RITUAL CASTE RANKENG ANtD MODERNIZATION IN INDIA A STUDY OF PEASANTS 1N SIX VILLAGES Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MICHIGAN STATE u’mveesm KRISHNA KUMAR 1970 ll//I///'/7/7/}7fl/7/iflfl/?/7I7/77i7fl7?flii/7/YflfiliM z. m m s? '4 “523$? ABSTRACT RITUAL CASTE RANKING AND MODERNIZATION IN INDIA A STUDY OF PEASANTS IN SIX VILLAGES BY Krishna Kumar Indian peasants, like their counterparts in other developing nations of the world, have been undergoing a process of modernization. Their traditional values, norms of conduct, beliefs and ways of thinking, habits and styles of living have been perceptibly changing, as a result of planned economic development initiated by the government, introduction of comprehensive programs of community development, growth of modern means of com- munication and transport, expansion of educational facil- ities, increasing contact with urban areas, and like factors. It can be said that they have begun to conceive alternatives to their specific ways of thinking, feeling and acting and have been moving from the traditional to what Lerner has called "participant lifeways." While modernization, in spite of some neo-tradi- tionalism termed "sanskritization" by M. N. Srinivas, has been affecting all segments of the population, there are Krishna Kumar great variations. Not only have some regions shown greater acceptance of modernity. Within a single geographical area, different sections, occupational groups and classes are at varying stages on the modernization continuum. The pace of modernization has been conditioned by a variety of social, cultural, economic, political and educational factors present in the Indian social system. A crucial factor that deserves to be studied in this context is the caste system. It not only governs "how one lives one's life, but also fixes his place in the society he lives in." Castes are ranked in the hierarchy, with Brahmins at the top and Harijans at the lowest rung of the ladder. The ranking of the caste is traditionally asso- ciated with certain specific occupations based largely on the character of material dealt with and functions performed in the religious ceremonies. The caste system determines the economic functions of the various caste groups within the village, where the traditional relationship is that of patron to client. It has been suggested that ritual caste ranking is related to modernization process, in the sense that members of the higher castes show greater commitment to modern values and behavior than do members of the lower castes. In fact, some sociologists have argued that while the higher castes have been undergoing a process of Krishna Kumar modernization, the lower castes continue to remain tradi- tion-bound. This study was designed to test the above formulation of the relationship between ritual caste status and the individual's place on the modernization continuum. The data in our study represent 559 peasants in six Indian villages. Four broad categories of ritual caste ranking have been evolved: the ascending order of caste ranking has been from 1 low to 4 = high. Nine variables of modernization--education, cosmopoliteness, change agent contact, innovativeness, achievement motivation, educa— tional aspirations, political knowledge, empathy and secular orientation--have been operationalized. Mean scores for each variable of the modernization process have been calculated for the four ritual caste categories. We have also used the coefficients of correlations between ritual caste ranking and each variable of modernization. Our findings indicate that the relationship between ritual caste ranking and the place on the modernization continuum is positive and linear with respect to the six modernization variables, i.e.: education, cosmopoliteness, educational aspirations, change agent contact, empathy, and political knowledgeability. In the case of innovae tiveness, the variable has been found to be positively and linearly related if the innovative behavior of the Krishna Kumar highest caste category was excluded. However, the rela- tionship between ritual caste ranking and achievement orientation and secular orientation was found to be curvilinear. In the case of achievement motivation, the peasants belonging to lower middle castes scored the highest, while in the case of secular orientation, the index has been highest for the lowest castes. Methodolo- gical limitations can partly explain our unexpected results concerning these two variables. It has been concluded that the ritual caste ranking and modernization process are related in the sense that members of high castes display greater cognitive, atti- tudinal and behavioral commitment to modernity than those belonging to the lower castes. However, it may be pointed out here, that this study was not designed to treat ritual caste ranking as a causative factor in modernization. That is an altogether different issue: no such link is suggested on the basis of this study. RITUAL CASTE RANKING AND MODERNIZATION IN INDIA A STUDY OF PEASANTS IN SIX VILLAGES BY Krishna Kumar A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 1970 iii-5.705") ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to record my deep gratitude to Professor Denton E. Morrison, Chairman of the Thesis Committee, under whose supervision and guidance this study has been undertaken. Professor Charles Loomis's scholarly contributions on social change in the Indian rural system first stimulated and later sustained my interest in the problem of moderni- zation in developing societies. So far as I know, Professor Loomis is unaware of my intellectual debt to him. I take this opportunity to make it known to him. I have no words to express my thanks to Professor Everett M. Rogers. This study has been designed within the conceptual framework of his classic work on moderni- zation among Colombian peasants. It is his data that I have used in this study. Lastly, I am thankful to Francis Abraham, Sripada Raju, Tellis Nayak, and.Valerie Restivo for their assist- an ce . Krishna Kumar TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . l The Role of the Caste System in the Indian Rural System . . . . . . . 