenerate it is apparent that they were in keeping

with the times.

Part III

I-IARIAL‘TO AZUELA: THE IIAZI

The author whose works are under consideration in
this paper was born in Lagos de Horeno, a city of twelve
thousand peoole in the state of Jalisco, in tr e year of
1873.1 His parents were of the middle class and owners
of a small hacienda, on which Azuela spent his youth and
early manhood during the heyday of the Df.z regime. In
spite of the wodest econ mic circumstances of his family
young ’Eariano received a good education vhich culminated
in the year 1899 with graduation in medicine at Guadala-
Jara. In addition to an education in medicine Azuela
also picked up a lively interest in literature, especial-
ly in regard to the French nineteenth century novelists;
the result being the publishing of his first work, seven
short sketches appearing in 1896.2

After receiving his education he returned to his na-
tive city and established a medical practice. Fis inter-
est in writinq, however, was sufficiently wakened, and

he continued in the double rdle of physician and neophyte

 

Arturo Torres-Fiose co, an

9-r de
nerica Hispana (Berkeley, 1941), I,

 

2 Jefferson R. Spell, Jont mporary §panish-American
Fiction (Chapel Eiill, N.C., 1944), 66-7.

u.

novelist.3 During the veriod of the first decade of the
twentieth century Azuela turned out three novels and five
short stories.

Since his student days Kariano Azuela had been in

sympathy with the antiporfiris ta sentiment :hich culmina-

 

ted in the successful revolt led by Francisco Iadero.

After the latter had risen to power Azuela served as iefe

 

polftico in Laaos. Later he joined the actual revolution-
ary forces under Julian Iedina in opposition to Victoriano
Huerta, no doubt durint this period picking up informa-
tion and experiences later portrayed in his masterpiece

Los gg Aba‘o. Upon the triumph of Venustiano Carranza he

 

went into exile in El Paso, Texas.4 Finally, in 1916
Azuela moved to Iexico City where he has remained since

in the no rdles of author and doctor, no lon2er being
identified with a definite revolutionary group. 5

Now he lives in the unpretentious section of Santa

Iarfa 1a Rivera where he owns a rambling old house, raises
abbits and chickens, and practices medicine in an absent-
minded sort of vay. Still, he is recognized as a sound

medical authority and is consulted by th -e leadin2 phys-

 

5 John E. En2lekirk, ”The Go ontemporary Period", ap-
pearing in An Outline Eistorv of Saanish American Liter-
ature, edited by 3.3. Fesoelt (re w ’ork, 1341), 147.

4
5

I,

 

4

Torres-Rioseco, oo. cit., 7.

‘—

C0

W) 11, O) cit., 6

 

22
icians of Iexico. Doctor Azuela is a mild, almost shy

ins a modest practice consistin: mostly of poor

Well over seventy years old, quite dar

'3
.

c in complex—
ion and of medium stature, Azuela disillusions souewhat

the reader who may think of him as a eicturesque repre—

5

sentative of revolutionary ideals. His mildness is in
contrast with the terseness of his literary style and the
violence of his themes.7

Some hint of the selfless character of Iariano Azuela
is seen through tWe quite legendary account of how he be-

c. "He originally took the

FJO

came employed in a public clin
job to do a favor for a friend wanting a short leave of
absence. He substituted for his friend for an entire

year without pay, and would probably have kept on indef-
initely if--in some mysterious manner, retarding which he
is quite in the dark--he had not been put upon the payroll

for $2 a day."8

U

Although it is not the purpose of this studv to deal

with literary criticism of Azuela's earlv works, but ra-

—.
U

a,

ther to consider the evidences and evolution of a revolu-

 

6 Carleton Beals, Introduction to The Underdors (New
York, 1929), viii-ix.

\

 

Beale, Int. to The Underdocs, vii.

 

R)
\N

tionary spirit peculiar to Azuela, it is interesting to
cons; 5 r his literary views and thus to 7ain some further
insijht into his philosoohv an: or cos 31y the purposes back

X

of his own works:

Xe ir tere sen los noz:1ores cue comorende y los
QCLi 0 con entusiasno y fervor, uorque son los que
mas we han ens5he5o. Los sabios oue solo saben,

n.e son totalmente in5iferentes.....$e q11 es muy
decente ser un escritor bien; pero estino 5e may-
or decencia ser un escritor honra 50. I la simu-
lacidn no es honrr5ez. For este zotivo es crioo

lo que siento, sin preocuparme porcue his opin-
iones coincidan o difieran de las comunmente
aceotadas. La lealtad y la honradez consisten, en
un es critor en dar su vision propia con valor y
sinceridad. 9

 

9 ;Iaria no Azue la, Cien Afios de la Yovela Iexicana
(Iexico, 1947), 12-3.

 

 

 

Part IV

r 3
11
111
(3

OLTTTT OF RENOT. UTIOI‘TARY ELEIIWI‘TTS

Short Stories

The first of Mariano Azuela's works to appear after
the turn of the century were five short stories which ap-
peared in various periodicals either in Mexico city or
Azuela's home, Lagos de Horeno. The earliest, "De mi tier-

ra", was published in El Imparcial, Kexico city, in the
1

 

month of June, 19C}. It is very simple in its plot: Teo—
dora and Macedonio, two peasants plan to be married but
they do not have enough money. Teodora, having gone into
the mountains in search of wood, is cau ht in a storm and
forced to take refuge in an old house. The master of the
hacienda also seeks refuge there; and as a result Teodora
is violated. In this short short story Azuela expresses
the hopeless economic plight of the landless peasants.
Teodora sighs:
Pobre de Kacedonio' Le hebfa proretido que si

Dios lo ayuda be en la cosecha de chile, en 1as

acuas se casarian se urarentc. Le cosecha‘fue

buene; pero en la liquidacion no a.lcanzo mas

que cuatro pesos y cuatro reales, como fruto

de todo el trebajo de un ano, de vivir peqado

a la tierra a sol y atua, de dfa y de noche.

Esa moldecida tierra que solo enriquece a los
amos.

 

flun—

1 Spell, o . cit., 67.
2

"
I

1ma riano Azuela "De mi tierra", second edition of
Marfa Lu is a(KeXico, 1938), 174.

 

Here is a Fundamental indictment of the Diaz svstem and
all that -' 31;; before it: nearly all of the a3ricul-
tural population was landless. The ove1Wo arine power of
the hacendados t03ether with their moral de3eneracy left
the ore ina ry peasant but little hope for the betterment
of his lot.

