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Y .-' BIN NB BY ' HUAB & suns' ' 50K WY IND L May mozas' ‘\\\\\\\\m\\“\\\\\\\\\\\\\m\\\\\\\|\\\\|\\\\|\\mumm 3 1293 10533 8168 ,5. \ . 1 “fl”? ] [éq /L: 72(m’3/Q/ ABSTRACT BEARERS OF DARK TIDINGS: THE RADICAL RIGHT PRESS By Gregory Lee Warfield This study is designed to show how a specialized arm of the press--in this case, certain magazines of the American radical right--served its specific audience. The study offers a historical perspective on the evolution of the radical right in the United States and a philosophical view of the current rightists. The radical right has traditionally distrusted the general circulation press. In an attempt to show the basis for this antagonism, two representatives of the radical right have been chosen: Gerald L. K. Smith of the Christian Nationalist Crusade and his magazine, The Cross and the Elag; and Robert Welch of the John Birch Society and his magazine, American Opinion. With the aid of biographical information concerning these men and their organizations, the study attempts to provide some analysis of the philos- ophy and thought as represented in the magazines. ‘I j ‘E- I g-H‘un» arr-nan:— I Much lac-used speci Through bcol extensive e: the men, or; right-wing 1 Pin in and ha Its leaders to wage a k“ attacking e its own We dark tiding heliGVes ‘ (3 V Gregory Lee Warfield Much of the research was done in libraries which housed special collections of radical right material. Through books, private papers, pamphlets, tracts and an extensive examination of the magazines, some insight into the men, organizations, publications and philosophy of the right-wing movement was gained. Findings indicate an atmosphere of fear, persecu- tion and hatred dominant in the world of the radical right. Its leaders, organizations and publications have attempted to wage a war against those they consider their enemies by attacking elements that challenge their truths. Through its own press, the radical right has become a bearer of dark tidings, the threats to a cause in which it sincerely believes. Accepted by the faculty of the School of Journalism, College of Communication Arts, Michigan State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of M79411)? c’Tlifir‘étor of! ¥h£is Arts degree. BEARERS OF DARK TIDINGS: THE RADICAL RIGHT PRESS By Gregory Lee Warfield A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS School of Journalism 1975 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to extend my thanks and appreciation to those whose invaluable help and assistance have made this thesis possible. The directors and staffs of the Michigan Historical Collections of the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; the Labadie Collection of Social Protest Materials in the De- partment of Rare Books and Special Collections of the Harlan Hatcher Graduate Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; and the Special Collections Room of the Michigan State Uni- versity Library, East Lansing. Dr. George A. Hough 3rd and Roberta C. Yafie, thesis director and editor, respectively. A special acknowledgment is hereby given to my wife, Mary Ellen Warfield, for her patience and confidence during the many months of research and writing of this thesis. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS WHYS AND WHEREFORES: AN INTRODUCTION Chapter I. PLOTS, FEARS AND RIGHTEOUSNESS: THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT A. Historical Perspective B. Philosophical Perspective II. PURVEYORS OF DECEIT: THE RADICAL RIGHT VS. THE PRESS . . . . . . . . . . . . III. BEARERS OF DARK TIDINGS I: THE MEN Evangelical Fascist: Gerald L. K. Smith Communism's Super Foe: Robert Welch IV. BEARERS OF DARK TIDINGS II: THE MAGAZINES Thundering Messiah: The Cross and the Flag . Waking Up Angry: American Opinion , V. SOME CONCLUSIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY iii Page 18 29 30 44 51 52 63 74 78 The the America: terest to h decades. B ViSiQn dCCU. Ill KlLlX K13 AN INTRODUCTION The radical right--the ultra-conservative end of the American political spectrum--has been a subject of in- terest to historians, sociologists and journalists for decades. Books, magazine and newspaper articles and tele- vision documentaries have reported on such groups as the Ku Klux Klan and the John Birch Society. Like the extreme left, the right has its own ver- sion of an underground press. It is the impact of this radical press on the consciousness of the nation and, par- ticularly, the growth of the radical right as a legitimate political branch, that this study will explore. The radical right has had a tumultuous impact upon American society. The era of fear under Senator Joseph McCarthy's anti-Communist demagoguery in the 19505 and the phenomenal growth of his successor, the John Birch Society, in the 19605, are the most recent episodes in its history. The effects are still with us. In 1970 and 1971, the author undertook a pilot study of the press of the radical right. Four groups were examined--the American Nazi Party, the Minutemen, the Ku Klux Klan and the John Birch Society. It was concluded that a need existed for more in-depth, scholarly research. Concomitantly, this study focuses on two exponents of radical right thought. Separated by World War II, they offer a study in contrasts cut from the same bolt. Gerald L. K. Smith was a shrewd opportunist who rose from a Fundamentalist pulpit to scathing denunciations of New Deal politics and a campaign of anti-Semitism concurrent with the fascism of Europe. Out of his activities in the 19305 was born the Christian Nationalist Crusade and its publication, The Cross and the Flag. Both are still going strong today. The John Birch Society and its founder and present leader, Robert Welch, have become the spokesmen for anti- Communism in the post-war decades. Today, along with his magazine, American Opinion, Welch and the Society are sym- bolic of the radical right groups that have made a serious impression on current political thought, and have experienced Va rebirth of interest. The press of the radical right reflects the con- servative philosophy and the plethora of anxieties the rightist suffers. He lives in a fearful world, one he can- not understand or comprehend. He feels his beliefs have been betrayed and abandoned, and sees his country in danger from a takeover fomented by a conspiracy of communists, blacks and Jews. He sees trusted institutions being intim- idated, infiltrated and overwhelmed by insidious forces. He looks to men such as Smith and Welch to lead him out of his bewilderment. The magazines these men publish offer a sustaining philosophy and an interpretation of cur- rent events, like black militancy, the spread of pornography, increasing interference by the federal government in private enterprise. These are three serious threats among many with which he must deal; his program comes from the right-wing press. It can be said that men like Smith and Welch and the propaganda which they disseminate makes everything too black and white, with no room for compromise. They show an innate distrust of democratic politics, fearing the process either too timid or too compromised to fight its enemies. It has been maintained that these men and their pub- lications have injured the democratic process; they have damaged, if not ruined, the reputations of many innocent people. On the other hand, opinion holds that these maga- zines print a truth to which the so-called Establishment will not admit, and the general press cannot--or will not-- print. In this respect, these magazines are warning beacons designed to expose and evict its enemies from the American government and way of life. Yet these publications not only exist, but they are financially and popularly successful and prosper through the guidance of their respective organizations and leadership. It is to this issue, too, that this study addresses itself. In its distrust of the conventional mass media, the press of the radical right thrives as a counterweight, and acts as a forceful catalyst in the political arena. CHAPTER I PLOTS, FEARS AND RIGHTEOUSNESS: THE AMERICAN RADICAL RIGHT A. Historical Perspective The present day American radical right is a continu- ation of a small but significant part of American history,‘ marked repeatedly by dire predictions of doom to the Repub- lic and its people by some highly organized conspiracy. From this conspiratorial base springs bigotry, hatred and fear, directed at individuals, groups and institutions. The idea of an anti-American conspiracy was first posed in the colonies in 1660, when religious intolerance drove Catholics and Quakers from Maryland. Their perse- cutors feared a religious coup of Catholics showing more allegiance to the Pope than to the King.1 In the 17805, the Order of Cincinnati, a group of soldiers who had fought in the American Revolution, became popular, and some dismay was expressed that a military 1John H. Bunzel, Anti-Politics In America: Reflec- tion on the Anti-Political Temper and Its Distortion of the Democratic Process (New York: Random House, Vintage Books, 1967), pp. 39-42. 1a’ .nw ‘ “but 1 :cpu. Ga 1“ 4 y- “AHA .. \ -fi‘» ‘ . ~uO] class might develop. The group finally disbanded after de- nunciationsby both George Washington and Thomas Jefferson.2 The Federalists, led by Alexander Hamilton, feared a populist rising in the 17905, spurred by a combination of Jeffersonian democracy and controversy over immigration. To meet the threat, the Alien and Sedition Acts were passed.3 In the late 18205, rumors that the secret society of Masons would attempt a coup led to the Anti-Masonry of Andrew Jackson. Fear of the Masons died out; the coup never came about.4 Anti-Catholicism became an issue again in 1834. Samuel F. B. Morse, inventor of the telegraph, believed a Catholic conspiracy was plotting to overthrow the govern- ment and proclaim one in allegiance with Rome. Two years later, Morse's charges led to the formulation of the Native American Association, which later broadened its base to include aliens as well.5 In 1840, the American Republican Party urged re- scission of the voting and office-holding privileges of Catholics and foreigners.6 Catholicism was still an issue N H U PI 9.: (N H U H. Q; .D H 0" Ho ‘1: U1 H U H. Du O H on H. 0.. .. ~319, when M“ ' :fthe Star Sr 1 .6 A“ ..:s;1raC)' gro 1152's nissic-r. 2:.1' to drive c it: were enflc later, the 113 5:32 the scene In 191 firs, Catholic :atianalisn, I the targets 01 rea;hed its pg in the 19405. 53 back taxe: .311 the Klan ( since been re. In th ':;35€d the \' \u 8 «an Grew waper ser in 1849, when the American Party, formed out of the Order of the Star Spangled Banner, became known as the "Know- Nothing" Party.7 The Ku Klux Klan, one of the best-known anti- conspiracy groups, made its first appearance in 1865. The Klan's mission was to establish white supremacy over blacks and to drive out the Carpetbaggers--Northern opportunists-- who were exploiting the post-Civil War South. Four years later, the Klan was ordered disbanded, but did not fade from the scene until 1871.8 In 1915, the Klan was revived and expanded. Blacks, Jews, Catholics, immigrants, birth control, pacifism, inter- nationalism, Darwinism and the repeal of Prohibition became the targets of its bigotry and hatreds. This second Klan reached its peak strength in 1925, but died of bankruptcy in the 19405. The Internal Revenue Service slapped a lien for back taxes on the group, dating to the 19205. The debt put the Klan out of the national spotlight, although it has since been revived in a less influential form.9 In the 19305, a group of wealthy conservatives who Opposed the New Deal formed the American Liberty League. 71bid. 8Gregory L. Warfield, "The Rightists" (unpublished newspaper series, Michigan State University, 1973), p. 4. 9Ibid., p. 8. rqu FJ . V." '4.“ n u .3 ad v.5 av 1L; .n u r u o b a v i I D 'c a re Q... Lu» n+1 nu ‘ «I» -“FI\ ocuuntrOU S u 9 tcricz SC -1 The League regarded the New Deal as a Marxist-Communist conspiracy and Franklin D. Roosevelt as a dictator.10 Others joined in the League's denunciation, among them Huey Long and Gerald L. K. Smith. Many of the men and groups joined with anti-Semitic organizations, and all blended into a reactionary bloc against organized labor and immi- grants.ll In 1940 and 1941, the America First Committee at- tempted to forestall United States entry into World War II. The Committee Viewed entry as a conspiracy by those who were both anti-German and anti-American. After Pearl Harbor, much of its support was lost.12 During the post-war period, from 1945 to 1972, numerous anti-Communist organizations were founded. Unlike many of their predecessors, they were aggressive and out- spoken in their activities, building national machines that spread a net across the country. The radical right move- ment today, while ranking comparatively lower to the nation's two major political parties, has skillfully interwoven its historical past with the prophetic future. 10Bunzel, p. 41. 11Bunzel, p. 41. 12Bunzel, pp. 39-42. n “*6 If today's right-wing movement is to be fully come prehended, the Populism of the late nineteenth century must be examined. The similarities and contrasts are striking. The John Birch Society has been characterized as "a movement of the revolted, misinformed, deceived, abused, 13 In the 18905, the Populists viewed angry Americans." themselves in a similar light. The Populists and the Progressives are referred to, by some historians, as economic and political antecedents of the New Deal. To others, known as revisionists, the Populists and the radical right share the same perspective. These revisionists have noted that some Populist values have reappeared within the radical right, particularly, a longing look to the past. Richard Hofstadter, a revisionist, writes: Far from being Progressives, the Populists looked back with longing to the lost agratian Eden. What they meant, though they did not express themselves in such terms, was they would like to restore the conditions prevailing before the development of individualism and the commercialization of agriculture.14 The Populists originated during the growth of in- dustrial capitalism and the trusts, and appealed to farmers and urban merchants. They were distrustful of constitutional democracy and the party system, preferring direct democracy 13Bunzel, p. 42. 14Bunzel, p. 55. It in P0911115 if tcda). 1 the root 0 R 501 reaPPeared 11', thEir V. Spiraf‘)- . and like t] Tfirests 9 a. Kale 0n be 15‘ Scubleday t 161 17‘ 1 181 10 through the introduction of initiative and referendum and recall elections.15 Their hope, Lipset says, was "to control big business, the trusts, the railroads and the banks. They . . . contained a strong element of anti- Semitism and generalized xenophobia directed against any influence and emerging power of immigrants."16 The community of international Jewish bankers be- came a Populist target for the conspiracy of non-producing, money classes against the producing classes. The Populists viewed English Jews as the leaders of international banking, their arch foe. This theory was broadened to include all who were alien to the American rural way of life. It was not, however, the single motivating factor in Populist thought. Bunzel notes that the radical right of today lacks the idealism of social reform that was at the root of early Populism.17 Some of the views of the Populist lunatic fringe reappeared in the fascist movements of the 19305, notably in their view of the New Deal as a Marxist-Communist con- spiracy. Their adherents were farmers and small merchants, and like the Populists they appealed to their economic in- terests, attacking democratic institutions and levelling blame on bankers and Jews.18 15Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man (New York: Doubleday 8 Company, Inc., AnchorTBooks, 1960), p. 169. 16Ibid. 17Bunzel, p. 56. 18 Lipset, p. 169. 11 Attempts at forming a third party failed, but a measure of success was gained in the emergence of Huey Long, who gained national prominence as governor and United States Senator from Louisiana, where he ruled with the strength of a dictator.19 The last great Populist demogogue of the twentieth century was Senator Joseph McCarthy. From an average record in Congress and typically midwestern Wisconsin constituency, McCarthy catapulted himself into the American political and social consciousness to make ”McCarthyism" anathema to liberals and progressives for years after his downfall. His brief time in the spotlight was packed with denunciation of the left--the New Deal Democrats--and pep- pered with innuendo of Communist traitors in government, right up to the President's office. The innuendo became denunciation, in its turn, and eventually was leveled at the natural villian, the Eastern upper class.20 Lipset notes that "he expressed for them (his followers) their fear and mistrust of bigness, and the slick and subversive ideas that have come out of the cities and the big institutions to erode old ways and faiths."21 19Lipset, p. 170. 