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EVIL I I ~ 5:. .. u Lt H t o . F'JI. ‘yr‘ ~Ip 0*. «9H .5. ; A53 - l l id! D b . ‘ )Q 9“ ‘. f (n u ‘IL 9... J .Ir! «1' b J .1; K\ _.__ _ 2 _¥__'_ .22. i 1:! ‘J‘HESIS M AAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAA , LIBRAR Y HUM/Ill”("ll/FUN/IWNWIN!WI)NIH/11W!!!" : Michigan Stave _ 293 10608 4183 University MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LJBRARJES remove this checkout from n your record. FINES wiH be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. <7 ,. ,7 1:; ;’¥+n§£'*r "' (\«x’! J AN EXAMPLE OF A BOUNDARY MAINTAINING VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATION: THE CASE OF THE CHINESE-CONSOLIDATED BENEVOLENT ASSOCIATION OF CHICAGO, ILLINOIS By Harvey Ronald Hohauser A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology 19 6.67 TABLE OF CONTENTS _ Page I. SOCIOLOGICAL PROBLEM 1 II. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 8 III. HISTORICAL REFERENCES 10 IV. SUMMARY 25 V. SCHEMA 26 VI. BIBLIOGRAPHY 27 ii SOCIOLOGICAL PROBLEM This paper analyses the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Associ- ation of Chicago, Illinois. (C.C.B.A.) This analysis will concentrate upon the evolution of this ethnic voluntary association from incipience to its contemporary state of development. The development of this system with regard to effects upon it by the Chinese-American and Chicago environments will be particularly sig- nificant. It will be revealed that both of these systems, as well as other consequential systems, such as the superordinate1 American cultural system are crucial to the organization and the activities of an ethnic voluntary association such as the C.C.B.A. This analysis relies heavily on Charles Loomis' "master process" of "boundary maintenance." "This is the process whereby the identity of the social system is preserved and the characteristic interaction pattern maintained. The probability of applied boundary maintenance mechanisms increases with the level of solidarity of the social system with the threat of encroachment.”2 It is my contention that his "Pro- cessually Articulated Structural Model" (PASM) is applicable to the voluntary association studied, the C.C.B.A., particularly his master process of boundary maintenance. 1Talcott Parsons, "Suggestions for a Sociological Approach to the Theory of Organizations," ed. by Amitai Etzioni, Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader, New York: Holt, Rinerart, and Winston, 1961, p. 33 2Charles P. Loomis, Social Systems; Essays 23 Their Persistence and Change, New York: D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc. 1962, p. 31 To operationalize boundary maintenance within an organizational system we have used qualitative indicators, not numerical scales. Per- haps, given the necessary time and resources a more concrete and analyt- ical device could be devised, but under the present conditions this task was impossible. There are three primary indicators of boundary maintenance with regard to the structure of this ethnic voluntary association, as well as, three primary functional indicators. Structural indicators: 1. a racially homogeneous membership 2. a disproportional amount of older members socialized and educated according to the norms and values of the Chinese culture 3. the utilization of the Chinese written language and Cantonese spoken dialect, to the exclusion of the superordinate system language, i.e.,English Functional indicators: 1. complete regard concerning issues with pertinence to the racially homogeneous community, i.e., issues re- garding cultural survival or social welfare 2. relatively few active younger members (twenty-one to forty) who have been socialized and educated according to the norms and values of the American culture 3. disregard concerning issues external to the needs of racially homogeneous community The primary social relationship to be examined is that between the Chinese-American community of Chicago and the C.C.B.A. Of relevance will be the effects and purposes of the Chinese-American population to this organization. Extremely pertinent to this topic is the differentia- tion of informal community norms and values from the formal organizational norms and values of the C.C.B.A. This pattern will be presented in a developmental fashion from 1906, when the C.C.B.A. was founded, to its contemporary state. This paper proposes to analyze the relationships prevalent in the community and organization when they are mutually concerned with issues of internal and external threats to each with regards to needs and soc- ial identity. Our hypothesis is that as long as these threats do exist and involve both the organization and the community they will tend to unify in action and centralize in attempts to eliminate these threats (Boundary Maintenance Hypothesis). And conversely, as these threats are alleviated the community and ethnic organization will reverse their previously harmonious actions and tend to disunite with regard to these issues. This examination was possible because of the relative size of the population considered, and because of the local framework that was uti- lized. By this we are referring to the fact that the analysis did not exceed the time or resources of the researcher, nor preclude the appli- cation of specific methodological