A year later a second short story entitled "Victimas
de la Opulencia" reached pring in 11 Defenso r del Pueblo,

~ 5

uplished in La3os de Horeno. This morose little story

 

'G

tells of the death of a little boy by starvation because

his motr er f1 nds it necessary to hire herself out as the

wet nurse of a rich woman's child. It serves as a varia-
~ .f

tion on the theme of social injustice, and a regition of

the comslote disre :ard of the wealthy classes for the

-‘

fate of the poor: it indicates the c an3erous exaz3erated
gap which had developed between two classes.

Uno de los mirados del destino. De los que des5e
que nacen, viven a expenses de vidas aienas.
3Que'importa que la madre sea joven, herr1osa y
robusta, si ha.y muchas vacas humanes que se al-
quilan para sustituirla y con creces?1a rzadre
ioven y rica no destruira los encantos de su
cuerpo ni presc in5ira 5e sus caprichos 5e nufer
desocupa 5a y ociosa, si por une s cuantas monedas
obtiene otros senos pletdricos 5e saaia para

su hijo. No sabe n1 quie re saber que un ser

humano indefenso va a er sacrifice do barbara-
mente en ar as de su hol;aza nerfa y de su va ni-
dad, porque con diner pa3a lo que por dinero

se vende. Su elastica moral ourCue sa esta am-
parada por el cura 3ordif16n que dirige su

 

[\7
CH

conciencia y comparte el chocolate con las da-

mas de alcurnia.“r

)

If Azuela's attitude in the first stor'~r s eued somewhe
matter of fact there is no room to escape the conclusion
from the above renarhs that he feels himself drawn in his
sympathies to the side of the oppressed classes. In the
last sentence of the above quotation Azuela in a veiled

‘

manner indicates his feelin3s toward the clergy whicn
finds its interests tied to those of the wealthy rather
the the hunble.

In 1907 Ccios Litererios published the third of the

 

short stor'es by Azuela, which was entitled "Lo que se
Esfuma".5 Of his shorter works this is perhaps the most
entertaining because of its lon3er narrative and involved
plot. It is the common tale of social aspirations. In-
tellectually bi3oted Perico is home on vacation from
school, and finds that n is acceptable to the "hi3her
brackets" so he proceeds to scorn his old friends in
general and his former sweetheart LUpe in particular.
however one can scarcely sympathize with her for she has
been moving rapidly in his absence. Perico finds himself

s with the last in the series of Lupe's suitors and

[1)
{DJ

t od

later kills him. Lupe apdarently feels no remorse for

 

4 Variano Azuela, "Victimss 5e la Cpulencia , in the
second edition of'”crfl Luisa ( exico, 1938). 167.

 

27

she too has hi3her ambitions:

.....Andres tenfa e1 defecto imperdonable de

ser un artesano honesto que no buscaba entre-

tenimiento fu3az sino una esposa que le diera

hijos y la felicidad de un ho3ar sosegado. En

ese tiempo Lupe tiraba ya muy alto y el humil-

de carpinte‘o no podfa ser la meta de sus as—

piraciones.
In the next chapter Lupe's financially happy married life
is inconvenienced by the death of her a3'n3 husband. The
last chapter opens with a vivid description of the lavish
decorations of the church and the huge crowd of invited
guests. The reader's suspicions are confirmed when Lupe
and Perioo appear as the wedding march begins:

I

Lupe, la millonaria del pueblo (iquien se acor-

daba de la carnicerita de la plaza del Hueso?),

arrogante, en plenitud de belleza, entrd con el

velo de novia, del brazo de Perico, enflautado

en largo leviton de pafio, sorbete, guantes y

relucientes botas de charol. (Tampoco hubo

quien se acordara del rancherito bajado del
cerro e hijo de un himilde mayordomo).7

0‘“
It is difficult to conclude that the whole story neg;
Azuela‘s theme of disconten . If this were so it woul:
be inconsistent for Lupe and Andres were originally of the
same social and economic standing. Only the former's pri-
mary love is money and better social position. Her aspir—
ations represent only individual motivation and not a

class problem. Azuela's point seems to have been to de--

pict again the deplorable disparity in the distribution

 

6 Mariano Azuela, "Lo que se esfuma" in the second
edition of Karfa Luisa (Mexico, 1938), 224-5.

 

7 Ibid., 256-7.

28
of wealth, but more especially to slap at the existing
conditions of Justice which would permit Perico to go free
after a killing which could hardly have been in self-defense.
As noted previously Andres would fall in the lowest brack-
et in the priority of justice. He was a peasant and hex-
idan peasants were the last to receive justice.

"En Derrota"-first appeared in Kalendas, a monthly
magazine published in Lagos de loreno in 1908.8 Juan
Lanas is a new hand at the hacienda. He is apparently a
Mexican Apollo of whom all of the women of the hacienda
have become enamored. He, on the other hand, is very re-
tiring, and apparently more inclined toward the affection
of his do". Actually he loves Camila who is the daughter

of the mayordomo of the ranch; but he does not feel him-

 

self worthy of her.
I I 1 n o
[Quien era el, poore aventurero, sin lamilia
y sin hoaar, para aspirar a Camila, la;hija
del mayordomo y novia de Basilio, el mas
guapo y valiente entre los mozos de los alre-
dedores, de Basilio el hijo del mayordomo de
la hacienda vecina?9
Camila, however is not lacking in courage to face the sit-
uation and tells her love to Juan. They plan to be mar-
ried but on the eve of the wedding Basilio with some rowdy

companions comes and carries the novia away. Juan, drunk,

 

8 Spell, p. cit., 67.

---‘I-

9 Iariano Atuela, "en Derrota" in the second edition
of Maria Luisa (Hexico, 1938),183.

 

29
follows the kidnaipers who taunt him. Juan drowns himself
in the river.

Tithout a definite statement Azuela makes the reader
of this tale feel complete hatred toward Basilio directly,
and indirectly to detest a situation in which the impor-
tance of his father's position allows Basilio without ret-
ribution to ride rough-shod over the plans of the peasant
Juan. Between the lines Dr. Azuela says that the society
which does not protect its most unfortunate element is rot-
ten. It is bitter pessimism which causes Juan to be drowned.
Azuela does not see the salvation of the oppressed classes
by positive action as yet.

