. MYTHOLOGICAL MOTIFS IN
ANGLO-SAXON MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE
TENTH CENTURY TO THE CONQUEST

Thesis for the Degree of M. A.

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

JACQUELINE HARPER BROWN
1972

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MYTHOLOGICAL MDTIFS IN ANGLO-SAXON MANUSCRIPTS
FROM THE TENTH CENTURY TO THE CONQUEST

JACQUELINE HARPER BROWN

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fullfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
Department of History

1972

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Imam indebted to Dr. Richard Sullivan and Dr. Robert Rough for
encouraging my interest in art history and my pursuit of this study.
Dr. Sullivan assisted me with bibliographical and source material.
Throughout the course of this study Dr. Rough has provided guidance and
offered criticisms that have been most valuable. He also took time out
from his own summer research to read the first draft of this paper.

knumber of other friends and individuals have made contributions
which have helped me to complete the study. Elfriede Engel translated
some articles from German to English. Mary Clark took the slide for the
color plate. Dr. Rosailea Green of the Index Of Christian Art assisted
me in locating reproductions of some calendar pages. And Caroline Blunt
on countless occassions has assisted me in the use of Special Collections
materials from the Michigan State University library. Mitchel Bloomfield
graciously accepted the chore of reading the manuscript and correcting
my grammatical errors. His questibns and suggestions enabled me to clar-
ify my somewhat laborious style. Maureen May took time away from other
activities to type the paper. My husband Nelson gave much needed encour-
agement and support at various stages of the project.

The acknowledgements for the plates are as follows. Fritz Saxl,
Lectures, Vol. II, Pl. 58a, 56a, 58d, 60b for P1.I, fig. 1-4 respectively.
Lectures, Vol. II, Pl. 58c, 56b for P1. II, fig. 1 and 2. Fritz Saxl

and Hans Meier, Catalogue of Manuscripts,Taf. 60, Abb. 154 and 153, Taf.

 

68 Abb. 170 for P1. II, fig. 3 and 4, and P1. III, fig. 2. Lectures,

-1-

-11-

Vol. II, P1. 55b, 59d, 59b and 56c for P1. 111, fig. 1, 3, 4 and 5 re-
spectively. Pl. IV, the Princeton Index of Christian Art. Pl. V, fig.

1 from Elfrida Saunders, English Illumination, P1. 24 and fig. 2 from

 

The Paleographical Society, Facsimiles, P1. 188. P1. VI, fig. 1 M. R.

 

James, The Canterbury Psalter, f. 109v and fig. 2 Gratten and Singer,

Magic and Medicinegfig. 15. Singer, Studies in the History and Method

 

of Science, Pl. VIII. Heimann, Journal of Warburg and Courtauld Insti-

 

 

tute, XXIX (1966) P1. 8c, Pl. 7a and c for Plate VIII, fig. l-2 and P1.

9a and b for P1. IX, fig..1and 2. Englebregt, Utrechts Psalterium,

 

fig. 30 and 31 for P1. X, fig. 1 and 2. P1. XI, fig. 1 from Talbot-Rice,
English Art, 82a and fig. 2 from the frontspiece of R. W. Southern, The

Making of the Middle Agg_. Pl. XII, fig. 1 from Wormald, Paris Psalter,

 

f; 1r; fig. 2 from Stettiner, Prudentius Handschriftan, Taf. 431 and

 

fig. 3 from Tselos, Art Bulletin, XLIX (1964) P1. 22. P1. XIII, fig.

 

2 from Saunders, English Illumination, P1. 19 and fig. 1 from Gertrud

 

Schiller, Iconographie, Ed. I, Taf. 369. Talbot-Rice, English Art, Pl.

 

 

84, 89 for P1. XIV and P1. XV, fig. 2. Pl. XV, fig. 1 from Wormald, The
Walpole Society, XXXVIII (1960-62) P1. 16. P1. XVI from Talbot-Rice,

English Art, P1. 68. Plate XVII, fig.1 and 2 from Wormald, Walpole So—

 

ciety, XXXVIII (1960-62) P1. 4 and P1. 9. P1. XVIII from Heimann, Jour-
nal of Warburg and Courtauld Institute, XXIX (1966LIP1.13.. Pl. XIX,.fig.
land 4 from Talbot-Rice Pl. 66b and 82b. Pl. XIX, fig. 2 from Stettiner,

Taf. 432 and fig. 3 from the New Palaeographical Society, Facsimiles,

 

Ser. 11, Pt. VI-VII and P1. 124.' Talbot-Rice, P1. 59 for P1. XX. P1.

XXI, fig. 1 from Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art, P1. 70, fig.

 

164 and fig. 2 from Millar, English Illuminated Manuscripts, P1. 9. Pl.

 

XXII, fig. 1 and fig. 2 from New Palaeographical Society, Ser. II, Pt.

III, Pl. 62b and Pt. X-XI, Bl. l68c and d.

LIST OF PLATES

Plate Page

I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .26
Figurerl.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.

II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .27
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.

III. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.
Figure 5.

IV. C C C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O .37

Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.

v. C O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O I O O O O O O O O .40

Figure 1.
Figure 2.

VI. 0 e b e o e o o o o o o o e o e e o o o e e o o e e o e s 004‘.
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

VII. 0 O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O .49

VIII. 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 52
Figure 1;
Figure 2.

IX. I C O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 55
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

-iii-

Plate

X. . C . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

XI. . . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

XII. . . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.

XIII. . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.

XIV . . O . .

XV. . . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

XVI. . . O .

XVII. . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

XVIII. . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.

XIX. . . . .
Figure.l.
Figure 2.
Figure 3.
Figure 4.

XXI. . . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2

“II. . . .
Figure 1.
Figure 2.

—iv_

Page

. . . 60

.62

.69

. .84

. . 87

. . 96

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.........................i
LIST or PLATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
INTRODUCTIONOO0.000.000000.000.000.000.1

Chapter
I I 0 THE MONASTIC REVIVAL O I O O . . . . I O O O O O O O O O O 5

Early Reform Efforts
Contacts with the Continent
Education and Letters
The Attitude toward Antiquity
III. THE SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
The Aratea Manuscripts
Zodiac Illustrations
Medical Illustrations
IV 0 THE RELIGIOUS MANUSCRIPTS . . O . . . . . . . . . . . . Q S 7
Natural Forces
Demonology
Moral Forces

CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I . . O . 100

BIBLIOGMPHY . . . . . . O . . O O . O . . . O O . I . . . O O O 106

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INTRODUCTION

The survival of mythological motifs in English art of the tenth
and eleventh centuries relates to the larger problem of the transmis-
sion of myth from classical times to later EurOpean culture. The
latter question, as it pertains to the visual arts, has been dealt with
by such art historians as Erwin Panofsky, Jean Seznec and Fritz Saxl.

I am indebted to them for what understanding I have of the larger question.
Within this purview the English revival should be seen as a derivative

of the Carolingian renovatio, both its artistic and intellectual
achievements. The English revival is thus linked with the centuries-

long process of reconciling classical culture and Christianity. The
survival of mythological motifs is dependent not only upon the artistic
traditions, but also upon the remnants of classical learning that came
down to the West. In both areas Englishmen owed much to their Carolin-
gian predecessors.

English artists were the heirs of the mythological tradition of

Carolingian art. Their renascence was not a self proclaimed renovatio

 

romanorum as the Carolingian revival had been. They did not harken back
to the original sources of Greco-Roman art, nor to the later Italian
and Byzantine works which inspired Carolingian artists. Carolingian
artists expanded the repertory of mythological motifs and Anglo-Saxon

artists continued this enthusiasm for representing pagan deities.

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English manuscript art in this period from the revival to the
conquest is inextricably linked with monasticism. During this time
works were produced by monks in the scriptoria of the reformed houses.
In this period of peace which followed the destruction of the Viking
raids monastic foundations were rebuilt, the pattern of life was
reformed and libraries were restocked. This was a time of monastic
reform and cultural revival. Indeed one could say that this intellec-
tual and artistic revival was one of the fruits of the reform movement.
Because of this close relationship between monasticism and art I feel
it is necessary to begin by briefly investigating the develOpment and
characteristics of the reform effort which had a bearing on the repre-
sentation of mythological themes. The salient points are as follows.
The close contacts between English monasticism and Continental houses
permitted the transmission of Carolingian works of art to England.
These works were a repository of mythical motifs which drew upon older
pictorial cycles or expanded the use of certain motifs. The emphasis of
reformed monasticism upon liturgical observance created a demand for
psalters, benedictinnals and calendars. In the classroom, psalters were
needed to study Latin, and calendars were the basis of arithmetical stu-
dies. The schools revived the study of astronomy and medicine. Astronomy
aside from its practical dimension i.e., computing calendar; was more
an aesthetic than a scientific interest which made works like the
Aratea popular. The pastoral concerns of the monastic movement
stimulated an interest in devotional literature of all sorts including

the Psychomachis. Much of this devotional literature was vernacular

 

poetry and its themes influence the illustrators.

,-

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-3-

In the second and third sections of the paper I proceed to an
examination of the manuscripts themselves, first the scientific then
the religious manuscripts. There is some overlap, the zodiac band from
the Eadwine Psalter is included with the other zodiac illustrations in
the scientific manuscripts, and an illustration derived from the Vita and
More representation is included with the scientific manuscripts although
it is not a medical illustration. In examining each of the sub-categories
of manuscripts, medical illustration, moral forces, demonology, etc., I
attempt to identify both the immediate model(s) and the tradition which
would link the mythical motifs to antiquity. In several cases -- the
Aratea, the zodiac figures, the Utrecht Psalter, the Psychomachia --
the Carolingian models and their Anglo-Saxon offspring are the descen-
dants of pictorial cycles of long standing. Most of the religious
manuscripts are meant to illustrate part of a psalm or a Biblical inci-
dent. The story telling qualities of these manuscripts alter the
allegorical character mythical figures generally had in classical art.
The pagan gods participate in the story being recounted, they become a
part of the action. Whereas, in the scientific manuscripts the mythical
figures representing stellar bodies do not become part of a narrative
image and remain closer to their antique prototypes. I suggest the
meaning of these paintings and drawings and particularly how the
mythical figures contribute to the meaning of the whole representation.

During this period there is an increasing tendency in the religious
manuscripts to emphasize the narrative qualities of the image. Later
works such as the Bury St. Edmunds Psalter and the Tiberius Psalter

exhibit this tendency most strongly, but it is also noticeable in

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earlier works such as Harley 603 and the Benedictional of St. Aethelwold.
The develOpment of narrative detail detracts from the classical feeling
of the motif, the examples in which this tendency is most pronounced
appear more "medievalizing". Often stylistic elements such as the
elongation of figures and lack of modeling of figures, further enhance
the medieval feeling of the image.

The influence of vernacular literature on manuscript art is most
prevelant in what I have called demonology, that is compositions which
include demons. This is one of the most inventive areas of English
art in this period. The artist is able to use classical motifs to

express ideas that are very much a part of his native culture.

 

CHAPTER II

THE MDNASTIC REVIVAL

Early Reform Efforts

Monasticism, learning and the arts suffered alike during the
Viking invasions of England during the ninth century. Internal weaknes-
ses, as well as the effects of the Danish raids, may have contributed
to the decline in monasticism and culture. Whether or not this is actu-
ally the case, it is clear that organized monastic life had sharply de-
clined; buildings were unused or in ruin, as at Abingdon, and in such
houses as Glastonbury and Christ Church, Canterbury monks had been re-
placed by secular clerks who followed no rule. A few individuals may
have pursued monastic life privately, but not as members of an organized
community.1 Few manuscripts were written during this period, and they
were not illuminated. The level of learning was low, as indicated by
King Alfred's description of monks who could not read Latin.

In the second half of the tenth century, an artistic and intellec-
tual revival grew out of the monastic reform begun at that time. The
reform.emd the revival are inextricably linked. Monasteries were both

the centers of learning--the schools and the librariess-ead the scrip-

 

1'F. M; Stenton, égglo-Saxon England (2nd ed., "The Oxford History
of England," ed. George Clark; Oxford: the'Ctarendon Press, 1947), p.
139; David Knowles, The Monastic Order in Bnglgnd (2nd ed.; Cambridge:
the university Press, 1963), pp. 33, 36 and Peter Hunter Blair, An Intro-
duction_§9 Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge: the University Press,l956),
ppe 172'730

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toria.where manuscripts were written and illustrated. Winchester under
Aethewold (52.910-984), Worcester under Oswald (55.920-992) and Glaston-
bury and Canterbury under Dunstan (909-988) were the nucelti of the re-
form.mmvement and important schools. The needs of the schools and the
church are evidenced by the books produced in monastic scriptoria.
Although the enduring effortstoward monastic and educational reform
were not carried out until the second half of the tenth century, the ac-
tivity of King Alfred (871-899) prepared the way. Alfred recognized the
need for an educated clergy and his translations gave considerable impe-
tus to vernacular literature. Contacts were established with the Conti-
nent by importing scholars from Fleury and Corbie and by maintaining dy-
nastic alliances. These alliances were continued by his grandson Aethelstan
(925-9‘0), a collector of manuscripts who was given the Aethelstan Psal-
ter (3. Mg, Gslba, A. XVII) by his brother-in-law Otto 1.2 Foreign vie-
itors were frequently entertained at court. The exchange of books and
scholars became important for the transmission of classical learning and
artistic motifs during the second half of the century. The spirit of
Alfred's endeavors was carried on by Dunstan and his contemporaries who
were able to make the monastic system a vehicle for education and learn-

ing.3

A

Zea-on Italic, "Libraries of the British 131.. in the Anglo-Saxon
Period," in James flestfall Thompson, The Medieval Library ("The Univer-
sity of Chicago Studies in Library Science“; New York: Hefner Publish-
ing Company, 1957), p. 121.

. 3Ernest A. Savage, Old English Libreriesigthe Making. Collection
and Use of Books Durin the Middle Ages (Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Co.,
19155. p. 60. The role of these three men is given pee-eminence because
the sources, largely biographies written by the following generation,
are silent about other churchmen.

 

 

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Southern and Eastern England were unthreatened by internal warfare
or external incursions by the second half of the century; the first phase
of the Viking threat had passed. This period of peace enabled Englishmen
to rebuild, and monastic culture flourished once again as it had in the
earlier period of the seventh and eighth centuries. Dunstan spearheaded
reform efforts at Glastonbury between 23, 945 and 956. Continental
influences were not prevalent in these early years. Dunstan had cer-
tainly learned of Continental ideas of reform from visitors at Aethelstan's
court where he spent part of his boyhood, but he had no firsthand acquain-

tance with Continental reforms at this time.4

Glastonbury under Dunstan's
guidance became a renowned school and many monks were trained there

and were shaped by his example. Among them was Aethelwold, his child-
hood friend, who served as deanfat Glastonbury. Reform efforts began

at Abingdon in 953 when Aethelwold was made abbot there.

The new monasticism was a native movement and the reformers probably
saw themselves as the heirs of English monastic tradition. One cannot
call tenth century deveIOpments a survival of earlier centuries in the
sense that the tradition of learning associated with Theodore of Tarsus,
Benedict Biscop, and Bede was still represented by scholars who were pro-
ducts of their schools. Many libraries had been destroyed, particularly
those in the north like Wearmouth and York; others like Theodore's
library at Christ Church, Canterbury had declined. In the ninth and early

tenth centuries the Saxon clergy did not or could not'concern themselves

with learning.5 However, Dunstan is said to have studied with Irish

 

ABlair, p. 92; J. Armitage Robinson, The Times of St. Dunstan
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923), p. 87.

 

5Montague Rhodes James, The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and
Dover (Cambridge: the University Press, 1903), p. xxiii.

 

-3-
monks at Glastonbury where a "considerable library remained from earlier
times."6 There seems to be no continuous link with the scholarly tradi-
tions of the schools of York or Canterbury; this thread had been broken
in the ninth century. The main task of scholars in thelhnth and early
eleventh centuries was to rebuild and to restore learning. At least one
man, Byrthferth of Ramsey, was indebted to an earlier scholar, Bede, even
though Byrhtferth studied with Abbo of Plenty. The situation in the arts
was similar. Book illumination disappeared in the ninth century, and
tenth century artists drew predominantly from the Carolingian store of
classical motifs. But some vestiges of Northumbrian and Canterbury tra-
ditions reached them. The achievements of earlier Englishmen did influ-
ence the arts and learning, but a great deal of rebuilding had to occur
before these achievements could be utilised.
Contacts with the Continent

Reform efforts reached their zenith during the reigns of King Eadwig
(955-959) and especially King Edgar (959-975) who was an enthusiastic
supporter of the reform. At Edgar's death, twantyesight houses had been
reformed; from 975 to the Conquest only twenty houses were reformed.7
Dunstaa's exile at the monastery of Ghent (955-957) marks the beginning
of many contacts between English houses and their reformed counterparts
on the Continent. The progress of monastic reform abroad had not been
unknown in England. News of these efforts came to Asthelstan's court,
and Bishop Cenwald of Worcester in 929 visited a number of churches in

Germany, including St. Call and Reichenau. There is some evidence that

 

6‘3“}... ’ pp 0 37‘38 e

7D. P. Kirby, The Makingrof Early_England (London: B. T. Batsford
Ltd., 1967), p. 104.

 

 

 
 

 
 

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-9-

Continental priests were living in English abbeys and episcopal house-
holds on the eve of the revival.8

In addition to this connection with the reform movement in Flanders
and Germany, close ties existed between Pleury, a Cluniac house,and the
English church. Ode, Archbishop of Canterbury, was supposed to have re-
ceived the monk's habit at Fleury and he visited there before his death
in 958.9 Aethelwold's appointment to Abingdon had prevented him from
studying at a monastery abroad a few years before; now he invited chan-
ters from Corbie to instruct his monks and sent a disciple, Osgar, to
Fleury to learn the customs and observances of the Benedictine community.
Oswald, nephew of Ode, dissatisfied with the life of the secular clerks
he headed at Winchester, had been sent to Fleury about 950 for instruc-
tion in the offices and the rule. He returned to England eight years
later at his uncle's death.10 A.man of his training could not fail to
advance the cause of reform, and in 961 Oswald succeeded Dunstan in the
of worcester.