20Lipset, p. 170. 21Lipset, pp. 171-172. 12 In appraising the radical right, it is essential to acknowledge the movement's historical antecedents. It is not a product of the twentieth century, and while the Popu- lism of the 18905 was a major contributing factor to the many anti-conspiracy groups, its racist, distrusting roots are very much a part of our political heritage, all the way back to Plymouth Rock and Jamestown. B. Philosophical Perspective The modern day rightist lives in a dark world. He fears the world around him, and longs for safety, definite- ness and authority. In this attempt, the rightist creates a two-valued world of black and white, good and bad, Commu- nist and super-patriot, ready-made slots in which everyone and everything must be fitted. The result is a closed-minded defensiveness. The rightist rarely tries to understand the issues; he either approves or disapproves, and rarely agrees. The disagree- ments which result are reduced to the most fundamental, emotional level, for the rightist has refuted a rational base. In conversation, he is hostile and argumentative, often abusive, a victim to his own frustrations.22 The rightist lacks a sense of humor. Unable to laugh at himself or others, his is a wrathful sobriety. 22Bunzel, pp. 84-85. llSCOT.C€1 itin the :nezent “'VF J a- :‘¢¢‘Ud4-l en! '9. 1' 3:5 10CKE Tlgnt as 5T8 found 1 J (—7 bert he in the rj midst, W1 salt of . The , Frag: and fals dUce mEnt Comb trut rightiSt proceSs. 13 He is the self-appointed guardian of what is considered by the movement to be decent and right, finding individuality disconcerting. If it is identity that he seeks, he finds it in the group, preferring a clear hierarchy in society. Fundamentalism has contributed to the right-wing movement in this respect. Research indicates that some fundamentalists are members of the radical right; the right has looked to the fundamentalists for philosophical guidance. Gerald L. K. Smith began his career in the radical right as a fundamentalist minister, :nni other ministers are found working in and among the Ku Klux Klan today. Robert Welch has also affirmed the need for fundamentalists in the rightest cause. "The true fundamentalists in our midst, whether Catholic, Protestants or Jews, are the moral salt of the earth."23 The fundamentalist is as suspicious of pragmatists and pragmatism in political society as he is of heretics and 'atheistic radicals' for their work in spreading false religious doctrines. Democratic politics is re- duced to a politics of conspiracy because the funda- mentalist is equally determined to do God's work in combating all those who would pervert and destroy social truth.24 Bunzel points to the dogmatism and certitude of the rightist and fundamentalist as subversive to the democratic process. 23Bunzel, p. 66. 24Bunzel, pp. 65-66. 14 The energy that a century ago was directed to organized religion has been transferred to the politics of right- wing fanaticism demanding sweeping changes in the po- litical and social order, and apocalyptic visions calling for a return to past utopias. The resulting radical faith, which Bunzel calls an "Uncle Sam's religion," substitutes the Constitution for the Bible and glorifies a Fourth-of—July patriotism.26 The radical right fears modernity, because modernity spells change, and this is classically interpreted to mean political coup. The simplicity of this logic can be traced through the historical chapters of conspiracy and anti- conspiracy movements. The Federalists feared a takeover by the people, who they identified as "the uneducated, the 27 In many instances, these unwashed and the unprincipled." people, who so worried the Federalists, unleashed their wrath against Catholics, Jews, blacks, immigrants and, finally, Communists. It is a cumulative fear, each new discriminatory tactic built upon a former one. The persecution complex which is the hallmark of the right-wing extremist is virulent, and in this sense dangerous to the very people and institutions within its range. At times of crisis, the rightist finds it simple to lay the blame of society's problems in the laps of those 25Bunzel, p. 66. 26Bunzel, pp. 83-84. 27Bunze1, pp. 86-87. .M. 'I. ‘9 "‘a *‘fi - ~.l.e»». :. 54‘ *- Via-ts h F K" a. l H14 .M u»&& O_,»CS ts -‘ a. “3.653. OPPOr1 equalj (“d It.) 1 A") 15 who held positions of public trust.28 The whole conspira- tbrial concept is defensible only in that it cannot be disproved or proved. In this sense, the logic is air-tight. The impatience with democratic machinery causes the rightist to call for drastic action. He has no room for intellectualizing. This is the demagoguery that is violently at odds with the world in the twentieth century. By his distrust for the system, the rightist stands apart from the liberal and conservative who, while they held opposing views, remain committed to the democratic process. The rightist lacks this commitment. He is con- vinced that "the United States is being led into Communist perdition by liberal international-minded politicians who are bent on scrapping American constitutionalism and indi- "29 vidual freedom. Lipset notes, however, that the right is close to the norm of nineteenth-century European liberals. The liberal position means: in economics--a commitment to laissez-faire ideology, a belief in the vitality of small business, and opposition to strong trade unions; in politics--a demand for minimal government interven- tion and regulation; in ideology--support of equal opportunity for advancement and opposition to enforced equality of income.30 28Bunzel, pp. 49-50. 29Bunzel, p. 70. 30Lipset, p. 134. f-AJ :0' "HI. .‘7 .2? T1,: with turm disenchanb actisnary inner 11h. David .1. S .5 '1; t'. 1111a,; e. 9' 3. ‘1 L‘v—LE C12 16 This position originated with the middle class, which turned from revolutionary to reactionary as it became disenchanted with its declining role in society. This re- actionary class adopted a new ideology to replace its former liberal persuasion--fascism. In 1935, sociologist David J. Saposs wrote, ”Fascism is the extreme expression of middle-classism or populism. The basic ideology of the middle class is populism."31 The right has room for diversity within its own restricted range, however. At one end is the hatemongering right, composed of Gerald L. K. Smith's Christian National Crusade and the late George Lincoln Rockwell's American Nazi Party, two of the many exponents of anti-Semitism, racism and bigotry. At the other, is a "semi-respectable right," including such groups as the Daughters of the American Revolution. Between the two, the John Birch Society may be said to represent a middle stand. There is, however, a common point in these branches of radical right belief: a lack of genuine commitment to the American people, their problems and needs. There is little to indicate a serious belief in the democracy, or sincere efforts to change it, peacefully and progressively. ”The program of the right-wing is not directed to the area of material needs to which the politician in a democratic democratic society must give his attention," Bunzel adds.32 31Lipset, p. 131. 32Bunzel, pp. 67-68. L: a? ‘11- - -' , '3 They h haw tc antoza i115. and e; handii sold ‘ nannl. Huv~ A a” t'. \ .- "‘e adLhC :ne truti AS 87;;10‘h.‘ 17 They have nothing concrete or positive to say about how to confront such urgent problems as unemployment, automation, discrimination, or a host of society-wide ills. They prefer instead to attack the whole social and economic direction of the country as the culpable handiwork of irresponsible political leaders who have sold their shoddy wares to an unsuspecting and gullible people.33 Lipset calls the right extremists conservative rather than revolutionary, seeking to change political in- stitutions in order to preserve or restore cultural and 34 economic ones. A demagogue most accurately represents the authoritarianism that is at the heart of the movement: one truth, in one man, group or principle. The demagogue is empowered to use this truth in whatever manner is necessary to achieve the goals which this truth has decreed. Bunzel has characterized the radical rightist as an absolutist. He says: The right winger is an absolutist whose commitments is to his own inflexible form of perfection, and like all perfectionists, he cannot accept anything less, abhors any hint of moderation, and will use and justify any means to realize his uncompromisible goal. The extrem- ist of the far right subscribes to a politics of fanat- icism that goes far beyond the particular preachings which make up his passionate beliefs. The style of the radical rightist is that of the extremist everywhere who relies on intense emotion and excessive righteous- ness in demanding the complete and absolute fulfillment of his sacred goal of rigid doctrine. He has the abso- lute and complete answer from which the slightest re- treat is viewed as moral cowardice. 33Bunzel, p. 60. 34Lipset, p. 130. 35Lipset, p. 72. CHAPTER II PURVEYORS OF DECEIT: THE RADICAL RIGHT VS. THE PRESS Distrust characterizes the world of the radical right. The rightist is particularly distrustful of certain American institutions, as well as the men within and behind them. He is of the opinion that they should shoulder some of the blame for the disastrous state of the world. Singled out as deceitful :nul untrustworthy is the press--more accurately stated, the whole of mass communi- cations: newspapers, magazines, radio and television. The rightist believes that the press either refuses to or cannot print or broadcast his truth, and instead gives information, analysis and opinion which only serves to fuel his opposi- tion and fear. Do mass communications, as understood by the right- ist, have any influence upon changing a person's attitudes and opinion? Many mass communications researchers think not. Joseph T. Klapper notes that "persuasive mass com- munication functions far more frequently as an agent of reinforcement than as an agent of change. Within a given 18 afiience . antis fl TI viiua1it3' fdlows t Quite Opini Intra given lugs, 19 audience exposed to a particular communication, reinforce- ment is found to be the dominant effect."36 The rightist, in a sense, has sacrificed his indi- viduality of identity for that of the group, and so it follows that group values are those he espouses and rein- forces, through the group, rather than his own, initiative. The impact of mass communications is reflected through group reaction, which serves as a reinforcing agent. Quite aside from providing anchorage for existing opinions, group membership facilitates reinforcement. Intra-group diScusSion increases the likelihood of given members being aware of sympathetic media offer- ings.3 Groups like the radical right are significantly influenced by opinion leaders and group leaders. This may be one individual who fulfills both functions, or a chain of command arrangement where information is passed on within the hierarchy. Opinion leaders, however, are somewhat distinct from group leaders, and generally more influential. Gerald L. K. Smith and Robert Welch, the subjects of this study, are two opinion leaders. To illustrate, take the head of a local chapter of the John Birch Society, a group leader. He disseminates information and opinion from the Society's opinion leader, 36Joseph T. Klapper, The Effects of Mggs Communica- tion (New York: The Free Press, 1960), pp. 15-16. 37 Ibid., p. 29. izs foundei Leader of 1 spinion 1e: are dispen In in 1918 b) tint Opin- 20 its founder, Robert Welch. Welch is the national group leader of the Society, but his main function is that of opinion leader, because it is his influence and ideas which are dispensed. This idea of opinion leadership was first offered in 1948 by Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet. They found that opinion leaders who exercise influence were widely dispersed throughout the population, and were much like those whom they influenced. Additionally, opinion leaders were much more exposed to the media than their followers, and so served as transmitters to the less active sections of the population.38 The widened exposure of the media available to the opinion leader also makes mass communications susceptible to his mediation. Mass communication, says Klapper, ”pro- vides information and points of view which he may or may not pass on to his widely exposed followers."39 In his capacity as transmitter, the opinion leader becomes something of a censor. He may transmit or approve material in accordance with group norms, or he may fail to transmit material which opposes these norms. Additionally, he may attack and protest this opposing material.40 381bid., p. 35. 39Ibid., pp. 34-35. 4°Ibid., p. 19. 21 If the opinion leader is looked to for transmission of material which reinforces group opinion, he also, accord- ing to Katz (1957), is the personification of certain values of the group. "The leader's guidance," says Katz, "seems to be sought or accepted partly--or perhaps largely--because it provides his followers with the sort of satisfactions they seek in those areas.”41 The opinion leader, group leader or right-wing ad- herent all share a common capacity with the national popu- lation. This is called selective exposure, a tendency for people to expose themselves to mass communications in ac- cord with their existing opinions and interests and to avoid unsympathetic material.42 With selective exposure is selective perception. Allport and Postman in 1945 noted that "material which does not fit the predispositions of a perceiver is likely to be recast to fit not only his own span of comprehension and retention, but likewise, his own personal needs and interests."43 From mass communications, the rightist perceives and selects that which serves his purpose, subject to the mitigation of his opinion leader. If he finds nothing which 41Ibid., p. 35. 42Ibid., p. 33. 43Ibid., p. 32. {uqbs -J¢b .1le. -n1 U». A I IKE . gyn— '- u- a n... 11‘. C. a: “sut, CldEr . Y‘s 51 . C ‘c 22 suits him, he turns, instead, to the communications of his opinion leader and his group. These are strong reinforce- ments, both for his own individual values and the group's norms. For some, the only truth in the world is that found in the group's publications. Such partisan exposure can only serve to reinforce the partisan's previous attitudes. In short, the most partisan people protect themselves from the disturbing experience presented by opposition arguments by paying little attention to them. Instead, they turn to that propaganda which reaffirms the validity and wisdom of their original decision--which is then reinforced.44 If this was true a little over 20 years ago, then it was still true in 1968, when Wes Gallagher, general man- ager of the Associated Press, observed: Many in our society read with one eye and a closed mind. They read or hear only the news that reinforces their opinions. To this group, truth is in the eye of the beholder--their own. Another group seizes upon conspiracy theories to ex- plain the complex events of our times. Many of the problems we face and report today will not be solved in our lifetime. They are too intricate and deep-rooted. Some people will not recognize this. They yearn for simpler times and, occasionally guided by demagogues, see in the complexity of the news itself a dark con- spiracy to lead them astray.45 The general press, in the Opinion of the radical right, has no love for it, nor for the truth it claims to possess. John A. Stormer, a conservative political analyst 44Ibid., p. 20. 4SWes Gallagher, "Truth Is in the Eye of the Be- holder,” Nieman Reports, September, 1968, p. 3. 5.33; “'1th a cantinu 1"" or C 5.65 'v (I) *1 5—4- r: r--- (D "1 r" :1 U: f") (‘1 :5 ‘ (‘3‘ rf’TTJ C110 (D P—4 (D H- a J H (D n 1. CL Bu irel 23 and writer, says, "There has been on the part of the press a continual crusade of distortion and smear against right . . 4 Wing or conservative groups." 6 Part of this animosity toward the press can be at- tributed to the rightist suspicion that the press, if not Communist-controlled, is at least sympathetic to the Com- munist cause. J. Allen Broyles, a Methodist minister, examined this theory in his 1966 study of the John Birch Society. Broyles writes: Since the press doesn't, in most instances, print, with- out critical comment, the charges and analyses of the Birch Society, then, in the view of the Birchers, the press must be either blindfully or willfully serving the Communists. Many members feel that you just can't believe the press. Consequently, the Birch Society and the rest of the American right wing feel they are reduced to 'pamphleteering' and to dependence on 'reliable' rightwing publications. Robert Welch acknowledged this reliance in 1956, pointing to such Conservative magazines as Intelligence Digest, Human Events, The Freeman, Counterattack, The American Mercury and National Review. He might now include American Opinion and other Society publications in the sample. Gerald L, K. Smith is another rightist who sees the press as less than friendly, and has tried to contradict it 46John A. Stormer, None Dare Call It Treason (Florissant, Mo.: Liberty Bell Press, 1964), p.8143. 