1 The Concept of Modernization: Its Variables . . 7 Ritual Caste Ranking and Modernization . . . 16 The Objective and Scope of the Study . . . . 19 II. HYPOTHESES, DATA COLLECTION AND METHODOLOGY . . 21 Hypotheses O O O O O O I O O O O O O 2 1 Sources of Data . . . . . . . . . . 22 Operationalization of the Variables . . . . 23 MethOdOIOgy O O O O I O O I Q I O O 30 III. FINDINGS, HYPOTHESES TESTING AND DISCUSSION . . 31 Findings and Testing of Hypotheses . . . . . 31 DiSCUSSion I O O O O O O O O O O O I 34 IV. CONCLUSIONS, LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH . . . . . . . . . . 42 General Findings . . . . . . . . . . 42 Limitations of the Study . . . . . . . . 44 Implications for Future Research . . . . . 45 MPENDIX O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 50 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCES . . . . . . . 54 iii LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Location and Size of Sample Villages . . . . 24 2. Coefficients of Correlations Between Modernization Variables in Six Indian Villages . . . . . . . . . . 29 3. Mean Scores for Four Categories of Ritual Caste Ranking for Nine Modernization Variables in Six Indian Villages . . . . 32 4. Coefficients of Correlations Between Ritual Caste Ranking and Moderniza- tion Variables in Six Indian Villages . . . 33 iv CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Role of the Caste System in the Indian Rural System Caste is a unique, complex system of stratification that divides Indian society into small groups, each of which lives in a different way from the other. Its mem- bership is ascriptive and it serves as a prescriber and regulator of social behavior. Caste not only determines interpersonal relationships between the members of differ- ent castes but also one's personality and life style. One is born into a caste and dies in a caste and there is no escape, because in a traditional social system breaking caste rules means cutting oneself off from one's group. The caste system covers every facet of a man's life. As K. M. Panikar (1933) has put it: "Caste is a comprehensive system of life, a religion rather than a changing social order, and the rigidity with which its rules are enforced would put to shame even the great Inquisition (p. 9)." It has evolved such graded levels of social distance and relationships that the entire Indian society can be com- pared to a hierarchic pyramid, with harijans at the base and brahmins at the top. The caste system, with its complexities and regional variations can hardly fit into the narrow confines of a neat, precise definition. Yet social scientists have made attempts at defining it. Risley (Taylor, 1966) observes that caste is "a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common descent from a mythical ances- tor, human or divine: professing to follow the same heredi- tary calling; and regarded by others who are competent to give opinion as forming a single homogenous community (p. 45)." Srinivas (1962) defines caste as . . . a hereditary endogamous, usually localized ‘ group, having traditional association with an V/ occupation, and a particular position in the local hierarchy of castes. Relations between castes are governed, among other things, by the concept of pollution and purity. Generally, maximum commensability occurs within the caste (p. 3). Ketkar (Taylor, 1966) says that a caste is a "social group having two characteristics: (1) membership is con- fined to those who are born of members and includes all persons so born; (2) the members are.forbidden by inexor— able social law to marry outside the group (p. 45)." All these definitions shed some light on the different aspects of the caste, but do not give us a total picture. It would be therefore useful to mention very briefly some of its salient characteristics at this stage. First, the membership of the caste is ascriptive; "no change is possible because of personal qualities and achievements." Weber has rightly called it a "closed‘» . status group." Second, there exists a scheme of social precedence of one caste over another. At the local level, castes are always ranked in a hierarchy. Karve (1961) has men- tioned two types of hierarchical orders: One is an order in a small area (a village or a group of villages) where a given number of castes are arranged in an order which is recognized by the majority. . . . Secondly, there has been in existence for the last 2500 years an order which rests historically on a classification of society by ancient Hindu theoreticians. This order divides Hindus into four primary classes called varna. . . . Indian literature recognizes only two groupings. Single endogamous castes called jati and four ancient orders in which they are grouped, namely varna (p. 11). The second order (varna model) is at best a theoretical construct, and has little, if any, practical relevance. It is next to impossible to categorize thousands of castes spread all over the country into four varnas. The ritual caste status is related to the notion of pollution. The higher the caste, the more susceptible it gr is to pollution. The high caste members can be polluted by their proximity to members of castes lower than their own. In some parts of the country there are elaborate prescribed distances for each rung of the ladder. One standard