v“ '. T. \ 4 A EEESSQMANCE WGRY Q? $061M. MOVEMENT MEMEEfiSHEP Thesis Ms- i‘Em Dmgm a? M. Ac MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSETY Arnold G. Holden £967 i LIBRARY ! Michigan State University ABSTRACT A DISSONANCE THEORY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT MEMBERSHIP by Arnold G. Holden This thesis develops and tests a discursive theory of social movement membership. The basic propositions of this theory are: A social movement is an organized attempt to reduce dissonance. Dissonance may be produced by either social or personal conditions, and perceived by the indiv vidual as either social or personal in origin. Social move- ments may be categorized by l) the principle nature of its goals, and additionally, 2) by the degree of congruency between members' and non—members' attitudes toward the causes of the movement. An individual will join a social movement only after individual attempts to reduce dissonance have failed or are perceived as fruitless. This theory is tested and found to be generally supported by data from a contemporary agrarian movement--the National Farmers Organization (NFO). This survey study utilized a precision matched sample of members of the NFO and the Farm Bureau-—an institutionalized agrarian organization. In addi- tion, relevant data from previous studies are utilized. Arnold G. Holden The data indicate that the NFO is an Environmental Change Movement. The central causal dissonance is the members' dis— satisfaction with present income. This dissonance is a result of deprivation, relative to urban workers, but not absolute deprivation or deprivation relative to other farmers. Indi- vidual attempts to reduce dissonance have been attempted and have failed to reduce dissonance. In conclusion, we find evidence that the NFO is a collec- tive attempt to reduce dissonance, and find general support for our theory. A DISSONANCE THEORY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENT MEMBERSHIP BY Arnold G. Holden A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1967 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Any work such as this which explores a new idea is in- variably the result of the contributions of many people. This writer wishes to express his gratitude to only a few of these many. This writer wishes to thank two members of his examining committee for their aid. Dr° Harvey Choldin offered insight- ful constructive criticism. Dr. James Hundley was of genuine assistance in introducing this writer to the areas of col- lective behavior and agrarian movements and in his theoretical and empirical criticisms. This writer particularly wishes to thank Dr. Denton Morrison who has given invaluable aid in his roles as Thesis Adviser, researcher, teacher, and Academic Adviser. His acts of assistance are too numerous to list, but it is accurate to state: "Without Dr. Morrison, this thesis would probably not have been written.” This writer also wishes to thank his colleagues in the Sociology Graduate Study Rooms. Their aid and encouragement, often intangible, was extremely important to this writer and this thesis. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE . . . . . . o . PART I: THE THEORY. . . o . . . . . . o o A Common Concept in the Literature. 0 0 A Dissonance Approach to Social Movements Three Types of Social Movements . . . Perceived and Actual Causes of Dissonance Summary and Hypotheses. . . . . . . . PART II: AN EMPIRICAL CASE. . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Type of Social Movement . . . . . The Central Dissonant Relationship. . The Sources of Dissonance . . . . . . D 0 Individual Attempts to Reduce Dissonance. Collective Means of Reducing Dissonance . PART III: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND CONCLUSION. REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii Page INTRODUCTION AND PURPOSE The field of collective behavior has a large number of theories, both discursive and formalized. These theories are highly divergent in their frames of reference and choice of units of analysis. There are both psychological and social structural extremes, with many in the center area of the continuum. This paper is an attempt to offer a paradigm of social movement membership. In it, we discuss the conditions which make participation likely, and those conditions which would decrease chances of participation. Although the model focuses on the processes leading to membership, it provides a frame of reference in which to arrange initial observations on social movements and to proceed from there to considerations of choice of variables, units of analysis, and relevant theo- retical perspectives. The approach is explanatory in scope rather than descrip- tive, and includes both social and mental processes and con- ditions to explain the end result of membership in a social movement. It does not consider personality as a variable, nor is it applicable to the interaction of the movement with other segments of the society. However, this paradigm can assist the researcher in determining which of these neglected areas of analysis are empirically and theoretically relevant to the problem. In addition to this paradigm, we offer some findings from research on the National Farmers Organization, an agrar- ian movement. From these findings we indicate the validity of the approach, and illustrate the ways in which the para- digm may be operationalized. PART I THE THEORY A Common Concept in the Literature The most central characteristic of social movements is the goal of urgent change. Members of social movements are characterized by their dissatisfaction with some present con- dition. By the use of the generic concept, "imbalance" one sees a general similarity in the causal factors of both personal and organizational change orientation. ("Dissatis- faction" may be thought of as an imbalance between expecta- tions and achievements of the individual; and imbalance in social systems is exemplified by institutional and group con- flict.) Thus, the personal and organizational goal of change is the result of some condition of imbalance. The social science and popular literature is fairly unanimous in this approach to the problem of