The reformers won several influential bishoprics including the see
of Canterbury which Dunstan occupied. In 955 Aethelwold became Bishop
of‘Uinchester. Two monks who had been trained at lleury assumed impor-
.tant posts within the church. Osgar whseAathelwold had sent to France
succeeded his as abbot of Abingdon,and Oswald brought Ger-anus of Win-
chester from Plenty to instruct the community at Westbury-on-Trym near
Hbrcester. Aethelwold and Oswald seem to have participated more direct-
ly than Dunstan in reviving or founding monasteries in these years. The

impetus for the growth of monastic communities flowed from Glastonbury,

 

8suntan, p. 438. 9Stenton, p. 442 and Blair, p. 176.
10Stanton, p. 442; Knowles, pp. 39-40; and Robinson, pp. 111, 113, 128.

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-10..

Abingdon, and Hestbury (or later Ramsey), and each of the descendants
paid "spiritual allegiance" to the reformer associated with its model
house; but the Continental practice of direct filiation was not followed.11
The influence of Continental ideals upon cloister life is reflec-
ted in the figgglaris‘concordia, the rule drawn up to standardize monas-
tic customs in England. A synodal council meeting in'Winchester about
970 issued this document. Each of the three men contributed in some
fashion to this undertaking although Aethelwold is credited with the ac-
tual compilation of the rule. Representatives from Fleury and Ghent
wore present to advise. The rule is based upon Continental usage with
some uniquely English features.12 The preface describes the council's
purpose thus:
The assembly fervently welcomed the message of the king....; . that
he should establish in the young Church of the English good customs
. . . they called in monks of the monastery of St. Benedict at Fleury,
and also of that famous monastery known by the name of Ghent. Thus
they sought and found a way of great devotion, tempered with much
subtle discretion of reason.13
The close personal contacts with reform centers of France and
Flanders facilitated not only the spread of ideas to England but also the
importation of manuscripts, ivories and other works of art. The daily
round of life in the monastery followed a prescribed liturgical observance
similar to that of the Benedictine houses across the channel,and the need
arose for all kinds of service books. A large number of such books were

executed in English scriptoria, many of them copied from.manuscripts

brought from France.

 

1lKnowles, p. 49 .

lzllair, p. 178; Stenton, pp. 446-47; and Knovles. p. 42. Knowles
gives the most thorough discussion of the elements of the rule, see pp. 42-46

13from the Eggplaris,Concordia quoted in Robinson, p. 145.

 

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-11-

Education and Letters

 

Concern for education can be seen from the first, and Dunstan, in
his years at Glastonbury, gave his pupils "the fullest and widest educa-
tion possible."14 Aethelwold was also a master. Oswald is not known
as a mentor, but his devotion to learning is evidenced by the fact that
he invited Abbe of Pleury to teach at’Rimsey. Schools and libraries
grew in the new centers of learning-Glastonbury, Canterbury, Winchester
and Ramsey. The education of monks was the chief concern in these schools,
but it seems probable that some pupils were to become priests.

These ends are reflected in the curriculum offered. Boys were in-

structed in the schola by a monk known as a magister scholae and learned

 

to read and write basic Latin. The Psalter was the main textbook used.
Pupils also participated in the services observed by the community and
received instruction in the chant. At more advanced levels, students

studied the trivium-~dialectic, rhetoric and grammar--and the guedriviumr-

 

astronomy, arithmetic, music and geometry. There was a rapid increase
in the demand for books, texts for instruction, works for the library
and service books. The volumes on ancient learning which the schools
needed were obtained from Carolingian manuscripts.15
Records that would tell us something about library collections dur-
ing this period are scarce. A few records remain from the Canterbury
libraries. A catalogue from St. Augustine's notes a Genesis, probably
the Pentateuch (B. M. Cott. Claud. B. IV); only one book in Hebrew can
be identified. The books that King Aathelstan gave to St. Augustine’s

includlfik Isidore's De naturis rerun (B.M. Cott. Dom. VIII), Bede's.gg

 

14Knowles, pp. 487-88. 1531air, p. 356.

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-12-

arte metrica, Alcuin, and a grammar. Greek books could be found in the

 

Christ Church library. Other works which can be tentatively identified
with surviving manuscripts include: Genesis (Oxford, Bod. Lib. Junius
ll); Boethius De consolatione (Otho A. VI [burnt]), a Herbal (B. M. Cott.
Vit. C. III), Alfred's translation of Bede's history (Cambridge Univ.
Lib. Kk. 3.18), and Exceptiones de Prisciano, Aelfric's grammar collec-
tion (Durham Cath. Lib. 3. III);6 The manuscripts that have survived
indicate that Bede and the Homilies were common items on the shelves;
Boethins, Gregory and Aldhelm.are also frequently found. Libraries had
copies of church fathers like Jerome and Ambrose, as well as Isidore
and Augustine, and religious works like those of Juvencus, Prudentius,
Seduliua, Arator and various saintSh lives. The classical authors avail-
able included Priscian and Juvenal; Carolingian writers such as Alcuin,
Amalarius, and Theodulf of Orleans could be found. A comparatively small
number of scientific works remain: in addition to Bede and Isidore we
have astronomical manuscripts, the Aratea and Hyginus, Rabanus Maurus
and a mathematical treatise.17
Church-en and monarchs were the benefactors of libraries in this

period. At least they are the only ones spoken of in the inscriptions.

.Alfred, Canute 18 and Aethelstan19 donated books to the Canterbury librar-

18James, pp. lxix, lxxxiv-lxxxviii and xxv-xxviii.

17This information was compiled from N. R. Ker,(ed§,§§dieva1 Librar-
ies of Great Britian, a List of Survivingzgooks (2nd ed., "Royal Histor-
ical Society Guides and Handbooks," No. 3; London: Royal Historical So-
ciety, 1964), pp. l-224 by listing all surviving MSS (excluding service
books),.supplemented by a 11st of illuminated MSS made by the author.

18

 

 

James, p. xxv. Ker does not include these donations, pp. 238,243, 239.

19Robinson, p. 64. Ker, Durham pp. 60, 252; Canterbury pp. 238, 243;
Winchester p. 315.

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ies. Dunstan seems to have given more attention to the library

at Glastonbury than that of Christ Church,20 and Peterborough

Abbey received about twenty books from Aethelwold. The generosity

of a few other ecclesiastics is recorded. Bishop Aelfward Q3.

1035 save gran-are and sacred books to Eveshen; BishOp Brithwold

bequeathed two books to Glastonbury; and, ca. 1060, Bishop Leofric

collected sole sixty vole-es for the Exeter Cathedral Library.21
.Ceatinental influence in the schools is smst directly evi—

denced at Raesey, a aoaastery founded by Oswald, which had perti-

cularly close ties with Plenty. Abbe of Plenty, one of the east

learned nee of his day, taught here fro- 986 to 988 and his ssrk

'Iay be seen in the enrhasis given to scientific studies, especially

estrous-y. at lensey. Iyrhtferth, e nonh of the abbey and a

pupil of Abbo's, is the most outstanding product of this school

and one of the bright lights of the whole English revival. He

was a.netheeatician and the author of various scientific works

including the Handbook er Enchiridon (Oxford, led. Lib. Ashnole

328), a guide to eleeeatal scientific inforeation coapiled chiefly.

to aid the priest in his calculation of the calendar, and a "Preface"

to a.work by Bede (Oxford, st. John's College MS. 17), 22 Byrht-

 

20Jaeee, p. xxiv. Ker lists only donations to Glastonbury, p. 264.

”Savage, Appen. c and pp. mun-11,263, and Ker. pp. 150,
2‘1, 81"“e

zzllair, p. 360. Sole scholars have also attributed cos-enta-
ries on lede to Iyrhtferth, see Henry Bradley in D.N.B., VIII, p. 126,
and J.fi.G. Gratten and Charles Singer,.Anglg;§g;gn_flég;g_§gd_ngg1§1ng,..
("The Vellcoee Historical Medical Huseue," New Series, No. 3; London:
Oxford University Press, 1952), p. 92. George Frank Forsey, "Byrht-
ferth's.Preface," Speculua, III (1928, 505-522), pp. 505-06, 510,
513 rejects these works.

 

 

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-14-

ferth owed his interest in astronomy, so evident in his work, to

his master Abbo. He acknowledges this in his "Preface" by stating,
”The wise Abbo, disciple of Father Benedict, by whose benevolence we
have gained knowledge of this subject and skill in other things."23

The main source of astronomical knowledge for Englishmen was
the Aratea, a mixture of astronomical information and mythological
lore. A Carolingian Aratea (B.M. Harley 647) was brought to
England about the time Abbo came to instruct the monks of Ramsey.
Another Aratus manuscript (B.M. Harley 2506), related to the first
by a common Carolingian model, was probably illustrated in the
scriptorium of Ramsey.24 A third Aratea (B.M. Cott. Tib. B.V.)
was copied in England during this time. The existence of these
manuscripts indicates that the interest in astronomy was not merely
confined to Ramsey.

The second generation of the renewed monasticism was a parti-
cularly illustrious one for English letters; Byrhtferth of Ramsey
and Aelfric of Winchester (born £2. 955), who was a pupil of Aethel-
wold, are its outstanding representatives. Aelfric was an instruc-
tor at cerne Abbas and in 1005 was appointed abbot of Eynsham.

His writings are largely pastoral and didactic in nature. His

intention was to convey the teachings of the church fathers to the

unlearned. Aelfric's works include: the figmiIies, a metrical para-

 

23quoted in Forsey, p. 522.

24Fritz Saxl, Lectures (London: Warburg Institute, 1957),
1, Fe 1060 '

-15-

phrase of the Pentateuch and Joshua (B.M., Cott. Claud. B. IV),
mentioned above; Colloguy, conversations between an instructor and
a tradesman; and a Latin grammar written for his monks (Durham
Cathedral Lib. B. III), also mentioned above.25 He is the best
representative of a native strain of English culture, vernacular
religious literature. Although the illustrations for this literature
did not draw upon traditional pictorial cycles, some of the themes of
this literature, like the Harrowing of Hell, appear in the illustra-
tions. These poems also color the artists choice of subjects for
example, hell pits and,demons.

The concern for the spiritual well-being of all-monks, priests,
and 1aymen-— is a characteristic of English monasticism and its educa—
tional aims. The monastic revival affected the whole body of the church
down to the parishes not merely the Benedictine foundations, and there
was a concern for the instruction of the clergy. This can be seen in the
fact that possibly three-quarters of English bishops were recruited from
monastic foundations.26 The careers of Dunstan, Aethelwold and Oswald them—
selves are examples of this trend. A unique feature of the English church,
the monastic cathedral (that is, a community of monks inhabiting a cathedral
church), demonstrates the penetration of monasticism into many aspects of

church life. The communities at Christ Church, Canterbury, under

 

25Aelfric's works are discussed in J.S. Westlake, "From Alfred to
the Conquest," The Cambridge History of English Literature, Vol. 1: From
he Beginnings to the Cycles of Romance (Cambridge: the University Press,
1963), p. 119-122; Oswald Cockayne (ed.), Leechdoms,»Wortcunninggand Star—
craft of Early_England ("Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores”;
London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, 1864)III, pp.
xix-xxvi; and Blair, pp. 357—59.

 

 

26Blair, p. 182.

 

 

f1

—l6-

Archbishop Aelfric (995-1005), and Sherborne, under Bishop Wulfsige
(992-1001), were monastic.27 The earlier efforts of Athelwold at
Winchester and Oswald at Worcester were directed toward establishing
monastic cathedrals.

The pastoral concerns of the church are also reflected in the
kinds of works which were written and copied during this period.
It has been pointed out that not only the works of Aelfric but
also Byrhtferth's manual were written for the use of ordinary
monks, clergymen, or even laymen, as were the calendars frequently
added to service books. The artists who adorned calendar pages,
unlike the illustrators of Caedmon's Poems (Oxford, Bod. Lib.,
Junius 11) or the Pentateuch (B.M. Claud. B. IV), had an antique
pictorial cycle to draw upon. Churches, and particularly monasteries
where liturgical observance dominated the pattern of daily life,
felt an increased need for service books of all kinds -- psalters,
gospels, benedictionala.-~ as well as calendars and computistical
materials. Traditional devotional literature such as the Arator,

saints' lives, Pastoral Care, and the Egychomachia were copied. In

 

 

the case of psalters and the Psychomachia, artists were able to draw

 

upon late antique cycles transmitted through Carolingian sources for
their motifs. The most renowned manuscript brought to England and
used as a model was the Utrecht Psalter (Utrecht Univ. Lib., Script.
Eccl. 484). In other instances, artists were influenced by the treat-
ment of particular themes, such as the Crucifixion or the Baptism,

which came to them through Carolingian sources.

 

27Stenton, p. 450.

-17-

The Attitude Toward Antiquity

 

The attitude of the English monastic movement of this period
toward antiquity was a tolerant one; indeed it appears that classical
learning, particularly astronomy and grammar, was eagerly welcomed.
This acceptance was transmitted through the Benedictines across the
channel. Cluny "sacrilized" antiquity by regarding it as falling
within the sphere of divine actions.28 The influence of Fleury,
the shining star of Benedictine learning, and of Abbo, who certainly
had liberal attitudes toward learning and its role in monastic life,29
was important in this connection.

The attitude toward antiquity is more than the result of the
relationship between English monasticism and the Clumiacs. And the
roots of these attitudes lie deeper in the past than the Cluniacs.
We should trace here briefly the passage of these ideas to the Middle
Ages, specifically the survival of mythology. The ancients themselves
linked mythology with natural science (the gods are cosmic symbols), morals
(the gods are allegories) and history (the gods are men immortalized for
their deeds). The early Christian fathers, like Tertullian (145-200) and
Lactantius (260-330), developed euhemerism, or the interpretation that
the gods are immortalized mortals. Isidore of Seville (575-638)

in his Etymologiae did the most to redeem the pagan gods from dis-

 

favor and transmits much information to the Middle Ages. Patristic

 

28Werner Weisbach, Religigse Reform and mittelalterlichg_§uggt
(Zurich: Einsiedeln, 1945)

29Henry Osborne Taylor, The Medieval Mind, A History of the
Development of Thought and Emotion in the Middle Ages (London:
Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1911), I, pp. 293-94.

 

 

 

—l8-

fathers, like Augustine and Jerome, were hostile to classical
literature, but they accepted the sciences. Consequently, they
were unable to exclude astrology, although they condemned it,
because it was linked with several sciences including astronomy.30
Although the Church in different periods had attacked clas-
sical literature, Christians at various times during the centuries
from 600 to 1000 looked upon classical achievements as a glorious
past to be imitated. The enthusiasm of Carolingian and Irish
scholars for antiquity is widely recognized; they regarded the

ancients as the source of knowledge. It has been said that Al-

. t. s---. a _‘b.
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cuin and his scholars maintained that "the liberal arts are not the
work of man, but of God, who has created them as a part of nature

"31 This kind of enthusiasm for an-

for sen to find and develop.
tiquity was reflected not only in the literary efforts of men like
Theodulf and Alcuin but also in the encyclopedia of Rsbsnus Maurus,
De rerun nature. The abbot of Fulda derived such of his work from
Isidore and the work contains a pantheon of mythological deities.32
There was a new interest in astronomy and "scientific astrology"

during the Carolingian period also. The Pythagorian sphere and the

 

3oJean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods,_the Mythological
Tradition and Its Place in Renaissance Humanism.and Art, trans. Barbara
Sessions ("Bollingen Series," Vol. XXXVIIL ; New York: Pantheon Books,
Inc., 1953) p. 4, 14-15, 43-66 and John Daniel Cooks, "Euheseriss: A
Medieval Interpretation of Classical Paganism,"Speculun, III (1927), 396-403.

31David Knowles, The Evolution of Medieval Thought t(New York;
Vintage Books, 1962) p. 68.

 

32No illustrated copies of Isidore remain, but Rsbanus' illustra-
tions in a.Honte Cassino MS. (ca. 1023) are based on classical tradi—
tion despite their crudity. Erwin Panofsky and Fritz Saxl, "Classical
Mythology in Medieval Art," Metropolitan Museum Studieg, IV, Part II
(1933), 250 and Fig. 37. See also, Saxl, Lectures, I , p. 233.

 

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-19-

so-called letter of Petosiris were known in Corbie, Fleury and
Chartres; the astrological poems by Manilius and Firmicus Maternus
were beginning to be rediscovered.33 The Aratea, an admixture of
astronomical information and mythological lore, and other astrono-
mical works were copied and studied.

It is necessary to point out something about the nature of
education in Carolingian and late Anglo-Saxoen times: although the

curriculum consisted of the triviun and quadrivium, grammar and

 

rhetoric were emphasised above all else. 'Dialectic, a member of the
trivium,‘was largely taught as "memory work" rather than "intellectual
discipline" and the quadrivium.was given a factual treatment if it was
not omitted. Education, then, developed literary talents and this

can be seen in the works of those who were products of this curri-
culum, the humanists, historians, poets and even thoee who wrote
theological works.34 The literary nature of education helps us to
understand the popularity of a work like the Aratea which is more
literary and aesthetic in character than scientific, as its origins
reveal. In the fifth century s.c. Aratus of Soloi composed a
treatdsat in hexsmeter verse, based on the earlier work of Eudoxus of
Cnidos (fourth century 3.0.) and later Cicero translated part of the
poem into Latin. This fragment plus a commentary, possibly added by
Lupus of ran-132g 1. what has come down to us. the illustrations of

the constellations in antique times had lost correct star positions

 

33M.L.U. Laistner, "The Western Church and Astrology During the
lady Middle Ages," The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages,
d. Chester G. Starr (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1957) pp. 79-82.