measure of determining caste ranking in a region is the prevalent practice among different castes regard- ing the acceptance of cooked food or water from one another. The general rule is that a caste member can accept cooked food or water from members of his own or a higher caste. However, there is a difference between ritual caste hierarchy and the social and economic status of a caste in a region. While it is true that higher castes generally possess greater economic resources, and consequently greater social and political power in the country as a whole, it is not uncommon that a higher caste has a low social and economic status in a particular area. The dominance of a caste in a region depends on two variables-— numerical strength and economic condition. Third, every caste has a traditional hereditary occupation which its members are supposed to follow. Only brahmins can preside over ritual functions. Similarly, several castes like lohar (blacksmith) nai (barber) dhobi (washerman) khumhar (potter), etc., have almost no alter- native but to adopt their hereditary occupations. In fact, castes are often known by their occupational status. "In the case of some castes there are injunctions against following occupations other than traditional ones. A particular type of occupation is, however, never co-extensive with a single caste. Typically, several castes follow a single occupation (Karve, 1961, p. 29)." Thus, castes define the occupations of their members. Fourth, as Karve (1961) has emphasized, the caste is more or less a cell-like structure which for many purposes is separated from other similar cells and lives a life partly independent of them. Caste society is made uP in such a way that a very large proportion of the activity of the individuals is confined to their own group. This is especially true of the social and cultural aspects of their lives (pp. Caste strictly regulates one's social milieu. Even habita- tion in villages is related to it; generally there are two areas, one belonging to the members of the upper castes, and the other belonging to the members of the lower castes. Different castes among touchables and untouchables live physically separated from one another in these two areas. Social intercourse is limited to the members of one's own caste. They are the only persons to participate in impor- tant family functions, social festivals and religious celebrations. Marriages are caste endogamous. Every caste has its own council, the panchayat, to regulate the conduct of its members. These panchayats can impose financial penalty or prescribe necessary atonement for a member who has violated caste rules and regulations. These four characteristics of the caste system give us some idea of its nature and function. George Rosen* (1966) summarizes its role as follows: The traditional caste system not only provides a horizontal stratification of the elements in the Indian rural society, for which it is best known, but also, and of equal importance, determines vertical relationships among the horizontal ranks. The caste system determines the economic functions of the various caste-groups within the village, where the traditional relationship is that of patron to client (Jajman-Kaman in North India--so that in the economic sphere the functioning system is frequently called the Jajmani system); this sys- tem also determines the distribution of crops among the village members. In the ritual field, the caste system prescribes relationships among all the castes; and each caste, even the lowliest, has definite functions that only its members can perform in reli- gious and social ceremonies (p. 17). Even in local self-government, the caste loyalties play an important role. One explanation is necessary at this stage. The above description of the caste system is an "ideal type"; the reality does not closely correspond to it. There has always been considerable mobility within the caste system; castes have acquired higher status as a result of "sans- kritization." Since the beginning of this century rigid control and regulation by caste has declined considerablyp With the advent of industrialization and the commerciali- zation of agriculture occupations are no longer determined by heredity. Expansion of education has been responsible for the gradual breakdown of the traditional stereotypes about pollution and ritual purity; the old prejudices are gradually disappearing. Adult franchise and political democracy have generated a new consciousness among the 50v called lower castes who now refuse to accept their lower status and role. Social reform movements have been suc- cessful in mobilizing considerable resistance to the caste system. The continual growth in the means of transport and communications have weakened the hold of traditions, cus- toms and mores over the peOple. The cumulative effect of all these factors has been the growing erosion of the customary role of the caste as a regulator of individual's status and role in the Indian social system. The fact remains that in Spite of its declining authority, the caste system continues to play an important role of the country's social and political life. It leaves its imprint on individual attitudes, behavior and life style. It conditions the nation's economic growth and its progress towards social and economic justice. The politi- cal processes and institutions, especially the general elections and the reality of local politics, do not remain unaffected by parochial caste-loyalties. In fact, it is a truism to say that the nature of social change in India cannot be understood without a meaningful reference to the caste system. The Concept of Modernization: Its variables In contemporary analysis of social and political change the term