47J. Allen Broyles, The John Birch Society: Anatomy of a Protest (Boston: Beacon Press, I966), p. 131. iith his 1 "T1 t-~: ‘ . “'1‘ CO," “H .5 5", 24 with his own magazine, The Cross and the Flag. In an interview, Associated Press reporter John R. Starr observed, that "he (Smith) long since abandoned the hope of getting fair treatment in the news media which he calls 'the trea- son machine.‘ 'I have accepted this as the price for the freedom to what I truly believe to be the truth,‘ Smith said."48 For Smith, the real power behind the press is not just Communists, but Jews. Smith is convinced that the vast majority of Jews are either Communists or sympathetic to the Communist cause. The main support for Smith's anti-Semitism is a book called Protocols of the Meetings of the Learned Elders of Zion, purported to be the detailed plans of a Jewish- Zionist-Communist takeover of the world. The book was in- troduced in this country by Henry Ford Sr., who had become convinced of a worldwide Jewish conspiracy, but could not find sufficient evidence to support this plot. He dispatched detectives to probe the affairs of prominent Jews and col- lect documentation. The Protocols was the result of this 49 search. 48John R. Starr, "The Ozark Town Gerald Smith Turned Into A Tourist Mecca," Detroit Free Press, November 7, 1971, p. A-21. 49Booth Herndon, Ford: An Unconventional Biography of the Men and Their Times (New York: The Hearst Corpora- tion, Avon Books, 1970), pp. 285-287. fire] or :itic l v . v v -" Q r. H uEWlS . -.l~ 54' I821 a: "It P" .y“. ca .. 25 The document was declared a forgery in 1921, but Ford continued to support his anti-Semitism on the basis of its allegations. Everything wrong with modern American civilization, from the corruption of music to the corruption of base- ball, was attributed to Jewish influence. Unable to admit that America as a whole might be blamed for its problems . . . Ford searched for a scapegoat. He found it in the Jews, who, he believed, had no conception of, or appreciation for, American ideals.50 In addition to the Protocols, Ford had run anti- Semitic articles in the Dearborn Independent, the company newspaper, from 1920 to 1927. One series, printed in 1924, accused a Chicago attorney, a Jew, of representing "the 'Jewish international bankers'in an attempt to defraud the American farmer and control American agriculture.” In 1927, the attorney brought a million-dollar defamation of character suit against Ford. The case was settled out of court; the Independent ceased publication the same year.51 Smith has taken up Ford's campaign of the Protocols and its veracity, and has published and distributed them to those who would follow this truth. The Protocols' plan for subjugation of many insti- tutions, the press included, is outlined in precise detail. Protocol No. 2, Point 5, explains Jewish control of the press. 50Roderick Nash, The Nervous Generation: American Thopght, 1917-1930, The Rand McNally Series on the History of American Thought and Culture (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1970), pp. 156-157. 51 Herndon, pp. 285-287. ' I H A 61311“ 1 influe ‘ c- - *5. ‘ tion; "L \Qah 26 The part played by the Press is to keep pointing out our requirements, which are supposed to be indispensible, to give voice to the complaints of the people, to ex- press and to create discontent. It is in the Press that the triumph of freedom of speech finds its incar- nation. But the 0 im States have not known how to make use of this force; and it has fallen into our hands. Through the Press we have gained the power to influence while remaining ourselves in the shade.52 Jewish press control was also charged by George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the American Nazi Party in 1955. In the Party's "Official Stormtrooper's Manual," there is this reference: The most deadly weapon in the arsenal of international Jewry is the control of the media of communication and information. The Jews have two ways of influencing news and information. The first method is outright ownership. Here the hand of the Jew is clearly seen, and therefore is the least desirable from their stand- point. The second method is 'economic sanctions.' The major advertising accounts are department stores and supermarkets. Here the Jews clearly dominate the field. By using their advertising as a 'lever' the Jews have dropped the heavy curtain of censorship on this land. No criticism of Jews is permitted.53 Whatever the controlling influence, Communist or Jewish, the press is still biased against the right, some of its critics claim, adding that this is not always in- tentional, nor necessarily deliberate. John A. Stormer blames journalism schools and changes in basic journalistic concepts for this bias, 52Protocols of the Meetings of the Learned Elders of Zion, trans. Victor B. Marsden (Los Angeles: Christian NationaIist Crusade, n.d.), p. 19. 53American Nazi Party, Official Stormtrooper's Manual (Arlington, Va.: American Nazi Party, 1955), pp. 8-9. angling on fienates a Page 1, vi: ::ria1 page unriety the 113:". Of CUI‘ The in: cording explain is saii content the 18;. the rep STOUnd 1 lively . The 27 singling out interpretive reporting as a major culprit. He notes a shift from straight, objective reporting on Page 1, with any analysis and opinion reserved for the edi- torial page columns, to the more liberalized, interpretive variety that is the result of the more liberalized educa- tion of current and future generations of journalists. The interpretive reporter, rather than faithfully re- cording in an orderly way a speaker's words, instead explains the 'meaning' and 'overall importance' of what is said. Such interpretation is justified with the contention that the average reader might not understand the report otherwise, that the broadened latitude given the reporter permits him to bring in explanatory back- ground material and use a writing style which is more lively and interesting.54 The danger inherent in this type of journalism is the threat of an "ultra-liberal reporter,” covering a con- servative speaker, who, because of the basic philosophical disagreement between the two, chooses to report the speech in terms of his "true" viewpoint, Stormer says.55 While the conservative press is well represented with such luminaries as columnist William F. Buckley, Jr., Stormer maintains that "the key jobs, acclaim as journalis- tic geniuses, opportunity to write syndicated columns and guest spots as panelists on TV news shows go to the liberals."56 S4Stormer, p. 143. SSStormer, p. 146. 56Stormer, p. 153. C‘) r-r, :rzfesscrs, Tritune as servative \ .. _ 'OOH‘r- ,4 $..a£ ). 28 Of the top 10 newspapers rated highest by journalism professors, newsmen and editors, Stormer cites the Chicago Tribune as the only paper that presents a consistently con- servative viewpoint on both national and international affairs. Three others, which he does not name, "are moder- ately conservative on economic matters but tend to blind internationalism in coverage of foreign news."57 The "ultra-liberal" viewpoint is expressed by the New York Times, Washington Post, St. Louis Post-Dispatch, Atlanta Constitution, Louisville Courier-Journal, and Milwaukee Journal, he says. Whoever is the responsible party for slanting, dis- tortion and control of the news, Stormer maintains, the results will be the same. Free, representative government is predicted on the assumption that people, having the facts, will make the right decisions when they go to the polls. If the press abdicates its responsibility, the system will fail. Breaking through the 'paper curtain' which screens most Americans from the truth is a primary challenge.S8 S7Stormer, p. 153. S8Stormer, p. 154. CHAPTER III BEARERS OF DARK TIDINGS(I): THE MEN Gerald L. K. Smith and Robert Welch are opinion leaders. They hold a particular belief and have accumu- lated a following because of that belief. Both transmit information, in the form of magazines, tracts, books and related publications, which will reinforce that belief in the minds of their followers. Both have built their fol- lowings into a formal organization--Welch's John Birch Society and Smith's Christian Nationalist Crusade. Welch and the John Birch Society are the best known spokesmen of the American radical right today. Their greatest national impact was felt during the early 19605 and on through the decade. Both generated, and were in- volved in, considerable controversy. Gerald L. K. Smith, on the other hand, is a nebulous figure to most of the members of the generation born after World War II, and to much of his own generation as well. These two radical personalities, their activities and associations surrounding their notoriety, lend valuable insight to their organizations and publications which have broadcast right-wing extremist thought. 29 lc-a‘nyunq on». 5v° w- gzlnen v01 Ge h‘SStern, P smerat ICE 30 Evangelical Fascist: GErald L. K. Smith He has been described as "one of the most colorful demagogues of modern American history . . . parlaying a golden voice and an insatiable lust for power into a national reputation. His ambition was boundless: he wanted to rule all America."59 Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith was the son of a mid- western, Protestant Fundamentalist minister, the fourth- generation; his father was a circuit rider for the Church of the Disciples of Christ. Born February 27, 1898 in Pardeeville, Wisconsin, he rode some 14 miles on horseback to attend high school, where he was knwon as the best de- bater in the county and, like his father, a fine orator.6O He graduated at the age of 19 from Valpariso Uni- versity, in Indiana, where he studied literature, Bible history and dramatics. He was ordained in the Disciples of Christ Church at 18, while an undergraduate. While a graduate student at Butler University, he assisted at vari- ous pulpits. His first independent ministry was the farming community of Deep River, Indiana. 59David-H. Bennett, Dema o ues In The Depression: American Radicals and the Union Party, 1 - TTNew Brunswick,N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1969), p. 114. 601bid. inties of 3113 work net. .' ' ' . aunlil‘: gu “ y A 31 In 1922, he married his childhood sweetheart, Eleanor Marion Soreson, known as Elna, and assumed the duties of guest minister at a church in St. Louis, Missouri. Elna worked side by side with Smith through all his sundry activities. Later that same year, he returned to Indian- apolis, where he preached at the Seventh Christian Church and the Butler University Church.61 At Butler, Smith had gained some insight into the radical right of the 19205. There he was reputed to have been one of the more important members of the Indiana Ku Klux Klan. In 1926, the Indiana Klan was severely damaged by scandal, but Smith was not implicated. Two years later, Elna suffered a serious illness, and the Smiths were forced to move to the South.62 In 1929, Smith became minister of the Kings Highway First Christian Church of Shreveport, Louisiana, his first important position. Kings Highway was the largest Disciples of Christ church in the state, and reputed to have the richest congregation in the city.63 Smith offered the church revitalization. He broadened the membership rolls and, at first, was the 61Ibid., p. 115. 62 63 Ibid., p. 115. Ibid., p. 115. griie of h jcined bus He :11, he we i.‘i’.h wavy :ificent \' :3 his ser 32 pride of his congregation. He made his presence known, joined businessmen's clubs and sponsored athletic teams.64 He cut a fine figure in the pulpit. "Only 30 years old, he was a handsome figure of a man, six feet in height, with wavy auburn hair and clear blue eyes. He had a mag- nificent voice, he spoke effortlessly, and he drew crowds to his sermons."65 But Smith had been reared on doctrines of rural radicalism--some even said he was a Populist--and he began delivering political sermons. Disenchantment with some of his ideas spread among his wealthy parishoners. The gap widened further when he attended labor union meetings in Shreveport, and labor leaders set out to enlist his support.66 The final, irreconcilable split came when Smith be- gan speaking kindly of Huey Long, Governor of Louisiana. This last heresy was too much for his congregation. Smith was asked to leave; although he resisted the pressure, he was eventually forced out. Smith's ouster was effected when he discovered that certain local realtors were about to foreclose on a million dollars' worth of Shreveport homes. Their efforts 64Ibid., p. 117. 651b1d., p. 117. 66Ibid., p. 117. 33 were timed to preempt final passage of the Home Owners Loan Corporation Act, which would have allowed those home owners to make mortgage payments.67 Smith helped persuade Long to sponsor state legis- lation blocking the realtors. As Smith recalled it: "I told him they were going to grab homes right and left. 'The hell they are,' Huey answered. And they didn't. He passed a law." Incensed,those realtors who were members of Smith's church began to press for his removal.68 Smith did not seem particularly affected; perhaps he did not care. He had had his first close contact with great political power and, comparatively, the church ap- peared too restricting. One of his labor friends took him to New Orleans. He saw Long, who remembered him from their previous meeting and knew of Smith's congregational troubles. Long felt Smith would be useful in securing converts to Long's Share Our Wealth organization. In 1934, he offered Smith a job as a traveling organizer.69 Additionally, Smith would serve as a speechmaker for Long, who had been elected to the United States Senate in 1932. 671bid., p. 118. 68T. Harry Williams, Huey Long (New York: National General Company, Bantam Books, 1969), p. 586. 691bid., p. 587. v.” C. t a» a6 .1. .C 5. Jr. “‘J . . at 1.. 1 .. .- - I .0 .1 .2 ..l . Lu .1 .7. .N :1 £1 1. .6 .1 no i r t. .r.“ 3. .7 D» 19 I. ‘L c. a» .\. .I» .4 ... .~u 3» ma at: —.. .4. an .4u a» .... 5—. uu «a >.1 .Au ”I .-. u. .b In .15 .n. ~\~ .fl. -» ¢ “ 34 Ostensibly a social reformer, Smith's liberalism was only a veneer. "He had been not at all troubled earlier in his career of hopping from the social gospel to the racist-nationalist fanaticism of the Klan. Smith was the complete opportunist. This was the driving force in his life and he was frank about it."70 Smith embarked on a speaking tour of Louisiana in 1934. He addressed an estimated million people that year and, in 1935, took the Share Our Wealth campaign into other southern states, attracting large audiences wherever he appeared. At the end of every speech, many in attendance came forward to "Share Our Wealth."71 His secular oratory was a mixture of his own style and mannerism and phrases adopted from watching Huey. But for the most part he relied on his own devices, on his flow of language and his ability to paint a word pic- ture. He depicted the happy America that would exist when the swollen fortunes were broken up, with result- ing full employment. 'Let's pull down these huge piles of gold until there shall be a real job,‘ he would cry, 'not a little old sow-belly, black-eyed pea job, but a real spending money, beef-steak and gravy, Chevrolet, Ford in the garage, new suit, Thomas Jefferson, Jesus Christ, red, white and blue job for every man1'72 He conSidered Huey Long a god, and called him "superman." "His adoration was so intense that he had to be near his leader at every possible moment. Huey was at first amused 70Bennett, P. 119. 71Williams, p. 588. 