social movements. As one would expect, they differsin the way in which imbalance is conceptualized. Some of the major works regard it as primarily a social varia- ble; others view it as a personality factor. The social psychologists are primarily concerned with factors of imbalance in the personality system as the important precondition for joining a social movement. Cantril (1941) speaks of "sources of discontent" arising from "discrepancies." Toch (1965) labels the imbalance as "problems." Eric Hoffer's work (1951) is concerned with the preconditions of “discontent" and "frustration." While the social psychological approach is primarily con- cerned with the internal, individual, preconditions as reasons for joining a social movement, sociologists in this area are concerned with external (to the individual) conditions of im- balance as preconditions for social movements. Coser (1956) and Dahrendorf (1959) are concerned with groups and classes in conflict. Lenski (1954) finds a high degree of status in- consistency related to liberal pdlitical behavior. Smelser (1965) theorizes that "structural strain" is an underlying cause of social movements. Killian and Turner (1957) use the label of "breakdown of interacting features" to describe the general conditions of imbalance. Thus, the ideas of "strain," "inconsistency," "discrepancies," etc., seem central to most theories and explanations of social movements and their members. A Dissonance Approach to Social Movements At this point we return to the central problem of the paper: "Why do individuals choose to participate in a social movement?" To find an answer, it is advantageous to use a social psychological theory which 1) deals specifically with the problem of "imbalance"; 2) which considers social causal factors for this "imbalance"; and 3) which is extendable to the social effects of this imbalance." Such an approach is Leon Festinger's Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (1957). Dissonance, according to Festinger, occurs when two or more cognitive elements are not consistent with each other. The presence of dissonance creates motivation to reduce the dissonance. Festinger (1957) suggests three major ways dis- sonance can be reduced. 1) The behavioral cognitive element may be changed. Thus, many individuals change their behavior upon recognizing a cognitive element which causes dissonance. 2) The individual may change the environmental cognitive element in the dissonant relationship. Thus, the individual may seek out a new environment, or change his present one to reduce dissonance. And 3) new cognitive elements may be added. It is difficult to change beliefs and opinions without the addition of a new cognitive element, so new elements per— taining to the truth or falsity of other elements, or “explanations" are added. However, in his attempts to reduce dissonance, the indi- vidual may fail to do so because of additional factors. Festinger (1957) refers to these as "resistances." Resistances can cause failure to reduce dissonance if a change or addition is actually attempted. More importantly, because of man's ability to ascertain the probable results of future action, resistances cause him to refrain from attempting to use a particular method of dissonance reduction. Some of the major resistances to modification of be- havioral and environmental elements are 1) change may involve loss or be more psychologically painful than the existing dissonance, 2) change might eliminate, or be di5r sonant with other elements which are presently rewarding, and 5) the change may not be possible for social or physical reasons. There are also resistances to adding new cognitive ele- ments to reduce dissonance. The principle resistance to the use of this means is the potential conflict with other presently held cognitive elements. The additional attempt to change other elements to be consonant with the new elements may not be attempted because of the potential conflict with "reality.“ ("Reality" here refers to those knowledges of the social and phys- ical world WhiCh are given similar meanings and interpretations by most significant people in the individual‘s social space. To be "unrealistic," or "out of touch with reality" is generally metwith negative social sanctions.) We have noted that the theme of imbalance is common in both psychological and sociological literature on social move- ments. There are also frequent empirical examples of this commonality. One has only to look for cases of imbalance in the social system to find widespread dissonance in its members. A national depression creates dissonance for many citizens as they experience the dissonance between the knowledges of "necessity of income" and "lack of income.“ A racial discriminatory system creates dissonance in those who have high aspirations but know that they will probably not be able to reach these goals because of the system. Thus, dissonance is caused by the social system when an individual's necessities and socially learned goals are difficult or impossible to attain in the system because of system-wide blockages. (Dissonance, of course, can also be caused by conditions which are primarily personal--as opposed to the social condi— tions mentioned above. Personal habits or family problems may not permit the achievement of desired goals. Physical or psychological disabilities may also deny achievement. Again, examples are numerous, but we will de-emphasize the personal causes of dissonance in this paper.) As noted above, the presence of dissonance leads to at- tempts to reduce it. Festinger discusses ways in which indi- viduals attempt reduction in dissonance. Perhaps more important, he also discusses the resistances to reducing dis— sonance. To note the extremely important role of resistances in this process, let us consider the case of an unemployed worker during the Depression. The principle dissonant relationship is between "lack of income" and the "necessity of income." To reduce this dissonance he might consider changing his be- havior to obtain income. He might get a job-—but there are "no jobs." He might think of stealing something, but many other cognitive elements militate against this action. He might