The last short story is entitled "Avichuelos Negros"
51d ”as published in the year 1909 by Ocios Literarios.lo

,3
It is th; terrifiqu pathetic story of a young man, who is
dying of a rulmonary infection, and his girl who came to
Rincon Grande in the vain hope of salvaging his health.
He is the victim of the dust-filled unhealthful cotton
cloth factory where nothing had been done for the workers.
In his delirium the young man tells the pl ght of many men:
Y allf otra vez los crujientes aceros y los ope-
rarios envueltos en una nube de polvillo de algoddn.
El polvillo de algoddn que a la fuerza se mete

a las narices, alla boca y reseca la garianta

...iQué'sed1 Ese polvillo me ah 3a; que se paren

las mahuinas, cue el macuinista cierre el vapor.
— ' ~

Pero no, no puede ser, dice ese senor gordo y

- 1 . . .1. ~
colorado que va pasanco muy contento. Ese senor

 

10 Spell, cc. cit., 67.

—-.-

 

BO

\

lleva mucho gusto poroue el aire esta lleno de
a I a
polvillo oe a godon, a ese sefior sonrosadote y
gordo no le hace dano el polvillo de al:odon,
al contrario, con él ha engordado.ll
Porfirio Diaz had developed in hexico a modern machine and
factory ecuHipped nation but the welfare of the worker,
the ultimate basis for such a system, was ignored. he
two pathetic fidures arouse the alarmed interest of the
"Sociedad de Arrepentidas" which bigoted organization
takes as its goal the marrying of the couple, rather than
any humanitarian interest in the health of the dying man.
They prevent the girl from watching over the sick man
while arrangements are being made. Finally they return
triumphant:
La bandada de avichuelos negros ha entrado por
I 1 ~
la ultima vez al cuartucno, y se ha turoado.
Ll :aron con tanta alejrfa: una llevaba muchos
buqdes de flores, otra el incienso, la otra
. I I
las albas cortinas y la de mas alla gruesas
velas de cera.l2
They have realized that in the meantime the young man has
died. The satire on religious bigotry is very sharp and
bitter.
This series of five short stories covers a period of
six years in the period of decay of the Porfirian system.
None of them is free from evidence of a spirit of discon-

tent toward the corrupt society which put a premium on

privilege, poverty, and religious bigotry. There is a

 

11 ha iano zuela, "Avichuelas Hegros" in the second
edition of Maria Luisa (I xico, 1938), 2C6-7.

12 Ibid., 214.

progressive development of discontent dedicted ov Azuela

H)

rpm the comparatively mild protest against the overbear-
ing position of the axes of the ranches in "De mi tierra"

~written in 1905; to the bitternes' of despair in ”En

U}

Derrota" ahd "Avichuelos Kegros". If Azuela did not ad-

vocate revolution openly it is not surprising in View of

(7)

the close trip that was hela on the throats of all who

might utter such a doctrine.

 

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33
returns to her mother‘s home but her mother has learn ed

t. 1 4.“. uni. .3 h ‘- fl . ..
taroumn the hete.ul aunt Juan: t at harfa has not gone to

owned by her mother and the break is irrevocable. Laria
returns to :ancho.

From here the story follows its quite common plot.
After a brief time of complete h.p3i ness Pancho' s time
spent with Iarfa come to be only short visits and are
less and less frequent. Further, Karfa is plotted atainst

- I: ._. 4- vat" 'L . In fig '1‘
net ester tho used to live in tie same part

oy a ":irl n

1'.
.‘3

of the city as she. Maria lad carelessly referred, in the

presence of a servant, to Ester and her family as beinj

.L

7

p

sore hat stupi

El Ch eto, a detenerate recical student, comes to

1

visit “aria and persuades her to drink with him. It is
the beginning of the end.

Asf como al des rtar de sus sentidos no haofa
podido resistir a influencia de su raza de-
generada, detenida solamente por artificios de
educacidn, al encontrar en el alcohol el remedio
de sus penas, una vez dado el primer paso, nada
ni nadie serfa capaz de contenerla; y erpujada
por la maldita herencia o.uedarfa hundid da. para
siempre.9

n

The steps 01 her do ni all are ifevitable. She is

*‘5

DJ

Mi .lly to prostitution

[n

driven to despair, to di ink, PL

in order to support herself. In the last scenes of the

 

\JJ
4:-

booi a professor of the medical school is lecturing to

he aquf sefiores, un caso tfpico, diferente de
los que hemos venido estudiando. Hecho de la
mas alta improtancia que tendrah ustedes oca-
sidh de observar a mehudo en su practica.

Tuberculosis, alcoholismo, neumonia y file as:

baclel Prooesos desarrollados en un par de
anos o menos.4

Maria Luisa is dying unloved and unrecognized by Pancho.
Later she regains consciousness and asks for him but she
is dead when he arrives and he refuses to recognize her.
In this novel Hariano Azuela does not express in so
many words the objections he had toward the social con—
ditions which existed during his years as a medical stu-
dent. However his feelings are quite evident. He has no
love for the life of the students which includes so much
of drinking and gambling. But this is strictly second—
ary to the underlying protest against a society and eco-~
nomic conditions which would cause, or at least do noth-

ing to prevent the tragic degeneration and death of a

beautiful but over—romantic young woman.

 

' Ibid., 146.

 

mi
in

,e second of Azuela's novels, Los Fracasados, was

 

first published in the year 1908.1 The protagonist of the
story is a young man named Resendez, who has just finished
Lis legal training. As the story opens he is arriving in
Alamos where he has come to serve as secretary to the iefe

pplftico in order to gain experience in the law. From the
outset it is apparent that Resendez is an idealist’and a
visionary, many of whose views coincide with those of
Azuela.

1 I a w
Tne idealism of Resenoez, however, finds no comple-

ment among the personnel of the jefeturia. A few minutes

 

after 3; licenciado has met his superiors it becomes evi-

 

dent what their major concern is:

.....tras breve preahbulo con reminiscencias
de Guadalajara y ponderacidn de los progresos
asombrosos del Estado bajo la sabia adminis—
tracidn de sus dignos nandatorios, se reanudd'
la platica que sostenfan el sefior Agents y la
primera autoridad. —-Vera usted, sehor com-
pahero--dijo aquel.....--discutiamos el sehor
Jefe y yo sobre un tema en el que sejuramente
repard usted a su paso por las aulas. Sos-
tengo al senor don Emeterio que las ponderadas
comedies de Corneille son un descarado rapto
perpetrado en la obra de la mas preclara po-
etisa, estrella magna de la literatura medio-
val, en una epoca de negruras donde se esbor-
zaron apenas los destellos del romanticismo.2

 

1 Spell, 92. cit., 67.

2 Mariano Azuela, Los Fracasados, Fourth edition
(fiexico, 1939), 11-12.

 

6

\JJ

It can be noted in the second line of tne quotation above

that Azuela included in his satirical PBMEPKS those who,

The learned discussion of literature continued at

length. Finally:

Dieron la una y ellos segufan funando.....y
diciendo banalidades. Ya al despedi se y se-
pararse a la puerta, una nultitud ds gente de
pueblo se acercd a la primera autoridad con ani-
ao de hablar. Pero el los despidid bruscanente.