72Williams, p. 587. he .9. .3 vi . ‘— 35 at Smith's subservience. But gradually he became distrust- ful of Smith's aping. Perhaps the servant so wanted to be like the master that one day he would try to become the master himself."73 Long was assassinated before he had the opportunity to fire Smith. The worshipful, faithful Opportunist was chosen to give the funeral oration for his beloved mentor. It has been said that the Long funeral oration "made" Smith, that he capitalized on it and glorified him- self by it. Today, it might be considered pompous, verbose. Spoken in Smith's bullhorn voice in the autumn of 1935, however, it must have electrified his audience. Following are excerpts from that oration. The lives of great men do not end with the grave. They just begin. This place marks not the resting place of Huey Pierce Long; it marks only the burial ground for his body. His spirit shall not rest as long as hungry bodies cry for food, as long as lean human frames stand naked, as long as homeless wenches haunt this land of plenty. He fell in the line of duty. He died for us. This tragedy fires the breast of every comrade. This un- timely death makes restless the souls of us who adored him . . . . The ideals which he planted in our hearts have created a gnawing hunger for a new order. This hunger pain, this parching thirst for better things can only be healed and satisfied by the completing of that victory toward which he led us Children of generations yet unborn will be rescued from drudgery, guarded against hunger, protected from ignorance because of the life and work of Huey Pierce Long. 73Williams, P. 587. God 8 him g cutie under misur his c kith as :reated z e k‘e] is h. raHl< Qfiijipg 36 God willed, God ruled, God commanded Destiny to make him great. He was the victim of every form of perse- cution and abuse, struggling every moment of public life under the cross of mis-representation and the burden of misunderstanding . . . . These tortures seemed to mark his course. They increased his necessity There were many who felt the funeral oration tapped Smith as Long's logical successor. Long, however, had created a machine in which others had grown fat, rich and powerful, and they looked upon and feared Smith as a usurper. Several days after the funeral, Smith was arrested by 15 state policemen, charged with inciting to riot, jailed overnight and the next morning put on a train going out of the state.75 In January 1936, Smith found a home in Georgia and an ally in Governor Eugene Talmadge, who had called a special "rebel" convention in Macon. Both men shared a common hatred of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Talmadge, however, did not fancy Smith's arousing "his" people. His fears were well-placed. Smith literally stole the show, crying, "Roosevelt is rapidly becoming the most despised President in the history of the country. He gave us the Russian primer and cursed the Bible. He and his gang are in the death rattle. 74"Oration by Gerald L. K. Smith," The Cross and The Flag, October-November, 1942, pp. 4-5. 75John Fergus Ryan, "Twilight Years of a Kindly Old Hatesmith," Esquire, August, 1968, p. 90. .: ‘5 my 5‘.) a; « 37 We have only to put the cloth of the ballot over his dead mouth! We're going to drive that cripple out of the White House--and we're going to do it in 1936!"76 Maddened by Smith's upstaging, Talmadge told him quite candidly that he was unwelcome in Georgia. Once again, Smith was a leader without a movement. The year 1936, however, turned out‘to be a fortuitous year. ,In May, smith offered a helping hand to Dr. Francis B. Townsend, head of an organization promoting an "Old Age Revolving Pension Plan," whereby the federal government would pay people over 60 years of age a pension of $200 a month. Townsend maintained that such a plan would not only provide for the elderly, but also would help the country to prosper. His critics countered that such a plan would commit half the nation's income to compensate nine per cent of the people.77 The controversy finally forced Townsend to Washing- ton, to face a Congressional hearing. After three days of testimony, he decided he had had enough. Saying, "Good day, gentlemen," he rose from the witness chair and walked toward the lobby door. The stunned congressmen called out for someone to stop him. 76"Goober Democrats," Time, February 10, 1936, p. 17. 77Sam Welles, gen. ed., The Life History of the United States, 12 vols. (New York: Time, Incorporated, 1964), vol. 11: New Deal and Global War, 1933-1945, by William E. Leuchtenburg, p.T30. “a. r“ I Jim mil. HG « hid ] u a 4 ¢ . . nAn ’ .. a w .c 1 1 .3 "i. .1. Q T. a e .5 my 6 p ”w a ~ a» S a . t S .1 e v. r V. e .5 “5 a W . J. . a a. v. v . e .L hi 7. _ .. 4. .. .3 s 1m 44 T. F» 2. . . no a v1 .6 cc :3 r. a .11 .. .. I. a u . J «a. \t. «1.. nf “1.. .3 ab .5 j .«d HQ 2. .. a . 11‘ 38 Smith rose from the audience and grabbed Townsend's elbow, guiding him to the lobby instead. Together, they proceeded to the Baltimore headquarters of the Old Age Re- volving Pension Plan.78 That was the beginning of both a friendship and a partnership opposed to Roosevelt and the New Deal. Father Charles E. Coughlin of Royal Oak, Michigan, who had won fame as "the radio priest” for his denunciations of the President, later joined them. On June 19, 1936, Representative William Lemke, a North Dakota Republican, proclaimed the birth of the Union Party, its public platform and his own candidacy for the Presidency. That same day, Father Coughlin announced over nationwide radio his support for the new party and candidate. Several weeks later, Townsend and Smith publicly agreed to campaign for Lemke. Lemke said there would be a national convention to formalize the party and approve the candi- dates and platform. The convention was never held.79 Defeated in the November election, the Union Party dissolved and the membership scattered. Still fancying himself a leader, Smith drifted to Detroit. His reputation as a fire-breathing orator during the Union Party campaign had preceded him. Even H. L. Mencken had taken notice. 78Bennett, p. 139. 79David Owen Powell, "The Union Party of 1936” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University, 1962), p. l. 39 After remarking that Smith might run as an independent candidate, and "lift a campaign out of its dullness and offer a reasonable entertainment to the plain people," Mencken said that "Smith is the gustiest and goriest, the loudest and lustiest, the deadliest and damnedest orator ever heard on this or any other earth."80 A year later, in Detroit, Smith organized the Com- mittee of the One Million, the forerunner of the Christian Nationalist Crusade, combining the expert skills of Smith, Townsend and Coughlin in an "isolationist-nationalistic front against Communism.”81 Its aims were appeasement, obstructionism, isolationism, a negotiated peace with Germany and a campaign against Lend-Lease. In the April 1942 first issue of The Cross and the Flag, membership was quoted at three million, "and the magazine was making a bid for all former isolationist elements in the United States."82 In addition, it quoted the Committee's seven basic princi- ples, which were to appear later in the Christian Nation- alist Crusade. 1. To rebuild the spirit of America. 2 To wipe out to the last vestige Communism, Nazism and Fascism in all forms. 80H. L. Mencken, "Why Not Gerald?” Baltimore Eve- ning Sun, 1936. 81"Seven Basic Principles," The Cross and the Flag, April, 1942, p. 2. 82Michigan Historical Collections, Ann Arbor, Michigan, source unknown. 40 3. To redefine the American national character. 4. To instill a new spirit in American youth, dedicated intellectually and physically to the maintenance of American institutions. 5. To issue a call to farmers and laborers to resist what is now known to be an international plot to make them part of a world revolution. 6. To rededicate the citizenry of America to the family altar and the spirit of the Church. 7. To secure the maintenance of a well-defined standard of American living. It was in Detroit, Smith says, that he first became aware of the "International Jew" as a menace. He delivered a series of radio addresses from 1939 through 1942 over station WJR in Detroit. While still denouncing the New Deal and Roosevelt, Smith began to hammer more and more on the theme of anti-Semitism. He spoke with such fervor that some said his radio talks "bordered on revival meetings."83 In 1942, Smith published the first issue of The Cross and the Flag. The same year, he made his first try for political office in the Michigan Republican primary for the U. S. Senate. He lost to Homer Ferguson, but netted 112,000 votes. Next, he ran as a Republican independent, promoting a write-in "sticker" campaign, in the general election of 1942. He managed 32,173 votes in the losing effort.84 83Maxine Black (ed.), "Smith, Gerald L. K.," Current Biography, 1943 (New York: The H. W. Wilson Com- pany,71944), p. 7071 84Ryan, p. 91. (For a complete discussion of Smith's campaign for the Senate, see John H. Hunter, "Gerald L. K. Smith for United States Senator," unpublished term paper report, University of Michigan, January 12, 1943). is an‘ .\_ .«b all. PI. a: Cr C» V. v u. 1 .11 ‘ o .(‘H‘r .u-Ag H \W'V VA“ '9 . .Q. “Ed in .A ’- 41 Smith moved his family, his magazine and the new organization to which he would devote his life--The Christian Nationalist Crusade--to St. Louis, Missouri, where he was twice nominated to the Presidency by his followers, in 1944 and 1948.85 Neither campaign get off the ground. Smith stayed in St. Louis until 1953, when he relocated the Cru- sade's headquarters to Los Angeles. From 1953 to 1966, Smith lived in Los Angeles in relative obscurity. He wrote tracts, published attacks on Jews written by Henry Ford, Sr. and Martin Luther and, of course, The Cross and the Flag, which by 1967 had a circu- 86 lation of some 21,200. He had become the grand signeur of the radical right. In 1966, Smith was suddenly in the public eye again. He had selected to retire, for a few months each year, to Penn Castle, a baronial estate in Eureka Springs, Arkansas. He and Elna had moved in by July, 1964. Two years later, Smith erected a 67-foot high statue of Jesus Christ on Mag- netic Mountain, just outside of Eureka Springs, at a re- ported cost of $250,000.87 85For a more thorough discussion of the 1948 cam- paign, see The Cross and the Flag, August, 1948, pp. 8-9, 12; September, 1948, pp. 308, ll-lZ; October, 1948, pp. 2-9, 22-24. 86Ryan, p. 91. 87"A Monument to Himself," Time, July 22, 1966, I v‘ .4. (n 'T“'\v1 ‘ 1 \I vs... V 3') 5 ( J; n) 42 The statue was the first of what Smith came to call his "sacred projects."88 In 1968, he built a huge, outdoor arena and, recreating as much of Jerusalem as was feasible, staged a version of the Oberammergau Passion Play of Germany. Critics assailed Smith on aesthetic and moral grounds. One called the statue a "milk carton with head and arms." Smith was charged with renewed thoughts of anti- Semitism through the play which deeply implicated the Jews in Christ's death. Undaunted, Smith continued to build attractions, including a "Christ Only Art Gallery" and a "Bible Museum" that housed 7,300 rare volumes.89 In the spring of 1972, Smith began construction of a replica of the entire Holy Land in Palestine on 167 acres outside Eureka Springs. The project's cost was estimated at between $10 and $100 million.90 The controversy around Smith, however, was generated not so much by the projects themselves as by their inacces- sibility to the public and Smith's solution to that problem. In a nationally syndicated article, columnist Jack Anderson revealed on November 25, 1969, that $182,000 in 88Starr, p. 1. 89Ernest Dumas, "Gerald L. K. Smith Becomes Issue In Ozarks: Town Shows Alarm as His Activities Gain Atten- tion," New York Times, November 28, 1969, p. C-30. 90Roy Reed, "Hippies and Gerald L. K. Smith Make Ozark Resort Town a Model of Coexistence,” New York Times, July 27, 1972, pp. 29-31. 43 Federal grants had been given to the Carroll County Road Commission to build a road past the statue and the rest of Smith's projects in Eureka Springs.91 A furor arose over whether or not the Federal Government was going to actively promote race-baiting and hate-mongering. Jewish newspapers were vehemently opposed, and factions entered the contro- versy on all sides.92 In the seven months that followed, there was heated debate as to whether the funds, frozen pending a reassess- ment of the project, would actually be released. Finally, on May 22, 1970, Smith called a news con- ference and announced that funds for the road, according to sources he wOuld not name, were going to be denied. On June 20, Secretary of Transportation John Volpe announced that the funds had, indeed, been withdrawn. Smith called the action a conspiracy against him, saying that certain Jews had convinced Volpe to withdraw the grant.93 91Jack Anderson, "D.C. Grant is OK'd for Hate Monger," New Orleans States-Item, November 25, 1969, p. 12. 92Governor Winthrop Rockefeller offers his defense of granting the road-building funds in ”Mr. Rockefeller Writes on Road," Arkansas Democrat (n.d., n.p.). For an opposition view, see "Congressmen Hit Proposed Road for GLK Smith," The Jewish Chronicle, April 23, 1970, p. 21. 93"Controversial road to statue is denied government funds," Arkansas Democrat, June 21, 1970. For a detailed response by Smith, refer to report of news conference by Leroy Donald, "'Conspiracy' Killed Road, Smith Says: Plans Action," Arkansas Gazette, May 22, 1970, p. A-l. 44 Today, Smith is still at work, writing tracts and editing and publishing The Cross and the Flag. He sends the tracts and other literature to the followers of the Christian Nationalist Crusade, enlists contributions and oversees his statue, his Passion Play and the construction of his "Holy Land," shuttling between Los Angeles and Eureka Springs to do his life's work. He has done very well by his assorted enterprises. In 1964, the Christian Nationalist Crusade reported an in- come of $315,486.94 Smith remains in a swirl of controversy. He does not command a large following, but it is a dedicated one. He is something of an anachronism, a figure relegated to a past which many remember and perhaps would just as soon forget. Communism's Spper Foe: Robert Welch Robert Welch leads a battle against Communism, which he sees as a well-advanced internal conspiracy that has a stranglehold on nearly every facet of American life. In his view, the Communists, to a large degree, have already 'succeeded in infiltrating some of America's most traditional institutions and high offices. 94Ryan, p. 88. 45 The Society takes its name from John Birch, an Army missionary who exemplified, to Welch, the best that America could produce, a figure who deserved to be respected and emulated. While he honored his hero by naming the Society for him, few will dispute that this is Robert Welch's Society, from inception to the present. Robert Welch was born and raised in the North Caro- lina cotton country on December 1, 1899, in a strong Funda- mentalist tradition. Both of his parents were college graduates. They lived miles from local schools, so his mother tutored him through all but his last two years of high school. He was noted as a boy prodigy: he entered the University of North Carolina at age 12 and graduated with a B.A. at 17.95 After two years at Harvard Law School, Welch left to form his own candy company. He had trouble with creditors, and in 1934 joined his brother's Boston candy company as a vice-president. His interest in politics developed in the late 19405. In 1950, he ran second in a field of four candidates for the Republican nomination for lieutenant governor of Massachu- setts . 96 95Broyles, p. 27. 96Broy1es, p. 28. 46 Welch's involvement in the radical right began in 1952, when he wrote a book called May God Forgive Us, a severely critical analysis of President Truman's firing of General Douglas A. MacArthur. Two years later, he wrote The Politician, a book denouncing Dwight D. Eisenhower as "a dedicated conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy."97 That same year, Welch published a biography of his hero, The Life of John Birch. In 1956, Welch began publication of a magazine ap- propriately called One Man's Opinion, a propaganda vehicle which advanced his conspiratorial world outlook. The maga- zine was designed, he said, "to make our fellow-Americans aware of the evil nature, the methods and the terrifying progress of the Communist conspiracy."98 He quit the candy business the following year to become a professional anti-Communist. His magazine was not a success, but he continued to use it as a tool to reach the few thousand subscriber-adherents. In February 1958, the publication's name was changed to American Opinion. On December 8 and 9 of that year, Welch and 11 per- sonally invited men, most of them from the business community, met in Indianapolis to ponder what he considered to be the 97J. Fred Cook, ”The Ultras," The Nation, June 30, 1962, p. 586. 98Robert Welch, "A Personal Page," One Man's Opinion, July-August, 1957, p. 2. 47 foremost problems facing the country. He presented his analysis and proposed the formation of the John Birch Society as the logical, most viable alternative.99 A transcript was made of the two-day session, most of which was taken up by Welch's speechmaking. This became the "bible" of the society, known as The Blue Book. The Blue Book's premise states that there was, and is, a gigantic Communist conspiracy that seeks to enslave the world through external and internal subversion. The United States, it claims, is under the threat of internal subversion at both the federal and local levels of govern- ment. The John Birch Society, under the leadership of Welch and a so-called "Council" of advisers, is the most effective means whereby this conspiracy can be halted.100 Welch set up the Society's headquarters in Belmont, Massachusetts, organized a national staff to help establish local chapters and find chapter leaders. The Society exploded upon the American conscious- ness. By 1965, it had become the largest of the radical right groups, with an estimated 25,000 to 30,000 members. Sympathizers were placed at between 60,000 and 75,000. By 1971, membership in the John Birch Society was between 60,000 and 100,000.101 99Cook, p. 587. 