34

 

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-20-

and the artists who executed the English manuscripts do not portray
accurate star positions either; their interests are aesthetic.
Other bits of mythological lore and astrology were able to
survive because they were integrated with sciences like medicine
.and botany or the calculationashe calendar which was part of the

srithsetical studies of the guadriviun. Thus, although writers like

 

Isidore, Rabanus Haurus, and Bede condemn astrology, they often
include astrological information in writings on other subjects.
Isidore discusses astrological medicine and Bede gives astrological
characterizations of the planets and describes the lunar influence
on crops.35 By these scans survival is possible for ideas on the
zodiac and medical illustrations like the representation of Apue~
lius and Chiron or the Sphere of Apulius. similar to the Pythago—
rean sphere mentioned above.

Because the lnglish Church was eager to welcome these remnants
of classical learning, it is not surprising to find that artists
were willing to seek out classical motifs. English illuminaters
have been described as lore "classically minded" than their
European collem possibly because the tenth and eleventh centuries
are a second beginning for English artists, whereas European artis-
tic developments are a continuation of the Carolingian renovatio.36

Another scholar has suggested that English scriptoria took up the more

"naturalistic, classicising art trend" because the ornslental style

 

”mutant, p. 77 and Theodore Otto chel, The Medieval Attitude To-
ward Astrology. Particularly in England ("Yale Studies in English," Vol.
Lx, ed. Albert 8. Cook; New Haven: Yale University Press. 1920), pp. 28—30.

36

 

Ssxl, Lectures, I. p. 108.

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-21-

of Hiherno-Saxon art is too similar to that of the Vikings who had
devastated the country. Moreover, English artists had more antique
works or their Carolingian copies to draw upon than did the Otton-
lens.37 The only rival of English art of this period, in terms of
its overall excellence, is that of Germany; France was experiencing
a period of darkness.

There is a second group of manuscripts containing mythologi-
cal Intifs which have been transmitted through different means;
here the Iythological elements are a part of the pictorial tradi-
tion only. The content of the works which they illustrate is Chris-
tian and is not directly related to any division of classical learn-
ing. These are, generally speaking, religious works whose illus-
trations derive from various pictorial cycles originating in late
antiquity. The Psychonachia and psalters were illustrated in
the fifth or sixth century. Fifth and sixth century artists will-
ingly borrowed from the storehouse of antiquity, and they adopted
not only stylistic techniques but also certain stock types like
the antique author portrait, which became the model for the evange-
lists. The gods neat often personify a natural force of phenomenon,
like Atlas of Sol, or a virtue like Justice. The representations in
which the pagan gods and heroes appear are Christian, not classical, .
in neaning; the pagans have been "baptized." Although their classical
content is still unmistakeable (i.e. they still look like Sol, Atlas

or Justice) they add to the Christian meaning of the image. The English

 

37André'Grabar and Carl Nordenfalk, Early_Medieval Painting from
the Fourth to the Eleventh Century ("The Great Centuries of Painting";
Geneva: Albert Skira, Inc., 1957). pp. 178. 193-95.

 

 

 

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-22-

artist copied these motifs from the models available to him, and
end the style in which these motifs are executed is, by and large,
less classical in feeling then those which appear in scientific
lenuscripts. This difference in style derives from the tendency to
stress the narrative qualities of the isage)es well as the Chris-
ties seening of the works.

The two Carolingian manuscripts known to have been in England
by the late tenth century. the Aratea end the Utrecht Psalter,
'wers copied eegerly but not slevishly. Two copies of the former, and
one eleventh century copy of the letter, survive. Many borrowings ‘
fro: the Utrecht Psslter survive in lenuscripts which ere not direct
copies of the Tsalter. These works, end other Cerolingien books
and ivories, were the sources of the sythologicel figures found
in English ert. The Cerolingian works ere e large influence on

the style of the illustrations.

'so

CHAPTER III
THE SCIENTIFIC MANUSCRIPTS

The Aratea Manuscripts

. The richest single source of mythological motifs is astrono-
siéii manuscripts. The survival of astronomical information from
antique times has been described above, but this subject should be
discussed more fully here. The ancients had linked mythology and
astronomy in Hellenistic times. The spirit of Eudoxus' work had
been scientific although his vocabulary was mythological, but Ara-
tas' Phaenonena increased the mythological content in astronomy and
in the later work of Eretosthenes (284-204 B.C.), the mythologizing
of the constellations and the zodiac was completed. The constella-
tion Engonasin, the Kneeling Man, becomes Hercules fighting the
dragon of the Hesperides; the Bull is linked with the Rape of
Europe; and the Crab is the one sent by Juno to bite Hercules' heel
when he fought the Hydra. By the end of the Roman Republic, the
stellar bodies were thought of as divinitb; the introduction of
the ideas of Euhememm."legitimized" this tendency. This fusion of
the gods with the heavenly bodies gave new life to mythology and
assured the survival of the pagan gods and heroes.39 The two astro-

nomical works that have survived from pro-Conquest libraries were

 

V

assesnec, pp. 38, 40-42; Kurt weitamann, Ancient Book Illumi-
nation ("Hartin Classical Lectures," Vol. XVI; Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1959), pp. 24—25; and Panofsky and Seal, Metro-
politan Museum Studies, IV, Part II, pp. 231—32.

 

 

-23..

 

 

 

 

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-24-

written around the Augustan— period, Cicero's Aratea, and a work by
the poet Hyginus, also a mixture of astronomy and mythology.

After the constellations had been identified with mythological
figures, artists sought inspiration in sources with no astrono-
Ideal content. New elements were introduced into the representa—
tion and whole images were transformed. The constellation Eridanus,
previously a ribbon of water, became a river god with an urn and a
read. Works whose illustrations had been scientific in character
‘were gradually transformed into "semi-mythological picture books".
The models for the illustrations of the medieval works were menu-
scripts of the fourth and fifth centuries based on earlier antique

works.39

An attempt was made later to supplement the mythological
lore and the description of the constellations supplied by Aratus

and Cicero. A.commentary was added to the original text which
recounts more exact information on star position and more legends.

The scribe was then faced with the difficulty of recording the more
scholarly commentary without obscuring the representations or
weighing down the poetical text. His solution was to set forth the
additional information in the outline of the body of each image and to
paint in only the head and extremities of the image. (Pl. 1, fig. 1).
Cicero's poem appeared below the image.“0 The late antique model of

the Aratea (B.M;, Cotton Tib. B.V. l) abandoned this practice because

it was somewhat unreadable.

 

3grenofsky and Seal, Metropolitan Museum_8tudies, IV, Part II,
pp. 232-33 and Henri Stern,—“Zstronomy and Astrology: Classical Anti-
‘qun m. 11. C01. ‘9'50s

60

 

Seal, Lectures, I, pp. 100, 88.

 

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-25-
All these drawings remain the visual expression of cosmic
symbols or astronomical phenomena. The texts they illustrate are not

narrative dramas like the psalters discussed below. In the psalter
illustrations, and in other works, the cosmic or moral principles are
drawn into the action of the text. Compare the passive figures of
Eridanus and Sagittarius from the scientific books with the active
figures of Eridanus in the Benedictional of St. Aethelwold and the

Psychomachia or Sagittarius in the Paris Psalter.

 

One manuscript (B.M., Cotton Tib. B.V.1), executed between
991 and 1016, retains the painterly technique of the Carolingian
works, although Harley 647 is not the model employed. The solidly
three—dimensional quality of the manuscript has been captured by
' the painter who shadows the drapery, and shades-in contours, as we
can see in the Perseus (Pl. II, fig. 1) and Cetus (P1. 111, fig. 4)
figures. He has detracted from the classical feeling of these
representations, however, by concealing the nudity of the figures
with clothing. Sagittarius wears a shirt and Perseus has acquired
a tunic and boots. (Compare P1. 1, fig. 1 and 4 with P1. I, fig. 3
and P1. II, fig. 1). The flesh tones and the play of light of the
antique work has not been attempted by the Englishman; he leaves
these areas essentially flat.

The basic image -- the stance and attributes of the figures --
is faithful to the Carolingian model. Perseus holds the dripping
head of the Medusa and has winged feet; Eridanus has an urn and a
reed; Aquarius upturns his water jug and Sagittarius draws his
bow. One interesting feature, an architectural frame, has been

added to the iconography of Orion; he stands under a four columned

PLAIE I

‘)Usar. , I .

Figure l. Sagittarius, Aratea (3.x. ? -. . ' -;- . h

Harley 6A7), 9th century -‘ 1 - ‘~49 ~—’“

- Figure 2. Sagittarius,
Aratea (B.M. Harley 2506),
33. 1000

 

 

 
 

 

 

 

.mgét....lfe£h_ir.' , ._. -
Figure 5. 8agittari»s, Aratea Figure h. Perseus, Aratea

(B.M. Cott. Tib. B.V ), 23.1000 (B.k. Harley 647), 9th century

-__-‘ _-._

 

l

XV .v
Figure 1. Sagittarius, Aratea (B.M.
Harley 647), 9th century

 

 

 

Figire 2. Sagittarius,
Aratea (B.M. Harley 2506),
33. 1000

 

Figure 5. Sagittari s, Aratea Figure 4. Perseus, Aratea

(B.M. Cott. Tib. B.V ), 25.1000 (B.M. Harley 547), 9th century

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-27-

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Orion, Aratea {8.3. Barley

  
  
   
  
 
 
  
 

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-28...

porch (P1. 11, fig. 4) which enhances the classical feeling of the illus-
tration. The striated marble shafts are reminiscent of those in Care-
lingian works such as the Lorsch Gospels or the Gospels of St. Me'dard

de Soissons.

His painting technique is quite different than that of his prede-
cessor; he applies his colors thinly. often in soft washes, but the
painter of Harley 647 has applied the pigment thickly, so that his co-
lors are quite opaque. These washes of somewhat transparent color are
typical of English art of this period. Although this artist worked
at Canterbury or somewhere in Wessex. this characteristic is related
to what is loosely called the Winchester style. Another typically Eng-
lish feature of these representations is the treatments of the draperies.
The folds of Erid mus' drape are sharply drawn with a pen; to this edge
is sometimes added a stroke of highlight as can be seen in the capes of
Aquarius, Perseus and Orion. (P1. III, fig. 1, P1. 11, fig. 1 and 4).
The edges of their capes are stirred by the wind and their tunics fall
into a distinct sworl pattern on their stomachs. The wind~blown and pat—
terned draperies can be attributed to the influence of the Rheims School
through the Utrecht Psalter which was in Canterbury at this time. The
Hesse: artist has remained faithful to the details of these images and
created very solid, plastic figures, but he has reinterpreted these
classical figures in a medieval way41 particularly in the absence of
nudity and the handling of the drapes.

The artist of the second manuscript (B.M., Harley 2506) displays a

remarkable sensitiveness to the nude body and achieves a more "classicising"

 

alsssl, Lectures, I, p. 104

PLATE III

 

     
  
    
   
   
  

 

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2‘. Figure l. Eridanus, Aratea (8.“. Harley
2506). 2.9.- 1000

. - ‘ ,‘ Figure 2. Aquarius, Aratea (8.1L Oott.
- ' Mb. a. v1), ca. 1000

 
   
  

 

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ley 2506), 391000

 

 

 

 

 

1
a L b’ - '~' . , Mymh“ ' .Ore'y“ ‘
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_29_ harley 2506). 3;. 1000

-30-

feeling in his work. The text of this manuscript is written in a
French hand 81d there are grounds for connecting it with Fleury. Inter-
nal evidence shows that the scribe was acquainted with affairs in
Pleury and that there was a living tradition of astronomy in this monas-
teryl'2 as has been suggested previously. The work was brought to Eng-
land and subsequently illustrated in what Wormald calls the "Utrecht
Psalter" style, possibly at Ramsey Abbey where the influence of Abbo
was felt. The commentrry is different than that in Harley 647, but
the verses are the same which suggests that there must have been at
least two Carolingian versions of the textual material."3

The illustrations of this manuscript reveal that the artist was a
man much interested in astronomy and that he was acquainted with the pic-
torial cycles of other works in the Greek tradition, namely the Hyginus
manuscripts. The artist, or possibly his superior whose interests are
reflected here, has been described as a man of "archaelogical interests"
who was unwilling to limit himself to one classical model.‘4 The fact
that he had access to other works and was familiar with themuwould streng-
then the contention that the provenance of the manuscript was Ramsey.

The figures of Orion, Aquarius, and Sagittarius most obviously mani-
fest the influence of this second tradition. .The latter is not a centaur
but a sstyr on two legs with a winged helmet. (P1. 1, fig. 2) The repre-

sentation of Perseus is full of action and his body has been turned so

that he is in full profile. (P1. 11, fig. 2) The cloak.which Orion clutches

 

‘ZSaxl,.ngsnxes, I, pp. 105r06 and Charles River, "The Psalter in
the British Museum, Harley 2904," medieval Studies in Honor of A. Kingsley
Porter, ed. Wilhehm R. Koehler (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1939),
II, p. 681, n. 66.

‘BFrits Seal and Radolf'wittkower, British Art and the Mediterranean
(London: Oxford University Press, 1948), p. 30..

“Sax1, Lectures, I, p. 103.

 

-31-

in his hand and his stance is taken from the Hyginus model. Aquarius
also stands in profile, but the painter has one hand raised in contrast
to the Hyginus type who holds the jar with both hands (21. 111, fig. 5).
This gesture is more expressive, but it does not indicate the true posi-
tions of the stars. The artists main interest was to find the solution
most artistically pleasingl.5 and he sought a second model to give him
more possibilities.

The Wessex artist did not share the archaeological interests of the
artist of Harley 2506, but both were more concerned for aesthetic solu-
tions than scientific exactitude. Their disregard for accuracy can be
readily seen by comparing the figures of Aquarius (P1. 111, fig. 5’and 2)
or Sagittarius (P1. 1, fig. 2 and 3) from the two manuscripts. The domi-
nance of aesthetic questions is a continuation of the antique develop-
ment of the "mythological picture book", but it is also the natural out-
come of an education whose main emphasis was literary. This poem, com-
posed by Abba for his former students at Ramsey, conveys in its metaphors
and mythological allusions the flavor of their interest in astronomy:

For where the scaly hydra's conqueror nightly arises

There the beautiful isle liesein its whirlpool of woods,
And where the driver Bootes puts down his luminous bridle
Access is given to you, Anglican folk, by a bridge;

where the northerly pole connnands the immovables' courses
Streches, fertile of eel, the boundless domain of morass
Where Phoebus' light reflects but palely the sinister
shadows,

There lies the land to which no ford, provides an approach.
There I devoted to my fate, an unknown, to unknown disciples,
whom, Father Benedict, thou justly appearst to protect. 46

Although there is an upsurge.in the interest in astronomy in the

‘SSaxl, Lectures, I, p. 103.

“Sancti Abbonis lloriacensis"AbbatisAQuaestiones Crematicales,
P.L. 139, col. 534 quoted in Saxl, Lectures, I, pp. 106-07, n. 9.

v-

 

-32-

eleventh century it was not until the twelfth century with the new impor-
tance of logic, or dialectic, and the introduction of Arabic scientific
manuscripts that a more scientific interest in astronomy develops. The
Aratea was copied by English artists only once in later times, about
1100, and the information on constellations was augumented from Hyginus
and Arabic sources. Different works became popular. The images evolved
into medieval types and classical forms were divorced from the classical
content of these works,for instance Jupiter would be portrayed asimedi-
oval king not as a pagan_god. This transformation occurred as a result
of stylistic and intellectual considerations, not scientific ones; the
star positions indicated in illustrations were still as inaccurate as
they had been."7

Outline is important in the drawings of both Barley 2506 and Tiber-
ius l.V.1 in contrast to Harley 647 where the handling of color is of
greater importance. A comparison of the constellation Cetus from the
manuscripts will demonstrate this. (Pl. III, fig. 4 and 3). However, the
painterly technique of the artist of Tiberius B. V1 makes the use of
lime less important than in the drawings of Barley 2506. In portraying
the dragon, the Harley artist has shown the knobby body and the con-
tours of the body almost entirely through his use of line. The Harley
Cetus with its protruding tongue and knobby skin is a fiercer animal
than the Tiberius Cetus which is closer to an antique example like the
Parnese Globe.

The sensitive use of line is most clearly revealed in the Harley

 

‘7Panofsky and Seal, Metropolitan Museum Studies, IV, Part II, 238
and Seal, Lectures, I, pp. 108-09.

-33-
drawings of the nude body -- the broken line of the Perseus (P1. 11,
fig. 2) and the Eridanus (Pl. III, fig. 1) which suggests the folds of
skin on the torso, or the varying width of the line which delineates
the contour of the thigh and shoulder of Aquarius (Pl. III, fig. 5) or
the shadow playing upon the torso and bicep of Eridanus. The vitality
of the line is evidenced in the agitated, short strokes that describe
the garment folds, the serpentine reed and wispy beard of Eridanus.

The washes used by the artist are very subtle in effect; they can
suggest contour as in the portrayal of Aries or suggest the flow of
water from Eridanus' jug. Saxl has described the illustrations of
Harley 2506 as the most beautiful of their kind in medieval art.
Although the movements are less rhythmical and the faces more lively
in the English work, they have been compared with the figure drawings
on Greek vases of the Golden Age.“8

Zodiac Illustrations

 

RepresentatiOns of the zodiac appeared with the constellations in
early scientific manuscripts. The oldest Greek papyrus known is an astro—
nomical treatise of the second century B.C. (Paris, Louvre, Pap. l) which
is based on Eudoxus; drawings are scattered throughout its text, includ-
ing a diagrammatic zodiac49 which is the origin of the zodiac wheel.
Illustrated calendars develop at this time also; the months and zodiacal
signs are placed in conjunction. The earliest example known is Hagios

'Eleutherios, a Hellenistic frieze of Athens, dating from the second or

 

the first century 3.0. A series of figures which are personifications

of the months or representations of Greek religious practices are divided

 

48Saxl, Lectures, I, p. 103.