tools. The significance of such a study varied. First, this endeavor is of extreme timeliness. This fact is in reference to the racial minor- ity status of the Chinese-American and the present status relegated to the Civil Rights Movement. Therefore, this analysis should be of central concern to other minority groups, and especially their voluntary organi- zations. This is especially true to those organizations that function on a local plane. Second, because of the similarity in social problems confronting all racial minorities in this country: (1) recency of arrival; (2) cultural dissimilarity; (3) concentration of population; and (4) physiog- 3 nomic differences, it will be of benefit to these groups to analyze the findings presented in this paper. Finally, this study in itself relates to a population of political and economic influence. This factor is verified in a study conducted by Calvin F. Schmid and Charles E. Nobbe in the American Sociological Review of December, 1965.4 They analyzed census materials to derive the educa- 5 tional, occupational, and economic status of non-white races in America in comparison to the white race. This study revealed: (1) the American male of Chinese ancestry has accumulated four years of college, and over, at a proportional rate of 19% of the total population, compared to the white male at 10.3% (2) the American female of Chinese ancestry, in this same cate- gory, is 14.3% as compared to the white female at 6.9% (3) the Chinese-American male is represented at 50.7%, as of 1960, in the occupational category of "white collar", compared to the white American at 42.1% (4) of this classification the Chinese-American includes 20.3% in the professional-technical grouping as compared to 12.5% for the white American 3Raymond Mack, Race, Class and Power, New York: American Book Co., 1963, pp. 200-201 4Calvin F. Schmid and Charles E. Nobbe, "Socioeconomic Differentials among Non-white Races,“ American Sociological Review, 30, (1965), pp. 909- 922 5According to Schmid and Nobbe, in 1959 the median income for Chinese males was $3,239 and for white males $4,338. While these figures are cor- rect it also needs to be mentioned that the majority of Chinese males are employed in service industries which makes it easier to conceal actual wages. (5) that as of 1960 the Chinese-American has 60.3% of its popu- lation employed in more prestigeful areas compared to the white.American who has 60.1% Chart 1. Reproduction of Schmid and Nobbe Major Occupational "-White M A Chinese Grogpings 1960:_41950 1940 1260 1950 1940 White Collar'..............:. 42.1 39.2 39.1 450.7 41T5v -. Professional and Technical.) 12.3 9.3 7.6 _ 20.3 6.6 2.5 Proprietors, Managers, and - Officials ................... 13.2 13.7 13.6 16.8 23.2 22.3 Clerical and Sales .......... 16.5 16.2 17.9 13.6 11.7 10.5 Manual Workers' .............. 57.9 60.9 61.0 49.3 38.4 64.7 Craftsmen and Foremen ....... 23.3 23.3 30.1 5.1 .3.5 1.4 Operatives .................. 22.2 23.6 24.3 14.2 17.1 23.1 Service Workers ............ .. 6.0 6.2 6.9 . 28.5 35.8 38.4 Laborers, except Farm ....... 6.4 7.3 9.7 1.5 2.0 '1.8 Farms' ...................... _ 5.3 14.5 21.3 1.3 . 2.9 4.2 Farmers and Farm Mgrs ....... 5.9. 10.3 14.2 .8 1.4 1.4 _;§ 4.3 7.1 .5 1.5 2.8 Farm Laborers.. ............. 2 The methodological approach in this study was.a combination.of various organizational and community techniques. The organizational frame- work is a derivative of three sources.f The first, is an analytical dis- cussion of organizations by Talcott Parsons,"Suggestions for a Social: ogical Approach to the Theory of drganizations."6‘ The second, an approach developed by Amatai Etzioni in Complex Organfiations? And the third refer- ence applied was "The Kevanformant Technique: a Nonyethnographic.Appli- cation,"8 by Marc Adelard Trembly. Our reference to community_ans1ysisv 6Parsons, Idem.in Etzioni ZAmataiiEtzioni, Modern Organisations, New Jerseys Prentice Hall, 1964 gusto-Adelard Tremblay, "The Key Informant Technique. A Nonethno- graphic Application," American.Anthropqlogist, Vol. 59, No. 4, August, 1957, pp. 688-701 can be qualified by a tradition of community studies, of which the following were included: Middletown, Street Corner Society, and Th3 Urban Villagers. The actual techniques for gathering data included: (1) participant observation9 (2) interviews and a questionnaire, and (3) secondary sources. The majority of data utilized for this study were the product of primary sources. The reason for this was an obvious lack of pertinent literature in this specific area. An interpreter was utilized to aid in interviews with Cantonese speaking subjects, and to translate docu- ments written in Chinese. Her duties also included library research in the area of Chinese documents and newspapers. Other secondary resources included analysis of other ethnic vol- untary associations, formal organizations, and various data involving "Hua-ch'ao" or overseas Chinese immigrants. In addition, various demo- graphic resources were utilized, e.g., United States Census, The Chicago Community Fact Books, and Donald Bogues, The Population of the United States. The questionnaire was eight pages in length and contained approxi- mately thirty-five topics.10 It was presented to fifteen "key informants" within the Chinese-American community and C.C.B.A. The object of this approach was to obtain the most information over the shortest period of 9Herbert J. Gans, The Urban Villagers, New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1965. 