sell something, but he might possess nothing of value. He soon realizes that he can not change his behavior to reduce the dissonance. Festinger suggests that the environmental cognitive ele- ments might be changed to reduce dissonance. The hungry worker might move to another area to get a job, but the lack of such areas, or the cost of moving might be prohibitive. He can not change that environment around him to reduce the dissonance; the causes of the social imbalance are beyond his grasp. Festinger suggests a third general means of reducing dissonance--adding new cognitive elements. Our worker might pick up the notion; "Money isn't important." But his children are crying for food, and this reality discredits his new cog- nitive element. He may adopt an explaining element, such as, "The whole thing is caused by the moon men," in an effort to understand and/or explain an incomprehensible (in the light of his other elements) situation. Reality, however, would deny the individual many such "explaining elements." When discussing "reality" earlier, we noted the importance of the similar perceptions and meaning of others. If our un- employed worker can find a group who do believe "The whole thing is caused by moon men.‘ and who agree with him on other relevant elements, he may be able to maintain this new cog- nitive element which may aleviate the pressures surrounding the original dissonance relationship. More realistically, our unemployed worker may encounter a group who tells him that: "The whole thing is caused by the capitalists who are exploiting the workers." This group also tells him that "After the revolution everything will be right." Their explanation is much more easy to maintain in light of reality than the "moon men" explanation. Their second statement offers the potential of future reduction of dissonance. (Deferred reduction of dissonance may be useful in reducing psychological discomfort, in much the same way as deferred gratification is in itself regarded as satisfying.) (The recruiter of a social movement has two important functions: 1) to increase dissonance in the prospective member to the point he will be willing to join, and 2) stress the "realistic goals of the movement"—-that success is highly likely. In other words, the skillful recruiter increases the dissonance while offering "the one sure way" to reduce this dissonance.) Three Types of Social Movements This suggests that it would be valuable to conceptualize social movements as organized attempts to reduce dissonance. We have noted that social movements are collective attempts to change something which their members regard as problematic. We have also seen the necessity of change to reduce dissonance. Therefore, we regard individual attempts to reduce dissonance and social movements as similar ramifications of the same 10 phenomena-~the reduction of dissonance. We can construct a typology using the three general means of reducing dissonance. A "Behavioral Change Social Movement" is an organized attempt to eliminate similar dissonance causing behavior of the members, and to avoid dissonance by maintaining the new behavior of the members, and to avoid dissonance by maintain- ing the new behavioral element. A "Belief Change Social Movement" is an organized attempt to add new cognitive elements to reduce the dissonance of its members, and to avoid dissonance by maintaining the new cog- nitive elements. An "Environment Change Social Movement" is an organized attempt to change some aspect of the environment to reduce the dissonance of its members. We add the stipulation that these collective attempts be contrary toLgor irrelevant to, the interests of those in existing authority (orgpower) positions. There are many change— oriented organizations which operate with the direct or tacit 1 These are not social move- approval of authority positions. ments by most definitions, including this one. We also add this stipulation because of the frequent emphasis on the il- legal or uninstitutionalized means used by social movements. (We use "conflicting interests" rather than "illegality" in defining this aspect as the former is the more general case. 1For a discussion of authority positions and conflicts of interest see: (Dahrendorf, 1959). 11 Many authority positions have the power or authority to define what means are legal or illegal, so that it often occurs that the means a social movement uses are ruled illegal. This un- institutionalized nature of the means, however, is not necessarily the case, and must be regarded as a very frequent concurrent condition, and not as a central criterion of social movements. Some familiar Behavioral Change Social Movements are Alcholics Annonymous, and weight-reducing clubs. These organi- zations include only those individuals who have been unable to reduce their dissonance by individual efforts. Membership requires public admission of their failure to change their behavior by individual means, making membership psychologically costly, but in return give sympathy and assurance of potential dissonance reduction from other members. The central causes of dissonance are personal, conditions rather than social factors, and dissonance reduction is couched in terms of chang— ing the member. This type of organization has rarely been regarded as a social movement by students of collective behavior. This is undoubtedly due to the rational, stable, nature of many of these organizations, and their relative unconcern with changing the larger social system. Hans Toch (1965) is one of the few scholars to consider such organizations as social movements, and labels them "self-change movements" (Toch, p. 85, 1965). Examples of the more familiar "Belief Change Social Move- ments" are millenarian cults and radical political belief 12 groups. Membership in these movements usually requires the adoption of a large number of cognitive elements which would be regarded as unrealistic by the larger society. Since the member often surrounds himself with fellow members, one might regard membership as a new reality. This new set of elements often requires new and different styles of behavior, but his changed behavior is a result of belief change, not a principle