49Weitzmann, p. 6 and Fig. 2.

-34-
into chronological groups by the signs of the zodiac.50 The months found

in the Chronograph of 354, a much later work, are more active than those

 

of the frieze; each is engaged in some task and is a forerunner of the
labors found in medieval works.51 The zodiac symbol for each month was
featured within the architectural frame of the representation itself

or immediately below it. The ninth century manuscript, the Martyrology

 

of Wandalbert (Rome, Vat., Cod. Reg. 438) shows May as a man holding

 

a whip and two busts which represent the Gemini; November is a man
warming his feet, and below him appears Sagittarius.52

Medieval calendars draw upon two pictorial cycles, the zodiac and
the labors of the month; the tradition of the active labors develOps in
the ninth century, whereas the zodiac tradition is much older. In con-
trast to the passive symbolic figures of the ancient sources, the Caro—
lingian works stress the active labors of the months sowing,reaping etc.,
although the older tradition of the months is still capied in works like

the Martyrology. The pictorial cycles of the ninth century seem to be

 

related to ninth century verses although they are of slightly later date
than the illustrations. These scenes are similar to antique forms such
as the Columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. Occupations of the month
of this type can be seen in a ninth (gg. 818) century astronomical,

H
computistical treatise (Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, God.

 

soJames Carson Webster, The Labors of the Months in Antique and
Medieval Art, to the End of the Twelfth Century ("Princeton Monographs
in Art and Archaeology," Vol. XXI; Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1938) pp. 5-6.

51J.A. Herbert, Illuminated Manuscripts ("Burt Franklin Bibliograph—
ical Series," Vol. XI; New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.) p. 4.

 

52Alois Rieglfl "Die mittelalterliche Kalenderillustration," Mittheilun-
gen des Institits fur Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, X(l889), P1. 1,11.

 

-35-

387).53 The zodiac motifs were established quite early and can be found
in astronomical or calendar manuscripts, as one miniature from a Ptole-
maic treatise (Rome, Vat. Lib. MS. gr. 1291) shows. This is an early
ninth century work but it was copied from a work dating from 250 Agni

It is related to Roman illustrations like those of the Chronograph of 354

 

and demonstrates that this pictorial cycle may have been transmitted
throughout the Mediterranean by astronomical manuscripts created in Alex-
andria.54 A zodiac wheel from this Ptolemaic treatise shows Helios en-
circled by three bands containing the twelve hours, the twelve months,
and the twelve signs of the zodiac. The months which appear here are
passive symbols like those of the Chronograph; and the symbols of such
figures as Pisces, Aquarius, Cancer, Sagittarius and Capricorn are seen
in essentially the same iconographic form in which they appear in English
works. ,

The earliest illustrated calendar in England is found in the Athel-
stan Psalter (B.M. Cott. Galba A. XVIII), given by King Athelstan to
the monks of Winchester. After it was brought to England, four minia-
tures and the illustrations and text of the calendar were added between
927 and 940. The manuscript contains the earliest copy of the metrical
calendar connected with the English royal house, and the calendar was
probably composed by Irishmen at Alfred's court. Although some of the
verses are of Irish origin, it is an English document and the only litur-

gical document written during this period which has come down to us. 55

 

53Webster, pp. 38-40. See Heinrich Lubke (ed.), Die Ausstellung;Karl
der GrosseAWerk und Wirkugg (Aachen: 1965) P1. 71.

54Webster, pp. 23, 96. See The New Palaeographical Society, Facsimilies

 

 

of Ancient Manuscripts, ed. Edward Maunde-Thompson et a1. (London: Oxford
University Press, 1903-1912) Ser. II, Pt.VPl. 184. (Hereafter cited N.P.S.).
55 “Hill,

 

Robinson, p. 65.

-36..

The calendars of a Psalter (Oxford, Bod. Lib., Junius 27), the Aratea
(B.M., Cott. Tib. B.V.1) and a Hymnal (B.M., Julius A.VI) are also written
in hexameter verse and are descended from the same source;56 they are
illustrated with signs of the zodiac and the occupations of the month.

Each zodiacal figure in the Athelstan Psalter is placed within a
medallion at the upper left of the page, and below this appear the Golden
Numbers and Domininal Letters which are used to compute the calendar.
The KL monograms are an added decorative note and are in insular style.
The artist's fancy has embellished the letters with dragon's heads with
curling tongues and interlace designs. These signs have been medievalized
by such things as clothing the figures of Gemini, Aquarius and Sagitta-
rius (P1. IV, fig. 1,3) who appear nude in works closer to antique proto-
types. Settings are briefly suggested, for example, by the container
in the Aquarius medallion. Antique sources make no attempt to do this.
:CApricorn and Sagittarius are not portrayed in the antique manner as a
seagoat and centaur but as a goat and an archer. (Compare Pls. IV and
I, Fig. 1)

The most perplexing representation is the Libra figure which is
not represented as she Scales but as a man holding a large two-headed
snake. A planishyhere, or celestial map, of the Northern Hemisphere
reveaih the source of the painter's confusion. The constellation Serpens,
portrayed as a man holding a serpent in front of his body, appears near
Libra and the constellations Corona Borealis and Hercules (See the E.W.A.,

11, P1. 21). The Psalter artist, or his source, mistook Serpens for Libra.

 

56

N.P.S., Ser.II, Pt. III, PIJ‘GZ and R.T. Hampson, Mediiaevi Kalen-
darigg,,, (London: Henry Kent Causton and Co., 1841), I, pp. 393—96. A
text appears pp. 397-420.

 

 

 

   
  
 

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Figure 1. Sagittarius, Figure 2. Libra, Aethelstem
Aethelsten Psalter (8.1L Psalter (3.x. Oott. Galbe A.
Oott. Galba A. XVIII), XVIII), 927-”

927-940

 

figure 5. Aquarius, Aeth'el-
stan Psalter (8.11. Oott.
Oalbe A. mu). 927-910

-37...

-33-

The artist of the Athelstan Psalter worked early in the century
before the revival of illumination at Winchester and the other reformed
Monasteries, and his execution is therefore somewhat crude. The outline
is heavy, the figures lack depth, and the garments fall in stiff folds.
The full page miniatures of thinmanuscript are far more accomplished,
and must have been copied from a different source, possibly Italo-Byzan-
tine. The flowing draperies and the large, staring eyes of the minia-
tures areunot found in the medallions. This indicates that the backward-
ness of the zodiac illustrations has more to do with the artist's model
than with his lack of training.

A A number of calendars, without metrical verses but with obits and
martyrological entries, were also illustrated with signs of the zodiac.
These supplied such astronomical information as the number of days in the
solar and lunar months, the day in which the sun entered the new zodiac
sign, and the two Egyptian days.57 These works were given impetus by
the Church's need to determine the saint's days and the moveable feasts
of the calendar. The entry of the sun into the zodiac and the beginning
of each new month waa‘represented by a drawing of the appropriate sign.58
It was also marked by the inscription which appeared in connection with
the sign, as "Sol in Gemlinil" or"Sol in Scorpionem," and sometimes by c“

an inscription at the top of the calendar pages, for example, "Mains

 

S7Certain activities such as bleeding were prohibited during these

unlucky days. They seem to be a remnant of the ancient Egyptian calendar
and were thought to be the anniversaries of plagues sent to Egypt. Lynn
Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, Vol. 1: During
the First ThirteenICEnturies Of Our Era (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1943) pp. 685-87 and Singer Magic, p. 43 n. 5. Prognostications
were also made on lunar days.

58Ernst Zinner, "Astronomy and Astrology: Medieval and Modern Europe,"
E.W.A., n, col. 64.

 

 

-39_—.

 

ggenorei mirator cornua Tauri" from the Salisbury Psalter. ZQdiaG
drawings can be found in at least four non-metrical calendars although
only two examples can be discussed here.

The classical origin of these illustrations can be felt in the
representation of the Gemini (Pligfig. 2) in a West Country Psalter
(Salisbury Cath. Lib., MS. 150) executed between.969 .md 978. When the
Twins appear as warriors as they do in this manuscript, they are to be
identified as the Dioscuri placed in the sky by Zeus as a reward for
their brotherly affection. Despite the transformation of their spears
into staffs by the addition of flgggudf lyg_ornament and their helmets
into Phryigian caps, the solidity and stance of the figures bespeaks
their antique origins. The energetic line, fluttering capes, and hand
gestures have enlivened their static and traditional pose.

The Capricorn of a Winchester Psalter (B.M., Arundel MS. 60),59
dated ca. 1060 also follows his antique prototype, the winged sea-goat,
in contrast to the Athelstan Psalter which features a goat (P1. V, fig.
1). The artist has confused his signs; the scribe correctly indicated
Scorpio, but the sign of Capricorn has been drawn. Typical of the tech-
nique of English illuminators, a red-tinted ink is used in both the
West Country and Winchester drawings.

The zodiac represented the movements of the heavens; these move-
ments enabled men to compute the feast days of the Church. The zodiac
signs marked the entrance of the sun into each of the twelve phases of

the solar cycle. This idea is expressed in the following passage found

 

9

The text of its calendar is related to Canterbury calendars, but
it was in use at Winchester. Abbot Gasquet and Edmund Bishop, The Bos-
worth Psalter (London: George Bell and Sons, 1908), pp. 30, 41.

 

PLATE V

U ‘ 5‘“ 51H
06 G vt/u H H6
0 0 FUN 5 c1 mare! Paps

xvuxf A. vul ID S CI 1])!in con.-

vn { A B vu f0 Scmemomfit rufizotocdcntfwcnx

d c a v1 11: Sapauhmrpt-

Ct\7 15 'D \f 11) 3

‘ 1111' I E E 11!! II.) S C] [ludhdlfp - , \ypgw
K {1.11 WGQWW \/,2=

 

x11 1 G I! IDS CI “614‘? «PP. 2- :\§‘<f/ g r
l 1 ELI A IDVS ”‘11:"? j/
H B 06qu NOfi/ ,2 ){5' —§

 

106 o 6 9w: " 5%,chpr sun'-
P u D xv S CIIIIt(“cuatldtfiuPc1n1ar-Sol Iusms. 5
mm Q“ E :xuu U? _ - g ‘ Pianist .-

Figure 1. October Page, Psalter (B.M Arundel f3. 60), 23. 1060

m: ' {b S (33.4 Hens! t’mc n :11.»me Nut

:11 , It)
11 - ‘ID S 611116331115 ’] 85 0011?-

IDVS "Elm MW?“
xvu Ix 1\7H Stew cussing—{TB1 mpg.
XVI

gig amapcz ens SOLIHGt ChKIN

. 112th
kt
Rt .1:

. k‘t ‘ ‘ i;
vnn ‘3' .65TAS 0R1 TGR

V111 . (11,1 bdfll' .. ulshelrm 1’" JIDtQVI'

as? 0131051118- vqlqa‘rcg

 

Figure 2. May Page, Psalter (Salisbury Cath. Lib. MS. 150), late
tenth century

-40-

-41-

in the texts of several calendars:

The year of the sun is that it run (sic) through the mickle cycle
the zodiac, and come under each of the twelve signs of the zodiac.
Every month it runneth under one of the twelve signs . . .Each of
the twelve signs holdeth his month; and when the sun hath run under
them all, then is one year gone.6o

Knowledge of the computus-the phases of the zodiac, the Dominical Let-
ters, and Golden Numbers-«was assumed to be a pat of a man's education;
it enabled him to reckon important events. This notion is conveyed by
an entry in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 975 written on the death

of King Edgar:

es

- gusAnd.all‘men everywhere on earth, and in England,
Properly schooled in the science of numbers,
Know that the King, the young ring—giver,

Left the world and his life in the month

Named after Julius, and on its eighth day.61

Aicase of mistaken identity demonstrates how widespread the tendency
was to associate knowledge of astronomy with learning. Among the poems
of the Caedmon Manuscript (Oxford, Bod. Lib. Junius 11) is the Genesis
poem. The poem speaks of Enos, the son of Cain, but the illustrator
has confused Enos with Enoch who was renowned as an astrologer. Enoch

was the seventh son of Adam who learned writing and knowledge and wis-

dom, and who wrote down signs of heaven according to the order of their
months in a book, that men might know the seasons of the years. . . .'"62

Toidentify the figure in the drawing as Enoch the illustrator has placed

 

60Attributed to Bede's de Temporibus, quoted in Cockayne, III, pp.

61Burton Raffel, Poems from the Old English (The University of A
Nebraska Press, 1960), p. 37.

62Quoted from the Book of Jubilees in Israel Gollanz, The Caedmon
Manuscript of Anglo-Saxon Biblical Poetry,_Junius X1 in the Bodleian Library

 

 

 

 

 

(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1927), pp. xlii-xliii.

 

-42-

the sign of Aries, the first month, (RE) beside the figure.

The zodiac symbolized the division of the natural year and the ec-
clesiastical year. Their movements were part of the calculations that
helped the priest to reckon the feast days of the church. The saints'
days and obits marked the passage of the Church's cycle of holidays as
the movement of the "Sun of Righteousness through the festivals of the
Church."63

In antique times the zodiac had meanings in addition to their as-

trological or mythological ones. On sarcophagi the zodiac band, a cor-

one triumphalis, may symbolize immortality or the firmaments to which the

 

dead depart, as in a Sarcophagus from the Palazzo Barberini in the Dum-

barton Oaks collection. (See Panofsky, TombfiSculpture, Pl. 127) Else-

 

where the zodiac when surrounding a figure may represent Time (Aion or

64

en
Chronos)3 Milan (See Wolbach,

K
Early Christian Art, Pl. 107),as the principle of eternal creativeness.

as in late fourth century silverplate

 

In the Orphic cults this principle was represented by Phanes, a beauti-
ful youth,surrounded by the zodiac and attributes of cosmic power, as in
a Modena relief. (See Panofsky, Ico , P1. 36) Time as eternal
creativeness is found in Mithraic art as a winged figure with a lion's
head and claws in the coils of a snake encircled by the zodiac.65

These examples all have in common the zodiac signs represented in

the form of a wheel, a circle, or a band; and this configuration is

 

63James Fowler, ;. L '. "On Medieval Representations of the Months
and Seasons" Archaeolo ia, XLIV (18731‘T'l2‘l. . .

6I'Roger Hinks, Myth and Allegory in Ancient Art ("Studies of the War-
burg Institute," No. 6; London: Warburg Institute, 1939), p. 48.

65Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology_("Harper Torchbooks," the Ace—
demy Library; New York: Harper and Row Pub., 1939), pp. 72-73. See
8180 Rinks, Pa 40o

 

 

-43-

itself significant, because it symbolizes the celestial spheres, the
whole cosmos. This scheme derives from a long tradition, as the second
century B.C. treatise (Paris, Louvre, Pap. 1. mentioned above) .Ottests.
In fact, the zodiac circle is a clear visual statement of the eighth
celestial sphere of Aristotelian-Ptolemaic physics which had prevailed
since Hellenistic times. One of the most common scientific illustrations
in the textbooks was a series of concentric circles representing the
spheres of the seven planets, the fixed stars, the zodiac, and the Egyggg
14.99.11.2-

The zodiac wheel of Psalm.LXIV (65) is the only circular illustra-
tion found among capies of the Utrecht Psalter. (See Pl. VI, fig. 2.,
The example shown here is the Eadwine Psalter executed in England about
the middle of the twelfth century. No capy of the appropriate page from
Harley 603 was available, but the Harley and the Eadwine examples both
follow the Utrecht Psalter for this illustration.) This arrangement
has been suggested by the psalmist's words; "They also that dwell in
the uttermost parts of the earth are afraid at thy tokfins [signs] .
Thou makest the outgoings of the morning and evening to rejoice." Earlier
passages would have reinforced this image: "Who art the confidence of
all the ends of the earth" suggests that the form of the illustration
is also the globe of the Earth, and "being girded with power" could also
refer to the "tokens" as a sign of God's cosmic power. Christ does stand
encircled by these zodiac signs. The "outgoings of the morning and eve-
ning" are the medallions of Sol and Luna drawn above the sphere. The
figure of Eridanus does not appear but his jug beneath the city wall is
the source of the "river of God".

It is interesting to recall the antique reliefs in which Mithras

or Phanes are shown with the zodiac and to note some parallels among these

 

PLATE VI

«Hon .Anum
oaosnn< .nwg .vom .nuounov sokuuaudu .eusoh
Hoouwoaowsmam use nsowehnm can .n eunu¢n

Deuces 52 .Aafi 2:60 Juan fiiv
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examples. One aspect of the principle of eternal creativeness was that
these gods were saviors; they reaffirmed the triumph of life over death
each spring. The zodiacal band was a reminder of their annual rebirth,
is.we11 as symbolizing all creation. Placing Christ within the circle
is an allusion to His ressurection celebrated each spring. Five verses
of the psalm celebrate images of abundance, the growth of flocks and
crops, and this rebirth of the earth may have suggested Christ's rebirth
to the artist. Mithraic reliefs. portrayed the god victoriously slay-
ing a bull who represents evil; and the Christ of this illustration

is also a triumphant figure treading on a lion and an adder, symbols

of evil.

The zodiac figures in this example are very close to the antique
prototypes; the Gemini are nude warriors; Sagittarius is a centaur;
and Capricorn is half-goat, half-sea monster, although the style of the
drawing is not the classizing style of Harley 2506. The signs have been
put in reverse order, however, moving counterclockwise rather than clock-
wise.