10Unfortunately a great deal of the information gathered by the ques- tionnaire was not utilized in this particular study. It did influence the analysis; but its variety would have been too broad for the study intended. time, for the least amount of money. The informants were selected so as to eliminate possible bias by certain groups of subjects. Therefore, respondents represented eight clans, eleven District Associations, vari- ous occupations and ages. Chart 11. Families Represented Mei family Li family Yuan family Wu family Chen family Huang family Fang family Tsao family NN-DLDWI—‘Dko Others: Yun, Chou, Chang, Chiang, Lin, Wang, Tan, Mi, Ou-yang, Ching, Tang, Kuang, Hsueh, Fu, Hu. Chart 111. District Associations Represented Hsieh-sheng Huang-chiang & Hsia-yuan-san Shao-lun Lung-kang So-yuan Lin-hsi San-i Wu-hsu-san Hai-yen Kuang-hai Chung-shan Respondents were notified by a letter of our concern with the C.C.B.A. and that they would be contacted by telephone on a specific day. The re— sult of this phone call was an appointment for interviewing. At the bottom of this letter were the names of several influential persons in the com- munity who had consented to my use of their names for this purpose. This method proved extremely helpful, and many of my interviews would not have materialized were it not for the acknowledgement of these men. Many individuals proved to be much more insightful and informative than expected, therefore, these persons were interviewed several times regard- ing specific issues. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The place of boundary maintenance in this study is central. It is my major hypothesis that needs arising within the community and outside of it tend to be instrumental to the formation of such an institution as the C.C.B.A. And as these needs are intensified by social pressures the organization is inclined towards a greater degree of boundary maintenance. Members of a social system tend to respond to internal or external threats by an increased evaluation of the process of boundary maintenance and of the activities devoted to it . . . Increased boundary maintenance may be achieved, for example, by assigning higher primacy or evaluation to the activities characteristic of the external pattern, such as the pursuit of a broadened economic goal. . . As am- biguities attached to ends are removed, as the identities and responsibilities of power figures are clarified, and as ranks consonant with the total operation are established, integration and solidarity are heightened. And conversely, as these needs decrease the boundary maintaining functions of the organization tend to be lessened in demand, and there- fore, the organization displays a proclivity towards new demands presented by its members and the larger social order. If it does not meet these demands its support should diminish. 11Loomis, Idem. HISTORICAL REFERENCES The C.C.B.A. is an institution whose cultural roots can be traced to the Fifteenth Century on the Chinese Mainland.12 It has, assuredly, altered with the passage of time, the events of history, and the evolu- tion of technology, but its purposes and primary objectives can still be recognized in the Twentieth Century C.C.B.A. of Chicago, Illinois. This particular organization had its derivation from a formal social structure of five centuries past on the Chinese Mainland. Yet, it cannot be denied that the emigration of Chinese to a new country, i.e.; the United States of America, had definite consequences upon the previous state of the organization. There are Chinese Benevolent Associations in every major city in the United States which has a relatively substantial Chinese-American population.13 Our primary interest lies in the Benevolent Association particular to Chicago, Illinois; its evolution and present status in the community. The "Chung-wah Kung-sow" (Chinese Consolidated or United Association) of Chicago, was founded in 1906.14 It was one of twelve Chinese organizations of Chicago at that time.15 Its member- ship theoretically consisted of all Chinese and Chinese Americans in 12Ping-ti Ho, An Historical Survey Of Landsmannschaften, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966, p. 1 13Rose Hum Lee, ”The Decline of Chinatown in the United States," The American Journal of Sociology, 54, (1949), p. 424 14J. S. Tow, The Real Chinese In America, New York: The Academy Press, 1923, p. 101 15Ting-Chie Fan, Chinese Residents In Chicago, unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Chicago, 1926, p. 28 9 10 the Chicago area. While the Benevolent Association is a locally autonomous organiza- tional body, it is not peculiar to Chicago. There are thirty-four such associations throughout the United States.16 The origin of the organi- zation in the United States was in 1850, in San Francisco, California.17 The reasons for its formation are numerous: (1) to settle disputes between families (clans); (2) assist in the hiring of Chinese laborers; (3) to handle differences between trade guilds; (4) to aid the destitute, until they could get employment.18 It is a tradition of the Chinese peOple to govern themselves, no matter what station of life