100Broyles, pp. 44-47. 101Broyles, p. 167. 48 Four areas of concern stand out during the early and middle 19605. The Society believed the United Nations was controlled by Communists and wanted the United States to withdraw from that organization. It considered sex edu- cation in the schools a Communist plot designed to poison young minds. It was concerned about law and order, and wanted to impeach Chief Justice Earl Warren for having made too many "liberal” decisions that returned too many crimi- nals to the street. The Society took up "Support Your Local Police" programs, charging that policemen were more harrassed than many demonstrators. Civil rights was a major issue, too. The Society maintained that individual blacks "might be" Communists. It argued that many white sympathizers with the civil rights movement, and certain blacks--militant or non-violent--including Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., were Communist-directed.102 Clearly, the Society opposed "liberalism" in any form. It wanted to turn back the clock to a more funda- mentalist, rural-valued America. Like any organization, it was vulnerable to its own passions. In 1966, the Society publicly opposed Polish 102Benjamin R. Epstein and Arnold Forster, The Radical Right: Report on the John Birch Society and—Its Allies (NewYork: Random House, Vintage Books, 1967), pp. 4-5. For a look at how the Society treated the sex educa- tion controversy in California, see Mary Breasted, Oh! Sex Education! (New York: New American Library, ngnet Books, 1971), pp. 149-150, 165-166, 277-279. 49 hams, saying Americans should boycott goods imported from Communist or Communist-dominated countries.103 The Polish ham campaign was an embarrassment for friends of the Society. Those who considered themselves in the center of American politics were awed and disgusted. Newspaper investigations, such as one by the Detroit 3133 Ppggg in February and March of that year, revealed the over- zealousness of Society chapter-leaders and national coordi- nators.104' The Society went underground, continuing to enlist supporters and denouncing American policy as Communist- influenced. Welch has said that "some people wish we were dead, 105 The estimated but I can assure one and all we are not." membership increase from 1965 through 1971 appears to bear him out. The Society spends some $5 million annually to support an estimated 3,000 to 4,000 chapters across the country.106 The relative obscurity of Welch and the John Birch Society today, compared to its heyday of the 19505 and 19605, 103Tom Tiede, "John Birch Society Marches On," Jackson Citizen-Patriot, July 4, 1971, p. 14. 104An example of the investigative articles inspired by the "ham campaign" is Saul Friedman, "A Who's Who of Our Birchers,” Detroit Free Press, March 6, 1966, pp. B-1, 6. 105Tiede, p. 14. 106Tiede, p. 14. 50 has not dampened the founder's dedication. Out of the spot- light, Welch is as dogmatic as when, in 1963, nearly 1,000 items per day appeared in the daily press.107 Speaking of his enemies and friends, Welch notes: "We feel that those Americans will be against us who are willing to abandon their inheritance. We feel that those Americans will be with us who are determined to save some 108 semblance of the civilization which we inherited." To Welch, it is a clear choice. "There is not likely to be any middle ground for decision."109 107Tiede, p. 14. 108Robert Welch, "Introduction," The White Book (Belmont, Mass.: R. Welch, Inc., 1960), p.iv. 109Ibid., p. 10. CHAPTER IV BEARERS OF DARK TIDINGS (II): THE MAGAZINES The press, so reviled by the radical right, has been an influential tool to the two organizations to which this study is devoted. As propagandists, Gerald L. K. Smith and Robert Welch have succeeded in reaching large audiences and converting thousands to their membership rolls. The char- ismatic appeal of these leaders has been a contributing factor, of this there is little doubt. Through the develop- ment of the radical press, however, these right-wing ex- tremists have spread their message more effectively than if they had stumped the country with evangelical zeal. Today, The Cross and the Flag has a reputation that outshines its political organization, the Christian Nation- alist Crusade, in the mind of the public at large. Simi- larly, there are more Americans with a working knowledge of the John Birch Society than with its official organ, American Opinion. Yet, to the organizational leadership, publication and movement compliment each other, and work in a united effort to advance the ideology of each. 51 52 Thundering Messiah: The Cross and the Flag There are few available details pertaining to the founding of the Christian Nationalist Crusade, but existing information indicates that it was an outgrowth of the Com- mittee of One Million, discussed in Chapter III. The Cross and the Flag began publication, in April, 1942, as the Committee organ. When the Crusade was established as the Committee's successor, sometime in 1944, the magazine came under the aegis of the Crusade, which had moved from Detroit to St. Louis. In the premier issue, Smith defined the magazine's editorial policy: We have named this magazine THE CROSS AND THE FLAG be- cause we want it to symbolize the highest and most dy- namic ideals. This is a patriotic, crusading journal which recognizes the fact that the ethical, moral and spiritual teachings of Christ constitute the fountain- head of all worthwhile modern civilization. We expect the worst from our foes, because we propose to use this magazine as a weapon with which to deal blows to the enemies of our traditional American way of life. This magazine will be fearless, loyal, patriotic and honest. This magazine will be dedicated to the ideals and principles on which the Committee of One Million is founded. This is not a church journal, neither is it an official organ for a religious organization. This is a crusad- ing, patriotic magazine dedicated to the conviction that everything worthwhile in America, and in Ameri- canism, began with man's faith in God as revealed through Christ. Patriotism without Christ becomes ;politics of the worst and lowest order. 53 This magazine is possible because there is such a thing in America as a Bill of Rights, which guarantees to America, free press. We shall never abuse this Bill of Rights, but we shall claim its privilege in every issue. As lon as this magazine is published, you may rest assure that the free press still exists in America. Certain politician, internationalists and Washington conspirators have already attempted to prevent this magazine from going to press. They know that the editor of this magazine is absolutely fearless. They know that whenever he considers it to be the best interests of America to do so, he will expose, criticize and attack any individual in the Administration who threatens our way of life. The editor will never hesitate to take off his gloves when he deals with a Senator, a Congressman, a cabinet member, a bureaucrat or a propagandist, if he believes that individual to be imperiling the victorious future of America. At the same time, this magazine shall support construc- tively.every American, every public official, every ideal which in its judgment is leading America toward a victorious future and the preservation of her inde- pendent destiny. Dig upia copy of the Declaration of Independence and you will.get a rather complete summary of what this magazine stands for.110 Every succeeding issue carried the Crusade's credo, called the "Ten High Principles." They have been revised over the years as Smith's philosophy has changed to meet new threats and challenges to the Crusade's objectives. In the issue of February, 1972, they were as follows: 1. Preserve America as a Christian Nation, being conscious of the fact that there is a highly organ- ized campaign to substitute Jewish tradition for Christian tradition. 110"We Take Our Stand: An Editorial," The Cross and the Flpg, April, 1942, pp. 8-9. mu 0 o 10. MN 54 Expose, fight and outlaw Communism. Safeguard American liberty against the menace of bureaucratic Fascism. Maintain a government set up by the majority which abuses no minority and is abused by no minority. Fight mongrelization and all attempts being made to force intermixture of the black and white races. Protect.and earmark natural resources for our citizenry first. Maintain the George Washington Foreign Policy of friendship with all nations, trade with all nations, entangling alliances with none. Oppose a world government and a superstate. Prove that the Worker, the Farmer, the Businessman, the Veteran, the Unemployed, the Aged and the In- firm can enjoy more abundance under the true Ameri- can system than any alien system now being proposed by foreign propagandists. Safeguard America's tradition in relationship to immigration. Enforce the Constitution as it pertains to our monetary system.111 As editor and publisher, Smith built a staff that seemed to guarantee the faithful execution of his policy. He hired Don Lohbeck as editor of the daily operation, a position similar to that of city editor, in February, 1946. Two years later, Lohbeck was made national secretary of the Crusade, in addition to his editorial responsibilities. 112 In 1958, Charles F. Robertson, Smith's executive assistant, was named to Lohbeck's position on the magazine. In time, he assumed the secretariat. Lohbeck faded out. The November 1962 issue published a staff listing, with photos: Smith, editor and publisher, Elna, his wife, 111"Ten High Principles.” The Cross and the Flag, February, 1972, p. 32. 112"Christian Nationalist Convention," The Cross and the Flpg, August, 1948, pp. 8-9. 55 research editor and business manager; Robertson's wife, Gunda, publications manager for tracts and pamphlets; Darlene, their daughter, circulation director; Charles, their son, assistant publisher; Charles and Nancy Winegarner, researchers. All told, 14 staff members were listed.113 Circulation was given as 25,000, the first time the magazine had volunteered such information in its pages.114 By May, 1964, the staff had increased to 24, and 225 volunteer workers were noted, mainly in clerical and re- search positions.115 The December statements in the magazine for the years 1966 through 1968, and 1970 and 1971, show little marked increase in circulation. In fact, in several in- stances, there was a decline. The following figures average out to a little more than 27,495: 1966--28,758; 1967-- 22,226; 1968--29,605; 1970--29,380; and 197l--27,507.116 The magazine carries only internal advertising that promotes the Crusade's tracts, pamphlets and books. The Crusade's financial success, reported in Chapter II, may have encouraged Smith to take this independent stance. 113"The Cross and the Flag Staff," The Cross and the Flag, November, 1962, p. 3. 114Ibid. 115"Faithful Helpers at Headquarters," The Cross and the Flag, May, 1964, pp. 18-19. 116"Statement of Circulation," The Cross and the Fla , December, 1966, p. 33; December, 1967, p. 34; Decem- Ber, p 11 1968, p. 33; December, 1970, p. 26; December, 1971, 56 The Cross and the Flag is officially listed as the "official organ of the Christian Nationalist Crusade, a 117 Its format is as unas- national political committee." suming as its statement. The magazine measures 11 inches by 7% inches. In the middle 19605, Smith alternated orange with black on the cover, now a standard format, but color is otherwise used sparingly, if at all. Each page consists of two unruled columns. From April, 1942 to January, 1947, the pages were numbered son- secutively. From the latter date to March, 1948, the magazine averaged 16 pages per issue; this figure was doubled through December, 1963. The following year, up to the present, each issue was 36 pages. Layout has remained unchanged from the first issue. The cover grabs the reader with scare headlines, such as "Revolution is Here! Invasion of Washington, D.C. A Suc- cess! Moscow-Peking-Havana-Treason Machine Pays The Bills! Bloodshed and Slaughter Next--Unless-Unless! God Save America!," which accompanied a report on the peace march on Washington ifi the August, 1971 issue.118 117"Statement of Purpose," The Cross and the Flag, September, 1966, p. 32. 118Front cover, The Cross and the Flpg, August, 1971. 57 Smith's monthly editorial runs on the inside front cover and usually carries over to another page. Except for special reports or articles, the bulk of the magazine con- sists of "news notes"--short pieces, usually three to four paragraphs, with a small headline. These news notes usually run five or six pages; they are followed by Smith's editorial comments, which fill a comparable slot. The remainder of the magazine is used for spillovers and short, filler articles. One of Smith's most unusual ways of handling a .story has been a consistent feature since the late 19505. The article begins on the back cover and spills over to the back inside. Then, depending on its length, it is carried over to successive pages in a continuation of this reverse style. The reader is, in fact, reading the article from back to front of the magazine. Smith occasionally ran articles in series. In the February through May issues of 1943, Smith printed a series written by Congressman Martin Dies, chairman of the House Un-American Activities Committee, warning of Communist influence in the country.119 More recently, ”Tyranny and The Black Plague,” by George L. Dovel, appeared in the issues of November, 1967 119Martin Dies, "Congressman Martin Dies Warns America," The Cross and the Flag, February, 1943, pp. 147- 150, 158; March, 1943, pp. 166-167, 174-175; April, 1943, pp. 181-183, 189; May, 1943, pp. 206-207. 58 and February and May, 1968. Among its suggestions was that young blacks be sent back to Africa.120 Dovel's articles were collected into a pamphlet and used as part of Smith's ”crusading literature." "Lest We Forget," written by Elna, described the battles she and Smith had faced. The article appeared in the November, 1958 issue and was also turned into a tract. ”Smith Missles” was one of several standing head- lines used occasionally with news notes, as in the June, 1972 issue: "A Black radio network is being organized. Can the reader imagine the screams that would go up from the mindwashing machine if someone were to attempt a white network?"121 Another standing head, "People,” ran with news items in the April, 1972 issue. Lester Maddox is referred to as "a courageous, sincere, patriotic Christian man and deserves the respect of all lovers of God and Country," while Sen. Sam Ervin is dismissed as "a leather-lipped windbag."122 120George L. Dovel, "Tyranny and The Black Plague," The Cross and the Flag, November, 1967, pp. 3, 21-30; February, 1968, pp. 20, 22-26; May, 1968, pp. 3, 25-38. 121"Smith Missles," The Cross and the Flag, June, 1972, p. 36. - 122 ”People," The Cross and the Flag, April, 1972. P. 6. 59 The Nationalist News Service, which appeared peri- odically during the early 19405 and 19505, was a spinoff of The Cross and the Flag. The news service's clippings, which supported Smith's theories, were available to any magazine that wanted them. The service was not successful and faded soon after 1958. From the middle 19605 into the 19705, the magazine's covers have featured photos of Smith's "sacred projects” in Eureka Springs. Several issues used an oil painting of Smith, or one of Smith and Elna; the latter hangs in a 123 special art exhibit at the Smithsonian Institute. In 30 years of publishing, The Cross and the Flag has been characterized by one continuous editorial thread-- providing evidence or explanation of a Jewish conspiracy to dominate the world through Communism, which Smith treats as a Jewish creation. Two examples from the late 19405 are typically illustrative. "Jew Stars Over Hollywood" appeared in December, 1948, attacking the influence of Communistic Jews in the movie industry. Jack Benny, Irving Berlin, George Burns, Bette Davis, Benny Goodman, Moss Hart, George Jessel, Al Jolson, Dorothy Parker, George Jean Nathan, Edward G. Robinson and Keenan Wynn were among those charged with the subversion.124 123For a detailed discussion, see "Gerald L. K. Smith Is Honored by Smithsonian," Eureka Springs Times-Echo, May 18, 1972, p. 14. 124”Jew Stars Over Hollywood," The Cross and the Flag, December, 1948, pp. 3-7. 