In succeeding centuries, zodiac men appear in manuscripts and other
kinds of diagrammatic schema. They illustrate the correspondence between
Isn- represented by the four temperments, humors and ages-—-and the
sniverse--represented by the four winds, seasons, cardinal points, and
elements)or by the twelve months and twelve signs of the zodiac. Although
these ideas gain wide currency in the twelfth century, with the renewed
interest in astronomy, simplified versions occur in French and German

medical works of the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries.66

 

66Thorndike, I, pp. 673-74.

 

 

 

 

-46-_

Diagrams illustrating this notion of correspondence appear in the
Handbook (Oxford, Bod. Lib. Ashmole 328) of Byrhtferth of Ramsey, and one
of these illustrations, the Diagram of the Physical and Physiological
Fours (Pl. VI. fig. 1), demonstrates the analogous relationships between
the human body, the microcosm, and the physical world, the macrocosm?
The outer band gives the signs of the zodiac, and the semicircles supply
the soltices and equinoxes. The outer circles connecting the zodiac
band have the names of the elements. The diagonal lines with circles
name the seasons, their qualities, and the corresponding Ages of Man.
Within the diamond are the points of the compass which spell A D A M,
who symbolizes mankind. The inner circle and the bar above represent
the microcosm, but it is difficult to decipher these signs; they are

probably oghams. Tentative readings of these are "Chr[istu]s et e[cc1esia]

 

f[uit] stiabilital" and "Thrice Blessed Christ"? This system of fours

 

is a remnant of the stoic belief in the interrelation of the internal

and external world which Byrhtferth probably drew from Macrobius. The
question is did the parish priest or the practicing leech understand this
complex idea or does it reflect the erudition of the scholarly Byrhtferth?
There is no evidence to suggest that such rich layers of meaning underlay
the calendar illustrations. These concepts of microcosm -- macrocosm
were beyond the ken of the average man of this day and such notions

represented the views of learned men.68

 

67Charles and Dorothea Singer, "Byrhtferd's Diagram," The Bodleian
Quarterly Record, II, No. 14 (1917), pp. 50-51. The figure in the
Handbook (Ashmole 328) is fragmentary, but a table given in St. John's
MS. 17 (dated 1110) is accepted as a second version of Byrhtferth's
diagram. See also Forsey pp. 506-07. Explanation given here based upon
Singer, "Diagram" Fig. 1 and Singer, Magic, Fig. 14 and 15.

 

 

68Singer, Magic, pp. 40, 92-93. A much simplified microcosmic view
can be seen in texts from the end of the Anglo—Saxon period, see Singer,
Mgic, Fig. 44.

-47-

Medical Illustrations

 

English medical works draw indirectly upon classical sources. In
late antique times, collections of prescriptions were compiled which

were debssed versions of earlier works, like the Materia Medica of Dios-

 

corides ef Ansarba, the Greek botanist. Other collections were attri-
bated to pseudoaylsus authors such as Apuleius Platonicus. Illustrated
Latin translations of the Dioscorides were made is the sixth century,

but there had been a long-standing tradition of illustration before this
time is Greek manuscripts. One of the earliest known Dioscorides manu-
scripts is the codes, now in St. Mark's Venice, made in 512 a.D. in Con-
stantinople for Julia snicis. This codea,liks most other Latin botanical
weeks of the early Middle Ages, was a compilation of several works. The

naturalistic tradition of Latin herbal illustration derives from Southern

Italy.“ under the stimulous of Salerno, an important medical center.
53
ll English work produced for monastic usehrepresentative of the

Apalaiesenioscorides group (B.M., Cott. Vit. C. III) and also contains

the gedicina de Quadrnpedibus of Sextus Placitus. All of these fragments

 

were translated into Anglo-Saxon and combined about 1000 from a South.:;
Italianrmodel, although they were probably prepared in Northern France. An
Italian work (Monte Cassino MS. 97) dating from 850 is closely related to

the Anglo-Saxon treatise, and may have been derived from the same parent.

 

69Singer, Magic, pp. 23-27, fig. 10 and 11, pp. 29-30. Singer sug-
gests that the MS. was executed at Canterbury. See also Charles Singer
"Greek Biology and Its Relation to the Rise of Modern Biology,? Studies
in the History and Method of Science, ed. Charles Singer (Oxford: at the
Clarendon Press, 1921) II, pp. 60-62, 69—70. The text of the Her-
barium appears in Cockayne, I, 70—373.

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-43-

This relationship is clearly demonstrated in the illustrations as well.
No English artist could have drawn some of these plants without a model,
because they are Mediterranean varieties not found in England.70

The miniature with which we are concerned bespeaks the pagan origins
of the text. Aesculapios, Plato (Apuleius Platonicus) and the Centaur
stand holding a book. (P1. VII). Two illustratmons of the sixth century
Dioscorides show groups of physicans and healers, including Chiron.71
This suggests the existence of a tradition of medical illustrations dating
from antique times. Plato can also be identified as Apollo. This re-
veals yet more clearly the mythological roots of the miniature. These
herép are bestowing knowledge of healing upon man. Aesculapios, the
most rehmm‘physician of Antiquity, keeps company with Apollo, the god
of healing, and Chiron the centaur who is well versed in the arts of
healing. A mural painting from Pompeii depicting the same three figures72
suggests that the ultimate prototypes for this minature are older than
the illustrated cycles of the manuscripts.

This scene is related to author portraits like that of the Julia
Anicia manuscript in which Intelligence appears to Dioscorides. In the
Anglo—Saxon work the author Apuleius (Apollo) is inspired not by his
muse but by his mythological forebearsms. Chiron and Aesculapios have

charged himei h the hook representing herbal knowledge. These two sym-

bolize the mythological origins of herbal lore. Here we see a reflection

 

7OSinger, Magic, pp. 13, 25, 71-75, 77-79, and Saxl and Wittkower p. 31.

71David Diringer, The Illuminated Book,4lts History and Production
(New ed. rec; London: Faber and Faber, Ltd., 1967) p. 45; Singer Studies
pp. 69-70.

 

72Singer, Magic, Figs. 3 and 4.

Plate VII‘

 

       

  
   

    

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-49-

-50-

of the literary historical interests of Anglo—Saxon learning, an illus-
tration of the mythological origins of the text. The artist has been
more accurate in the herbal drawings which appear in the text than were
his counterparts who drew the constellations. But let us not confuse ac-
curacy in reproducing a visual model with scientific exactitude and close
observation. The illumnnator is not sketching plants from observation

of nature but from a book, and likewise, the astronomy illustrator is

not recording from observation of the heavens but from the model (or
models) before him.

The content of the author portrait is classical, but its execution,
unlike Harley 2506, is not. Chiron remains faithful to classical icon—
ography -- he is depicted with a nude torso and a branch. Aesculapios
in his toga resembles an antique author type. The large hands and the
acanthus leaf border are typical characteristics of English illumination
in the first half of the eleventh century, as is the emphasis given to
Apuleius by enlarging his figure. Snakes writhe in the immediate fore-
ground, and a boar, hare, wolf, bear, roebuck and a dog can be identi-
fied in the background. The confusing clutter of these figures and the
flatness of the main figures indicates the artist's lack of feeling for
dimensionality. The spatial relationships depend entirely on the use of
color. Thus, Aesculapios and the Centaur are surrounded by a field of
yellow green which distinguishes them from the green background. There
is no recession of space; the animals above appear to float. The artist
is able to capture the general appearance of the antique types, but he
lacks the ability to show three-Ljimensional space. He also lacks the
sensitivity of the artist of Harley 2506 in modeling figures; this, of

course, may indicate that the model available to him was poor.

-51-

The computistical materials of these manuscripts often contained
a magical-medical diagram called the Sphere of Apuleius which
was similar to the Sphere of Democritus popular in Carolingian times.
The text was a descendant of Greek originals and was variously attribu-
ted to Pythagorean, Plato or other authors. With this formula the out-
come of a patient's illness could be calculated using the lunar days.
Answers found in the upper half of the diagram, the realm of Vita, indi-
cated recovery; those found in the lower half portended death. The
priest thus knew if he was to administer extreme unction.73

The Sphere was ordinarily represented as a schematic circle, but
the artist of the Leofric Missal (Oxford, Bod. Lib., 579) has given it
dramatic meaning by portraying personifications of Vita and More. (Pl.
VII, fig. 1). The main body of this manuscript is a Continental sacre-
mentary; the calendar and tables were added at Glastonbury about 970.
In the eleventh century it belonged to the collection of Bishop Leofric
and was part of his large donation to Exeter Cathedral Library. Life
and Death are shown as equal and conflicting forces. Each is placed
on an opposing page. Each one has unfurled a scroll which records the
crucial numbers. Vita is represented as a king, bearded, crowned and
wearing a robe with a fluttering hem. The small cross staff which he
holds in his left hand betokens'hhm Bestower or Lord of Life.- Mars is
a gfigiy'and bestial figure with wings, horns, and.animal ears; he has
talons and spurs at his knees, heels and elbows; six dragons sprout on

either side of his head. He is Satan, the Lord of the Underworld. ‘His

73Adelheid Heimann, "Three Illustrations from the Bury St. Edmunds
Psalter and their Prototypes: Notes on the lconography of Some Anglo-
Saxon Drmwing " Journal of Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XXIX (1966)
‘4k3;j ;. ?“. See also Thorndike, I, pp. 682-83, and Singer Magic, p. 42.

 

PLAT! VII!

-,_..__- -_

Figure 1.

     
 

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century

Satan attacking Christ, Stuttgart Psalter
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-52-

 

Vita and More, Leofric Missal (Oxford, 801.

 

b.’

579}.

 

-53-

nudity —- except for a hairy loincloth —— has theological significance.

It is the state described by the term,nuditas criminalis’which indicates

 

lust and all absence of virtue. This meaning was applied to devils,
sinners and pagan deities.74
This unique conception of Death derives from the demon figures of
the Utrecht Psalter (Psah‘rflll, $.93 ‘9'), a statuette of Bes-Pantheos, a
Coptic magical figure, and Mithraic friezes. The dragons which spring

from.Morsi head are the six sons of Death mentioned in the Coptic source,

The Book of the Resurrection of Christ. The motif may have been suggested

 

by a more immediate source like the Stuttgart Psalter (Stuttgart, Wurt.
Land. Bib. Fol. 23) which shows Satan-Mora and his sons attacking Christ-
Vita (Pl. VII, fig. 1), than the figure of the Bes-Pantheos whose head-
dress is formed by six serpents.75 In Mithraic art Chronos emerging
from the cosmic egg appears with six serpents behind him, although again
it is unlikely that this influence is direct. These six figures plus
Satan can also symbolize the seven vices. The devils of the Utrecht
Psalter, winged figures in loin cloths with taloned feet, undoubtedly
were the inspiration for the fearsome image of Mots. The Utrecht images
themselves were infuenced byclassical representation of Satyr and Silen-
tus figures. The influence of the Rheims School is visible also in the

handling of drapery of the Vita figure: The line is broken and applied in

 

74Panofsky, Iconology, p. 156 and p. 95. There were four meanings
of nudity treated by theologians: nuditas naturalis the natural or ori-
ginal state of man as Genesis and Last Judgement scenes, drawings of
souls, and scientific illustrations; nuditas temporalis the lack of
earthly belongings, monks or the poor; nuditag Virjgalip the symbol of
innocence°and nuditas criminalis the lack of virtue.

1 .
75Heimann, 41—43, Pl. 7, Fig. b and El. 8, Fig. d.

 

 

 

-54-

short strokes; this effect is heightened by the use of red, green, blue
and purple line which seems to be an invention of the English artist
hhnself.

The spiritual conflict implicit in the Leofric miniatures is direct-
ly conveyed by the placement of Vita.and More (Pl. IX, fig. 1) in the
Tiberius Psalter (B.M., Cott. Tib. C. VI) dating from the middle of the
eleventh century. Vita stands on the shoulders of Mora; he has been
transformed into a youthful, cross-nimbed Christ, thus making the Resur-
rection theme more explicit. The figure of Mbrs is not so formidable
in this miniature; the horns, talons and tufts of hair have been taken
away, but the wings and six dragons still signify that he is Satan-Death.
The arrangement of the figures symbolizes Christ-Vita triumphant over
Satan-Mora; representatinns of the Christ Triumphant theme ordinarily
show an animal symbolic of Satan rather than the Devil himself. Although
this is an illustration for the Sphere of Apuleius, the Christian mean-
ing has transformed the image. This hierarchical arrangement of figures
becomes a common treatment in later times for example the four Evange-
lists on the shoulders of the four Prophets in the windows of Chartres.
The stylization of this drawing (for example, the folds of Vita's gar-
ment or Mor's rib-cage) and the elongation of the figures is character-
istic of the latest pre-Conquest style in England and makes the Psalter
a forerunner of the English Romanesque.

In the illustrations of the Psalter executed at Bury St. Edmunds
(Rome, Vat. Lib., Reg. Lat. 12) in the second quarter of the eleventh
century, the Vita-Mora representation has been transformed a second time
in the portrayal of the Psalmist and the Lord in Psalm XII (13) (P1. IX,

fig. 2). Verses three and four have suggested the use of this motif with

 

PLATE IX

 

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-55—

 

PLATE IX

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omen ..u .Aus .o .pas .uuoo

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-55—-

-56..

the words, "Lighten mine eyes, lest I sleep the sleep of death/Lest mine
enemy say, I have prevailed against him" which are inscribed on the scroll
which the Psalmist holds. The torch which Christ holds derives from

the illustrations of the Psychomachia;76 it is also found in the Utrecht

 

Psalter illustration of Psalm XII (13). The figures are no longer passive
representations of abstract ideas; they have been brought actively into
the action of the song. The artist was not interested in personifica-
tion, but rather in the narrative qualities of the image. The classical
origins of this theme have been entirely forgotten in the translation.

The tendencies to emphasize action and narrative and to "baptize" the
content of the image are quite characteristic of Anglo-Saxon art, and

are more ubiquitous in the religious manuscripts of the period.

 

76Heimann, 45-46, Pl. 8, Fig. b and c.

CHAPTER IV
RELIGIOUS MANUSCRIPTS

The descendants of the Vita-Mora motif demonstrate the tendency
of the Anglo-Saxon artist to develop narrative forms in art. This ten-
dency is not new or unique but one which he shares with Carolingian and
late antique artists. The Mors example does illustrate that he is capable
of reinterpreting mythological motifs in an original way and that the
new motif is Christian in content. 0n the whole the mythological motifs
found in English works are borrowed more directly from Carolingian sources
and the mythological elements have already been integrated into Christ-
ian narrative art. However, English artists increasingly tend toward
narrative illustration in the eleventh century, so that later works have
more narrative qualities. Although these motifs derive ultimately from
classical sources the narrative development has altered the classical
forms; motifs which remain close to their classical form are more likely
to be scientific illustrations. The models used by English scriptoria
never antedate the Carolingian era except those of the insular tradition.
In most cases the transformation from mythological legend to Christian
drama has already taken place and the English artist is merely copying
the model before him. In those instances where the artist was freer
to invent a scene utilizing motifs gleaned from other models, the develop-
ment toward narrative action is most pronounced. In these situations
where the artist must invent the scenes he portrays, Anglo—Saxon vernacular

literature influences the images chosen; the struggle of good and evil

:57-

-58-
and the torments of hell and other themes of the poems are reflected
in the illustrator's visions.

The largest single source of mythological motifs for English art
aside from the Aratea was the Utrecht Psalter (Utrecht, U. Lib. Script.
Eccl.484), a ninth century manuscript of the School of Rheims. Canter-
bury artists copied this work twice -- the eleventh century version,
Harley 603, and the twelfth century version, the Eadwine Psalter (B.M.
Cott. Galba E. IV) -- other artists selected isolated themes in creating
new compositions. English artists were also heavily influenced by the
style of its drawings. The model before the artist influenced him as
much as the local style of his scriptoria, as Wormald has pointed out.

It has also been suggested that the Utrecht Psalter was temporarily loan-
ed to other houses by Canterbury monks, or that artists may have traveled
to the home monastery to sketch scenes or motifs for the text they were
illustrating or for later use.77

One of the key elements in the illustration of the Utrecht manuscript
is the pictorial tradition of the Greek Bible; this was transmitted
through Greco—Italian models of the eighth century and is ultimately
derived from Latin works from North Italian schools of the fourth and
fifth centuries.78 One evidence of the strength of antique influence
upon the Psalter is the abundance of personifications. As cosmic forces
or ethical principles they become participants in the drama which pro-

jects the psalm in visual terms. Although this proclivity to action

 

77Dimitri Tselos, "English Manuscript Illustration and the Utrecht
Psalter,“Art Bulletin, XLI (June, 1959), 146—47 and Francis Normald,
Egglish Drawings of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries, (London: Faber and
Faber Ltd., n.d.), p. 54.

78Dimitri Tselos, "Defensive Addenda to the Problem of the Utrecht
Psalter,“ Art Bulletin,XLIX (December, 1967) 342-45.

 

 

 

-59-
is most pronounced in the Utrecht Psalter and its derivatives, this
tendency is found in motifs derived from other sources.

Natural Forces

 

The illustration for Psalm CIII (104) from Harley 603 demonstrates
the activity of various natural forces. A majestic Christ-Logos sur-
rounded by four angels is seen in the firmament which is stretched out
"like a curtain"; he walks "upon the wings of the wind? (Pl. X, fig. 2).
The psalmist's metaphor has been served by the classical image of the
heads of the four winds. They are frequently used in this fashinn and
mark off the celestial sphere from the terrestial one. A medallion with
a bust of Sol, also to be seen in the celestial sphere, signifies that
"He appointed the moon for seasons: the sun knoweth his going down."
The crescent moon, which is frequently represented as a bust of Luna,
and stars also appear in the sky. The illustrator chose to show in the
lower righthand corner both the night when "the young lions roar after
their prey" and the sunrise when the lions "lay them down in their dens."
This psalm sings of the riches of the earth, of the birds, beasts and
men who are among the works of God. Even the sea serpent, who is un-
doubtedly some distant relative of the constellation Cetus (Pl. III,
fig. 3 and 4), is one of the innumerable, creeping beasts of the sea.