they may be in . . If a Chinese is in need, he naturally goes first to the society of the same name as his . . . If he cannot find one, he can go to the society of the district whence he has come. If he still finds none, he may resort to the consolidated or united bene- volent associations . . . They are above all other organization's educational, religious, trade, and political.19 In addition to the functions mentioned above Mr. Tow includes the following: (1) protest to the Chinese Minister and consul for protection if the treaty rights of Chinese citizens are violated; (2) to certify documents and witness deeds. The original name of this organization in American was the "Chinese 16Shien Woo King, Chinese In_American Life: Some Aspects of Their History, Status, Problems and Contributions, Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1962, p. 220 17William Hoy, The Chinese Six Companies, San Francisco: Published by Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association of California, 1942, p. 9 18Charles Caldwell Dobie, San Francisco's Chinatown, New York: D. Appleton-Gentry Co., Inc., 1936, pp. 119-138 19Tow, Ibid., pp. 99-100 11 Six Companies."20 The reason for this title is obvious when we discover that the majority of Chinese immigrants to America came from six districts of Kwangtung Province in Southeast China.21 To the Chinese the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association and the Chinese Six Companies are the same organization. In fact, the term Six Companies was bestowed on the organization by Americans probably because of its convenience in reading or rememberin . In reality the proper name should be the Seven Companies. The six original members or districts of the Six Companies were: Ning Yeung, Sam Yup, Kung Chow, Yeong Wo, Shew Hing, and Hip Wo. Eventu- ally, a seventh district joined the organization, Yan Wo.23 The reason for the retention of the title Six Companies is unknown. The officers of the Six Companies were men from the Chinese Mainland referred to as "literati.” These men had passed several civil exams and had attained both prestige and status in the bureaucratic structure of 24 They were brought to America to serve short terms in the organi- China. zation, and went back to the mainland in a few years. The Six Companies functioned as a legal tribunal within the Chinese community. It was not only concerned with local issues, it was also in- volved with such key issues as "exclusion." 2OKung, Ibid., pp. 76-77 21Kung, Idem., states that 99% came from Kwangtung, and of this total only 15% of Kwangtung's 72 districts were involved. 22Kung, Ibid., p. 323 23Hoy, Ibid., pp. 14-15. This list disagrees with the one presented by Kung, Ibid., p. 27. Hoy states that the Yan Wo Co. was the 7th member, while Kung states that the Shew Hing Co. was number 7. 24Max Weber, "The Chinese Literati," From Max Weber: Essays in Socio- 1ogy, ed. by. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, New York: Oxford Univer- sity Press, 1958, pp. 416-441. Kung, Ibid., p.77 12 Chart 1V. Laws Enacted Affecting Chinese Nationals 1944-1956 78th Congress, 2nd session: 380 80th Congress, 2nd session: 316, 318, 334, 336 81th Congress, lst session: 3, 147, 166, 266, HR 6386* 81th Congress, 2nd session: 667, 1067, 529, 1081, 708, 1039, 1028, 375, 786, 572, 587, 982, 766, 658, 602, 801, 593, 757, 935 82nd Congress, lst session: 150, 155, 200, 282, 34, 169, 131, 92, 354 82nd Congress, 2nd session: 455, 642, 647, 863, 587, 942, 527, 427, 461, 500, 926, 599, 702, 946, 494, 628, 445, 510, 483, 485, 979, 429, 449, 918, 745, 950, 601, 980, 993, 432, 560, 681, 526, 953, 459, 832, 561, 682, 941, 958 83rd Congress, lst session: 256, 685, 343, 735, 352, 862, 663, 969, 479, 736, 327, 382, 341, 672, 658, 517, 876, 783 84th Congress, lst session: 373, 167, 14, 171, 176, 90, 53, 333, 199, 200, 434, 4601 84th Congress, 2nd session: 620, 855, 542, 533, 553, 557, 694, 535, 793, 513, 587, 497, 580, 849, 613, 541, 508 This factoris interesting, for today's C.C.B.A. of Chicago has no formal interest in legal mechanisms whatsoever. In 1870, the first recorded Chinese resident arrived in Chicago.25 By 1900, there were 1,179 Chinese in Chicago.26 (Chart V) In 1906, the first C.C.B.A. was developed. There were four reasons for this: (1) to assuage covert internal threats, i.e., tong wars; (2) to cope with racial discrimination and prejudice from the dominant white population; (3) to educate the younger members of the community in the Chinese language and culture; and (4) to aid those Chinese-Americans in Chicago who were destitute or in dire need of assistance. 25Fan, Ibid., p.22 26Fan, Ibid., p. 128 13 mas.~ cowouo ¢m~.m Sass Haa.m \ comm maw.m momuon 3oz Nea.q wmme qu.m .emmz mqe.p .mmmz aao.a maocaHHH mum.mm xuow 3oz coo.ma .aaamo «mmww max._ mapssaoo MO uoanuman amm.a moonwu< moH.~ commuo mm~.N .ccmm mmq.m mmon wo¢.m .emmz mmo.m .mmmz ao~.q maoasaaH HRH.ON xuow 3oz qmm.wm .maamo onma coma-owwa mppmum pupae: was an coapmasaom appease was an mcappoup< mppmpm ca mo acme Hmo.a wmon oom.a >omuoh 3oz mes.a mnoufiu< aaa.a .ccmm owo.N cowouo mam.N .emms pmq.m maocaaaa mam.~. .mmmz ama.ma xuow 3oz omm.mm .maamo coma oHH.a mcomwum mmq.a oaao mwa.a xomumh soz meo.~ commuo mma.u .emmz mmm.m .ccmm mum.~ .mmmz Nma.m maoaaaaH moc.m xuow 3oz Hom.am .maamu ommH new page emH.H mcouwu< oma.a zomuoh 3oz amm.a .ccom mom.