modernization has assumed critical import- ance. With the emergence of developing nations and their desire to introduce rapid social and economic changes in their tradition-bound societies, modernization has become a preoccupation of both social and political scientists. The two models of modernity and tradition are often con- trasted for analytical purposes to clarify the concept of modernization. Industrially advanced nations of Northern- Centrl EurOpe and Northern America are taken as an ideal type for modernity, and the traditional societies of Asia, Africa and South America, which have not advanced indus- trially, as ideal types for tradition. Thus, modernity is supposed to imply that the status, social role and occupation of an individual are not ascriptive but are based on individual choice and ability, that the indi- vidual and not the group is the unit of social life, that an individual belongs to various groups, and not to one homogeneous group, that there is greater involvement and participation in political processes, that local ties and parochial perspectives give way to a cosmopolitan outlook and humanistic concerns, that rational and scientific attitudes take precedence over those of emotion and superstition, that fatalism is substituted by a shared concern for material progress, etc. Thus, modernization implies the process of transformation on an individual level from tradition to modernity. The above analysis, though heuristically useful is not without its limitations. It suggests that moderni- zation and westernization are identical concepts, that there is only one model of modernization through which all the developing nations pass, and that tradition and modernity are two extreme polarities: one accommodates the other. Such a view is unwarranted. As Rudolph and Rudolph (1967) have pointed out: "The assumption that modernity and tradition are radically contradictory rests on a misdiagnosis of tradition as it is found in traditional societies, a misapprehension of the relationship between them (p. 3)." In fact, no society can be identified with extreme polarity. Even the most modern nations retain some characteristics of traditional systems. On the other hand, a minor current of modernity has passed through the philo- sophical, social and economic institutions of most tradi- tional societies. Modernity and tradition should be regarded not as discrete polarities but as the two ends of a continuum: "As a traditional society moves along the continuum of modernization, its characteristics are modi- fied to become closer to those of a modern society (Sen, 1968, p. 3)." Several attempts have been made to define moderniza— tion. Smith and Inkeles (1966) suggest that modernization refers to two different objects: As used to describe a society, 'modern' generally \// means a nation state characterized by a complex of traits including urbanization, high levels of education, industrialization, excessive mechanizae tion, high rates of social mobility and the like. When applied to individuals, it refers to a set of attitudes, values, and ways of feeling and acting, presumably of the sort either generated by or required for effective participation in a modern society (p. 353). Lerner (1966) regards it as "a secular trend unilateral in direction--from traditional to participant lifeways (p. 89).” Rogers (1969) observes: Modernization at the individual level corresponds to development at societal level. Modernization is the process by which individuals change from a 10 traditional way of life toia more complex, technolo— gically advanced and rapidly changing styles of life (p. 14). Thus the emphasis is on individual change process. Social scientists have used a variety of variables both as indices and agents of modernization. In his classic study of the Middle East, Lerner (1966) regards empathy as the crucial variable intervening between mass media exposure and modernization effects. Other important variables he has used are: literacy, mass media exposure, urban contact and political participation (p. 50). Rogers (1969) employs nine variables in the study of moderniza- tion process among the Colombian peasants: literacy, mass media exposure, cosmopoliteness, empathy, achievement motivation, aspirations, fatalism, innovativeness and political knowledge (p. 49-56). Smith and Inkeles (1966) based on their interviews with 5,500 persons in six developing nations, identify.thirty topics, themes, areas or issues relevant to the definition of modernity (p. 354). They have developed a "Minimum Scale of Indi- . vidual Modernity" which contains fourteen questions relat- ing education, educational aspiration, innovativeness, achievement motivation, empathy, fatalism, family plan- ning, mass media credibility, political activism and secular orientation and other topics. Following are some of the important variables of modernization: 11 Literacy refers to an individual's ability to encode and decode written messages. It is a crucial variable, as it exposes a person to a wider world. Lerner (Rogers, 1969) points out that Literacy is indeed the basic personal skill that underlies the whole modernization sequence . . . The very fact of achieving distance and control over a formal language gives peOple access to the world of vicarious experience (p. 70). Briones and Waisanen (1966) find a point of "modernization take off" after five years of schooling in such attitudi— nal variables as aspirations. In his study of Colombian peasants, Rogers (1969) discovered a significant rela— tionship between functional literacy and the variables of modernization (p. 81-89). A study of Indian peasants (Rogers, 1969) reports the following correlation values between literacy and variables of modernization: empathy (r = +.35), agricultural innovativeness (r = +.3l), achievement motivation (r = +.21), social status (r = +.25), cosmopoliteness (r = +.ll), political knowledge (r = +.34) and opinion leadership (r = +.18) (p. 91). Cosmopoliteness refers to an individual's orienta- tion outside his immediate social system. Contact with the urban setting generates new aspirations among peasants; a cosmopolite's reference groups tend towards urban areas. Lerner's parable of Grocer and Chief illustrates the importance of this variable in modernization process. Grocer's link with Ankara results in his yearning for good 12 dress, material riches and better life. Urban contact, in addition, provides an environment conducive to reflective, rational and critical behavior. Rogers (1969) found cos- mOpoliteness to be "quite highly correlated with other modernization variables chosen for the study (pp. 159-163)" among the Colombian peasants. In India (Rogers, 1969) cosmOpoliteness positively correlated to modernization variables as follows: mass media exposure (r = +.39), change agent contact (r = +.7l), political knowledge- ability (r = +.72), educational and vocational aspirations (r = +.63), achievement motivation (r = +.55), education (r = +.32), literacy (r = +.28), empathy (r = +.40) and agricultural innovativeness (r = +.49) (pp. 163-165). Change Agent Contact refers to an individual's con- tact with the professional worker employed by a change agency for introducing change in a social system. Change agents are concerned with introducing desired innovations in the system. Therefore, an individual's contact with the change agent implies his exposure to the modernizing agent.‘ There is ample evidence to show that "those cli- ents who have more change agent contact are typified by a higher degree of modernization (Rogers, 1969, p. 178)." Empathy has been defined by Lerner (1966) as the ability to relate oneself to a changing environment, or the ability to project oneself into different roles (p. 49). Thus, one's receptivity to new ideas depends on one's 13 ability to empathize. Lerner (1966) in Middle East, Eister (1962) in West Pakistan, Frey (1964) in Turkey, Rao (1963) in India, Whiting (1967) in Brazil and Rogers (1969) in Columbia have found it to be a significant variable in modernization process. Peasants who live in isolated, closed social systems have low empathy. A person who cannot envision himself in the role of others is not likely to be a good receiver of ideas. On the other hand, an empathic person is likely to be more susceptible to mass media exposure. He easily adapts himself to new situations. As Lerner (Rogers, 1969) observes: Rearrangement of the self-system is (empathy's) distinctive role. The mobile person is distin- guished by a high capacity for identification with new aspects of his environment; he comes equipped with mechanisms needed to incorporate new identifications and demands that arise out of his habitual experience (p. 203). Empathy is often the outcome of urban contact and exposure to mass media. Thus, empathy and modernization are closely related; empathy leads to greater modernization, which in turn results in more empathic behavior. Innovativeness is defined (Rogers, 1969) as the degree to which an individual is ready is adopt new ideas, relative to others in his social system (p. 294). An innovator plays the most important role in developing societies by adopting alternative methods and techniques for achieving social goals, or by accepting new values in 14 place of traditional ones. Innovators are generally char- acterized by higher literacy, more mass media exposure, greater empathy, higher achievement motivation, higher aspirations, greater contact with change agent, greater cosmopoliteness and other modernization variables. Achievement Motivation is defined by McClelland (1966) as "the desire to do well, not so much for the sake of social recognition or prestige, but to attain an inner feeling of accomplishment (p. 76)." Many scholars regard it as a crucial variable in economic development. Weber, Rostow, Hagen, McClelland and Lewis have all emphasized the importance of social values in economic growth and pros- perity. Achievement motivation, or n_ggh, has been measured for the whole culture by the content analysis of children's stories. It has been measured on the individual level by utilization of natural stimuli such TAT (McClelland, 1961, pp. 39-45), Sentence completion (Morrison, 1964) or story telling (Pareek and Chattopadhyay, 1965). It is often postulated that peasants in traditional societies lack n_ggh because of structural blockages or other factors. Lewis (1960) has noted: "The majority of Tepoztecans (Mexican villagers) seem to lack strong drive or ambition for self-achievement. They tend to be satisfied if they have food and clothing from harvest to harvest (p. 90)." Rogers (1969) finds that achievement motivation is related 15 to modernization variables like mass media exposure, poli— tical knowledgeability, cosmopoliteness, education, greater empathy, and higher educational and vocational aspirations among the Colombian peasants (pp. 256-266). Aspirations refer to the desired future state of being. The general level of aspiration-—educational, voca- tional or economic--is low in traditional societies. There is a variety of reasons for this state of affairs. Perhaps the most important is the lack of opportunity to raise one's position in a highly stratified system. ASpirational level is measured for the areas of education and vocation. In the Indian rural system the measure of educational aSpira- tions is important because it reflects an individual's acceptance of education as a significant method of improv— ing one’s conditions. Education to a peasant is a