Harley 603 was illustrated by several artists working at St. Augus-
tine's at different times. Psalm CIII (104) belongs to the first group
who borrowed the manuscript from Christ Church in the second quarter of
the eleventh century. The second and third groups worked on the manu-
script at a later time. The second group of artists who did not have
the manuscript immediately before them invented compositions drawing

upon the iconography of the Utrecht Psalter through the already completed

 

 

 

PLATE X

 

 

    

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”Lini!‘ nxunhlux . 3!:_PILILIAIIHUTALLILA7 \cu-wtnmglgm-qI... -;_

 

 

Figure l. Psalm CIII (104), Utrecht Psalter ( Utrecht Univ. Lib.
Script. Ecol. #84), 9th century

Ermwmmnfiurnundun; udhaHMHUIflidaudnn ulnuknsiluuullnfl

.
" wmuiadfimxndnwuc|.' daumdflhnnanunvuuf; . -.-,Jnunauwadmn. ’
‘ 7/ « a '* .
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... 'l J

 

Wmmfifwdmm, (lmwuofl'gt_ _; gtgrmmuutnn 3;,

Figure 2. Psalm CIII (104), Harley 603, second quarter of the
11th century

tllllPSJAJAUItfi . " _ ;
N(])KIUNWODI. Inun|.qmundnduflfipa’ flabunraupuwr j
m duo dnedi‘mcul pennafucnunum .' A lama-quanta an fig

169'?

-61..

folios of Harley 603. A third group worked in the twelfth century,but
the cycle was never completed; there are blanks in the text for uncom-
pleted drawings.79 The work of the first artist was a very faithful copy
of the Utrecht Psalter. A comparison of these drawings from a black

and white print, however, fails to reveal a distinctive contribution

of the Anglo-Saxon artist, his use of colored inks. The Rheims' artists
' employed a brown ink throughout while their English counterparts intro-
duced colored inks creating a more lively effect. There is a tendency
to elaborate the decorative qualities of the model as can be seen in

the embellishment of the stars.

Sol and Luna assume more active roles in Crucifixion scenes, how-
ever. In the New Minister Church Offices they (B.M. Titus D. XXVI) ap-
pear as full-length seated figures holding flaming torches. (Pl. XI,
fig. 1). Sol holds an orb and is crowned with another attribute, rays
of light. Luna is crowned with the moon. These figures are simdlar
to those in Psalm CXXIX (130) of the Utrecht Psalter and Psalm 148 of
the Stuttgart Psalter. The scene is executed in tinted outline, broken
lines of red and brown accented with black. The more common device in
Crucifixion scenes is medallions which can be seen in the Crucifixions
(Pl. XI, fig. 2) of the Weingarten Gospels (New York) Hbrgan Lib. 709).
They do not remain impersonal forces but participate in the drama by
covering their faces with their robes in sorrow, a portrayal not common-
1y found in Carolingian art. The clouds are the darkness that covered

the earth. Their turbulence reflects the emotional turmoil and dramatic

 

79Margaret Rickert, Painting in Britéh: The Middle Ages, ("The
Pelican History of Art"; Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1954) p. 146; C.R.
Dodwell, The Canterbury School of Illumination, 1066-1200 (Cambridge:
at the University Press, 1954), p. 3; and M.R. James, The Canterbury
Psalter (London: Percy Lund, Humphries and Co. Ltd, 1935), p. 4, n.3.

 

 

.J

PLATE XI

 

nuanced nuHH emu mo nouusse vacuum

32 .33 83°: 3:8» 305.0338
consensus: .mowuauwosuo .~ shaman

mnoutowou
.AH>NN .n «sous .zunv mouwuwo mousnu
nausea: sea .noauauwosuo .H enough

 

 

 

 

 

 

. .. ...m. . p .
.. y Wsz; .r \
amazon . .

.tozzou. ismuuuz

-.- El.

 

 

 

 

 

“'1'” - .

&-Li'.‘ a.

 

-62-

-63-

intensity of the scene. The pathos of the scene is conveyed in the
tender gesture of the Virgin who daubs Christ's wound and is heightened
by the attenuation of the figures. The drawing is colored with pale
yellow shaded with brown, blue, soft green and red. Gold is applied
to the halos, the frame and the trimmings of the robes. The portrayal
of St. John writing in a book found in these two works also appears in
two other English sources, Harley 2904 and the Winchcomb Psalter (Cam-
bridge, Univ. Lib. F.F. 1.23). The inscriptions of the last two tell
us that John is the one who testifies to this scene.80

The meaning of these symbolic figures, $01 and Luna, is three-fold.
Gospel accounts of the Crucifixion say that the sun was obscured by a
dark cloud and darkness covered the face of the earth, thus fulfilling
an Old Testament prophesy (Amos 8,9). Artists have perhaps applied a
description (Matthew 24 and 29) of the Last Judgement which says that
the moon did not shine. Sol and Luna are also symbolic of the 01d and

the New Testament and the epochs, Sub lege and Sub ggatia. St. Augustine

 

metaphorically compared the Old Law, unfulfilled without the Gospels,

to the moon which has no light of its own but merely reflects that of
the sun, the New Grace. The sacrifice of Christ is, of course, the very
event which brings men salvation and inaugurates the era Sub gratis in
which men have both the Law and the Gospels. There is another corres-
pondence here which derives from the notion of Christ as Savior. Luna,
the Old Testament, or the Synagogue, is Death and darkness. Sol, the

New Testament, or the Church, is Life (alluding to the life-giving powers

 

80Harley 2904: "hic est discipulus qui testimonium perhibet" (John
21:24); Winchomb Psalter: "gt ego vidiet testimonium" (John 19:35).
Niver pp. 685-86. ’

-54-
of the Sun) who appears at Christ's right hand. In antiquity these
emblems have a funerary significance which certainly applies to the
Weingarten Gospels in which Christ is shown dead. In the New Minister
Offices (B.M., Titus D. XXVI) Christ's eyes are Open and there would

be no funerary meaning to Sol and Luna.

801 and Luna are also prominent in the Mithraic art of antiquity
where they are shown with the deity Mithras; here they are symbols of
celestial forces and have planetary significance.81 This meaning is
certainly not lost upon the Anglo-Saxon artist because the church calendar
was calculated in terms of the solar and the lunar year. Although the
earliest known use of these motifs is the extraordinary Crucifixion of
the Rabbula Gospels from the sixth century, the Anglo-Saxon examples
were drawn from Carolingian works, the period in which they become a
common element in crucifixion iconography.

The relationship between the Crucifixions of these manuscripts is
somewhat uncertain,but it seems clear that Harley 2904 or a model close
to it is the source for the St. John. There were other models drawn

upon, however: the dexterra domini, Sol and Luna were added later and

 

are found in a Crucifixion (B.M. Arundel 60) that has no writing St. John.
There must have been other models drawn upon as the different treatments
of the Virgin and the cross would indicate. The Weingarten Gospels and
the Winchcomb Psalter are the most closely related, although the latter
is clearly a "barbarizing" version of the former. Harley 2904 and the
Weingarten Gospels are by far the most effective and moving images of

the group. The attenuated figure and the stylization of drapery with

 

81Louis Réau, Iconographie de l'Art chrEtien, Tome II: Iconographie

 

 

de la Bible, Pt. II: Nouveau Testament (Paris: Presses Universitaires
de France, 1956), pp. 486-87.

 

 

‘r

 

-65-
long, unbroken lines anticipate Romanesque deve10pments in English
art.
Certain personifications of natural forces are emphasized in Caro-
lingian art and come into more common use in Carolingian times than they
had been in antiquity. In Carolingian works Eridanus, or Oceanus, with

Tellus, or Terra, usually flank Crucifixions and Majestas Domini. Oceanus

 

represents source, the ocean, a spring, or the Jordan. The artists of
the Utrecht Psalter and the Stuttgart Psalter employ this visual meta-
phor frequently. In Psalm XCVII (98) of the Utrecht Psalter, Oceanus
rides a hippocamp with Thallasa bestride a dolphin. In Psalm LVII (58)
Eridanus represents the "waters which run continually" and in Psalm
LXXXVIII (89) "the floods [which] have lifted their voice". Eridanus
appears in the illustration for Psalm I. He is suggested by the verse,
the blessed man "is like a tree planted by streams of water/ that yields
its fruit in its season,/ and its leaf does not wither." The images of
this passage suggest renewal, a theme which would have special meaning
for any Christian.

The artist of the Paris Psalter (Paris, Bib. Nat. MS. Lat. 8824),
from the second quarter of the eleventh century, selects this image to
illustrate the entire psalm; he takes from the Utrecht drawing only
the tree and the figure of Eridanus (Pl. XII, fig. 2). This Psalter
belongs to a tradition in which only one verse is illustrated as compared
with the Utrecht Psalter which is a sequence of metaphors synoptically

arranged, or the Bury Psalter which is a sequence placed in the margin.82

 

82Otto chht, "The Full-Page Miniatures," The St. Alban's Psalter
(Albani Psalter)("8tudies of the Warburg Institute,“ Vol. 25, ed., G.
Bing;‘LOndon: the Warburg Institute, 1960), p. 159, n. 1. Francis Wormald,
"The Decoration and the Litany," The Paris Psalter, MS. Bibliothéque Na-
tionals Fonds Latin 8824, Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, Vol.
VIII, ed., Bertram Colgrave (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1958), p. 15.

 

 

 

 

 

PLATE XII

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

       
  

. '7. ",5
Eight“? fvotcrna elxm‘v tax; 19- mvsbigf
"0‘- st ofussusnf ~.

fi¢§bbur~$¥eccé {Mtcfcm mewbfllfl

 

Figure 1. Chastity Cleansing Her Sword, mm
Psyc‘rmachia (3.11. Cott. Cleo. C 7111) " Rain—Pm: :3,
2?.- 1'300 j humani- } .13
6.3 ““..\;'(,:_
. ( 4*“4r\\\ 1‘"-
Figure 2. Psalm I, Paris Psalter (Paris, 2 onhcnnptxdnfiha
Bib. Kat. E3 Lat. 8924), second quarter -
of the 11th century 3 - _ {2&qume

oculofmmfmflmmitif muu mmacuLm Inc — anqmzarrm ;‘|
fiomrrrprmeatyo mtlnmtm '1
"Cfodun ; -- — _

~

    
 
 
  

" g '°* ‘Lummu:flu
@ OUANXILISFUCRI’I' (TKORAOVO 1:}.u
Figure 5. Psalm CI (102), Harley 60}, second quarter of the
11th century

 

-67-

The artist borrows some of his motifs from segments of Utrecht drawings,
although he may not have had the manuscript in front of him; and he
has originated ideas of his own. This image departs from the classical
reclining figure: the lower half of the figure has been left out; only
a large jar and the torso appear. The tree springs right out of the
stream. The drawing is a tinted outline technique and makes no attempt
at illusionistic coloring as do the astronomical manuscripts, nor does
it have the monumental quality of some other Anglo-Saxon drawings like
the Malmesbury Prudentius or the Cambridge Boethius manuscript.

A personification of Jordan appears in the ngchomachia illustra-

 

tion of Chastity cleansing her sword (P1. XII, fig. 1). The spiritual
significance of this act is that in God's waters sins are washed away;
it is an act of purification. The theme of purification is conveyed in
the action of the poem. Chastity slays Lust and washes the bloody sword
in the Jordan, "so the conqueress deftly cleanses the conquering blade
by bathing it in the stream, dipping it in to wash away the stain of

blood that came from her foe's throat...1'83

Jordan's archetype Erida-

nus is readily apparent in the half-draped body, the beard and water

jug. He is half-standing, half-sitting, abandoning the traditional re—

clining position. The most puzzling iconographic departure is the com-

pass which Jordan holds in his right hand. In other Anglo-Saxon works

it symbolizes God the Creator. The composition portrays God's absolu-
through

tion of sin . a the act of ritual cleansing or purification. It is

an allusion to baptism.

 

83Prudentius, trans. H.J. Thompson, ("The Loeb Classical Library";
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univeristy Press, 1949) I, p. 287, see ed. note.

 

 

 

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-63-

This allusion is more explicit in the Baptism of Christ from the
Benedictional (B.M. Add. MS. 49598) made for Bishop Aethelwold at Win-
chester between 975 and 980 (P1. XIII, fig. 1). The artist according
to Godeman, the scribe, was instructed to decorate the manuscript"with
manifold beautiful colors and with gold"84 and the illuminator gave Ae-
thelwold a very sumptous work. Christ stands in opaque water within
a gold mandorla and with a gold nimbus; his robes are violet and gold.
The angels beside Him are clothed in red and pale violet. The background
is pink, and the Holy Spirit, Jordan's horns, and the vase are gold.
Particularly unique elements, such as the phial in the dove's beak and
the paddle behind Jordan suggest a very early prototype, but the model
was a Carolingian ivory cahket of the School of Metz (Pl. XII, fig. 2).
(The dove flanked by angels appears on the lid of the casket.) The ves—
sel is a double phial for oil which signifies E x g£_sacerdos, King and
Priest.85

The medium has allowed the artist to capture flesh tones and to
model the body making it closer to the Aratea illustrations than any
of the other Jordan figures. The repose of the traditional Eridanus
is abandoned for an upright sitting position. This change subtly brings
the god more fully into the drama of the scene; he becomes a partici-
pant. The compression and overlapping of figures to fit the framed space

of the page draws Jordan into the scene. The illuminator has had a pro-

blem fitting in all the figures; they take up the borders as well, par-

 

8l'l’rom an inscription quoted in Frederic Warner and Henry Wilson, The
Benedictional of St. Aethelwold, Bishopiof WichesterL 963-984, (Oxford:

Printed for the Roxburghe Club, 1910), p. xiii.

85Grabar and Nordenfalk, p. 183. On the influence of Metz ivories see
Otto Hamburger, "L' Art Carolingien de Metz et 1' Ecole de Winchester,"Ga—
zette des BeauxrArts, "Essais en l'Honneur de Jean Porcher, 1" (July-
August, 1963), 36-37.

 

PLATE XIII

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-69-

-70-

ticularly on the left. In another Carolingian ivory Jordan is shown
in a more active way; he gestures at John the Baptist. (See Schiller,

Ikonographie, Ed. I, fig. 366). All the figures are drawn into the v

 

charged atmosphere; the wavy line in the upper and lower register ex-
presses the emotional intensity which is echoed in the rippling lines
of the river, the folds of Jordan's drape, the fluttering hems of gar—
ments and the graceful curves of the acanthus borders. In comparison
with the figures on the casket, the Benedictional figures float; the
Baptist and the angel do not stand solidly on the ground, even Jordan
is not so firmly rooted. The restless, moving line animates the whole
composition with an ecstatic quality.

What is the theological significance of this scene? Christ's nu—
dity has particular implications for this question because it symbolizes

innocence, the nuditas virtualis referred to above (see footnote 74).

 

He has been purified, his sins cleansed. This is therfiééf‘act of puri-
fication: just as the Holy Ghost infused Christ with new spirit and
with a new life as king and priest, the Christian is given rguggea life
through the sacrament of baptism. His sins are washed away; he is im-
bued with Christian spirit from the source or spring of the life-giving
waters. The phial alludes to the double nature of Christ as King and
priest as do other elements of the painting. The colors gold and violet
signify royalty: the mandorla symbolizes Christ as cosmic ruler. (He
is also shown in a mandorla in the Ascension in this manuscript.) Two
of the angel attendents above carry crowns and scepters, all kingly at-

tributes. The priestly attributes are not evident.

 

-71-

Demonolm

 

Perhaps the most vital and original transformation of classical
images can be seen in the demons executed by English artists of this
period. The liveliness of their imagination is given full play in the
many compositions which feature devils. Evil is an active force in the
world; everywhere in contest with good. The sufferings of the damned,
the certain fate of sinners are frequent themes. Several compositions
are freely invented by Anglo-Saxon artists. These drawings give us a
unique look at their treatment of antique motifs uninhibited by a desire
to immitate a given model, unlike the first artists of Harley 603. This
array of demons influences Continental art in the twelfth century and
continues to be a distinctive feature of English art.86 The interest
in demons and the tendency to see them actively struggling with good
in the world is often reflected in the literature of Anglo—Saxon times.

The demonology of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts is based upon the general
type of late antique devil to be found in Carolingian works like the
Utrecht Psalter and the Stuttgart Psalter. This fearsome figure with
wings, talons’and shaggy loincloth, was seen in the Mars illustration
of the Leofric Missal and its derivatives. Although English artists
seem to have borrowed no motifs from the Stuttgart Psalter or a work
similar to it, these paintigss are closer to the English examples than
those of Utrecht. In the Utrecht work, the devils are active creatures,
but they play a somewhat minor role in the overall composition simply
because there are several scenes represented within the same drawing.

They are most commonly shown capturing or tormenting the damned. In

 

86Adolf Goldschmidt, "English Influence on Medieval Art of the Con-
tinent," Medieval Studies in Memory of A. Kingsley Porter, ed. Wilhelm
R. Koehler (Cambridge: Harvard Univeristy Press, 1939) II, pp. 721-22..

 

-72-
the Stuttgart Psalter there is a greater variety of action -- Satan with
his six sons attacking Christ, mentioned above (f. 107r), demons feed-
ing furnaces (f. 56f) or holding snakes (f. 16v), Christ attacking the
gates of hell - and the demons are a more prominent part of the compo-
sition.