~ .emmz qqm.w .mmmz pae.~ maoaaHHH omo.m cowouo mm~.m xuow 3oz Naw.m~ .caapo omma .pcooom xcmu mma.a %omuoh 3oz mwN.H manucoz mom.a mcouwu< qwa.a .ccmm moH.N maoaaaaH Nwmnm .mmmz acm.~ .emmz o©N.m xuow 3oz mom.m nomouo mam.pm .maamo onH pasoam Aoomav ema.mm eons aaq.a moonwu< eo¢.H peppH mom.a apocaHaH mme.a odoucoz emm.a .ccom moa.~ .mmmz mmp.m .empz 05H.“ xuow 3oz 5mm.oH cowouo mma.mq .maamo ooma 0¢H.H .ccom oka.a mdomwu< mam.a ovmuoHoo aoo.m osppH Nmm.m .mcmucoz mmw.~ mpm>oz mmm.~ xuow 3oz oo~.m .emms osm.m cowouo Naq.~a .maamo omwa spasms « Nae owmuoHoo mom xuow 3oz ham waHEo%3 cmo.a moonwu< mom.a mcmucoz owa.m .amms mam.m oeppH oaq.m mpm>oz cam.m cowouo mma.ma .maamo ome OH acme 14 It is evident that these factors placed a strain upon the community. A solution was essential for these problems; one which would benefit the Chinese-American community, as well as the City of Chicago. As we are told by Loomis: "Members of a social system tend to respond to internal and external threats by an increased evaluation of the process of boundary maintenance and of activities devoted to it."27 It is obvious that the Chicago community, for various reasons could not or would not become in- volved with this social system and its difficulties. Therefore, the solution to these problems had to come from within the Chinese-American community. As postulated by Loomis the community did respond to these threats in a manner conducive to an increased evaluation of boundary maintenance. They assigned a higher primacy to activities characteristic of the external pattern. For example, the community integrated in purpose and solidified in attempts to cope with these problems. They organized in such a manner that they represented their own legal and administrative bodies. Conse- quently, the community became a socially cohesive body for three major reasons: (1) to obliterate the salient in-group conflicts; (2) to miti- gate the social pressures from without resulting in a cohesiveness of Chinese-Americans due to their racial and cultural similarities; and (3) a desire to reeducate the young.28 This reaction on the part of the community displays a definite bound- ary maintaining inclination in the social realm. Of crucial significance 27Loomis, Ibid., p. 31 28Robert K. Merton, Social Theory And Social Structure, New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1963, p. 316 15 is the development of the C.C.B.A. as the primary administrative body. The first problem was solved in a gradual manner. The various fac- tions eventually mediated their differences with the aid of the C.C.B.A. It is interesting to note that all previous studies of the Chinese- Americans of Chicago have mentioned the fact that in 1905, the Chinese lived in the "Loop Area," e.g., Clark Street between Van Buren and Harrison. And that during this year the landlords raised their rents.29 It therefore became necessary for these inhabitants to move, if they wished to survive economically. And, yet it was revealed to me by means of personal interviews30 that the effects of the tong wars upon innocent persons caused this massive shift in location to the South Side of Chic- ago, e.g., Twenty-second Street and Wentworth and Princeton Avenues. (This area today is regarded as Chicago's Chinatown.) Consequently, both the feuds and discrimination (increase in rent) were primary factors in the formation of Chicago's C.C.B.A. These factors do not detract from our boundary maintaining hypothesis for three valid reasons. First, the Chinese-American community did not dispersejit remained intact in a new location within the city. Second, the C.C.B.A. did not dissolve, its importance became more pronounced after the move. Third, in fact the C.C.B.A. and Chinese-American com- munity did resolve this internal threat. (Perhaps it should be noted 29Chiang-Chao Wu, Chinatown: A Study of Symbosis and Assimilation, unpublished Ph D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1928, p. 20 30The presentation of facts relating to the C.C.B.A. and its rela- tionships with the community are almost totally derived from interviews and the questionnaire, therefore, I do not deem it necessary to footnote each evidence of primary data. 16 that as long as the Chinese-Americans retained a community of geo- physical proportions the term "internal threat" does not have to apply to a threat which is located inside a physical boundary, but it may pertain to a threat of social significance as well.) Also, due to the ex post facto nature of this study one cannot be certain as to the pri- mary reason for this shift. Perhaps the increase in rent was the more important variable of the two. With the formal establishment of this voluntary association we notice that the original constitution is highly indicative of the four major areas of responsibility: (1) an aid to the old and destitute Chinese of Chicago (2) the responsibility of maintaining a cemetery (3) to keep poor Chinese of Chicago off of the rolls of American charity organizations (4) to arbitrate disputes; both commerical and private (5) to certify documents and witness deeds (6) to maintain order within the Chinese community (7) to uphold the rights of Chinese citizens in Chicago, and take protests to the Chinese minister or Chinese consul. It now becomes evident that the Chinese-American community had