60 In the October, 1949 issue, Smith wrote "An Open Letter to Eleanor Roosevelt." "To me you personify and symbolize corruption of our Republic," he writes. "You have made yourself one of the world's leading negative in- fluences. I accuse you, Eleanor Roosevelt, of being the world's most evil influence, second only to Joseph Stalin."125 The letter makes 17 specific accusations against Mrs. Roosevelt. It charges that she and the President knew in advance of the attack on Pearl Harbor, "that it was effected by scientific processes" and the "Pearl Harbor casualties were considered expendable in the fulfillment of this satanic purpose."126 The 15th accusation charges that she was part of a conspiracy to "liquidate the German race. It was a con- spiracy to make the Christians of Europe the bond servants of the international Jew. The gas chamber propaganda, which you know to be a lie, was released in order to condi- tion the American People for the savagery that you and your ilk hope to enforce upon the peoples of Europe."127 Sensational statements such as these, which make accusations without any justifiable proof, make Smith and 125"An Open Letter to Eleanor Roosevelt from G. L. K. Smith," The Cross and the Flag, October, 1949, p. 5. 126 Ibid., p. 6. 127Ibid., pp. 6-7. 61 others like him dangerous. Where is the proof behind the "scientific processes" that he claims started Pearl Harbor? Where is the proof that shows the gas chambers at Nazi con- centration camps to be lies? Even though such allegations may not be substantiated, their publication can be devastat- ing. Through the 19605, Smith took aim at what he called "the mongrelization” of the white rate, inStituted by a bureaucratic dictatorship in the Department of Health, Edu- cation and Welfare. "Whoever heads this bureau can bankrupt states, cities and school boards by refusing to deal out money to which they, the taxpayers, are entitled. This tyranny is being exercised to mongrelize our race in the name of integration.”128 Additionally, Smith charges that ”educators, journalists and preachers are now glorifying race mixing, mongrelization, inter-marriage and every other formula de- signed to destroy the strength of the Anglo-Saxon-Nordic race. God pity America, and God save us all."129 Blacks, Smith claims, are being subverted by Com- munists. In the August, 1965 issue there is an article called "Negroes and Communism," purported to have been 128Gerald L. K. Smith, "The Plague: Cause-Effect- Potential," The Cross and the Flag, April, 1970, p. 23. 1291bid. 62 supplied to Smith by the ”United Council of Organizations," although Smith offers no information about the council or validity of the article. It alleges that the NAACP was founded by a Communist-front leader, W. E. B. DuBois, and since 1942, has been associated with Communist and left- wing movements, like "American Youth for a Free World." The federal government, says the report, has designated "American Youth” as ”heavily infiltrated and effectively dominated by the Communist Party."130 Always the fundamentalist, Smith sees subversion in everything from fluoridation to homosexuality. He opposes fluoridation because not only is it forced medicine, but "no one has informed the public that fluorides affect brain and nerve cells to such a degree that initiative is reduced. We are using on the public the same system which trainers use on beasts to make them docile!"131 And on homosexuality: "Perverts are becoming a nation-wide union. Normal people are afraid to challenge the authority of homosexuals and lesbians. They have be- come so ruthless that they infest the entertainment industry, the educational profession, youth activities, government 130HNegroes and Communism," The Cross and the Flag, August, 1965, pp. 6-8. 131Gerald L. K. Smith, "Confessions of An Extremist,” IQ? Cross and the Flag, October, 1965, p. 18. 63 agencies and even the clergy. They seek legislation de- signed to repeal all criminal laws which forbid their activities."132 With every issue, The Cross and the Flag, presents America poised on the brink of monumental catastrophe. A careful examination must be made of the statements given on most any subject. Frequently, documentation is lacking. When offered, it becomes suspect, either because the source itself is questionable, or both statement and source have been altered to induce the idea that this is the actual, literal truth. There is a certain fascination in reading the theories of extremism. Indeed, more than 20,000 people believe that the truth about the world situation arrives each month in their issue of The Cross and the Flag. Waking Up Angry: American Opinion Once, in an interview, Scott Stanley Jr., managing editor of American Opinion, the magazine of the John Birch Society, said, "I have fresh anger. It's renewed every morning. I get indignant over violated principles."133 132Gerald L. K. Smith, "A Constitutional Republic Becomes a Dictatorship,” The Cross and the Flag, December, 1965, p. 8. 133Scott Stanley Jr., interview held at headquarters of the John Birch Society and American Opinion, Belmont, Mass., May 3, 1973. 64 What rouses Stanley's morning anger is the debase- ment of fundamental American values by the Communist con- spiracy. American Opinion is sold on newstands as well as by subscription. Within its pages are "articles on past and current history, documenting, to their authors' and (Robert) Welch's satisfaction, the nature and progress of "134 the Communist conspiracy. The magazine originated as One Man's Opinion, aimed at making people aware of the nature of the Communist conspiracy. It was not very imposing, measuring 8 3/4 inches by 5 3/4 inches. It resembled a scholarly journal, with heavy stock covers and pages of heavy bond paper. Circulation was, at best a few thousand. Welch had realized that he could not even begin to capture a mass audience, and defined his goals in terms of selective readership. The mass audience is beyond our grasp--or aim. We are seeking to reach, with the sometimes impassioned mes- sage of this magazine, the most influential readers in America. We are trying to reach, with this magazine, the intel- ligent, hard working, prosperous business executives, professional men, and other direct beneficiaries of our Americanist system. It is our objective to bring to this audience not more knowledge, but a better 134Broyles, p. 2. 65 understanding of current events--when viewed against the background of the methods and menace of the Com- munist conspiracy.l35 Welch advised his readers to look to other publica- tions be considered important to gain insight into conserv- ative thinking. We.do not offer news. We shall seldom use any informa- tion in this magazine that has not already been widely published elsewhere. If you wish a concise, penetrating, and authoritative monthly review of world affairs, we recommend INTELLIGENCE DIGEST. If you wish to go beyond the headlines and between the agate lines of your daily newspaper (or your weekly newsmagazine) as to current events in the United States, there is no better source than HUMAN EVENTS. Except in rare and minor doses, we shall not offer academic dissertations on sociological questions. THE FREEMAN already does that extremely well. We shall make no original exposures of the con- necting links in the Communist conspiracy. COUNTER- ATTACK . . . offers the most reliable and complete service in that field. If you seek a monthly collection of short articles, written from the conservative view- point, and with considerable emphasis on topics of controversy between Communists and Americanists, THE AMERICAN MERCURY . . . serves an excellent fare. Let us . . . finally refer you to NATIONAL REVIEW. This weekly provides a powerful floodlight of informed opinion of the people and events that make the news.136 One Man's Opinion carried ideas and concepts that would later appear in American Opinion, like biographical sketches and/or a salute to a famous businessman or scholar. The July-August, 1957 issue featured a profile of Konrad Adenauer; the April, 1956 issue saluted historian Will Durant.137 13SRobert Welch, "A Personal Page," One Man's Opinion, September, 1957, p. 1. 136Robert Welch, "A Personal Page," One Man's Opinion, March, 1956, p. 1. 137"Will Durant," One Man's Opinion, April, 1956, pp. 2-15. "Konrad Adenauer," OneMan's Opinion, July- 66 Two departments appeared in the April, 1956 issue which were to turn up in American Opinion. "Confetti" was the humor department. "Bullets," despite its violent name, carried wise and witty sayings. The ”Review Pages" featured notes on articles, books and pamphlets of conservative interest.138 The issues of One Man's Opinion ran irregularly from 1956 to 1957. In February, 1958, Welch changed its name to American Opinion, and its printing to a monthly schedule, with 52, two-column, unruled pages per issue. It still gave the appearance of a scholarly journal; the basic format remained unchanged through September, 1960. ”A Review of the News" pointed out items of con- servative interest supposedly missed by liberal newspapers and magazines. Another review section, "A Review of Reviews," was devoted exclusively to books. Profiles of figures who caught Welch's eye continued. The February, 1958 issue ran "A Fighter from Phoenix," Sen. Barry Goldwater. The early copies of American Opinion devoted special issues to a single topic of importance. "One Hundred Steps to The Truth," published in January, 1959, was a listing of sluart reviews of 100 books detailing the Communist conspiracy, August, 1957, pp. 2-12. As the first examples of their genius, these articles set a style for other similar depart- ments. . 138"Confetti," "Bullets," and "The Review Pages," firsrt appeared in One Man's Opinion, April, 1956, pp. 14, 22 alld 34-35, respectively. 67 among them, Witness, by Whittaker Chambers; Masters of Deceit, by J. Edgar Hoover; and I Led Three Lives, by Herbert Philbrick. The second special issue, January, 1960, reprinted Welch's 1952 book, May God Forgive Us, an analysis of the Truman-MacArthur conflict. The March, 1960 issue reprinted The Life of John Birch, originally published in 1954. One of the magazine's most striking features is "Scoreboard,” "a composite estimate . . . as to the Com- munist influence in each country as a percentage of total Communist control."139 The first Scoreboard appeared in the July, August and September, 1960 issues, and covered some 107 countries. It has since become a regular feature, usually in the com- bined July-August issue. Using 1958 as a base year, the Society found that Communist control in the United States in 1960 was between 20 and 40 percent. In 1964, when issues became available to researchers on a regular basis, the figure had risen to ‘between 50 and 70 percent. It took another jump, in 1965, tx) between 60 and 80 percent, and remained at that level tflrrough 1969. The Scoreboard was not given for 1970. In 139”Scoreboard,” American opinion, JU1Y‘AUEUSt: 1969, p. 72. 68 1971 and 1972, the percentage has remained the same, but a plus sign has been added to indicate future trends.140 By 1961, the Society's mounting demands prompted Welch to choose Scott Stanley Jr. as managing editor. Stanley had been one of the founders of Young Americans for Freedom, a conservative group, and he seemed to fit right in with both Welch's theories and organization. Stanley revised the format of American Opinion in 1964. The new, smaller magazine-~digest-size--had a slick paper cover and ruled inside pages of a much lighter bond. The major changes were both attractive and profit- able. In February, 1964, the "Great Americans" series was launched. The Society commissioned Daniel Michael Canavan of New York to paint a series of oil portraits of these ”Great Americans' for the magazine's cover; a companion feature article accompanied it. The first "Great American" was General Douglas A. MacArthur.141 The series ran from 1964 through 1972, in eight or ten issues per year. Among the great Americans selected were Thomas A. Edison, June, 1969; Alexander Graham Bell, September, 1969; the Wright Brothers, November, 1969; Eli Whitney, February, 1970; and Stephen Foster, June, 1970. In 1966, John Wayne was the Society's choice. 140All "Scoreboard" figures are from American Opinion, July-August, 1964-1969, 1971-1972, p. 141Broyles, p. 32. 69 American Opinion accepted its first outside adver- tising that same year. A national office was set up in Belmont, and representatives were dispatched all over the United States to solicit advertising. Their success is ap- parent in the greatly varied advertising carried in the magazine. Advertisers have included a jeweler in Hatboro, Pa.; a retailer of massage chairs in Louisville, Ky.; and a restorer of vintage cars in Birmingham, Mich. All inside ads are black and white. The only color is on the back cover, a heavy stock ad for Kwik Lok Corpo- ration of Yakinsa, Washington, a manufacturer of tie bands for food packaging and general use. The magazine's other major advertiser is on the inside back cover, represented by a black and white ad. This is Bob Jones University, "standing without apology for the 'old time religion' and the absolute authority of the Bible." The majority of the ads are quarter-page, four to a page, placed generally on the left-hand, facing page. There are some full size ads as well. Many of them are taken up with internal advertising, for the John Birch Society's book publishing house, Western Islands Press, begun in 1965. Both cloth and paper-bound editions are published. Another conservative publishing house, Arling- ton House, has also taken full page space, as in the September, 1969 issue. 70 Advertising in American Opinion is competitive. According to its rate sheet, effective January 1, 1971, costs run $225 for a quarter-page, $400 per half-page, $650 per full page, $1,050 for the inside back cover, in black and white only, and $1,800 for a four-color, back cover ad. If the advertiser wanted an insert--a tear-out order card, ““3 for example--it would cost him $1,200.142 ”1 American Qpinion's circulation figures have not been issued on a regular basis. In December, 1963, circu- . j lation was placed at 27,060. Two years later, in December, 1965, it was 35,400; in 1967, 43,000. The first consistent circulation reports were in the December issues for 1973 and 1974, 39,251 and 45,039, respectively.143 While Gerald L. K. Smith saw Jews behind every evil of American life, Welch and the Society see nothing but Communists. In one year, 1969, American Opinion ran ar- ticles on assassination of policemen, the sex education policies of the Sex Information and Education Council of the United States (SIECUS) and rock music--all of which, it claimed, showed heavy Communist influence. 142"American Opinion Magazine Advertising Rate Schedule," The John Birch Society, 1971. 143Circulation figures for 1963, 1965 and 1967 are from Broyles, pp. 166-167. Circulation figures for 1973 and 1974 are from American Opinion, December, 1973, p. 86, and December, 1974, p. 68. 71 All three articles were written by Gary Allen, one of the magazine's most prolific writers. In the first ar- ticle, Allen discussed the deaths of policemen Michael Czapski and Richard Worobec by black revolutionaries. Allen pointed out that the judge who had arranged a writ of habeas corpus for the blacks was George Crockett. Crockett, said Allen, had been, among other things, an agent of the Cuban Communist government of Fidel Castro and had traveled, in 1964, to Mississippi as part of a group involved in a National Lawyers Guild project. The Guild had been offi- cially cited by the federal government "as the foremost legal bulwark of the Communist Party."l44 The second article charged that the SIECUS not only promoted sex education, but also provided material, some of it quite explicit, to schools and communities starting a sex education program. Among the materials offered is a subscription to, and sample copies of Sexology magazine, edited by Isadore Rubin, who Allen says was identified as a member of the Communist Party in May, 1955. Rubin's identification was made by an undercover agent for the New York Police Department. Rubin was forced to leave his teaching position when this fact was discovered. In addi- tion, says Allen, Rubin edited the New York Teacher News 144Gary Allen, "Detroit: Communists Assassinate Police," American Opinion, June, 1969, pp. 1-18. 