goal as in the “Behavioral Change Social Movements." This is a frequent type of social movement and variously labeled as “expressive movements" by Blumer (1951); "mass movements" by Eric Hoffer (1951); one type of I‘value-oriented movements" by Smelser (1965), and as "participation movements" by Killian and Turner (1957). We combine both religious movements and extreme political belief movements in this category. Although many of these groups claim to be action or change oriented organizations, the major thrust of both is towards supplying their members with an explanation system for a confusing and dissonance pro- ducing world. The dissonance which motivates members to join can be either social or personal in origin, and Eric Hoffer (1951) suggests it makes little difference which specific movement is chosen. A decision to join this type of movement is usually met with strong formal and informal sanctions. For this reason it is not surprising that the membership of the more radical movements are social isolates, with few meaningful persons to criticize their decisions. 15 The third type of movement is the “Environmental Change Social Movement." This type of movement attempts to modify the social (or physical) environment in order to reduce common dissonances of its members. Some familiar examples are labor unions, civil rights groups, and other reform groups. Its membership consists primarily of those with dissonance caused by social imbalances. Previously used labels for this type of movement include:r "norm-oriented movement" (Smelser, 1965). “control movements" (Killian and Turner, 1957), and "specific social movements" (Blumer, 1951). The environmental change movement is usually very specific in its area of concern. It, like the Belief Change movement, has an explanatory system (or set of beliefs) but this is secondary to its aim of actual change in the larger social system. As a result, its belief system is specific to the problem. A civil rights organization generally has little to say or explain about religious or familial institutions. Nor do labor unions take a stand on religion, divorce, or abor- tion, (except to reiterate the standard belief of the larger social system). Belief change movements, however, tend to include almost all facets of life in their belief systems. The John Birch Society has expressed organizational opinions about floridation, foreign aid, religion, ad infinitum. Millenarian cults usually prescribe "correct" practices for their members on all areas of life, from sex behavior and acceptable occupations, to proper political attitudes. 14 Inasmuch as the two types of movements are different, one would expect the characteristics of the members to be different. This appears to be the case. The Environmental Change movement is problem-specific, and thus would tend to attract only those with that specific problem. The Belief Change movement, with its more general emphasis, attracts a wider range of personal characteristics and a wider range of problems to be solved. In addition to the natural selection process, The Environmental Change movement is often quite critical in its admission of members, often accepting only those who can demonstrate that the problem of the movement is also their personal problem. There are problems in correctly characterizing some groups. Both Environmental and Belief Change groups espouse a belief system and a stated attempt at change. The observer has several clues at his disposal, however. The Belief Change Movement's belief system tends to be all-inclusive. Its efforts for change (if any) are to be--”at the proper time“-- or "when we are stronger." As a result, the Belief Change movements principle activi- ties are in the area of proselytizing, training, and reiterat- ing the beliefs. The Environmental Change movement has a problem—specific belief system, and although much effort is placed in proselytizing, change oriented action is occurring presently, although the leaders may acknowledge privately that "we're not quite strong enough yet." 15 A specific movement may change from one type to another over a period of time. An environmental change movement which fails in its attempt at change may become a Belief Change movement. The opposite may occur when a Belief Change movement decides it has enough power to attempt change oriented action. The concept of "reality" is also important in determining the nature of the movement. If the movement's goal is regarded as "realistic" by the relevant social system, it can proceed to work actively for that goal and is an Environmental Change movement. If it is perceived as "unrealistic" by the relevant social system, little meaningful action is possible, and a Belief Change movement results. The early labor movements' goal of better wages and working conditions is regarded as a realistic goal inasmuch as the social system recognizes that these goals exist. The American Nazi Party's attempt to end the International Jewish Conspiracy is regarded as an un— realistic goal, as most persons in the social system doubt that such a conspiracy exists. However, in 1954 in Germany, the Nazi Party‘s goals were perceived as realistic by a large number of people, and the movement was successful. Perceived and Actual Causes of Dissonance Related to the idea of reality is the consistency or in- consistency of actual and perceived causes of dissonance. The perceived cause of dissonance is that condition which 16 members regard as the source of their problems, agd_this per- ceived cause becomes the object which the movement purports to change. The actual cause is the cause of dissonance identified most frequently by significant outsiders. Dichtomiz- ing these two variables as personal and social causes, we can construct the table below to illustrate the relationship between these variable and their type of resulting social move- ment.2 (We realize that there are other dimensions to the variable in addition to "social" and "personal." We therefore add the stipulation that the causes, to be consistent must apply to the same conditions, not merely the same class of causes.) A LT t $5.”: ’ 7'. Personal Social I II Behavioral Belief Personal Change Change Movement Movement PERCEIVED CAUSE III IV Belief Environmental Social Change Change Movement Movement Cell I represents the Behavioral Change Movement, as its members attempt to correct personal conditions by,personal change. Cell IV represents the Environmental Change Movement, as members react to Specific social conditions that cause dis- sonance by attempting to change the pertinent social conditions. 