long term process that involves heavy investment: education not only deprives him of family labor but also demands consid- erable expenditure. Political Knowledgeability is defined as "the degree to which an individual comprehends facts essential to his functioning as an active and effective citizen (Rogers, 1969, p. 56)." Modernization process is generally accompanied by expansion in government services, especially in developing countries such as India. As society becomes more and more complex, a citizen's participation and involvement in government is bound to increase. Political knowledge is generally taken as a rough measure of a citizen‘s participation 16 in political processes. In India the introduction of adult franchise and the three-tier system of democracy has accelerated political participation among the people. The above is an incomplete list of the modernization variables. Several variables, such as fatalism and secular orientation have not been mentioned here, although they are important. Any reliable measure of modernization process should take into consideration the above mentioned varia- bles. Ritual Caste Ranking and Modernization Modernization can be related to the caste system in several ways. One is the relationship between ritual caste ranking and the acceptance of modernity. We can question whether different ritual caste ranks display varying degrees of modernity in India. There is some evidence to suggest that they do; castes higher in ritual status show greater acceptance of modernity as compared to the lower one. Srinivas (1962) has observed: One of the many interesting contradictions of modern Hindu life is that while the brahmins are becoming more and more westernized, the other castes are becoming more and more “sans? kritized.’ In the lower reaches of hierarchy, castes are taking up customs which the brahmins are busy discarding (pp. 54-55). The lower castes show greater tolerance of religious rituals and practices. In other words, Srinivas has argued that while brahmins (the caste highest in the ritual purity) 17 are undergoing modernization, the lower castes are becoming more and more tradition-bound by adOpting the behavior that was practiced by brahmins earlier. Harold Gould (1961) has pointed out that in Uttar Pradesh (a Northern state of India) only high castes were undergoing westernization (another name for modernization) while the lower castes lacked the means as well as motivation to move in the modern world. Some other studies have also noted similar phenomena (p. 947). There are several explanations. Historically speak— ing, it was the upper castes that first came into contact with Western civilization and culture. In the early days of the British empire they alone availed of the educational opportunities provided by the foreign masters. The lower caste members in view of their social and economic back— wardness were not able to send their children to schools. The result was that the higher castes were in a more advantageous position to exploit new opportunities. Thus the members of the higher castes dominated the profession, the higher level post in the government--in fact all white-collar jobs-— . while the lower castes provided certain essential services and goods. A tradition-modern continuum did exist: brahmins, baidyas, kayastha, and Banias sought Western education and reaped its rewards, whereas members of low artisans, servic- ing and landless labor castes became launderers, barbers, domestic servants, peons, basket makers, oilmen, potters and sellers of vegetables, milk and fruits (Srinivas, 1966, p. 64). There has been a coherence "between the ritual purity and the economic aspects of the caste hierarchy (Srinivas, 18 1962, p. 92)." The higher castes have been economically better off than the lower castes. The high castes own most rural land, while the low castes have either few holdings or serve as landless laborers. There has been some evidence to show that the main benefits of rural development programs have gone to the upper caste peas- ants. DeSpite the special benefits and opportunities provided by the government to the members of the untouch- able castes, their social, economic and economic position has not changed much. In a way the modernization process among the upper caste peasants has been accelerated by their better economic conditions. High level of living has been both an antecedent and a consequence of moderni- zation among the rich peasants of the upper castes. The main leadership at all levels has been provided by the high castes. Practically all the stalwarts of the Indian cultural renaissance and freedom struggle, from Raja Ram Mohan Roy to Rabindra Nath Tagore, Vivekananda to Ranade, and Gandhi to Nehru, belonged to the upper castes. As a result of the leadership of the high caste intelligentsia, these castes have had better opportunities to undergo modernization than the rest of the population. Recent studies show that upper caste peasants control leadership of panchayats, cooperatives and other insti- tutions (Desai, 1961, p. 176). It is contended they are responsible for greater acceptance of modernity among the higher castes. 