72 of the New York Teachers Union, which was expelled from the AFL-CIO "when it was found to be controlled by the Commu- nists." Now, according to Allen, Rubin and the magazine concentrate "on sex sensationalism . . . presenting crass articles dealing with the worst sort of perversion."145 In the third article, Allen noted that the Commu- nists had already made extensive use of rock music. He said that Lenin and others expressed the idea that a culture should be "reworked.” "The proper sort of music," says Allen, "could be used to sell a revolutionary message in the same manner that a singing commercial sells soap.” Such talented Communists as Pete Seeger, Leadbelly and Woody Guthrie popularized songs of class warfare and and subversion for millions. Now the New Left crowd has taken folk music, combined it with rock and roll and turned it into folk rock--with revolutionaries like Phil Ochs and Bob Dylan projecting the philosophy and songs of Communist Woody Guthrie into the protest music of the Sixties.146 Just as there is a difference in the philosophies of Smith and Welch, so there is also a difference in the editorial approach of the two magazines. American Opinion is, indeed, angry at what it sees as the corruption and erosion of American life by the 145Gary Allen, "Sex Study: Problems, Propaganda and Pornography," American Opinion, March, 1969, pp. 1-20. 146Gary Allen, "That Music: There's More To it Than Meets The Ear,” American Opinion, February, 1969, pp. 49-62. 73 Communist menace. As the major press organ of the John Birch Society, it is trying to awaken people to these threats. As Stanley expressed it, "We have been certainly losing a sense of what America stood for. People used to "147 know what America's purpose was. And the purpose of American Opinion? ”Our purpose is to warn the American people of collectivist schemes, whether they be Fascist, Socialist or Communist," he says. He uses collectivist to mean a collecting of governmental power by the central government in a gradual process. ”We object to the power of the state to have such total control over anyone's life. Over a child, for in- stance, in busing. Over the American businessman by severe rules and regulations of the Occupational Health and Safety Act," he says. If the John Birch Society has become an institution, will the same be said of American Opinion? "It may. When I first came here, we had a circula- tion of maybe four or five thousand. I never thought of us as being a big building. The magazine is simply a few of us trying to do something about things that concern us and affect our liberty and the liberty of others."148 147Scott Stanley Jr. interview. 148Scott Stanley Jr. interview. CHAPTER V SOME CONCLUSIONS The enigma of Truth is at the heart of any examin- ation of the press of the radical right. It is the singu- lar, motivating precept in the radical right movement from which all related activities--such as its own press--take their cue. This study has explored the plethora of fears, frustrations and anxieties that have plagued a disenchanted sector of the population, and the channels chosen to re- affirm goals, values and a kind of morality which, it claims, the corrupt prevailing social and political order is out to destroy. To this end, the press of the radical right is a beacon in a bleak, desolate sea of subversion. The rally- ing point for this philosophical perspective has been con- spiracy since the founding of the American colonies, when ethnic and religious groups, in an effort to escape perse- cution in Europe, fled to the New World only to encounter the same bigoted paranoia of the Old. The historical pattern has deviated little through the centuries to the present. The accused are all members of minorities who, by the fact 74 75 of their alleged power, wealth, ingenuity or very existence, pose a threat to the persecuted extremist. Where does this persecution originate? Research points to a fundamentalist, populist tradition, an "Ameri- can way" that leaves little room for deviation. It is a norm that must be followed to the letter, like scripture. It is, in the simplest sense, Truth. Anything less would be treason. This super-patriotism has necessitated the existence of the radical right, and its press is the logical weapon to combat the ominous threats to the nation's security, indeed, to its very survival. The truth of the movements and their leaders as conveyed through the press of the radical right is the answer to the lies expounded by the respective institutions of the established order. It is that simple. Through selective exposure, perception and retention, the rightist marches toward his goal: restoration of a past that has faded long ago, along with its spirit, its values. Modernity is his chief enemy. It is synonymous with progress, a direct threat to this goal. The success of the right-wing press is based, in part, on skillful opportunism, propaganda carefully culled to represent the rightist's truth. Men like Gerald L. K. Smith and Robert Welch are as shrewd as the politicians 76 they despise and vilify, as manipulative as the minority groups they view as threats to the American way. Their way is the right way. NO room exists for debate. They appeal to the fears and distrust of their ad- herents by feeding on those fears at every Opportunity. Yet, as has been noted, they lack a singular purpose which motivates traditional political factions: a commitment to the democratic process. In this sense, they are exploita- tive. They are committed to themselves, their truths, their opinions, their own ends, much like the Communist and Socialist. The messianic message is everywhere: rescue the poor, misguided populace from the evil, conspiratorial power--its government and leaders--and close a window on the world. However, as this study has shown, these men and their movements are part and parcel Of the capitalistic regime they loathe. Their swelling subscription lists and concomitant profits make their publications and related activities as appealing a tax deduction as the American Civil Liberties Union is to a liberal. The Old populism has given way. They are part Of the political scene and the international community, growing side by side with the institutions they have branded traitorous. It is a paradox to which the radical right's truths do not care to admit, but which its critics and analysts cannot deny. 77 To paraphrase George Wolfskill, who pondered the premise that theirs is the only true American way in a study of the Liberty League of the 19305: What they stand for must be American and patriotic. They seek to identify themselves with the national interest by exaggerating and overdramatizing the con- flict between philosophies of government. One is sup- posed to believe that they stand alone in defending the Constitution, the American way Of life, freedom, liberty, patriotism. Certainly these are things worthy Of de- fending, of preserving at any cost. But they are things about which most Americans, then and now, have a feeling of shyness, modesty, self-consciousness. They are warm _ and intimate things like bathing and love-making which . should not be put on public display. That is why E_J Americans are awkward, never knowing what to do with their hats when the flag passes and glance about stupidly like retarded children when they stand before the sym- bols of their great heritage in the nation's capital. Americans are instinctively suspicious of him who flaunts his patriotism; they may have never heard of Samuel Johnson but they know intuitively what he meant when he wrote 'Patriotism is the last refuge Of a scoundrel.' The public eventually acquires this feeling that they are not trying to sell patriotism, they are trying to peddle the Brooklyn Bridge. Overt patriotism runs another serious risk: it readily becomes farce. Take that which is always a delicately balanced emotion and add to it their ultraseriousness, their humorless sense of their own crucial significance, and the result is the low comedy of A Midsummer's Night's Dream. They are never aware that they are being laughed_' at. This strangely honest faith in their own sanctity, keeps them from dying of embarassment over the anomaly of their own existence. 149George Wolfskill, The Revolt Of the Conservatives: A History Of the American Liberty League, 1934-1940 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1962), pp. 258-259. BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Allen, Gary. Nixon's Palace Guard. Belmont, Mass.: Western Island§ Press, 1971. Richard Nixon: The Man Behind The Mask. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1971. Bennett, David H. Demagogues in the Depression: American Radicals and The Union Party, 1932-1936. New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1969. Black, Maxine, ed. "Smith, Gerald L. K." Current Biog- raphy, 1943. New York: The H. W. Wilson Company, 1944. Breasted, Mary. Oh! Sex Education! New York: New American Library, 1971. Broyles, J. Allen. The John Birch Society: Anatomy of a Protest. Boston: Beacon Press, 1966. Bunzel, John H. Anti-Politics in America: Reflections on the Anti-Pbiiticai Temper and Its Distortions of the Democratic Process. New York: Random House, 1967. Burnham, James. The Web of Subversion: Underground Net- works In The U.S. Government. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. Carey, Daniel. God, The Original Segregationist. Pub- lisher unknown.“ Carlson, John Roy. Under Cover. New York: E. P. Dutton 6 Co., Inc., 1943. Coiin, Blair. The Red Web: 1921-1924. The Americanist Classics. Belmont, Mass.: ,Western Islands Press, 1965. 78 79 Cook, Fred J. The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times Of Senator Joe MCCarthy. NeinOrk: Random House, 1971. de Toledano, Ralph. Seeds of Treason: The True Story of the Chambers-Hiés Trpgedy. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: western Islands Press, 1965. Dilliard, Irving. "Politics and the Press: A Final Comment." Politics 6 The Press. Edited by Richard W. Lee. Washington, D.C.: Acropolis Books, 1970. Dovel, George L. Tyranny And The Black Plague: A Record of Betrayal and Oppression by The United States Govern- ment. Publisher unknown. Epstein, Benjamin R., and Forster, Arnold. The Radical Ri ht: Report on the John Birch Society and Its Allies. New York: Random House, 1967. . Report on the John Birch Society, 1966. New York: RandOm House, 1966. Evans, Medford. The Usuppers. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1968. Flynn, John T. While You Slept: Our Tragedy in Asia and Who Made It. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. Ford, Henry, Sr. The International Jew: The World's Fore- most Problem. Introduction by Gerald L, K. Smith. Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade. Forster, Arnold, and Epstein, Benjamin R. The New Anti- Semitism. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1974. George, Wesley Cruz. The Biology of the Race Problem. Richmond, Va.: Patrick Henry Press. Gentry, Curt. The Last Days of the Late, Great State of California. Neinork: Ballantine Books, 1968. Goodman, Walter. The Committee: The Extraordinapy Career of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Baltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, Inc., 1968. Gordon, Rosalie M. Nine Men Against America: The Supreme Court and Its Attackion American Liberties. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. 80 Griffin, G. Edward. The Great Prison Break: The Supreme Court Leads the Way. Belmont, Mass.: Western IslandsiPress, 1968. The Fearful Master: A Second Look at the United NatiOns. Belmont, Mass.: Western i513nds Press, 1964. Herndon, Booton. Ford: An Unconventional Biography of the Men and Their Times. New YOrk: The Hearst COrpo- ration, 1970. —.3 Huddleston, Sisley. France--The Tragic Years, 1939-1947; An Eyewitness Account of War, Occupation and Liber— ation. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. John Birch Society. Blue Book. Belmont, Mass.: R. Welch, Inc., 1959. . The White Book. Belmont, Mass.: R. Welch, Inc., 1960-1964. Klapper, Joseph T. The Effects of Mass Communication. New York: The Free Press, 1960. Lamparski, Richard. Whatever Became Of . . .? New York: Charter CommunicatiOns, Inc., 1967. Lane, Arthur Bliss. I Saw Poland Betrayed: An American Ambassador Reports To The American People. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. Leuchtenburg, William E. New Deal and Global War, 1933- 1945° Vol. 11 of The Life History of the United States. Edited by Sam Welles. 12 vols. Neinork: Time, 1964. Linington, Elizabeth. Come to Think of It. . . . Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. Lipset, Seymour Martin. "The Supporters of the John Birch Society." Reader in Public Opinion and Communica- tion. 2nd. ed. Edited by Bernard Berelson andiMorris Janowitz. New York: The Free Press, 1966. "Three Decades of the Radical Right: Coughlinites, McCarthyites, and Birchers." The Radical Right. Edited by Daniel Bell. Garden City, New York: Doubleday G Company, Inc., 1964. 81 Lipset, Seymour Martin. Political Man. Garden City, New York: Doubleday 8 Company, Inc., 1960. Luther, Martin. The Jews and Their Lies. Los Angeles: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1948. Marsden, Victor E., trans. Protocols of the Meetings of the Learned Elders of Zion. Los Angeles: Chfistian Nationaiist Crusade, n.dig. McCarthy, Joseph R. America's Retreat From Victory: The Story of George Catlett Marshaii. The Americanist Library. Beimont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. Montgomery, Robert H. Sacco-Vanzetti: The Murder and the Myth. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1960. Muller, Robert H., Spahn, Theodore Jurgen, and Spahn, Janet M., eds. From Radical Left to Extreme Right. 2nd ed. Vol° I. Ann Arbor: Campus Publishers, 1972. Muller, Robert H., ed. From Radical Left to Extreme Right. Ann Arbor: Campus Publishers, 1967. Nash, Roderick. The Nervous Generation: American Thought, 1917-1930. The Rand McNally Series on the history of American Thought and Culture. Chicago: Rand McNally 8 Company, 1970. Peterson, Theodore. Magazines in the Twentieth Century. 2nd. ed. Urbana, Ill.: UhiVersiiy of Illinois, 1964. Pranatis, I. B. The Talmud Unmasked. Birmingham, Ala.: E. R. Fields, 1964. Robinson, John. Proofs of a Conspiracy. The Americanist Classics. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1967. Re-issue of a manuscript published as fol- lows: Robinson, John. Proofs Of a Conspiracy Against all the Religions and Governments of Europe, Carried— on in the Secret Meetings Of Free Masons, Illuminati, and Reading Societies. New York: George Formsn, 1798. ROChe, John P. The Quest for the Dream: The Development Of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1963. 82 Rokeach, Milton. .The Open and Closed Mind: Investigations Into the Nature of Belief Systems and Personality Systems. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1960. Rust, Zad. Teddy Bare: The Last of the Kennedy Clan. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1971. Schlafly, Phyllis. A Choice Not an Echo. Alton, Ill.: Pere Marquette Press, 1964. Sherwin, Mark. The Extremists. New York: St. Martin's H Press, 1963. ' * Skousen, W. Cleon. The Naked Capitalist. Salt Lake City, Utah: By the Author, 2197 Berekeley Street, 1970. Smith, John. Birch Putsch Plans for 1964. No place Of j 1 publication given. Domino Publications, 1963. his Smoot, Dan. The Invisible Government. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, 1965. Spahn, Theodore Jurgen, Spahn, Janet M., and Muller, Robert H., eds. From Radical Left to Extreme Right. 2nd. ed. Vol. II. Metuchen, N.J.: ’The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1972. Stang, Alan. It's Very Simple: The True Story of Civil Ri hts. BeImont, Mass.: Westerniislahds Press, 1965. Stormer, John A. None Dare Call It Treason. Florissant, Mo.: Liberty Beli’Press, 1964. Terkel, Studs. Hard Times: An Oral History Of the Great Depression. *New York: The Hearst Corporation, 1970. Vashi, Victor. Red Primer for Children and Diplomats. San Diego, Calif}: Viewpoint Bobks, 1967. "Welch, Robert." Who's Who In America, 1970-1971. Vol. 36. Chicago: Marquis Who's Who, Inc., 1970. Welch, Robert. The New Americanism and Other Speeches and Essa 5. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands Press, I966 . The Life of John Birch: In the Story Of One American Boy, The Ordeal of his Age. The Americanist Library. Belmont, Mass.: Western Islands, Press, 1965. 83 Welch, Robert. The Politician. Belmont, Mass.: Belmont Publishing Company, 1963. . Again, May God Forgive Us. Belmont, Mass.: Belmont Publishing Company, 1960. Westin, Alan F. "The John Birch Society." The Radical Right. Edited by Daniel Bell. Anchor Books. - ar en City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1964. Williams, T. Harry. Hueprong. New York: National General Company, 1969. Wolfskill, George. The Revolt of the Conservatives: A History of the Ameiican Liberty League, 1934-1940. Boston: Mass.: Houghton Miffiin Company, 1962. PERIODICALS Allen, Gary. "Get US Out!: The U.N. Threatens the United States.” American Opinion, January, 1972, pp. 1-22. . "Negroes: What 'Liberal' Racists Never Mention.” American Opinion, March, 1968, pp. 27-40. ”A Monument to Himself." Time, July 22, 1966, p. 23. "Birchers' Revolt." Newsweek, August 29, 1966, p. 20. Buckley, William F., Jr. ”Whose Hand to Shake?" National Review, April 19, 1966, p. 352. Capell, Frank A. "Since F.D.R.: Some Not So Ancient His- tory.” American Opinion, March 1971, pp. 1-18. Christian Nationalist Crusade. The Cross and the Fla April-September, October-November, Decefiber, 1942, January-October, 1943, February-December, 1946 January, 1947, March-December, 1948, January, February-March, April-December, 1949, January-April, 1950, January-December, 1951, January-December, 1952, January-December, 1958, January-December, 1959, January-December, 1960, January-December, 1961, January-December, 1962, January-December, 1963, April— December, 1964, January-December, 1965, January- December, 1966, January-December, 1967, January-June, August-December, 1968, January-December, 1969, January-December, 1970,January-December, 1971, January-December, 1972. 