2The major problem involved in using this table is in de- termining the "actual" cause and nature of the central dissonant relationship. Despite this problem, we feel it is a valuable conceptual tool for examining the effects of "outside opinion" on the nature and success of the movement. 17 Cells II and III represent the conditions resulting in Belief Change movements. Cell III represents the case of the individual who experiences dissonance defined as self—caused by the majority of outsiders (e.g., psychological instability, inability to manage his money, etc.) yet who joins a movement which hase:belief system which lays blame outside the indi- vidual (e.g., to communists, Jews, or big business). Cell II typifies the case of the individual experiencing socially caused dissonance, yet identifies the dissonance as being caused by some personal failure, such as "sin" which is pun- ished by the gods, or some previous mistake or decision. Thus, situations represented by Cell III are often re- cruiting grounds for political Belief Change movements and religious Belief Change movements often recruit members from those classified in Cell II. However, the lack of consistency between perceived and actual cause permits high inter-movement mobility, as noted by Hoffer (1951), Lofland and Stark (1965) and others. Other changes may also occur. A successful Environment Change movement may become institutionalized (e.g., labor unions) or become a voluntary organization (e.g., The Grange). Thus, our typology .is timeFSpecific, but changes in the nature of movements can be understood with knowledge of other factors (e.g., success, realism, goals, etc.). In addition to the concept of social movements as organ- ized attempts to reduce dissonance, we add a further propo- sition. An individual will join a social movement only after 18 individual attempts to reduce dissonance have failed. ("Failed" is used to include the cases of actual attempt and failure, and also cases where the actual attempt is perceived to be fruitless before it is attempted.) This proposition is based on several general observations and assumptions. Membership in a movement makes various demands on an indi- vidual's time, property, and freedom of action. In return for these expenditures the individual receives the rewards of fellowship, friendship, etc., but these are more "cheaply“ obtained from a voluntary association which is not concerned with change. Thus, we assume that the individual joins a movement primarily for the satisfaction he received from the knowledge of probable change for his benefit--and the reduction of dissonance which the individual failed to reduce by indi- vidual means. Summary and Hypotheses A dissonant relationship between an individual's cogni— tive elements motivates the individual to reduce this disson- ance. Reduction of dissonance occurs in three basic ways: 1) by changing a behavioral element, 2) by adding new cogni— tive elements, and 5) by changing an environmental element. I. Both personal conditions and social structural im— balances can produce dissonance, but the individual may per— ceive the cause to be either personal or social. 19 II. Social movements are organized attempts to reduce dissonance, and may be characterized by the principle di- rection of this attempt and by the attitude of non-members towards its goals. Thus, there are Behavioral Change Move- ments, Belief Change Movements, and Environmental Change Move— ments. III. An individual, only after "failure" in attempting to reduce dissonance by individual means, may join a social movement to reduce this dissonance. PART II AN EMPIRICAL CASE Introduction The National Farmers Organization (NFO) is an active Environmental Change Social Movement. It was founded in 1955 as a protest organization, nearly died out, and re— emerged as a collective bargaining organization. Recent estimates of membership reach 200,000 farm Operators in 25 midwestern states (Hundley, Abstract, 1965). The recent stage of the organization's history has been marked with several strikes ("holding actions") and related violence and militancy. There are stiff requirements for membership. All members must be active farm operators, join for a minimum of three years, pay $25 annual dues, and sign a restrictive marketing agreement. The present phase of the NFO exists at a time and place which at first seems unlikely, but which has important ramifi- cations. NFO's most successful years have all been in the 1960's. During this time, the nation as a whole has had un- precedented economic growth. Farmers have experienced no severe periods of low production or apparent long-lasting low prices. In fact, present farm income (measured in dollars) 20 21 is at an all time high generally. Yet we find an agarian movement, demanding increased income, in full swing in the American Midwest in the 1960's. Social movements, as do most sociologically interesting phenomena, involve numerous apparent paradoxes. These para- doxes often prompt the lay explanation of the misguided, irrational (or worse), nature of movement members. Thus, our task is to discover and substantiate, if possible, sound explanations for what often seems reckless or random behavior. Critics and opponents of the NFO have frequently empha- sized the lack of rationality in participating. They describe members as "cronic complainers" and "failures" who are "trying to get something for nothing." Our purpose is to analyze the conditions leading to membership by examining the present characteristics of members. Methods In the spring of 1965, a survey of Michigan Farm operators was conducted.