7" J. 01"" 4. j ---.., 3.5.,“ .1. r, 4 ,3

thranole ta- Loce--Lienco ol lic-nciado.
Aléui en rum3ro que estaban esperando desde las

nueve de la manana. Y lo acabd de so orprender la
imperturbabilidad con que todo el mundo se dis-
persd....., cual si aquel tratamiento les fuese
familiar.3
Azuela Lad made clear his View toward the class of pub-
lic servants who retarded their literary discussions as

more important than a.y consideration 0; the problems 01

S”
N
O
"S
(D
' D
(1"
(D
$11
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(D

the people. The cha rge ttat Diaz E

class of public servants without morality or seriousnes

of purpose, *itl. decadent foreig tastes, and slavish in
its adulation of the arittocracy, is iustifie? in t;e

sentiments of Iariano Azuela.

One chapter is fivon over entirely to de cribin;
the fiatherin: at the Axezcua home. The family is we althy
have just returned from Iexico

0 .L T, O ‘ 1 ." sf . . 'A .0 - _ 1 o M +‘fi
City Jitn some new china. Azuela, in cescrioing the

 

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holita era la pLiLOjenita de la faLilia. In
ella se acentuadan las lineas de hierro de la
casta, pero lo que en 50h“ fiecarefa se is hu-
laba un t o su altivez gr s v cha-
Ch

@313

p“ 1,. 7 n d
saviafJr

an otro 1r 3o doha Recareda faba detalles de

su viaje. Lo de los lentes re ro file toda una
historia. illa no sabf que su n::vios doticos
estaban .fectados Per 1 Led ouien consul-

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aron , un alehan ce
que cura a ou1"“litt

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don Porfirio.....Ajap t nos di reco end aciones
para relacionar con tod la aristocraCia.....lo
loiraaos hablar con Carmelita poroue alla cl
tiemqo se lo va a uno en nada; pero teneros cor-
respondencia iuy icm_lit .....Pues bien, el medi-
co alenan dijo cue sin los l ntes Le ouedarfa cie—
:a.....oY que J cico. Ccho pesos oor consulta, y
no crcs A que siqui3r" van a la ca sa de uno; hay
oue esocrarlos en sus consulto: 10 h ras v was
horas.....La calls as aprieta de carruajes de

la tent ras ele ante de IGXicO...l€”O .céno no!
;2 Lsdico de CarnolitalE ‘

 

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Pues sSlo corcue el cicho neyoroono le as en-
trado un orete por su nuera. Flla le hizo as-
cos; s1 se encelebrind’y el cue la pero fué el
podrecito Ge s Yijo. ";Tanahos verfufiones en
el 1010!" dice el Viejo. I couo al hacer su in-
denue relscion se rssca la cebeza, th a salivs,
.....sdlo consi“ue éespertar la hilsridao Ce los
mole ios. Tl sezor Jefe Eolitico se niega a

recibirlo. :n ur ente xiiiva, don Afepito Arez-
cua le oid e cue entes 6e Ear atoisncis a su sir-
Viente, espere lss exoliceciones cue personal-

mcnte le har£.7

There *ss no justic e ior the poor people, especially

those who opooseo tdem were reslthv. The old ran who

has come to comolain of the treatment of his son was
rested for his cains.

Leenthile the origin of Consuelo is revealed to

aoito Amezcua as it was believed but the daughter of

’-.a
I
D

oadre Hartfnez, tiv priest in c arte of the pa; isn.

querior intelli~3nce is rese ted oy the other zirls
the mother.

Tiroug h the thou1h ts of his protajonist Azuela

‘

sents the corruptin: influence v.hich Lsxican society

on the ole r ;y:

Aoe as acarece un ifloxore vali 3nte y hono: able
que les preoica su reli ion en toes su pureza,
surqe el conf 1cto; inCOLpatioilidac de las
re las con su conducts, incompatibilided del
coins con su ciencia.’

O

 

pre-

has

40

It was indeed unfortunate that the clergy in Hexico CUP-

V

ing this period allowed itself to be susceptible to sucn
corruptive forces.

The author satirizes reliiious bifiotry when done xe-

Consuelo who

l,_h
f)
( D
'3
O;
H.
( D
H
H
3 W
(D
H)
O
*‘5

careda is telling 8 fr end

has received an education which was not sponsored by the

church:

-l3asta, senoza. La escuela laica, la escuela
sin Dios, en el seno del hoiar cristiano. 3E1
liberalisme, ese lenon de la masonerfa, infil-
trando su ponzofia en una de las families was
honestas y oie adosasl

Una le nona.....£Que dice uste .....
—éi, una lioe;ala hecha y de1M3c1a.

-’Ah.oooo
-Cue nos esta escandilizando constantemente

con sus maneras asf.....con su desafecto a las
cosas de la iile i con su poco respeto a
nue stras devociones.....

Liberalism in the eyes of t1e Amezcuas is the incarnation

of everything disruntive and bad.

DJ

in

H)

The Amezcua women, ca: ticularly dona Recareda,
Consuelo's presence in their ho ouseh old increasingly un-

desirable and dofia Reca-r eda dre ides to out her out de 0

h.

 

Resendez, the orotafionist 0: this novel, more faith-
fully than any other character of Azuela's books seems
to reflect the sentiments of th, author. He is becomin:
increasintly disillusioned by the machinations of several

of the dignitaries of the city to obtain the estate of

Ibi§., 134-5.

41
Godinez:

En realidad pasaba por una epoca an “.arg dia
a dfa iban caye11do sus ilusiones. Ante sus
ojos tenia el espectabulo constante de la
prostitucidh en todos los r aHos administra-
tivos oficiales. La repeticion indefinida
de la escena de holgazaneria que sorprendid
desde el mon1ento de presentarse en su ofi-
cina, era insignificante comparado con lo
que vefa mas tarde. El asesino, por ejem-
plo, recorriendo trancuilamente las calles
y los paseos, ppoque con sus billetes habfa
comprado su indulto, el desventurado artes-
ano obli3ado a dar su trabajo a las obras
publicas, sin retribucidn alguna.lO

El Licenciado's accumulated bitterness and disillu-
sionment is seen in one of the final scenes of the book.
I 1 ‘
Resendez had 3one to the Amezcua home to see the only
ideal that he had left, Consuelo, but he becomes involved
in an argument vith don A3apito and is wounded. As he is
convalescing he looks out one of the windows of his quar-
ters and sees some peasants gathered around a new statue
I 1 In . ’ v!-
in the par{: it is that of Benito Juarez, one of h xico's
true liberals:
o I
Quien sera conzpa Me?
Pos crocue jué uno de los que defendieron la
relision. 11
Then Resendez learns that Consuelo has not been seen since
the ni3ht in which he was wounded, he determines to leave

immediately in search of her:

Si se La
buscar a

Via 3as stado la mitad de la Vida en
C imp Dosible, la Justicia; bien podfa

10 ILid., 161-2.
11 Ibid., 244.

This novel, Los ?racasados, exoresses one o-

 

dominant feelinés in the works of Lariano Azuela, and

lx"
(T)

that is t: mood of pessiaism. Never at any time in his
expression of liberal sentiments is Azuela very optimis-
tic in regard to the immediate achievement of the liber-
al ideals which he expresses and which he feels are neces-

4‘."
v

sary to the wel-are of tne Iexican nation. Another gen—
eral remark that can be made in readin3 these first two
of Azuela's novels is the 3rowin3 expression of discon-

tent, particularly expressed in Los Fracasados, the

latter.