developed an inclination toward boundary maintenance. This inclination was no longer an informal mechanism, but one with formal characteris- tics. As we are told, "the C.C.B.A. of Chicago was the highest Chinese organization in the City."32 Its membership consisted of the vast majority of Chinese speaking people in Chicago. (Approximately 95%- 31Fan, Ibid., pp. 133-134 32Wu, Ibid., p. 16 17 99% of all Chinese-Americans migrated to America from Kwangtung Province. This area is also known as Canton. Therefore, my reference to "Chinese speaking" people is directed to this vast majority who spoke a Cantonese dialect, not those who speak Mandarin.)33 This lingual factor further enhanced the solidarity of this ethnic group. The C.C.B.A. of this era did not have a permanent meeting place, and they did not have a paid clerical staff. The officers were elected by the entire community to prevent discrimination by clans or tongs. The organizational hierarchy from 1906 until 1954 consisted of: a president, whose term of office was indefinite; an English-Chinese secretary; a treasurer; an accountant; and a Board of Directors. This Board was selected in two ways: (1) appointment by the president and (2) automatic appointment if they were leaders of other local Chinese organizations. The typical Board was composed of thirty to fifty members. A further boundary maintaining factor to be considered is that the C.C.B.A., especially today, has been an organization whose leaders are not selected for merit alone (achieved status) but are selected moreso for their age ranking in the community (ascribed status). Therefore, the C.C.B.A. has always been directed and actively maintained by older Chinese-Americans. This point is of importance for these men were educated either on the Chinese Mainland or in Chinese schools on the West Coast. They are socialized in Oriental values and norms to a greater degree than American ones. They read Chinese newspapers, eat Chinese foods, and tend to segregate themselves in densely populated 33Francis J. Brown and Joseph S. Roucek, One America, The History, Contribution, and Present Problem 3; Our Racial and National Minorities, New York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1948, p. 319 18 Chinese areas. During my research I discovered informal activity re- garding decisions and activities displayed by the C.C.B.A. of Chicago. There are three reasons for this: (1) The members of this organization live in an area within the City of Chicago commonly referred to as "Chinatown." This residential propinquity affords officers and members a possi- bility for interaction which is uncommon to most organizations. (2) Due to the cultural value attached to age and the additional factor that the younger more assimilated residents move to the suburbs; a disproportional number of older male citizens are in daily contact with one another.34 (3) In addition, this area, "Chinatown" is not strictly a resi- dential center, but also a commercial one. Therefore, the older citizens who work or own stores in the area have the advantage of increased interaction. These three factors have a pronounced effect upon the organizational structure and its functions. Consequently, they lead to an increase in informal activity. Their overt consequences are noticed in member- ship cliques committees, and official positions within the C.C.B.A. We now notice a new emergent trend with regards to the community and C.C.B.A. With the mitigation of external and internal threats the two social bodies are diverging with regards to the place of the C.C.B.A. in the Chicago, Chinese-American community. The causative factors enhancing boundary maintenance have dissipated. In 1954 a "purge" took place within the organization. This "purge" was a reaction on the part of the community representing an overt dis- satisfaction with the C.C.B.A. They felt a need to reorganize and modernize both the formal structure and functions of the association due to the mitigation of previous social pressures; the "tong-wars" 34Ridgely Hunt, "Chicago's Vanishing Chinatown,” Chicago Tribune Sunday Magazine, 2/6/66. pp. 26-29 19 were now a thing of the past; Chinese-Americans could get employment and housing freely; racial prejudice was no longer overt; and few Chinese-Americans were in dire need of financial assistance. A candidate was presented to oppose the current president, who had held his position in the organization for seventeen years. The old pre- sident was defeated and the new president posted a majority of seven hundred votes cast. There were additional reasons for this "purge.” Various social and economic factors also precipitated this action. After World War II, and during it, the labor market was badly in need of skilled talents. As indicated in a study by Calvin F. Schmid and Charles Nobbe, the Chinese-American was educated at a superior level.35 It was also during this year that the Supreme Court made its monumental decision regarding the case of Plessy versus Ferguson. It was this social climate which enabled the Chinese-American citizen to acquire those social, educa- tional, economic, and occupational rights which he deserved and had struggled for. The American of Chinese ancestry was no longer a social alien, but a participant in the American social system. His trial period had terminated and he was acquiring and