(Hathaway g£_§l., 1966). The findings of this study, then unpublished, stimulated much of the original thinking and theorizing on the topic of this thesis. A re- survey, conducted in March 1966, made it possible to collect additional data on NFO members and non-members in a matched sample. This writer, with the above theory in mind, contributed to the development and pre-testing of the interview schedule, 22 and participated in the collection and coding of the re—survey data. In the first study (Hathaway e; al., 1966) 52 of the 804 in the total sample were NFO members. In an attempt to obtain more information for theory-building and other purposes, the re-survey was conducted. This study‘s sample consisted of all the NFO members interviewed in the first study and an equal number of Farm Bureau (FB) only members, also interviewed in 1965. These two groups were precision matched on the basis of age, education and off-farm work. The rationale for selecting FB members as a comparison group is as follows. FB members are the most similar to NFO members of the farm organization members on many farm related characteristics. They have similar average acreage, dairy herd size, yearly milk production, “innovativeness,” gross farm income, net family income, and standard of living (Hathaway §£_§l., p. 55, 1966). However, the Farm Bureau and NFO are in opposition re- garding the means towards improving theWagricultural situation. The Farm Bureau (and by extension, most of its members) favor the use of more individual and institutionalized means. As a result, the Farm Bureau works as a pressure group for favorable legislation, and offers the individual farmer certain buying, selling, and insurance advantages through the organization‘s facilities. 25 The NFO, on the other hand, has the goal of establishing marketing agreements with the buyers of farm products, and of enforcing and demanding these agreements by means of strikes (called "holding actions"). Although there are cases of dual membership, there is a significant difference in organizational philosophy. The NFO favors collective action for immediate and lasting results. The philosophy of the FB is more one of collective support of individual action and of long term individual improvement to reach the goal of bettering the agricultural situation. As such, the FB membership serves as an excellent group with which to compare NFO membership. One, a social movement, and the other a long-standing formal organization, both striv- ing for the same general goal, but with highly different tack tics and strategy. In addition, NFO membership is generally more costly than FB membership, in terms of dollars, time, freedom of action, and social prestige. The methodological purpose is, of course, to establish two groups similar in major background and farm characteris— tics,but with different organizational membership. By control- ling for these variables, we can infer that many differences are either the cause or effect of membership. The Type of Social Movement We first wish to classify the NFO by using our two classi- fication schema. While typologies, as ends in themselves, 24 often create more problems than they solve, their preliminary use enables one to clarify the nature of the object researched. The NFO is an Environmental Change Social Movement. It is attempting to obtain higher prices for farm products by changing the structure of the present marketing system by instituting collective agreements between processors and NFO membership. Its goals are specific to the improvement of farm income and this specificity is reflected in the movement's belief system. An additional check on this classification is to use the four-cell model comparing "perceived" and "actual" causes of dissonance (see page 15). If the two causes are inconsistent, there is a strong likelihood that the movement is actually a Belief Change Movement. If the two are consistent, the move- ment will be an Environmental or Behavioral Change movement. In a sample of Michigan farm operators (Hathaway et.al., 1966), of which 6.5% were NFO members, more than two-thirds indicated that economic matters were the most problematic (Hathaway gt 1., p. 4). Of these, 58% specifically mentioned "low prices for farm products" as a problem (Hathaway _£_al., p. 4, 1966). We thus see that the problem (or cause of dis- sonance) is widely perceived by non-members, and is what we then call the "actual" cause. Thus, the "actual" and "perceived" cause of dissonance are very similar, both are social in derivation (Cell IV), and we again find support for classifying the NFO as an Environ- mental Change Social Movement. 25 The Central Dissonant Relationship Having identified the NFO as an Environmental Change Movement, we still have not explored the conditions leading to decisions to join the NFO. As we have noted above, the newness and "cost" of joining the NFO do not allow this de- cision to be strongly based on habit or simply joining for fellowship. Therefore, we will present evidence indicating the nature of the problem (dissonance) which leads to member- ship; the possible resistances to other attempts to reduce dissonance; and some resistances which might have prevented membership.3 Hathaway states (p. 4, 1966), that the median net family income for farmers in 1964 as $4477. This is below the median net for non-farm families in 1959, which was an even less prosperous year for non-farm segments than 1964 (Hathaway .2£.El-r p. 4, 1966). In 1965, over two-thirds of farmers interviewed mentioned economic factors as most problematic in a free response question (Hathaway, p. 4, 1966). In our re-survey data, NFO members show an even greater concern with the insufficiency of income for farmers. Only 19% of NFO members and 57% of non-members agreed with the 3Much of our data is retrospective, but other data sug— gest that present responses have bases in previous beliefs. In addition, the reader who questions the relative slight dif- ferences between groups on many items should recall the nearly identical age, education, etc. of the two groups, and, as this is not a probability sample, the usual statistical significance tests are not applicable. 