It has been shown earlier how the symbolism of the Vita and Mors
figures from the Leofric Missal have been charged with Christian mean-
ing in the Bury Psalter drawing of the subject. In other manuscripts
we see the theme of Christ victorious over evil. The composition from
the New Minsterr Offices -- (B.M., Cott. MS. Titus D. XXVIII), illustra—
ted by Abbot Aelfwin and identified as the "Quinity" by Ernst Kantor-
mitts -- shows God the Son with Satan trampled beneath his feet (PLXIK
fig.4} ). Although the whole composition is an invention of the artist
drawing upon several sources, this motif is taken directly from the

Utrecht Psalter illustrations.87

 

Another Winchester work in tinted outline, the New Minster: Liber

Vitae (B.M., Stowe MS. 944) from the same period, 1020-1035, uses these

 

demon figures more imaginatively in the Last Judgement (P1. XIII).:7 .
The middle panel of this page shows us the central drama: St. Peter
and Satan are contending for the soul of a sinner inspired by f. 79v

of the Utrecht Psalter. The poor sinner has turned his back on Satan,
who has grabbed his arm, and looks hopefully at St. Peter. This devil
who displays those common characteristics of the demon type -- talons,
horns, hair skirt, semi-nudity, serpentine hair —- reads from a book of

accusation while a angel to the left consults a book of good deeds.

 

87Ernst H. Kantocowicz, "The Quinity of Winchester," Art Bulletin,
XXIX (March, 1947), 73ff. See also Tselos, Art Bulletin,XLI (June,
1959), 139-40; Wormald, Drawings, p. 34; and Rickert, pp. 48—9.

 

 

PLATE XIV

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Last Judgement, New Minster Liber Vitae (B.M. Stowe
as. 944), _c_g_.1016-10§0

-73-

-74-
A winged devil holds two more sinners in his grasp on the right.

In the register above, St. Peter ushers the blessed into the
heavenly city, while the fate of those damned by the book of accusation
is shown in the lowest register. A devil is forcefully trying to shove
two of the wicked into the hell mouth as two others dive in from above.
The demon in hell has been suggested by the Utrecht Psalter protrayals
of Hades seizing the damned. Although the Winchester artist has not
retained the birds-eye panorama or spatial perspective of the Utrecht

Psalter, the antique origin of the image is still clearly recognizable.

 

Other stylistic characteristics of both the Offices and the Liber Vitae,
such as the thrusting heads and hunched backs of the figures or the
rippling garments, are attributable to the influence of the Utrecht Psalter
or a source close to it, even though the Psalter was not housed at
Winchester as far as we know.

The Liber Vitae sequence is a most unusual treatment of the Last

 

Judgement theme, and it would seem to be inspired by the nature of the
work which it illustrates. The New Minster Register and Obituary con-
tains, among other items, obits and a list of benefactors of the New
Minster. It is in one sense a book of good deeds: the artist has shown

the reward awaiting those whose names are entered in the Liber Vitae —-

 

eternal life -- and the fate of those who have done no good works --
damnation. The fate of the damned is like that of the fallen angels.

In the words of the poet of the Lamentations of the Fallen Angels:

 

For their transgression they had lost all good,
And might have no dwelling save the deep abyss
And the fires of hell, the cursed hall

Where the noise of wailing is known afar,

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-75-

A gnashing of teeth and the moaning of men.88

The blessed will enjoy the "'City of Refuge.'":
Where they may have life for ever and ever,
A bright city-dwelling, a home on high;

He shall know bliss who obeys his Savior.
It is well with him who may win that reward!

89

This poem from the Caedmon Manuscript (Oxford, Bod. Lib. Junius
11) is illustrated, and some striking parallels can be seen in comparing
the Fall of the Rebels (Pl. XVI) with the Last Judgement. The concep-
tions of space are similiar. Both pages are divided into registers,
four in the former and three in the latter, with the Heavenly City above
and the abyss of hell below, and both feature a devouring hell mouth.
The juxtaposition of the joyous life of those who dwell above and the
grievous life of suffering below is repeated many times throughout the
poem in order to describe the enormous loss of Lucifer's band in being
expelled from heaven. In each of these miniatures, the artist's use

of space heightens this contrast, although the fall of Lucifer is not

the subject of the Last Judgement. The illustrator of the Liber Vitae

 

was not capying the Fall of the Rebel Angels, nor was he illustrating
the poem, but the similarity of the drawings demonstrates the influence
of the poet's vision of the joys of the "courts on high" and the
"dreadful home" of the damned.

In English manuscripts of this period, the most vivid vision of
the torments of hell is the Magican Mambres at the Mouth of Hell (Pl.

1

XIII, fig. 1) from the Marvels of the East (B.M. Cott. Tib. B.V. ).

This collection of descriptions of fantastic races of men in the form

 

88Charles W. Kennedy, Early English Christian Poetry_(New York:
Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 46.

 

89Lamentations from Kennedy, p. 47.

 

 

 

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-76-

of a travelogue is directly descended from antique sources, and draws
heavily upon the letter, purportedly written by Ferm€%.to the Emperor
Hadrian‘ in the fourth century A.D. The author of the Fermens' letter
drew upon a literary tradition that harkens back to the Greeks, Ktesia
(beginning of the fourth century B.C.) and Megasthenes (who was sent
to India in 303 B.C.), and is transmitted through Pliny and Solinus to
Isidore and eventually to Vincent of Beauvais.90 However, the portion
of the text which is of interest to us is a fragment of a lost apocra-

phal book, Poenitentia Iannes et Mambres; probably this fragment was

 

included in the work from which the Marvels were copied, and the com-
piler did not question its relation to the stories.91 The interest in
geography in England had caused these tales to be translated into Anglo-
Saxon. There were pictorial cycles that accompanied the literary sources
in antiquity, and-their descendants are the illustrations for the Mar-
vels of Tiberius B.V. and Cotton Vitellius A. XV. The Mambres composi-
tion, however, is original; the artist uses motifs from Utrecht but

creates his own interpretation of Mambres at the mouth of the abyss.

In this scene, Mambres uses magical books to call his brother Jan-
nes, a wizard, from hell. Jannes warns Mambres to do good in his life-
time because one knows only darkness and perdition in hell. These tor-
ments are vividly illustrated by the artist who in fact, goes beyond
the textuedi description which does not mention snakes or flames. The

giant Hades looming out of the darkness of the cave devours two sinners;

 

90Rudolf Wittkower, "Marvels of the East: A Study of the History

of Monsters," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute, V
(1942), 141-72.

 

91Montague Rhodes James, Marvels of the East: A Full Reproduction
of the Three Known Copies (Oxford: Printed for the Roxburghe Club at
the University Press, 1929) pp. 11, 29-30.

 

 

PLATE XV

 

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his hairy arms could easily reach Mambres standing on the shelf of rock.
In the flaming pit below, the damned are tormented by serpents and dra-

gon-like creatures. In this scene, the concept of nuditas criminalis

 

is captured in the devil and the sinners whose skin is spotted as if
their sins were manifest as diseased flesh. This giant Hades, as well
as the one from the Last Judgement, derives from figures like those
of Psalm CXIV (116) and CXXXVIII (139). The Marvel's portrayal is close
to the antique conception of the underworld as a dark cave or fiery pit.
The writhing figures of the sinners and the demons who torment them in
the form of serpents or beasts are similarly inspired by the Utrecht
illustrations. Although the Marvels' illustrations draw upon an earlier
model, the underworld of Mambres suggests that the artist had direct
access to the Utrecht Psalter.92
The ancients' notion of the gloomy netherworld and the visual mo-

tifs derived from the Utrecht Psalter are not the only inspiration for
the painting of Mambres. The physical tortures of damnation are sung
in many vernacular poems; they bewail pain, blasts of flame, poison,
darkness, serpents. The vividness with which the artist of the Marvels
portrays the torments of the "woeful pit" also stems from his literary
heritage; the miniature captures the feeling of passages like the fol-
lowing:

They have no hope but frost and fire,

Pain and sorrow and swarming serpents,

Dragons and adders, and a home of darkness.

He might hear, who stood as far from hell

As twelve miles distant, a gnashing of teeth
Loud and grievous. 93

 

92Tselos, Art Bulletin, XLI (June, 1959), 149.

 

93Lamentations from Kennedy, pp. 46-47.

 

-79-

The hell mouth seen in the Caedmon Manuscript (Oxford, Bod. Lib.
Junius 11), the Paris Psalter (Paris, Bib. Nat. Fonds Lat. 8824), the
"Quinity", and the Last Judgement is a unique feature of English art.
It is also found in the Harrowing of Hell (Pl. XV, fig. 1) from the
Tiberius Psalter (B.M. Cott. Tib. C. VI), executed between 1041 and 1066,
probably at Winchester. The inferno is a beast's head whose gaping
jaws hold sinners; this motif has literary parallels, such as the jaws
of Grendel, the monster of Beowulf, and is carried on in the Romanesque

94 The artists of Harley

period in such works as the St. Alban's Psalter.
603 and the Eadwine Psalter use the hell mouth; this is an interjection
of the artists. It does not appear in the Utrecht Psalter.

The harrowing is a triumphal scene; Christ descends to offer sal-
vation to those imprisoned who have died without having a chance at
repentance. They are spirits from the Sgb_lggg_era who have not heard
the gospel. He brings "all into subjection to himself by His redeeming
power" as the Biblical sources suggest (Ephesians 4: 8-10, I Peter 3:19,
4:6). Christ has flung Open the portal of hell and tramples Satan who
is shackled underfoot. A resurrection banner waves above His head (fire
damage to the manuscript has made this difficult to discern).

The harrowing is a particularly popular theme in devotional litera-

ture. It forms one section of the poem, Christ and Satan, erroneously

 

attributed to Caedmon; the Exeter Book contains a poem by this title
and the theme also appears in Cynewulf's Ascension. The story ultimately

derives from the apocrayphal account of the Gospel of Nicodemus. The

 

94Pscht, p. 56 n. 6. The twelfth century "Archeron" of the Vision
of Tundal is a probable descendant; hell is described as a beast with
huge teeth and tongues of flame. Goldschmidt, p. 721. On the Tiberius
Psalter see Francis Wormald, "An English Eleventh Century Psalter with
Pictures," The Walpole Society, XXXVIII (1960-62), l-l3.

 

-80...

imagery of the poems emphasizebChrist's victory over Satan and his de-
mons and the freeing of the imprisoned souls. The miniature's motifs
are similar in spirit to this passage from the poem:

Now the fiends' warriors are overwhelmed,

Laid low and imprisoned in living pain,

Deprived of blessings in the pit of hell.
sesss’

The Defender of heaven, with his Ancient Foe

Engaged in strife by His single might;

There He freed from bondage abundant spoil, 95

A countless folk from the City of fiends,...
and from another poem:

The Son triumphed on that journey to darkness,

Smashing Hell's doors. Many men's souls 96

Rose with Him then, the Ruler of all,....

The visual interpretation of this theme seems to be an original
one, although some elements are inspired by the Utrecht Psalter. The
figure of Christ is taken from the Illustration for Psalm XV (16) where
Christ leans over to pull two sinners from the pit.97 The expression-
istic style of the artist has elongated and enlarged the Lord so that He
hovers over the sinners while trampling the "Fiend". Christ is a very
active figure both pinning the devil and rescuing souls from hell's pri-
son. The figure of Satan follows the antique model generally establish-
ed in English art by this time, but the artist has given him a particu-
larly bestial appearance with a long snout, sharp teeth, pointed ears,
spurs and firey breath.

Satan also appears shackled in several other illustrations from

the Caedmon Manuscript and in the "Quinity"; this motif is not found

 

95Cynewu1f, The Ascension from Kennedy, p. 100.

 

96The'Dt'eam of the Rood from Raffel, p. 25.

 

97Tselos, Art Bulletin, XLI (June, 1959), 149.

 

PLATE XVI

 

 

 

The Fall of the Rebel Angels, Caedmon Manuscript (Oxford,
Bod. Lib. Junius 11), 33. 1000

-31-

-82..

in the Utrecht Psalter or the Stuttgart Psalter and is a literary influ-
ence. In the Genesis B poem (lines 235-851, a ninth century interpola-
tion into an earlier poem) of the‘Caedmon Manuscript, the poet couches
the drama in terms familar to his audience -- heaven and hell are halls
and courts, Lucifer expects princely gifts, Lucifer is a prince disloyal
to his overlord. He has defied the loyalty and service to his lord upon
which the comitatus is based. After his fall he is shackled to the floor
of hell, "My hands are fastened, My feet are bound,/ I can no way get

"98 But his pride is unbroken and.he

free of these fettering chains.
appeals to his former thence to aid him in ensnaring men into hell.
The subtleties of the comitatus relationship are not conveyed in the
miniatures, but the image of the bound Lucifer derives from the poem.
The image of the rebellious thane is particularly appropriate to the
"Quinity" and the Harrowing where the Lord aubdues Satan beneath his
feet.

The Third Temptation from the Tiberius Psalter features a grotes-
que devil (Pl. XVlIfig.3. ) although he is not quite like therfirst.
The role of the devil is somewhat different here; he is not the keeper
of damned souls not the rebellious Lucifer but the temptor of the Lord.
For enticement he offers worldly treasures (Matthew 4:8) as represented
by the sword, cup, bowl, etc. His nose is short and upturned, but defi~
nately inhuman; he wears a hair skirt and his wings have eyes. This
is a reference to Lucifer's fall from heaven; however, the devils of
the Caedmon Manuscript do not have eyes on their wings. The long poem
Christ and Satan found in this work contains, in addition to the harrow-

ing and the Lamentations of the Fallen Angels, a fragment on Satan's

 

 

98Kennedy, p. 32, The Fall of Man pp. 55—57.

 

-33-

temptation of Christ. This harrowing scene is an active drama -- the
Lord admonishes Satan with the cry "Begone Satan!" and Satan looks fright-
ened but does not flee as the devils of the Stuttgart Psalter temptation.
A considerable number of the illustrations of the Tiberius Psalter
portray the triumph of good over evil. The drawings precede the textual
portion of the Psalter, unlike Harley 603 or the Bury Psalter whose il-
lustrations are placed throughOut the text. The majority of these scenes
are taken from the lives of David and Christ, unlike those of the first
and second Psalter traditions which illustrate the psalms they accompany.
The theme of good triumphant over evil is expressed in the miniatures
Vita-Mora, David and Goliath, David and the Lion, St. Michael and the
Dragon, Christus super aspidem, as well as the two we have just discus-
sed. The artist of this work was breaking new ground; this is perhaps
the earliest surviving example of this type of psalter illustration.
There was no pictorial cycle which was independent of the text to follow.
Lack of a direct model freed the illuminator from the constraints of
reproducing the work before him and enabled him to choose subjects from
the life of the psalmist (David of course, prefigures Christ) and the
life of the Lord. The recurring theme of the struggle between good and
evil provides an underlying unity to the illustrations. There is consi-
derable inventiveness for instance, in the treatment of the Vita-Mars
figures (discussed above) which gives the computistical material in a
form that echoes the major theme. When the artist had the latitude to
choose subjects and themes his choices strongly reflect the themes and
images of vernacular literature. Indeed two of the subjects chosen,

the Harrowing and the Temptation, appear in Christ and Satan and other

 

poems.

PLATE XVII

    

‘cml 5.5., 75am

Ehc. VI) cu. mo

 

 

72. 72m! Tzw‘afib’t
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-94-

-35-

The artists who worked on Harley 603 in the second half of the elev-
venth century continued the antique type of demon established by earlier
artists. Although they were working without the Utrecht manuscript be—
fore them, these figures are close to those of Utrecht. Demonology re-
mains prominent in English art in the succeeding century, the famous
Albani Psalter draws upon the motifs of the Tiberius Psalter. The de-
velopment leans generally to the fantastic and bestial qualities of the
figures. Devils become less recognizably human unlike their antique
ancestors.

The contest between the forces of good and of evil is also reflect-
ed in the theme the woman with evil children. This motif appears in

the Bury Psalter, Harley 603 and the Psychomachia manuscripts whose pro-

 

’ totypes originate in the fifth or sixth century. The motif was borrowed
from personifications of Caritas, or Terra, or Tellus, a bare breasted
woman suckling children; the panel from the Ar; ngi_s_ is the best - g" .2
known example of Terra. The original meaning of Terra as a fertility
principle is not lost; she appears with Oceanus in Carolingian Cruci-
fixtons, for example the ivory cover of the Pericope of Henry II, or

the Majestas Domini of the Metz Sacrementary (3h. thiflinngPJ, 13). One

 

Anglo-Saxon example of the Terra appears in Psalm CI (102) of Harley
603. She appears with her traditional attribute, the cornucopia, in
her left hand and her children gathered at her right side (Pl. XII
fig. 3). The motif was inspired by the line, "people which shall be
created".

The clue to how Terra was transformed from a fertility goddess to a

woman emboding evil is supplied by the author of the Psychomachia, Aure-

 

lius Prudentius Clemens (348-410?) when he describes a Vice trying to

~86-

masquerade as the Virtue, Thrifty, as a "false Bellona." Ma, a Cappa—
docian goddess,introduced to Rome, was identified with Bellona; the
worship of her followers was wild and orgiastic like that of the Magna
Mater. The Vice dons the guise of maternity so that she will "be thought
not a greedy pest but a thrifty Virtue." Her play is skillfully contrived:

With a delicate covering of motherly devotion

she hides her snaky tresses so that the white

mantle shall disguise the raging that lurks

beneath and screen the fearful. fury, and so

display her plundering and thieving and greed-

ing storing of her gains under the pleasing

name of care for her children. 99
Elsewhere the offspring are described as "Crimes, the brood of their

mother Greed's black milk."100

Black milk and snaky hair specifically
designate evilnesa and these two allusions are captured in the visual
image. Avarice with her locks sits feeding her children (Pl. XVIII,
fig. 1) just as she has been described in-the text. Prudentius' ecumen-
tary has a remarkably pictorial quality and is thus easily translated
into a visual representation. The original illustrated cycle was deve-
loped only shortly after the poem was written and Prudentius may have
had an illustrated test in mind.101
Elements of the classical model are still preserved in this manu-
script (B.M. Add. MS. 24199) from the late tenth century, the half-draped
body, the children feeding at her breasts, the modeling or attempt to

show the figure beneath the drapery. The artist was uninfluenced by

the Rheims cursory style, his line is vertical or V-shaped. The charac-

 

99Prudentius, p. 319, see ed. note.