84 Cook, Fred J. "The Ultras.” The Nation, June 30, 1962, pp. 586-589. "Cranson on Birch." The Nation, August 8, 1966, pp. 108- 109. Croce, Arlene. "Is Robert Welch's Doctrine 'Christian?'" National Review, August 9, 1966, p. 762. ”The Cross and the Flag." NO magazine title given, no fl‘n‘ date given, no page given. 1 1 Davenport, Walter. "The Robes of the Kingfish." Colliers, November 22, 1935, p. 33. "Exposing Fascist and 'Hate' Groups in U.S." U.S. News a . . World Report, December 31, 1954, pp. 68-69. J 1 Forster, Arnold. "Birchism at the Grass Roots." The "; Nation, July 25, 1966, pp. 73-76. Gallagher, Wes. "Truth is in the Eye of the Beholder." Nieman Reports, September, 1968, p. 3. "Goober Democrats." Time, February 10, 1936, p. 17. Harris, Herbert. "That Third Party: Gerald L. K. Smith." Current History, October, 1936, pp. 82-86. Huck, Susan L. M. "Calculation: Giving Ourselves the Business." American Opinion, December, 1970, pp. 1-12. John Birch Society. American Opinion, February, March, 1958, January, December, 1959, January, March, May, July-August, September, 1960, January-December, 1964, January-December, 1965, January-December, 1966, January, March-December, 1967, January-March, May- December, 1968, January-December,1969, January-June, September-December, 1970, January-December, 1971, January-December, 1972. Johnson, Manning. ”Color, Communism and Common Sense." American Opinion, June, 1963, pp. 1-78. Morrison, Chester. "The Man Behind the John Birch Society." Look, September 26, 1961, pp. 23-27. O'Gara, James. "Robert Welch G CO." Commonweal, April 28, 1961, p. 118. "The Question of Robert Welch." 13, 1962, pp. Ryan, John Fergus. smith.” Schmitz, John G. News, Smith, Merriman. Left: Smoot, Dan. Report, . "Beware of O.S.H.A." February 7, 1973, pp. Stang, Alan. l-l4. Trillin, Calvin. The New Yorker, December 9, 1970, pp. Candidates Can't." April, 1962, pp. "On the Created Energy Crisis." "Oshacrats: With You.” 85 National Review, February 82-88. "Twilight Years of a Kindly Old Hate- Esguire, August, 1968, pp. 88-91. "The Life Preventers." The Review of the 1-7. "Administration shuns Far Right and Far Nation's Business, 25-26. The Dan Smoot November 28, 1973, pp. 1-8. The Dan Smoot Report, l-8. Mr. Businessman, The Buck Stops American Opinion, December, 1972, pp. "U.S. Journal: July 26, Eureka Springs, Ark." 1969, pp. 69-79. Van Slyke, Steve. ”OSHA Requirements are Impractical." The American Farmer, September, 1973, p. 4. Welch, Robert. "What is Communism?" John Birch Society Bulletin, May, 1970, pp. 1-22. . "Editorial Page." American Opinion, February, 1958, po 1. . "A Personal Page." One Man's Opinion, September, 1957, p. 2. "A Personal Page." One Man's Opinion, July- August, 1957, p. 2. . "Official Business March, 1957, p° 32. . "A Personal Page." 1956, p. 2. One Man's Opinion, ." One Man's Opinion, February- One Man's Opinion, April, April, 1956, February-March, July-August, September, 1957. Wheeler, Keith . Life, "Who's Who in the Tumult of the Far Right." February 9, 1962, pp. 110-127. 86 NEWSPAPERS "ABC-TV Crew Here." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, December 5, 1969, n.p.g. "ACLU to Sue to Block Work on State Road." Arkansas Gazette. December 19, 1969, n.p.g. "ADL Urges U.S. Rescind Grant to Anti-Semite Gerald L. K. Smith: Says U.S. is Subsidising Hate Rackets." American Examiner, n.d.g., n.p.g. Adwan, Alex. "Public Funds Use For Road at 'Christ of Ozarks' Backed." Tulsa Daily World, November 26, 1969, n.p.g. Altenback, C. A. "Corpus of Christ is Presented." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, July 6, 1972, p. 13. Anderson, Jack. "D.C. Grant is OK'D for Hate Monger." New Orleans States-Item. November 25, 1969, p. 12. "Taxpayers Help Underwrite Gerald L. K. Smith Project." NO paper given, no date given, no page given. "A New Partner For G.L.K. Smith." Arkansas Gazette. December 5, 1969, p. A-6. ”An Open Letter to the Citizens of Eureka Springs and the World." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, September 11, 1969, p. 7. "An Open Letter From Gerald L. K. Smith." Eureka§pring§ Times-Echo, July 6, 1972, p. 9. "Arkansas Road Funds Released." No paper given, no date given, no page given. "Being Practical." Arkansas Democrat, December 20, 1969, p. 4. "Birchers Seek Lead in Reorganizing AIP." Jackson Citizen Patriot, February 9, 1973, p. 5. "Christian Church Weekly Magazine Features Statue." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, September 11, 1969, p. 11. ”Congressmen Hit Proposed Road for GLK Smith." The Jewish Chronicle, April 23, 1970, p. 21. 87 "Construction Starts on Golden Gate of New Holy Land." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, July 6, 1972, p. l. "Controversial Road to Statue is Denied Government Funds." Arkansas Democrat, June 21, 1970, n.p.g. "Defends Funds For Roads to Smith Projects." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, December 5, 1969, n.p.g. "Despite His Recent Attack, Smith Says He's Staying out of Move to Recall Fulbright." Arkansas Gazette, September 24, 1970, p. l. Donald, Leroy. "'Conspiracy' Killed Road, Smith Says: Plans Action." Arkansas Gazette, May 22, 1970, p. A-l. Dumas, Ernest. "Gerald L. K. Smith Becomes Issue in Ozarks: Town Shows Alarm as his Activities Gain Attention.” New York Times, November 28, 1969, p. C-30. Friedman, Saul. "The Far Right: Quiet Thriving." Detroit Free Press, February 27, 1966, pp. A-l, 2. . ”They Hate Change, but Even They Have Changed." Detroit Free Press, March 3, 1966, p. D-l6. . "A Who's Who of Our Birchers." Detroit Free Press, March 6, 1966, pp. B-1, 6. "Funds Freed to Build Road Past Statue." Tulsa Daily World, January 7, 1970, n.p.g. "Funds OKd for Statue, Play Road." Springfield Daily News, January 7, 1970, p. 22. Gallup, George. "Extremist Groups Fail to Appeal to Most Students." Detroit Free Press, February 7, 1971, p. A-l3. "Gerald L. K. Smith is Honored by Smithsonian." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, May 18, 1972, p. 14. "Golden Wedding Anniversary Honors Gerald L. K. Smiths." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, June 29, 1972, p. 8. "Jewish Groups Say Federal Money Used for Anti-Semitism." Harlington Valley MorningpStar, February 16, 1970, n.p.g. "John Birch Official to Speak." Jackson Citizen Patriot, September 19, 1971, n.p.g. Fina 88 "John Birch Society Weighs Jackson Site: Units Require Sectional Headquarters." Jackson Citizen Patriot, June 26, 1965. Johnson, Ed. "'Serious Probe' is on at Capital Over Road Near Smith Statue." Arkansas Gazette, December 11, 1969, n.p.g. Kinsolving, Lester. "Mecca for Tourists." Ann Arbor News, August 5, 1972, n.p.g. "Letters to the Editor: Calvin Trillin." Eureka Springa Times-Echo, September 11, 1969, p.72. ”Letters to the Editor: John Paul Hammerschmidt." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, December 5, 1969, n.p.g. "Memorial Chapel to be Built on Mount Oberammergau in Honor of the Smith Family." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, June 29, 1972, p. 2. Mencken, H. L. "Why Not Gerald?" Baltimore Evening Sun, no date given, except for year--1936--and no page given. "Mr. Rockefeller Writes on Road." Arkansas Democrat, n.d.g., n.p.g. "Mr. Smith, the Gazette and Et. al., Etc." Fordyce News- Advocate, December 30, 1969, n.p.g. "Ozarks Board Allocates $1.3 Million for Arkansas." NO paper given, no date given, no page given. "Paperback Labels Nixon as Red Tool." Jackson Citizen Patriot, June 8, 1972, p. 13. "Peterson Defends Statue Road Paving as Way to Get Aid." Arkansas Democrat, April 23, 1970, n.p.g. "Rare Art Object to Be Built Here." Eureka Springs Times- Echo, May 25, 1972, p. 8. Reed, Roy. "Hippies and Gerald L. K. Smith Make Ozark Resort Town a Model of Coexistence.: New York Times, July 27, 1972, pp. B-29, 37. "Rehnquist, Powell Panel OK Seen." Lansing State Journal, November 22, 1971, p. A-lZ. "Rehnquist Linked to Birchers.” Lansing State Journal, November 9, 1971, p. A-ll. 89 "Reply to Letters About Funds for Statue Road." No paper given, no date given, no page given. "Report Is Due Soon On Spending for Road Fast 'Sacred' Projects." Arkansas Gazette, December 25, 1969, p0 A'24o Robertson, Charles F. "The Miracles on the Mountain." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, May 18, 1972. pp. 16-17. "Rockefeller Defends Decision to Support for Smith." Arkansas Democrat, April 23, 1970, n.p.g. "Senator McClellan to Press for Action on Statue Road." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, September 24, 1970, p. l. Shannon, Karr. "The Radical ACLU to Opposed G.L.K. Smith." 4‘" Arkansas Democrat, December 30, 1969, p. A-4. J "Smith Greets 'Dating Game' Winners." Eureka Springs Times- Echo, June 29, 1972, p. 12. "Smith Speaks at Lions Club Banquet." Eureka Springs Times- Echo, June 29, 1972, p. 18. "Smith in Need Of Camel: Humpy Can't Be Bought This Year, ZOO Tells Him." Arkansas Gazette, December 1, 1967, p. l. Starr, John R. "The Ozark Town Gerald Smith Turned Into a Tourist Mecca." Detroit Free Press, November 7, 1971, p. A-Zl. Swift, Pamela. "Young Birchers." Parade, November 18, 1973, p. 16. "That Road." St. Paul Pioneer Press, n.d.g., n.p.g. "The World's Greatest Collection of Bibles to be on Exhi- bition Here." Eureka Springs Times-Echo, September 24, 1970, p. 11. Tiede, Tom. "John Birch Society Marches On." Jackson Citizen Patriot, July 4, 1971, p. 14. "$227,500 Will Rebuild Statue Road." Arkansas Gazette, November 11, 1969, n.p.g. "Volpe Reassures Jews on G. L. K. Smith State Highway Funds." The Jewish Press, April 3, 1970, n.p.g. 90 "Volpe to Kill Funds to Build Smith's Road." Arkansas Gazette, June 18, 1970, n.p.g. Walker, George. "The Right-Winger's Mind: A Haven for Hostility." Detroit Free Press, February 28, 1966, p. D-12. Wesolowski, Raymond S. "Birch Objectives Explained." Jackson Citizen Patriot, June 27, 1967, n.p.g. Wille, Lois, and Moore, Patricia. "Conservatives Aim Big ET] Guns at ERA." Detroit Free Press, February 11, r e 1973, p. D-9. "WR Asks Second Look at Project." Southwest Times Record, April 23, 1970, n.p.g. CORRESPONDENCE Allen, Eric, to Smith, Gerald L. K., September 3, 1970. Gerald L. K. Smith Papers. Maberry, John O., to Durning, Dan, September 26, 1970. Gerald L. K. Smith Papers. McClellan, John L., to Norfleet, Marvin Brooks. June 13, 1970. Gerald L. K. Smith Papers. Murphy, George, to Smith, Gerald L. K., May 1, 1942. George Murphy Papers. Smith, Gerald L. K., to Murphy, George, March 12, 1942. George Murphy Papers. Smith, Gerald L. K., to Taber, Marcius E., April 2, 1968. Marcius Taber Papers. Smith, Gerald L. K., to Taber, Marcius E., August 29, 1967. Marcius Taber Papers. Smith, Gerald L. K., to Taber, Marcius E., August 17, 1967. Marcius Taber Papers. Taber, Marcius E., to "Ken," September 2, 1967. Marcius Taber Papers. Taber, Marcius E., to Smith, Gerald L. K., April 6, 1968. Marcius Taber Papers. 91 Taber, Marcius E., to Smith, Gerald L. K., September 2, 1967. Marcius Taber Papers. Taber, Marcius E., to Smith, Gerald L. K., August 21, 1967. Marcius Taber Papers. TRACTS, PAMPHLETS AND OTHER MATERIALS American Nazi Party. "Official Stormtrooper's Manual." Arlington, Va.: American Nazi Party, 1955. Clink, Allan. "John Birch Society Summer Camp: Michigan, July 21-17, 1973." Recruitment and enrollment bro- chure. West Bloomfield, Mi.: Youth Education Fund, 1973. "The Directory of America's 490 Most Controversial Publi- cations, 1968-1969." Berkeley, Calif.: Guidelines Publications, 1969. "Faces, Faces, Faces." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. Friske, Rep. Richard. (R-106th District, Michigan). Pri- vate interview held in Friske's Office at the state capitol in Lansing, Michigan, conducted by Gregory L. Warfield, November 9, 1971. "Gerald L. K. Smith and the Jews: A Significant Summary." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. "The Hidden Hand." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nation- alist Crusade, n.d.g. Hunter, John H. "Gerald L. K. Smith For United States Senator." Unpublished term paper report, Univer- sity of Michigan, January 12, 1943. John Birch Society. "Your Opinions Are Important." Jackson, Mi.: Jackson County Chapters of the John Birch Society, 1973. "Currently Most In Demand: Books and Reprints from American Opinionfl' Belmont, Mass.: The John Birch Society, 1973. 92 "Quantity Price Schedule for Western Islands Hardbound and Paperbound Books." Belmont, Mass.: The John Birch Society, 1972. . "American Opinion Magazine Advertising Rate Schedule." iBéImont, Mass.: The John Birch Society, n.d.g. . "The Heartbeat of the Americanist Cause." Belmont, Mass.: The John Birch Society, n.d.g. .13. "How Long Will You Stand Aside?" NO place of m] publication given, no publisher given, no date of ' ihd‘ publication given. The author received this pamphlet in the mail, unsolicited. John Birch Society. "Responsible Leadership Through The 3'3 John Birch Society." Belmont, Mass.: The John _j Birch Society, n.d.g. '53 "The Magazine Of the Century--Free Offer!" Promotional advertising for The Cross and the Flag. Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. Morgan, Ronald Lee. "Christ Only Art Gallery." Eureka Springs, Ark.: Elna M. Smith Foundation, 1971. Oliver, Rivilo P. "After Fifty Years." Washington, D.C.: National Youth Alliance, n.d.g. The Ozarks Regional Commission. "Facts and Conclusions: Carroll County, Arkansas Public Road Project." Washington, D.C.: Department of Commerce, January 6, 1970. Powell, David Owen. ”The Union Party of 1936." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Ohio State University, 1962. "Quotes, Quotes, Quotes!" Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. Ribuffo, Leo P. "'Fascism' and 'American Fascists,‘ 1933- 1945: A Reconsideration." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation prospectus, Columbia University, February, 1969. Smith, Elna M. "Lest We Forget.” The Cross and the Flag. November, 1958, n.p.g. Smith, Gerald L. K. ”Nixon In Danger. What Can Save Him? What Can Save America?” Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1972. 93 "Literature List Prepared for The Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1972." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1972. "Story of The Statue, The Christ Of The Ozarks." Eureka Springs, Ark.: Elna M. Smith Foundation, 1967. . Guerrilla Warfare in Los Angeles." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1965. "Matters of Life and Death." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1958. "The Roosevelt Death: A Super Mystery." St. Louis, Mo.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1947. Smith, Gerald L. K. "Confessions of an Extremist." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. "Did You Know?" Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. "Franklin D. Roosevelt's Adulterous Life: The White House--Blackmailed.” Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. "NO War To Save The Jews." Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. "What Is Christian Nationalism?" Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. Stanley, Scott, Jr. Managing editor, American Opinion. Private interview held in StanleyT5 private Office in the offices of American Opinion in Belmont, Massachusetts, conductediby Gregory L. Warfield, May 3, 1973. Warfield, Gregory L. "The Rightists." Unpublished news- paper series, Michigan State University, 1973. "The Right-Wing Radical Press: An Examination." Unpublished seminar paper, Michigan State Univer- sity, 1971. Welch, Robert. "What Is The John Birch Society?" Belmont, Mass.: R. Welch, Inc., 1970. 94 . ”Which World Will It Be?” Belmont, Mass.: The John Birch Society, 1970. . "The Neutralizers." Belmont, Mass.: The John Birch Society, 1963. "What About Gerald L. K. Smith" The Record 15 The Answer.” Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. Wills, Henryetta B. "Jews Boast That New Bible Translation Proves Christ Imposter.” Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, 1953. "Withdraw From the U.S.: Why?" Los Angeles, Calif.: Christian Nationalist Crusade, n.d.g. "7'11111111111111T