26 attitude item: "Most farmers get enough income from their farms to £111 their needs fairly well." And, 66% of NFO members and 45% of non-members agreed that "Even good farmers with sizeable operations can't make a decent living at farming these days." When asked, "Where do you think the average net income of full-time farmers in your county would fall?" the expected difference appeared. The mean for NFO responses was $4170, while $5092 was the mean for non-members replies. In addition to the concern NFO members show for farmers in general, they are, as one would expect, also dissatisfied with their own income. This dissatisfaction is also greater for NFO members than it is for non—members. NFO members stated that a "satisfactory" net income would be $9010, net income for 1965 was $5158, with a mean difference between these as $5872.4 Non-members stated a "satisfactory" net in- come of $8815, a net 1965 income of $5755 with a mean dif- ference of $5058. Thus we see a higher required income for "satisfaction" and lower present net income for NFO members. The Sources of Dissonance An often heard interpretation of these above figures is something to the effect that "NFC members are on the bottom but they have bigger dreams." This is only partially true. We do note a slightly higher desired ("needed for satisfaction") 4All figures noted in this paragraph are means. See graph on page 55. 27 income for NFO members. Hathaway (p. 4, 1966) reports a median income of $4477 before Federal taxes for all farmers, which the mean noted above of $5158 for NFO members is after .Eaxgs, Despite a year's difference in time of collection (involving no significant state-wide increase in farm income) the NFO members are clearly not at the lowest farm income levels in Michigan. Data from 14 other studies indicate that NFO members have greater or equal gross incomes than study averages or non-members averages (Morrison and Steeves, following p. 2, 1966). We thus observe greater dissonance among NFO members on the issue of unsatisfactory income, both for themselves and for other farmers. However, they are at the higher income levels, and, furthermore, do not perceive themselves as lower than average for farmers. NFO members reported a mean net income of $5158, but perceived a net income of $4170 for other full-time farmers in their county. A mean difference of $1155 is found between the two. Non-members reported $5755 as their net income, believed other farmers were netting $5092, and showed a mean difference of $714. Thus, both NFO members and non-members in the matched sample see themselves as making more money than the average farmer, but NFO members see them- selves as making more, relatively, than do non-members. This would seem to be an indication of satisfaction, not dissatisfaction. However, people tend to evaluate their achievement in terms of how these achievements compare with 28 those of their reference group. Since NFO members are not satisfied with their present income but see themselves as al- ready making more than the average farmer, we suspect they have another, more significant reference group. Looking at previously compiled data we notice that NFO members have had much more contact with non-farm segments of the society, and thus, greater opportunity for developing non- farm reference groups. In 1965, the following differences were found (Hathaway .g£._l., pp. 49-50, 1966): All farmers in the NFO FB sample Percent ever a member of a labor union 58 56 47 Percent presently working 20 hours or more a week off the farm 50 55 45 Percent who have ever worked full— time at a non-farm job 82 64 72 Percent with one year or more of World War II military service 29 16 19 Median years of school completed 12.2 11.2 10.5 Data from other studies also indicate that NFO members have equal or more years of education than non-members in 15 studies (Morrison and Steeves, p. 5, 1966). The above patterns are supported by the re-survey data. In the sample 58% of NFO members and 58% of non-members were working full-time (40 or more hours a week) off the farm. This difference is significant, because the groups were 29 matched on 20 or more hours of off—farm work in Spring, 1966. Thus, it appears that the majority of NFO members in our sample are far more involved in their off-farm work, while non-members generally are not as involved. In addition, 60% of the NFO members reported that a half or more of their net family income (after taxes and farm operating expenses) came from their off-farm job, while 49% of non-members stated this. Twenty-six percent of the NFO members and 41% of non-members said that off-farm income did not contribute to their net- family income in 1965. All of the above data indicate that NFO members have greater and more important contact with non-farm segments in the economic area, and we expect to see this reflected in other non-economic areas. This is the case. NFO members indi- cate higher Democratic political preference than the entire sample (52% vs. 20%, respectively)(Hathaway §£_al,, p. 49, 1966). They have lower Protestant religious preference than the sample average (65% vs. 72%, reSpectively)(Hathaway gt _l., p. 49, 1966). NFC members also have a more liberal orien- tation than Farm Bureau members--even when matched for age, education, and off-farm work. ("Liberal orientation, is here used in the same general sense that it is used in referring to national political behavior, generally referring to a more positive attitude toward change.) On an eight item liberalism— conservatism scale, NFO members scored a mean of 2.07; 50 non-members, a mean of 1.87 (1.00 indicates the conservative limit. 