advancing in the areas he had trained and studied for, for over five decades. It is this era of the C.C.B.A. which we shall call the "Productive Period." From 1954 to 1958, the organization became involved in broad programs of revitalization. By this I am referring to the reaction on the part of the community in response to new social conditions. Con- ditions whose origins were represented by a liberal social climate and the abatement of previous internal and external threats to the community. BSSchmid and Nobbe, Ibid., pp. 913-915 20 It was during this period that the association built a community center which symbolized the achievements of Chinese-Americans throughout the nation.36 They raised money in enormous quantities and established outstanding credit references. This project attracted the attention of people throughout the Chicago area and elsewhere in the United States. Their community center became a symbol of the initiative and affluence of members of the Chinese-American community. The community center became the new headquarters for the C.C.B.A. it also functioned as a school. This school was and is used to instruct their children in Chinese language and culture; to prepare new immi- grants for citizenship; and most importantly it is the meeting place for neighborhood social, cultural, and educational activities. These larger functions are carried on in the five hundred seat auditorium.37 In the early 1960's, the organization revamped its formal struc- ture: dues were raised from two dollars to five dollars per year, and those not paying their back dues could no longer vote in the elections; the President could now serve only two consecutive terms; the Board of Directors was still selected as the past manner, but the President could only appoint twenty members, while the remaining twenty-five represented other organizations in the community, a mechanism which controls the absolute powers of the President. New positions within the hierarchy included: a Chinese secretary, an English secretary, two treasurers, two supervisors, and a public relations officer. 36Kung, Ibid., p. 319. He states that on October 8, 1958, the C.C.B.A. dedicated its new $300,000 Community Center. Also, The Chinese Consoli- dated Benevolent Association 2f Chicago. Pamphlet published by C.C.B.A. of Chicago, 1958. 37The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent AssoCiation, pp. 3-4 21 Stated purposes for the organization are: (1) To improve the condition of the needy Chinese in and about the City of Chicago and the State of Illinois. (2) To aid the sick and destitute Chinese in and about the City of Chicago and the State of Illinois. (3) To give advice and pecuniary assistance as required to reput- able and deserving Chinese in and about the City of Chicago and the State of Illinois. (4) To aid and help all worthy Chinese who may be found to be in need of assistance. (5) To furnish educational facilities for children and adults of Chinese extraction. (6) To manage a charitable cemetery for the Chinese-American community. (7) Nothing herein above shall be deemed to authorize the corporation to receive a child for care of placement apart from its parent or guardian, nor to pay sick or death benefitsé nor to conduct a vocational or post secondary school.3 As we can see the organization has altered its original purposes. It is no longer involved in arbitration or mediation; for the tong wars are a factor of the past. It still manages the Chinese cemetery, but this is because it is desired by the people, not because of legal codes which deprive them of burial in a public cemetery. It is evident that the two predominant functions of the organization today are: (1) care of the destitute and invalid; and (2) education of Chinese-Americans in their cultural heritage. As we see, the two overt threats of "tong wars" and discrimination are no longer the concern of this organization. Obviously, the organization does not deem it neces- sary to handle these areas due to their lack of importance to the com- munity. 38Written document stating "purposes" of C.C.B.A. of Chicago 22 Within the Chinese-American community today, we see direct evidence of a shift in values from boundary maintenance. With the elimination of social obstacles, due to racial and cultural differences, the Chinese- American is assimilating into the superordinate American social system. He is utilizing the English language to a much greater degree; he is eating foods other than strictly Oriental in nature; his children are being socialized in American institutions, e.g., schools and churches; he is dressing in Western styled fashions; he is developing Western styled organizations e.g., the Chinese-American Civic Council (conducts meetings in English, has younger active members, allows membership to other racial groups, retains documents in English, and etc.)39 and most importantly he is leaving the ghetto to live in integrated areas of the city and suburbs.40 This hypothesis of separation of community and C.C.B.A. is based upon these presented factors which indicate a transference of community values. By this I am referring to the primary aspect of boundary maintenance as elaborated by Charles Loomis: "Members of a social system tend to respond to internal and external threats by an increased evaluation of the process of boundary maintenance