 

12 Ibid 249.

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2+4
as degenerate, and as having outworn its usefulness.

t 6 in the beautiful young peas-

(0

€378

c!-
(D

I .
Don Julian is in
ant and bees us e of his no ition he is not the least nin-

dered in going after her:

Sus apetitos, esoolea 6os por la resistencia
6e la he: bra, hasta el naroxisno, le daoan
una fuerzs- nueva a

los ali entos atavicos de
su esoecie 6e nachos ’ua601 es oe doncellas.
Y oaio el izpetu irr
excitada cafe venci6
ya a ofrende r el ho
una n aldicion a su r
urada.3

e
istible de la bestia
la muchacha, pronta
aus sto irouesto como
8 p5 siva y desvent-

rm"e dominance of the hecenda6o class and the almost unre-

.L-..

 

sistin “ helplessness of the oeasants is bitterly sstirized

by Dr. Azu ela in tne rema11:s above.

Don Julian is struck down by the cowboy that loves

+‘I

Karcela. T7"e next day there is a funeral on one hacienda

..V

for too cowboy. The venerable Pablo delivers the indict

.‘v

Ho miento, sirores, no miento. Aista me ahi-
jado,e ist5 la muestra con este bobrecito mu--
. , I _.~, 4. .4
cnacno. Poroue, s1, sinore s, el al Julian
lo ha muerto. Li arijado estaoa olaticando
sanamente con mi hija; el don Julian es con-
dido entre los jarales; y todo fue un dicir
Jesus: el tiro que suena y el mucnacho que
cai redondito. iEso es ser valiente? Raza
6e asesinos...raza de bandidos...Pero no lo
hurtan, lo heredan.'

The accusation is all the more bitter because there will

 

be no retribution for tie rurier. The feranerate descend-
ant of ban6its will go free because of
law.

further tells of the baniit orifin of tne

,.
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GEL/(Se {1’3 Lneh' too IIIUCJ. ‘lS Llatlnba ant; C3811“: 7.0L“ ”Sven’x'}!

'“xmm' '

' ‘\ ~ -- ~ ~»‘ r“ . 4'. A -
1s tore tnan a personal :stcer: q

Los Jeones se Iiraron. ” fué'su silencio
solerne y terrible: juraiento tfcito 6e
calla“ y do venzar r5s tar6e la srnf‘e 6e
tenta VfCtina Cesventursia.3

 

As to the ma ter of the ceatn, 6on Julian has given tne
. ‘ .1 .L‘» . .._. n. P. -fl,\ ‘-.,. A . 3,.“ H, A. . ,1.
orcer enact,n a c hero Len Uncle Laicelino: Eertrusis,
-.. -—‘ ...1 .. n .. . 0’ ~ - ~ . "6
oue 61,as en el he istro civil que alrio oe jieore.
In two snort parafrazns Dr. Azuela expresses realis-
1. t. . -.. -—-.-.,: : . . 1-x x». A .4. —- - 0
ticalij tne noral COLelthfl of one Jea:.nss a-ter years 01

beinj iorntrodden. They are not all iaealistic heroes

D r‘ vv . ‘ t- "‘ .- ‘ V ‘L I" ‘ - fl vv-‘v'x ’7?.,‘\ ' A -\
iillel tith our; , sus uoor beaten men, L1 , L“ n faCeQ

O

with actual orfers from t eir suderions are quite cow—
ar:lT:
A l s are no.cntos ant‘s ex:resrron enter;za, ,
eon :60 Lal6ici ne 6e los Anfr i , la pres-
‘nc e ‘ . i5 en huuo
sus brsvos arr:stos. A enas iertru6is s1 at-
revi5 a 3 urir una insolercia, sscurriendo el
bulto rumb a su casa, elufienflo a cumoliuien-
to 6e la ordcn.

 

U'I
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m
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46
.t . .
real y de pronto rombiose el imponente Silencio
de los cameos de nuevo con el Alabado, aquel
canto oue brotaba de los varoniles nachos con
deszarradora melancolfa y tristeza sobrehu-
mana. Dijérase el canto de muerte no de un
hombre, sino de una raza entera, enferma de
siqlos de humillacidn y de amargura.7
Note in the second paragraph that Azuela sympathizes with
the peasants and exnlains their docility and the ease with
which they can be driven; they have been oppressed for
centuries and their self-respect has been beaten into the
:round.
Azuela further satirizes the conditions under which
justice was administered:
Desde que habia lleqado al villorrio aquel
diablo, como jefe de destacamento de gender-
merfa montada, el senor magistrado habia teni-
do que desatender su hortaliza y su ordefia de
chivas, gon incontable numero de procesos cri-
minales.
The naive new hea6 of the mounted police had run across
the funeral procession, had proceeded to uncover the truth
w o I ‘ - 1 0 ‘ -
and arrest don Julian! Tne indictment does not stick, now-
ever, for when Karcela is brought into the court she is
confronted with don Julién and she covers up the truth.
Don Julian is released.

Later Harcela explains to another why she lied in

court:

 

\JJ
Ch
0

7 Ibid.,

8 Ibid., 41—2.

Pos si, sefia'RefuT ia, cierto y ruy ci
no ha sido por mi lo funden y ahi es

mirando el sol por cua terones. No d1 nada,
4pa oué? Ifo le parece que es no mas echarles
odiosidades a los 6e la casa: A fin de cuentas
ni les hacen nada; paTan y, en menos que se lo
diTo, ahi estan otra vez de vuelta.9

(.4.
(D

Those who have money have "justice" on their side. Iarcela

realizes that don Julian has heard all of this and she
fully expects that she will be killed. But her beauty
triumphs, and after a lurid account of his persuing her
across the moon-light drenched fields she returns to her
hut:
.I .
Y volv1o a caer de rodillas. Y ella, espan-
tada de vivir todavia, se alejd de nuevo por
el campo. Desnuda como una bestia salvaje,
solemne cual si hubiese vislumbrado en su
conciencia aquel moms nto de sublime venT. _a-
dora de su infortunada casta, marcho serena-
mente en el silencio de la llanura....
For much meaning can be read into the phrase concerning
the venTence of her race?
ThrouTh one of the peasants Azuela tr rusts a gentle
rod at the Ye nkees. Apparently an American enTineer is
coming to erect a dam for don Julian and the peasants are
discussing it:
.. 1..
2La cue carTan esos TrinTos? la se bien su
dia olito...famos, honr ore Gertrudis, no nos
queras poner los ojos verdes ni seas guaje;

la que trairn es la de llevarse toda nuestra
plata pa su tierra.ll

9 Ibid., 68.
lCIbid., 7o-1.

llIbid., 77.