4.00 indicates the liberal extreme).5 These political, religious, and liberal preferences of NFO members indicate a long-standing orientation toward more urban, secular, and social values. The traditional American rural values are similar to those of the Protestant Ethic (i.e., individual responsibility for success or failure, work as it‘s own reward, individual independence to make decisions, and strong religious beliefs), NFO members seem less committed to these than non-members. (Admittedly, beliefs pertaining to the present lack of independence and need for dependence are stressed by NFO recruiters and members, and attitudes ex- pressed could be intensified by membership. However, other items (e.g., religious and political views) are not consciously emphasized by the NFO, and the co-existence of these with more Specific (to the NFO) liberal attitudes supports the proposition that these attitudes were present before recruit- ment.) Some items used to specifically test this more urban, secular, social, perspective were: “It's a bad idea to borrow 5The eight items used were: "The New York transit strike resulted in more harm than good." "Those people who protest against our involvement in Viet Nam are a disgrace to our country." "The unions should be Prohibited from organizing hired farm laborers." "Student protest on university campuses have been allowed to go too far." "Communists should be al- lowed to speak on university campuses." (Reverse weight) "Negroes are getting too aggressive about civil rights these days." "Red China should never be allowed a seat in the United Nations.“ "There are probably more communists in this country than most people realize." 51 money for things you can get along without." "If there's important work (besides chores) to get done on the farm, it‘s all right to do it on Sunday." "One of the best things about farming is the fact that farming gives the whole family a chance to share in making the family living." "There are many economic advantages in living on a farm which are not reflected in a farmer's cash income,“ and "When a farmer isn't making a satisfactory income from his farm, it's usually nobody's fault but his own." An index for these items is 2.14 for NFO and 1.96 for non—members. (1.00 indicates the limit of traditional rural, self-sufficient, values and 4.00 indicates the more urban, secular, and social orientation.) This indicates that perhaps NFO members take some non- farm reference group for purposes of evaluating the sufficiency of their net income as their values reflect a more urban orien- tation. Respondents were asked to estimate the annual net income of the average factory worker in Michigan in 1965. NFC members gave an average reply of $6609, their own net averaged $5158, with a mean difference of $1515. Non-members believed factory workers made $6420, gave an average of $5755 for their own net in 1965, with a mean difference of $500. Our inference of the use of factory workers as a reference group by some farmers is based on two factors. One, the group of factory workers has been traditionally used to symbolize the "evil" and "degradation" of urban occupations in agrarian thought, and secondly, 55% of those in the re-survey sample working off the 52 farm also work in factories. Thus, factory workers serve as a very important reference group, as a result of'both‘ tradition and daily contact. Thus, the NFO member feels that although he has a higher income than most farmers, he makes lessvthan the average factory worker. This is doubly frustrating as the farmers in the re-survey had a mean capital investment of over $50,000 and factory workers, of course, need little. In looking at the summary graph of estimated income for himself and other groups, we see two additional patterns which canlxaproductive of dissonance. NFO members have not gained as much during the last five years as the matched non-members. Although NFO members see themselves as making an average of $1155 more than the "average" farmer, they seem aware of their inability to keep up with those farmers of similar age, edu- cation, and off-farm work experience. Our sample was matched in this way, and there is reason to suspect that similar comparisons are also made by farmers. Secondly, we see that NFO members are not as optimistic about their own future as non—members compared to a "satis- factory" income. Non-members believe that they will come closer to a satisfactory income (a mean difference of $814) than do NFO members (a mean difference of $1511). If one is optimistic about the future, it is easier to bear the frus- trations and problems of the present. In the language of dissonance theory: the perceived future reduction of dissonance $10,000 $9,000 $8,000 $7,000 $6.000 $5,000 $4,000 $3,000 55 n A "a satisfactory n , income" (for self) 9"- -----—--—-———-—> J l l l L l 1960 1965 1965 1965 1970 ("5 yrs "avg. SELF "avg. ("5 yrs ago") farmer" factory from now") SELF worker" SELF Summary of estimated annual net incomes (means) for self and other groups. x = NFO member 0 = Non-member ------- 54 tends to reduce the pressures to reduce it immediately. One of the functions of a social movement is to stress the future reduction of dissonance for its members, but in this case we see the members are not firm believers in this belief. However, the difference between expected and satisfactory may have been much greater before membership. We have seen that the central dissonant relationship, which leads to participation in the NFO is the concern over low income. As NFO members are at the higher income levels of farmers, decisions to join are not based on the conditions of absolute deprivation. Income deprivation, relative to non- farm groups (e.g., factory workers), farmers in similar situ- ation, and desired income seems to be the cause of the dis- sonance.- The existence of liberal and secular political and religious attitudes indicate that these contacts and compari- sons probably pre-existed membership. Individual Attempts to Reduce Dissonance Festinger (1957) discusses three types of individual means of reducing dissonance. Should the individual be un- able to reduce dissonance by these means because of resist- ances, he might participate in collective attempts to reduce dissonance (i.e., social movements). The pattern and strength of these resistances may be of extreme importance as factors influencing a decision to join a social movement. We will consider these three types of attempts, their success or failure, and the resulting decision to join the movement. 55 One means the individual has of reducing dissonance is to change his behavior. In this specific case, the farmer who is dissatisfied with his farm income has merely to quit farming and take up another occupation. This means is met with many resistances. One resistance to leaving farming is the necessity of taking a less enjoyable job. Most farmers are not trained for other types