and of the activities devoted to it.."41 With the mitigation of these internal and external threats (tong wars, discrimination, prejudice, and care of the destitute) the community no longer places a high value upon the need for the process of boundary 39Chinese American Progress, Chicago: Chinese American Civic Council of Chicago, 15, (1965). Also, Constitution And By-Laws Q; The Chinese American Civic Council 2; Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A., Jan., 1954 40Ridgely'Hunt. Ibid. pp. 26-29 41Loomis. Ibid. pp. 32-33 23' maintenance. And, yet, the C.C.B.A. has not altered despite a purge which had this as its primary interest. (At least on the part of the membership, and supposedly the newly elected officials.) One further consideration should be taken into account. One cannot entirely divorce the individual from both social systems, C.C.B.A. and Chinese-American community. Therefore, the members will be influenced by the changes occurring to him as a member of this assimilating group. What we do uncover in our research is a tendency for members of the organ- ization to act out twaroles: the Chinese and the Chinese-American and characteristics peculiar to both. The obvious changes within the Chinese-American community should effect the C.C.B.A. and yet it is still inclined towards boundary main- tenance. Due to this conflict between the community and organization one either expects a reorganization or decline in importance of the C.C.B.A. This last factor is the predominant case. In the last election only one hundred and fifty votes were cast despite an increase in the pOpulation of Chinese—Americans in Chicago,42 Therefore, the organization is losing support within the community. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that the active membership of the organization is in the vast majority from the Chinatown are, and the C.C.B.A. has very little active member- ship from the suburbs. This factor is extremely significant to the 42There are several ways to substantiate the increase of Chinese and Chinese-Americans in Chicago, Illinois. (1) The Local Community Fact Book For Chicago, 1938, 1940, 1950. This is a publication produced by the University of Chicago, which breaks down the city of Chicago into 75 "community areas." (2) Census Data Qf'Thg City Of Chicago, 1920 and 1930, edited by Burgess and Newcomb. (3) An excellent reference is presented in table form by Kung, Ibid., Table XI, "Rank Of Ten States According To The Chinese P0pulation In The United States, 1880 - 1960," This chart is a compilation of United States Census calculations from 1880 - 1960. 24. organization for approximately 83% of the Chinese-American population of Chicago live outside of Chinatown. Consequently, the organization has narrowed the areas of functioning to include a minority of Chinese-Americans in Chicago: the young (edu- cation in Chinese culture and language); the destitute and invalid (welfare): and recent migrants (citizenship courses). Both external and internal threats have been eliminated to a great extent, and the organi- zation maintains its inclination toward boundary maintenance despite the absense of those causes which influenced its development. SUMMARY It was my objective to analyze the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association of Chicago with regard to the place of this organization in the community. I viewed racial and cultural minority status as a pre- vious condition. Residential propinquity and internal and external threats place upon the community were crucial as independent variables which affected the community and brought about an increased evaluation of boundary maintenance and those activities devoted to it. This process (boundary maintenance) resulted in a social cohesiveness of the com- munity and the eventual establishment of the C.C.B.A. a formal mechanism whose purpose was to handle these threats to the community. With the resolution of these threats it was shown that with the additional presence of a liberal social climate the community tends to alter its previous evaluation of boundary maintenance and the functions expected of the C.C.B.A. This alteration of community values had a pro- nounced effect upon the organization in that pressure was brought to bear upon it and the desire for modification was evident. Since the organi- zation failed to modify there was a noticable decline in the importance and relations between the organization and the community. 25 SCHEMA Racial and Cultural Minority Status Residential Propinquity Internal and External Threats Placed Upon the Community Tong wars Racial Prejudice Desire to Preserve elfare and Discrimination Cultural Heritage Functions Increased Evaluation of Process of Boundary Maintenance and Activities Devoted to It Resulting in Social Cohesion of Community and The Estab— lishment of Formal Mechanism (C.C.B.A.) to Handle These Threats Resolution of Threats Liberal Socigl Climate Alteration of Community Values Divergent of Past Boundary Maintafinng Inclination Alteration of Formal Organization (C.C.B.A.) or Decline of Its Importance 26 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 BIBLIOGRAPHY Bogue, Donald. The Population.Qr The United States. Illinois, Free Press of Glencoe, 1959. Brown, Francis J. and Joseph S. Roucek. 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