 

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settinz of tne novel is at first Iexico city but soon

. . . , ~ .5 . .
switcnes to tne rancn of Tono meyes anion 13 called "13

“nul- mnfinm n L? 3

Tsperanza."
Durin: the first oert of the story Hex. {100 is still

enjoying o3¢ce unler t13 continued but now felt ring don-

"fi'I—J J" 213-;
Q

inance of tie 3132 refiime. The economic conditions which
Azuels points out by way of baCK?POIE§ are far from pretty:

Este 35o del primero centenerio de nuestra
Indedendencie, los cereeles hen slc3n23io un
orecio Que no tiene orecedeite en la historia
Ge 13 r seria 031 3313. il jornelero mexic3no,
es decir m§s de floce millones oe he Hit ntes oe
la n3cion, s3 nutre solo oe uafz y de frij l.
Tn oonce un br 3c3ro jana treita y sie te centa-
vos cie rios el msfz vele a siete jesos hectdl
litro y el fri 301 el ooole. Eero el Gooierno

”33terf‘rss oe veinte millone 53 pesos en el
emoalecimiento de la Letro’poli, millones de
pesos en séasejsr 3 loos celerooos extrer ieros,
llameéos 3 festijer le orimere centurie Ge
nuestra en>.3ncifiacion polftica. Cuanoo menos, I
eses serres dele¢3<os iren pl enamente satis-
fechos fie ls pros erid3d desoordente de la
¢eéfiblice Hexican3.2
The author Les 1.13.1cater“1 here 3 o imary fault of the Diaz

government. Don Porfirio put the material development of

 

83311, on. ci ., 67.
2.33. AA! A "A .J_ v .
.arino Azuele, 3n res Perez, 133erista (nex1co,

 

 

1911), 5.

52

he country alieal of tLe education and improvement of the

.4

economic, moral, and political well-bein: of the common

And r55 Perez, the proteioniet of this novel is a re-
porter for El “lobo, a partisan nezs pace r of the Diaz
government. The eiitor of El Globo esoresses his opinion
of the government's entertaining of he foreign delegates:

aljuna vez ha sido indiscutible el tino
l Gooierno, es la presents. Para vituoerar-
se necesita oensar como cretfno. Tl creoi-
de la nacion estrioa cabalmente en el con-
pto que de ella se forme el ex tranjero, y

el C—obierno ha. consecuioo dar una in.presion
xi 1 del inneteole orogreso cue hemos alcanzado
en cien anos de vica oropia, el Govierno ha
cumolido con su deber. Lo demas es imbébil.

 

“30'! O (*F—JfllUl
H(DOO(DI—“

has his own interests at heart when he speaks

lis continued well-being depends on

'—_1

thus. Fe knows t at
the continued exiStence, flood or had in respect to the
welfare of the common people of the Dfaz government.
There is peace in the capital save for the disturb-
ing student demonstrations, one of which Andres Perez is
called UDOD to reoort:

"1rave escandalo provocado por la policia,
nifios perseguidos y atacados como.....”

Un Loviemiento automético, adouirioo en los
quince neses oue lie llevo ce reoortero oe "fil
¢looo" me hace oronta111ente corre~ir el estuoi-
co encebezafl o y sustituirlo en esta forms:

"Crave cesorcme es provocados anoche por los
estucia ntes La policia forzasa a tomar meciC.s

 

3 Ibid., 6.

4

de rifor para reorimir a los e No ndalos.....
It is aooarent from the above ouotation that the newsoa-

pers in existence during the later Porfirian epoch were

J

shacl sled. They resorted the news in such a way that it

.3 o x u- ‘N ’
oss101e light on the rovernment. Ancres

cast th best

'1)

'O

’ . 1 o 1
:erez is vell trained in his worx.
Andres receives an invitation from his riend Togo
Reyes to visit him at his ranch some three hundred kilo-

meters from fiexico city. Tofio, a true altruistic liberal,

and idres discuss the political si uation at consid: erable

length. The shady methods by which Dfaz retains power

after the election of 1910 is discussed:

e estos pobres

OJ

--El Cobierno se ha burlado
maderistas--oronuncif.

--El Gohierno se ha our'lado de la Lanera n55
oerfida y san“ri nte, no de esas pobres ma-
deristas, Andres; se ha burlado de la nacidn
entera; oero y te juro que esta burla puede
costarle muy cara.

-Zn efecto, ustedes no saoen cuanto ma
sacude, en corrientes sueterraneas, a t
las clases sociales. Los Kismos pancis
presupuestfvoros estan dividos; los desac
tos incesantes de esta ouerca administrac
tienen profundamente disiustado a todo el
pafs. Pesa una atmds Cfera de plono, y hay la
va :a presuncidn de que a1 :0 muy gra ve va a
ocurrir.

Tono, the true liberal, is very much angered by the con-

duct of the government and Andres Doints out to him that

 

5 Ibid., 20.

the air seems laden with discontent.

Ieanwhile it has been lear1ed that hostilities have

broken out in the net. th iern state 0 Chihuahua under the

. 1,, , 1, N .0..
le -ersgio o1 FranCisco madero. Tono and Andres discuss

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its imoortance. Andres i.