19 There are several counter-acting forces in operation that are changing the existential relationship between the different caste members. The caste system, as suggested earlier, is losing its traditional role as the prescriber and regulator of individual and collective behavior. Secondly, as a result of the penetration of money-economy and the increase in agricultural production changes are taking place in the nature and distribution of work, patterns of social mobility and traditional power struc— ture. A new system of social stratification based on achievement rather than ascription is emerging. The new elite does not necessarily come from the higher caste groups. The Objective and Scope of the Study The above preliminary discussion provides the con— text in which this study should be viewed. The objective of this study is to examine the rela— tionship between ritual caste status and modernization.) process among the Indian peasants. There are two reasons for the present focus on the peasant population. First, peasants constitute the bulk of the Indian pOpulation. Second, the caste system plays a more important role in rural areas than in urban centers. It is not as effective in towns and cities as it is in the small, tradition-bound villages. Therefore the peas- antry in the Indian rural system is made the object of the present study. 20 This study is based on data collected in six Indian villages. The nine variables of modernization--education, cosmopoliteness, change agent contact, innovativeness, achievement motivation, political knowledge, educational aspirations, empathy and secular orientation-~are herein operationalized to determine the relationship between ritual caste status and the place on modernization con- tinuum. The ritual caste status is classified into four discrete categories. These categories are not classified on the basis of the "varna model" but on the practice of accepting water or cooked food between the members of different castes in the six villages. Such categories, it is here suggested, facilitate a more accurate measure- ment of the intra-village ritual caste status. The mean scores for each variable of modernization are calculated for the four broad categories of the ritual caste status to determine the place of different ritual caste ranking on the modernization continuum. In the next chapter, the problem is operationalized. CHAPTER II HYPOTHESES, DATA COLLECTION AND METHODOLOGY The purpose of this chapter is to operationalize the problem; we will formulate the hypotheses, state sources of data, operationalize relevant variables and finally explain the methodology. Hypotheses In the light of the discussion held in the previous chapter, the following nine hypotheses have been formu- lated regarding the relationship between ritual caste ranking and modernization variables: HO 1' The ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to education. Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to cosmopoliteness. Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to change agent contact. Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to innovativeness. Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to achievement motivation. Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to educational aspirations. Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to political knowledge. 21 22 H08: Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to empathy. H09: Ritual caste ranking is positively and linearly related to secular orientation. Sources of Data For the purposes of the present study, we utilize part of the data collected for a comprehensive research project on "Diffusion of Innovations in Rural Societies" under Dr. Everett M. Rogers. The data concerning the Indian peasant, his social and economic background, his attitudes, beliefs and the general outlook towards life, and his innovative behavior, was collected in eight Indian villages in three important states of India. The three states--Andhra Pradesh, Maharastra and West Bengaln- represent political variability as well as different pat- terns of developmental administration. Two criteria, i.e., the size of the farm operated and the age of the peasant respondent, were used in select- ing the respondents. Only those peasants were interviewed who were farming at least one hectare (two and a half acres) of land at the time of the data gathering. The selection of the peasants was further restricted to those heads of farm households who were fifty years of age or younger at the time of the study. In each of the eight villages, every peasant who fitted the above criteria, was interviewed. In this study, we utilize the data for only six villages, as the two villages were predominantly Muslim, 23 and as such had no ritual caste ranking. Table 1 gives us details about the location and size of the sample villages. Operationalization of the Variables Caste Ranking on the Ritual Scale The ritual caste status refers to the ranking of the respondent in the village as regards the practice of acceptance of drinking water or the cooked food. This has been commonly accepted criterion of determining caste rank- ing. As Epstein (1959) puts it: If two castes freely inter-dine, they demonstrate that they regard one another as having equal status; if the two castes have a mutual ban on inter-dining, this reflects that each of them questions the superiority of the other caste; if the inter-dining arrangements are not mutual, the caste which accepts the cooked food from another indicates that it accepts its own status as inferior (p. 156). Thus, if a member of a caste A accepts cooked food from a person belonging to caste B, but not vice versa, then caste A is ritually higher in rank than caste B. During the pretesting of the questionnaire a complete list of the castes in each village was made. Then a series of pictures of individuals were presented to the key infor- mants. Each picture contained some clue to the ritual caste status of the person. The key informants were requested to arrange pictures in ascending order on the criteria as to who accepted cooked food or drinking water 24 :.mnmsumm cmwtcH macfia coflnm>occH amusuasowumde .cwm .M awamq can afia>wx .m .h .Hmmwwam .U x0flumooum .mom oumwooum "mousom .manmwum> unmocommocw on» ma nown3 Emumhm cameo co :ofluwfiuomcw oc m>mn menu mm hogan acmmmnm on» ca tmuoowmcoo soon #0: m>mn momwaaw> muonae mm mam.a «emceocaexmq u- l- as aoa.H «unanmaumm u: .. moa oov.