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can handle the situ

l

--Gracias, Tono--.....--oero este nubladillo

no va a basar mas de una o dos semanas; el

dobierno tiene fuerza suficiente ba‘:'a soi‘o-

' '

car este estuiido movimiento revolucionario,

y oara que ce3en estas parsecuciones nah

es tupicas aun.

w ‘ 1 ‘ V ’3 ’
From this remarz and others Tofio susuects that AH¢P€S has
no sym13at thy with the revolutionary movement. Tofio is
rifiht but when an order com:: S fron1the “overnment order-

, ,I «- .
ing the arrest of Andres he is proclaimed as a naderista,

and,

being an opportunist, he acts accordingly. Andres

becomes the local leader of the revolutionary cause. Ever
a realist, Dr. Azuela from the outset satirizes the oppor-
tunists who are willing to join a cause for such comolete-

ly selfish and Dersonal motives. To this class belongs

Those Hexican people 110 oreviouslgr would go to a

doctor merely because he was the physician of Carmelito

Dfaz now begin to become aware of quite another aopraisal

 

I‘Dido , 42-30

 

of the great don Eo12firio o 82:
iPorfirio Tfazl {Que ountos de contac
ten entre estos hombres? fiuerez, t-i
Porfirio Dfaz no ha sido has oue una Vl
de su orooia ambicidn. Porfirio Dfaz no o
ni cuando y ya habfa 2afbo en las carras oel
oartido contra el oue cabalnente lucharon
Hidalao y genito Juarez. Porfirio Diaz tiene
su lefitima filiacidn en Asustin de Iturbide,
porcue los cue levanta ron el t12ono ara A :us-
tfn de Ituroide son los mismos que se han es-
tado traoando a Le exico, acaudillados por Por-
firio Diaz.7

The apparent success of the adero r:2 volution had drained

away any respect tr at had been conserved by t‘2e Dfaz gov-

‘ 3’1

ernm2nt. The inevit e.o 1e had Laopene ; and Porfirio Diaz,
the dictator of Iexico for over thirty years, was being
rele2ated to his n101e in tr e history of a troubled nation.

Don Octavio naLes perhaps a more aocum2 te appraisal

of the las tin; siénificance of Pfez:

For otra oazte, écree usted since 12anente que
Porfirio Dfez sea nada has due un sucio oorron

en nuestra historia? Pues no sefibr, la figura
odiosa del Dictador se fundiré en aras de la del
Weroe de la Paz. Porfirio Diaz se destacaré siem-
pre Grande, sfho 010 de una de la n55 urgentes nece-
sided oes del oafs, en el momento en que ha sentido
su :uerza a nunto de extinzuirse; Porfirio Dfaz
:a side la iny: cci n de norfina, que no cura,

pero oue da descanso y que da tiemoo pa12a alma-
conar fuerzes cu oe ruitan ngs tarde tol;f rar el

I'D

cuchillo extir e-or cue deoe curar.8

0

,udaole achie veIent the Hexico

(‘0
H
03

If peace in itself is

owes much to Dfaz.

 

OD

 

_-.rm-

56

In dealing with the revolutionists Andres Perez lea rhs

from one of them, Vicente, how his ancestors had been rob-
bed of their land:

Pu—s epa el patrdn oue esa hacienda era una

con 1e“°010d oue, como lejftima herencia e -

C!

taoa en propredad de mi QECPG y cinco de ris

' ’1 . .C‘ 0 ' _o o
tios. cuahdo don Por1112io mando a los incenie-

(1.1

ros del avalud, nos robaron a todas nuestras 1

tierras y nos echaron co: a perros de nuestras ?

casas, nos echaron a la dec s racia a treoa’ar E

como burros para aloe near a mal comer apenas.9 g

1 . ,. . 1 :

Ahcres afain expresses his complete pessin.i sm and 1

cynicism toward the success of this Revolution of 1910 or L
any other: .11

 

Los pueblos han derranado eterna nzen te su san-
gre por arranoarse de sus carnes a los anpiros
que los aniquilan; pero ni un solo nueolo ha
consejuido, ahora ni 1anas, sino sustituir unos
vampiros por otros vamJiros.....““Uer° ores,
?eyes, Papas, Presidez1tes.....no importa el
nonbre; Dero G323 sien1pre ello3.....porque la

ls V de la vie a es el t12iumpho del fuerte.....

)

The two main characters of the novel stanc out in utter
contrast to each other: And res is pessimistic, believing
that no revolution can have any si;:ni*1icance; and Tofio,
his qood friend, enthusiastic idealist, supports the revo-

lution althoufih he oer sonelly he s nothin at to sain.

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As the sit ation becenes Lore tense And“

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tates. On his way, how.vsr he is

seized and thrown in jail. In a szirmish between the gov-

 

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Victorious, Anores Perez is re

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cla _neo a great ncro. As Aflp es cones forth ne Icons

(1)
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Ii aimiracién tornose en gasoluto eloooe ci-

miento, cuandv reparé en el coronel -ern5n-

iez y su adlatere el perioiista eon rCuco...

iLos eneni: s 153 radiosos de Xaiero 3 de la

R3voluc-5n, nilitando ahora en s13 ::ilas 111 r

T?

her;

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now becomi

 

fl , " wq- '\ .- -.,..v. - n.0,.” :- 1 - .L:
leo onlv oy his Lesire to MalmbEln hi L311 in a Dosition
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01 co: ..... 51m. 3
F»,
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In Anares rerez, waserisza, AZLIGla 's 11rst novel

 

 

* . I ‘5 n s . r r- - - - r... -
written curinr the QuPiOJ o
N.’ ’- J“/~ Hr '5‘!‘ -‘/s x ‘ I '1- D ‘11 f‘ ‘ ‘V r 4— *9
e pr—>sses bgfiOU h tie cderacters o1 tne ooos sone esti—

- 4. A :t J.‘, A . . ' , ; A ‘. -.. ‘ “‘1 '
mate 01 u;c previous DErlOJ un er uflfi stay 01 :ori

‘ 7‘ '\Q q ... ‘ v 4‘ ‘- ‘ ’a 3 I" ‘a ’1' P- ,J- . - JI- !
Dfaz. :.v :1 curin. L113 “BAIL? o- t-1e great (:10 am" Az-

of his resine. Fe 335 seen the essential flaws of poow
‘istribution of property, lacs of eiucation of the common

sts. In

(D

--. S I ~ _‘ h _c j r o _.‘| _ _:Va :1 _’ 9 ha.“ 0
LEOQl , :3 econonic corihance o- 1orti,n inter

“. ." 3‘ ’ a, 1.; m, .1 4.‘ ... . . . WA 4. 4.1 “
Ancres “erez tre author cersages one ,overnne1oal LGUHOCS

 

of 3132 to those of Iturbide. He was autoc

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Anotner special source 0: firicv see to Azuela es expressed

o 1 w' ... +~ H A _‘ _ : 5 [j o .1. ‘ _'_\ Ta- ‘flo ‘
in tnis boo: .ss use Generaliseo concition on “8410“ s
V o ' ~
Dress curin: the are of Dies. Only tsose newsoaoers

. "LIE '1'."3 re

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wnics ceoiot d toe sovernxent in a favor

I“ this first war time novel Dr. Azuela reiterates

1 motives which fave to

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' ° «.- — 2. -. a . a ”any. 4- ' «e,- "
, action in 'Chclf of i eel: the unristsieole clL e o:

herscter of the Revolution four years before

‘JJ

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Lo new; not so dramaticall

 

o o a o ‘ 5_ f 7‘. - ‘ - . J...
opinion of tnis writer teat Anores fires oresents the

 

 

mood of the ?evolution anfi that Los Se Ascio has its su-
periority only in the dramatic dei pictures of revolution-

1

ary action.