~ maooem sunbeam mecom umoz ova mvm.m menses u: I: OOH qu.H Hamnmom Hmsuomw mnunmmumnwz mm ooq.m numfimaom (I II mm com.m sumfisnocmx II II we oom.H wawaocmz Hum>mtoo umoz snowmum wanted mucmccommmm sowumasmom mmddafl> uowuumflo oumum mo umnfisz mmmaam> .mmmmaaw> mamsmm mo wnwm new cowumooqun.a memes 25 from whom. Based on these rankings four broad categories of the ritual caste status were specified for the six villages. The ascending order of caste ranking was from 1 (low) to 4 (high). In the present study, we have abbre- viated these four ritual caste categories as follows: L. C. (low caste), L. M. C. (lower middle castes), U. M. C. (upper middle castes) and H. C. (high castes). The ritual caste ranking would also be known as R. C. R. Education This variable was measured by the number of years spent in school and by the formal degrees obtained. Cosmopoliteness Its index was constructed by summing up the number of visits made by the respondent to towns and cities during the past year. Change Agent Contact This variable was measured by noting the frequency with which a respondent talked with functionaries of extene sion agents, saw block films and agricultural demonstrations. The index was constructed by adding the scores on the responses to the following questions: Last year (1966) did you: Number of years talked/seen Talk with block development officer? Talk with village level worker? See an agricultural demonstration? See a block film on agriculture? 26 Innovativeness Ten improved agricultural practices were selected on the basis of Guttman scaling and factor analysis. Then the agricultural innovativeness was measured by asking the following question about each innovation: Have you ever used . . . l. Ammonium sulphate SuperphOSphate Mixtures Insecticides for plant protection Green manures Improved cattle breeding Animal innoculation Rat Poison High yielding variety of seeds Steel plough. O‘qua‘mobww 000000000 |-' The index was constructed by adding the positive responses. Achievement Motivation This variable was operationalized with the help of a set of statements with which respondents were asked either to agree or disagree. The statements are: 1. Work should come first even if one does not get proper rest. 2. One should succeed in his occupation even if one has been neglectful Of one's family. 3. One should have determination and driving ambition even if these qualities make one unpopular. Educational Aspiration for Children This variable was operationalized by asking the following question: How much schooling would you like your youngest sons to have? 27 Political Knowledgeability This variable was measured by asking the following questions and summing the scores of correct answers: Who is the Prime Minister of India? Who is the Chief Minister of your State? Who is the member of the Legislative Assembly? Empathy This variable was operationalized on the basis of the answers given to the following questions: 1. If you were the B.D.O. of this Block, what programs of agricultural development would you make or conduct? 2. If you were the president of the panchayat in your village, what would you do in the next year? 3. If you were a day laborer, what would you do to own some land? 4. If you were the District Collector, what would you do to solve some of the major problems of your area? The index was constructed by giving one point to every positive answer. Secular Orientation It was measured by a set of questions with only two alternative answers, one favoring traditionalism and the other modernity. Initially ten such questions were asked and the responses were subjected to scaling techniques. The scale retained the following eight questions: 1. Should harijans (untouchables) be allowed to draw water from all common wells in the village? 28 2. Should harijans and other children take meals together in the School? 3. Can evil eye cause disease? 4. Do you think that the harijans be allowed to worship in all the temples of the village? 5. What do you do with the bullocks who are tOo old to work? 6. Should non-Hindu be allowed to eat beef? 7. If your son wanted to marry a lower caste girl, would you approve of it? 8. Is an illiterate brahmin superior to a lower caste graduate? The responses that deviated from the traditional norms were scored as secular. Coefficients of Correlations Between Modernization Variables The inter-relationships between the various moderni— zation variables, as operationalized above, was studied by computing their matrix of correlation coefficients. Table 2 presents the r's of the modernization variables. We find that, in general, the modernization variables show positive relationships with each other. Arranged on the basis of their average intercorrelations, the moderni- zation variables rank as follows: political knowledge, education, change agent contact, innovativeness, cosmopo- liteness, empathy, secular orientation, educational aspir— ations and achievement motivation. 0n the whole, then, there is justification for assuming that the modernization variables which we have mmm N Z HmuOB 29 Ho.+ cowum>wuoz .zod mo.+ Ho.| cowumuwmmfl .scm NH.+ mo.: Ho.| .cowuo umHsomm -.+ NH.+ mo.+ mH.+ agendas v~.+ NH.+ no.+ vo.+ m~.+ mmmcmufiHOQOEmou mN.+ mo.l mo.+ mm.+ wH.+ mm.+ mmocw>wum>ocsH a~.+ mo.u mo.+ va.+ m~.+ we.+ me.+ nomuaoo ucmma .no mm.+ mo.| oa.+ mH.+ vm.+ Nm.+ hm.+ «v.+ sofiumoscm Hm.+ ao.+ oH.+ mH.+ mv.+ mm.+ sm.+ oq.+ mm.+ mmomazoas .Hoa X. E, "a S "a 3 TI 3 "a, d o p. e m o u u. n. o a o o e m o o o .+ o A V e W V O u. . e .b 3. X o s 1 .A 4_ e. t. u 1. d I. . u 0 m . . a .4 u u . . 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