41.3312333......u...‘..1_131....a,§3. m
1 ~

4.
3 e

Sin Anor

 

print in 1912.

1']
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teen :8 o tho 0. its oreoe es;0rs, “3‘13 LUlSa ans Los r

 

1
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rs

Q, 1' . ’ . ’ . Q -q ,..' n r‘
Ana Marie nomero i goon; lasy OI tood

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.uoation who is wooed by Sen 'orrsloa, a wea_thy but

 

otherwise a contemotuously hauqhty younfi man whose family
beckjround encouretgs him to consider simself a very fine

catch for any woman. ?e is morally sorenerate, fins

\
l

“e in :3mblin: and drinv

'ESU

CL

his greatest pl.
casino with his friends.

.—. I .
3 V r'x __, - m ‘. -
sliL; n.non lorraloa

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ans to nose test Ans nsrie will not ellos nerseli to RSIIy
33 be kjround of Ana Iarfé's potter

‘

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feimsoo, bflc nooner

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«yvs manly life. Liéia

ans tee youn: la
‘5' o T n-n’ 4-3 ~' ‘ "a 1 "F's ‘~r-'§ "a ‘ '3 r.~.-'~n,r~t~-~R 1rKr
Oi Ans “Gila, tnrou at me; i1-3 MC; osen Lowlhd e3 33 a

u w w _

. .' . . .. , ' ., . 0 4. - - 1.- . ,- .:.* i ‘ fr ,‘
088143 iOr 802131 a ElUlOfl. In ne° JOUUQ sne ;si o‘eanea

’

J.
U

of becomin: dons Tornalba but her plans had no.

ised, and throurhout the boon her one Cominsti

1? reason

.0 . ‘r 0 ~‘ 0 A 5 h _ _.\ .L a _L " + L-
ior eiistence is to see Ler sen iter attain inS covesee

 

Lidia's first steo in the ri ht dire ection" was in
acnieving her daughter's aduittance to an exclusive sirl's

‘ "’ '1 7 --- " o w-‘ '
scnool. rer afm1i ssion is contest ed by :scolastica rerez,

La so_icitante es une nifia de oriien ignorado,
de faz lia oscure, de la clase nlebeva sczura-
Lente y Oue, el admitirla, seria ecnar oor
ti re 1 princioio inspirsfior de esta fun-

ia Delgado‘s desires prevail, however, and Ana maria

('1')

Li

proceeds to receive an exclusive education at the desired

'or Lidia
who at every turn incuce s her daughter to avoid friends of

her predilection and to associate with those wnose consan-

3d

ionshin can 1ave a possible advanta:e socially. It is a

P

clever aoo1os 011 fo As uela in his caLNJai 11 aiainst class

consciousness.

Another step that Lidia Celredo takes is to move to
a better section of torn here t1e contacts are to be ore-

ferred socially. She is able to do all this because she
has a comfortable an ount of money left to :er by ner nus-
.and. Lidia boasts to a ne i_;oor of the fine friendsr ips

.- - ia- n ~-,V“ C‘- Q . - 7-— AF-
taat Ler nau user is Laiin :

 

2 -1! 9 0 ~-- 0 fl PW
“ariano Azuela, Sin Anor (LDXico, 1345), second

edition, 24.

I“? .'_= “Fat . "fizivcuwr: .3915 31411.3 “q

A

‘ i q . -.
A31 donae ustec la ve, tiene ;a sus iranoes
amistades con ,ente de la mas alta E"lStO-
c:acia.3

But her mother had not anticipated the amount of expense

involved in her social asoirations. Finally it becomes

0:

necessarj for her to out a mortfiaze on their house. Li ia,
nowever, feels it all worth while for Eamdn Torralba is
befiinninj to may attention to Ana Zarfa.

.. q w. ’ fi~ I
Ana Larfa coes not love namon. one finally becomes

-finr'nzuwgmi man A

1.!
I

so incensed with him that she breaks ofi their engagement.

Eer Lcm1her roasxid:

 

:3midos, llanto,

Entonces estalld la tendestc : M
1 a Yecen retorcer las

d

firitos, y las convuls i gu,

carnes.....de dona Lidia. Tu3“o su voz se aoa:a
sofocada, su respiraci'n an_ustiosa se susaende

por momentos y Ana fiaria entre en seria alarLa.

"‘ H fi 0 fi _ f ., ~ ,_ .
Sudcenly and inezzolicaolv Ana .aria deoarts from her

princioles and her Wishes and allows herself to es married

hiouzhout the book there run enOtier tale of Julia,

.0 I. , . .0 vv - 'v 1— ° 7 1- - .
a 1“ 3nd 0. Ana Maria, an: «nrique Ponce. Tue; are not

(1

concer ed with marrinj for Mina cial reasons aLo
reason they find happiness.

On the other hand, the once beautiful Ana Larfa has
been thorouéhly endoctrinated into tne ways of the Torral-

\T -. 1' ~ * ~. ,. ,-.u+ 7
bas. Low 1at an: uwly sne has beccme as Lau,nov anc

 

Ibid., 32.

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lueie ix; SCBFCGlJ’BIh’ILnglCn oi CNMLtEh clean; CVEutS
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1n u"

in 4- fi ~ .' -4 fl.‘ ‘7‘ 1 J- - n'.- _s fl . PK ,. \ vx . N
purpose DO CQSCPLJJ tgtm out rec-er to present a picture

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storn who fail t

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ple less :ortunate than toemselves their own eventual ruin.

The intolerable snobbery anC conceit of the characters of

 

this novel cause resentment in tne reader just as their 5

liviné counteroerts csuszi hatred anon? tne lower class of

Enrique Ponce tiltin: to Julie gretty T811 sums up

the attituce of the Seoole end of A7nsla towari those who

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stories:
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References:

(Also contains

‘.' rmx

 

Ediciones
short

tierra",

"Victimes

fliciones

 

 

 

 

 

 

Seals, erleton, Prefece to The Unierio"s.
(Tiensletion oy 7. -un f2, Jr. of Los Q2 .oeio ’
oy Ye_riano Azuela) M IYo;k, Erentanos, 1929.
Hisoelt, Y.?., ?i., 53 Cutline Jistorg _; Sven-
ien American Iiteretune. Len Yong, F.S. Tnoftc
ano Comienr 1941.
”3311, Jefferson Pea, iontemnonorv Sésnis -
Ancricen Fiction. Cherel Fill, K.o., Un vePCity
1 Iorti Tepoline Pr SS, 1344.

 

 

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1 cli_c"nia BPVSD, 1041

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