100Prudentius, p. 311.

 

101 Hinks, p. 121.

PLATE XVIII

 

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‘ ' Zr ‘X, :\ Psalter (Utrecht Univ. Lib. Script.
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Figure l. Avarics with her
evil children, Psychomschis
(B.M. Aid. 24199)

 

  

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Figure 3. Set '

all of Psalm v11, ..--— _ ...
Harley 505, second Quarter of Figure 4. Psalm VII, Bury Psalt-:

the eleventh century (Home Vat. deg. Lat. 12), 23. 1050

«87.

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teristics of his style give the figure a solidity and statuesque quality
that approaches the classical. These manuscripts, expecially the Malm-
esbury Prudentius, have been compared with Greek vase paintingIozThe

artists of the other English Psychomachia have a tendency to stylize

 

drapery into elaborate pattern, but their tinted ink drawings neverthe-
less, retain some feeling of monumentality in their figures and the semi-
nudity of the original prototypes. The images have a semblance of clas-
sical form. The allegorical device of personifing the opposing forces
of the soul as female figures is certainly a classical form. Prudentius'
interest in these wart'u‘ forces is didatic -- the Christian must ready
himself with spiritual weapons to combat the forces of evil. The author's
work lends itself well to visual representation and the original artists
followed classical sources for the personifications.) The militant char-
acter of the work has caused the artist to draw his motifs from action-
oriented, narrative forms such as triumphal columns, rather than more
static allegorical forms. The meaning of these figures is always indi~
cated by the action shown, not by a symbolic attribute.103
The militant tenor of the poem is also its chief appeal for the
Anglo-Saxon. It should not be surprising that there are four English
copies of this work, deriving from a ninth or tenth century Anglo-Saxon
104

manuscript based upon a Carolingian model possibly executed at Tours.

The preoccupation with the active contest between good and evil that

 

102Goldschmidt, p. 719.

103Adolf Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues andVices in
Medieval Art from Early Christian Times to the Thirteenth Century, trans.
Alan J. P. Crick (New York: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1964) pp. 4-6.
Also Saxl and Wittkower, p. 22.

10l'Helen Woodruff, The Illustrated Manuscripts of Prudentius (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1930), pp. 17-21.

 

 

 

-39-

runs through Anglo-Saxon art and literature makes the popularity of this
combat understandable.

The motif of the Woman with evil children found in Harley 603 (P1.
XVI, Fig. 3) also derives from illustrative cycles originating in the
fifth and sixth centuris. The vignette, part of the representation of
Psalm VII (7), is suggested in part by the text which says that a woman
has given girth. to "iniquity", "mischief" and "falsehoOd" which are sym-
bolized by the three children. The relationship of the text and the
drawing is not as close as the Prudentius' example. To emphasize her
demonic character the woman's hair stands out in flame-like tufts and
her garment is of hair or fur. The Bury Psalter attests further to the
vitality of this image; the illustrations for Psalm VII(7) includes
the Woman with evil children (Pl. XVII, Fig. 4). There are some signi-
ficant differences in the two works iconographically. The woman from
the Bury Psalter has been shot by an arrow and holds a bowl labled "gas
mortis"; she is fully clothed, sits upright and holds eight children on
her bosum. The first two additions can be explained by the text, "__et

_eg in_paravit vasa mortis, sagittas suas ardentibus effecit." A small

 

 

devil who stands on the other corner of the page has fired arrows at

the woman and the vas mortis spews flames, a symbol of the underworld.

 

The eight children are a direct contradiction of the text, but can be
accounted for by the influence of the Prudentius' illustrations of Ava-
rice with several children.105 Her hair, dress and upright position
also show the influence of the Avarice figure. There is a gradual ten-

dency to move away from the classicil image toward an image of narrative

 

105Heimann, 57-58.

-90-

qualities. This is most obvious in the posture; the repose of the
reclining Carolingian figures (Pl. XVI, Fig. 1 and 3) becomes somewhat
upright position in Harley 603 and a definitely upright, more rigid

stance in the Bury Psalter. The Bury figure is more elongated. She

seems to hover in the air, on the ground, one is not sure; she is not
anchored to a ground line. She does not suckle her children. Like the
Psalmist.and the Lord derived from Vita-Mora, the Woman with evil children
anticipates Romanesque developments, her mythological origins are less
recognizable. She is closer to being a medieval image.

Moral Forces

 

The personifications of the Utrecht Psalter included not only
natural forces like Oceanus, Tellus, Sol, and Luna but also moral prin-
ciples like Mercy, Truth and Righteousness. Harley 603 employs this
device in examples like the illustrations for Psalm XVI and Psalm XI (10).
The psalmist appears as Justice with his scales so that the Lord may
test "the righteous and the wicked". (Pl. XVII fig. 1) On the right
"coals of fire and brimstone" rain on the wicked and on the opposite
side "the upright shall behold his face". In the illustrations for
verses of Psalm LXXXIV (85) from the Eadwine Psalter (B.M. Cott. Galba E.
IV): "Mercy and Truth are met together; Righteousness and Peace have
kissed each other/Truth shall spring out of the earth, and righteousness.
shall look down from heaven." Truth is held up by Earth as Righteous-
ness bends down from the sky; Righteousness and Peace embrace in a
Visitation—like pose. Mercy and Truth greet each other (See James,

Canterbury Psalter, f. lSOb).

 

In other cases a pagan deity suggested by the literary reference

is the basis for the visual image. The Psychomachia cycle provides an

 

Lo

-90-

qualities. This is most obvious in the posture; the repose of the
reclining Carolingian figures (Pl. XVI, Fig. l and 3) becomes somewhat
upright position in Harley 603 and a definitely upright, more rigid

stance in the Bury Psalter. The Bury figure is more elongated. She

seems to hover in the air, on the ground, one is not sure; she is not
anchored to a ground line. She does not suckle her children. Like the
Psalmist and the Lord derived from Vita-Mora, the Woman with evil children
anticipates Romanesque developments, her mythological origins are less
recognizable. She is closer to being a medieval image.

Moral Forces

 

The personifications of the Utrecht Psalter included not only
natural forces like Oceanus, Tellus, Sol, and Luna but also moral prin-
ciples like Mercy, Truth and Righteousness. Harley 603 employs this
device in examples like the illustrations for Psalm XVI and Psalm XI (10).
The psalmist appears as Justice with his scales so that the Lord may
test "the righteous and the wicked". (Pl. XVII fig. 1) On the right
"coals of fire and brimstone" rain on the wicked and on the opposite
side "the upright shall behold his face". In the illustrations for
verses of Psalm LXXXIV (85) from the Eadwine Psalter (B.M. Cott. Galba E.
IV): "Mercy and Truth are met together; Righteousness and Peace have
kissed each other/Truth shall spring out of the earth, and righteousness.
shall look down from heaven." Truth is held up by Earth as Righteous-
ness bends down from the sky; Righteousness and Peace embrace in a
Visitation-like pose. Mercy and Truth greet each other (See James,

Canterbury Psalter, f. lSOb).

 

In other cases a pagan deity suggested by the literary reference

is the basis for the visual image. The Psychomachia cycle provides an

 

-91-

example with Desire, the companion of Indulgence (Pl. XIX3. fig. 2).

The Vice has been slain by Soberness and his companions scatter in fear.
A.winged, nude Amor drops his quiver, arrows, and bow and turns to flee.
This boyish figure corresponds to the antique prototype of Cupid seen
in a mosaic from Antioch. The motif was transmitted by earlier gsyghgf
machia manuscripts such as a ninth or tenth century Leyden work (Leyden,
U. Lib., Cod. Voss. Lat. Oct. 16) (See Panofsky, Iconology, P1. 99 and
72). In the medieval works Cupid's nudity has taken on a theological

significance: it is the concept of nuditas criminalis. It is a sign

 

of lust. This condition sets him clearly apart from Soberness who has

just driven him away. All Virtues in the Psychomachia are clothed.

 

The most curious personification inspired by a literary source is
found in the Paris Psalter (Paris Bib. Nat., Lat. 8824) and it results

from a misreading of the Latin text. The Anglo-Saxon paraphrase reads

Sagittarius and not, saggitas suas ardentibus effecit.106 The artist

 

shows Sagittarius leaning out of a cloud shooting arrows. (Pl. XIX fig.
3) His shafts are not aimed at the evil offspring.of the woman as in
the Bury Psalter example; they are aimed at the righteous, "the upright
in heart" who are shielded by God. They are referred to in an earlier
verse. The models for these two figures are more puzzeling. The Fides
and Concordia figures from the Prudentius cycle (Sh. mf-Rsefl'xohlm
the closest, but they may have been inspired by groups of paired figures
in the Utrecht Psalter as in Psalms CXLIX (149) and CXII (113).

The muse is a standard feature of the iconography of antique author

portraits and one might reasonably expect an illustration for the Conso-

 

1°"'.I.H.A. Engelbregt, Het Utrechts PsalteriumL¥Een Eeuw Weten-

gghappelijke Bestudering (1860—1960) (Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker and
Gumbert, 1965), p. 145.

 

 

PLATE

XIX

 

 

 

   
  
 
 
      

 

 

 

 

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ITIC 111111

Figure 2.

Desire flees. Psychomschia (B.M.

 

Cott. Cleo. 0. VIII)

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-92..

 

 

Quinity, New Minister

-93-

lation gf_Philosgphy to show Boethius and Philosophy in this iconographic

 

convention. The artist of the Trinity College Consolation (Cambridge
Trin. Col. MS. 0. 3. 7) executed at Canterbury in the late tenth century,
instead portrays Philosophy alone (Pl.-XVIII). 3. The identity and
significance of the figure depend upon the allegorical elements, a sceptre
and a book, not upon the narrative drama of the scene. These attributes
are suggested by the text, but a slightly later continental manuscript
(Paris, Bib. Nat. MS. 6401) indicates that the Anglo-Saxon artist may
have been following established convention. (Pl. XIX, fig. 1) The Fleury
Philosophy holds a sceptre and three books intsimilar orant position.

Th; .continental artist follows the text more closely showing PhilosOphy
interrupting Boethius with the poetic muses at his side. The Anglo-Saxon
artist, on the other hand, may have selected certain elementh of the
iconography of this subject, but he was not working directly from the
text. This image does not depend upon narrative action for its meaning;
it is restrained and passive and is remarkably akin to classical allegory.
The solidity and frontality of the figure and its steady continuous line
impart a classical monumentality to the figure. This image comes very
close to Boethius' description;, he says that she is "of awe-inspiring
appearance" and "at times BhELSEBDBd to touch the very sky with the top

of her head."107

Certain significant omissions indicate that the artist
was not working from the text and that these qualities are coincidental.
The monumental quality of this drawing does not derive directly

from any classical source but from Carolingian influences. Certain sty—

listic elements - the handling of drapery and the stylized ground line ~-

 

107Boethius, The Consolation of Philosophy, trans. V.E. Watts ("The
Penguin Classics," ed. E.V. Rieu; Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1969) Bk. I, I.

 

PLATE xx

:45 -

 

Philosophy, Corsoletion of Philesooh '
' ‘ . . . L.y (Cambrid e Trinit
. C. MS. 0. 3. 7.), late 9th century , g , Y

-95-

are closely related to a Psychomachia (B.M., Cott. Cleo. C. VIII) (Pl.

 

XXI, fig. 2). These elements typify what Wormald categorizes as the
"first style" as distinguished from the second or "Utrecht style". Even
the orant position of Patience is close to that of PhilOSOphy; the garments
of all three are much alike, but the V-folds, headpieces, fluttering
edges of the two English examples are quite distinctive. The garb of
Philosophy does not reveal the body beneath the cloth as do the other
two. Other similarities such as the beaded shoes and the roll of material
at the hemline taken with the attributes suggest that the Philosophy
draws upon some unknown continental model and not merely an image drawn
from another native work like the Psychomachia. This work is an exception
to the developing narrative trend we have seen in the later hands of
Harley 603, the Tiberius Psalter and other works. The use of symbolic
attributes rather than narrative elements makes this work an effective
personification remarkably classical in feeling. This classizing effect
is heightened by the treatment of theifigure attributable to earlier
Carolingian influences on English scriptoria, in this case the Ada School
rather than the later influences of the Rheims through the "Utrecht style".
Early Christians often found religious significance in the heroic
tales of antiquity; Christian and pagan alike might admire Herakles
for the strength of will which carried him through twelve labors. Be-
cause of the moral content of the classical stories Herculean virtues,
such as strength and courage, could also be identified with heroes of
Judeo-Christian tradition. Artists frequently relied upon the images
of the pagan hero to provide the model for the Christian one. Thus,
Herakles wrestling with the Nemian lion became David or Samson slaying

the lion. The ease with which this transfidfluafibn was made can be seen

 

PLATE XXI

 

 

 

       

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1. Philosophy, Cgpsgletion of Philosophy
(Paris, Bib. Nat. M5 6 l), Fleury(?), early 11th
century
\ i in”; WWW“?! "Ilium. fracaaW ""
('fATIEM 3 ' in at";
.Axxtls _ . ‘ " ‘
IfCUTiT'. .,/K /j ‘
‘f‘§s§v:b
eonEflbb

 

 

Figure 2. Anger slaying Patience, Psychcmsggjfi (B.M.
Cott. Cleo. C. VIII), 23, 10.30

-96—

-97-
by comparing two silver plates which were executed in the sixth and early

seventh century. (See Volbach, Early Christian Art, Pl. 250 and 251).

 

The Paris plate shows a nude Herakles wrestling the lion, his club, bow
and quiver below. The New York plate shows David clothed in tunic and
cape clubbing the lion with a slain sheep below. David's stance -- one
hand in the lion's mane and one knee on the animal's back -- is typical;
this pose was originally derived from reliefs of Mithras defeating the
bull. The pose we find in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts is a combination of
the wrestling and the knee-in—the-back stance. There are three examples:
an historiated initial (Pl. XXII, fig. 1) from a tenth century Psalter
(Oxford, Bod. Lib., Junius 27), a page from the Tiberius Psalter (Pl. XVII,
fig. 1) and an illustration from the Bury Psalter (Pl. XXII, fig. 2).
In the second example the basic elements of this composition are remark-
ably like the earlier ones, viz. the placement of the hero and the lion,
the tree on the right, the groundline in the lower third of the composi-
tion. The Tiberius artist did not understand the placement of the
figure; consequently, David appears to be perched on the lion's back
and one leg flies akimbo. The figures of the initial are more solid and
three—dimensional like the fifth and sixth century examples. The Bury
artist has compressed the figures into the narrow space of the margin
so that David has his leg wrapped around the lion. The figures are
elongated and float on the page.

The Tiberius artist's misconception of the placement of figures
in space has not dulled his enthusiasm for narrative detail. Perhaps
the most remarkable thing is that David is forcing the beast's jaws open
to free a sheep. Below the struggle of David and the lion, the rest
of the flock grazes undisturbed as if to make the hero's identity quite

unmistakable. On the left we can see that David has laid down his staff

PLATE XXII

 

“ (dhk ‘W%*"‘//’f pg}
" . . [5) .0116; Penn/m l/nnr
,' Féafialak‘ {35%}, Figure 1. Initial, Psalter (Ox-

m? ford, Bod. Lib. Junius 27)

L I ‘ SW '- rant-Abuta
fitnfin1muffiii

Figure 2. David and Lion, Psalm
LVII, Bury Psalter (Rome, Vat.
Reg. Lat. 12), gg.1050

 

-93-

-99-

and cloak in order to fight the lion. All these embellishments are clear
indications of the illustrator's proclivity toward narrative action,

he has suggested a sequence of events -— the staff and cloak discarded,
the struggle itself, and the peaceful sheep.

In addition to the tendency to narration the most striking differ-
ence between this page and the silver plates is its "medievalizing" style.
Compared with the muscular Herakles, David is an unsubstantial floating
body. There is no depth; David, the lion and the tree are all in the
same plane, and the sheep are set off from the scene above by a frame.
There is more stylization of the groundline, the lion's fur. The lions
looks as if it stepped out of a heraldic banner. This disembodied, flat-
tened image is also a more spiritual image. The cycle of illustrations
of the Tiberius Psalter emphasize the struggle between good and evil
and on this page David protects his flock from harm. He is a savior
and, of course, in this sense he foreshadows Christ. What we see in
this image is not the strain of a physical contest, but a spiritual strug-
gle. David hovers above, as if repelled by the evilnesa. The sheep
is freed from death as Christians are saved by Christ's sacrifice. All
the imagery of Christ the Good Shepard -- Christians, the flock -- are

alluded to. The triumphal figure is Christ/David.

CONCLUSION

 

The period of peace after the cessation of the Viking raids permit-
ted a rebuilding of English monasticism and a revival of culture. The
artists of this revival were monks and their ateliers were the script-
oria of the reformed monastic centers. The needs of the church influ-
enced the kinds of books produced -- service books for the chapels, text-
books for the schools and devotional literature for churchmen and lay-
men. The contacts between the English reformers and the movements in
Flanders, France and Germany was important in several respects. First,
it made possible the transmission of books and other small works of art
from the Continent; these works were the repositories of the classical
motifs which English artists copiedu Second, the intellectual attitudes
of the Continental reform movement were an important influence on the
English. The revival of the study of astronomy, medicine and arithmetic
was stimulated by Carolingian achievements. The studies were often di-
rected towards the needs of priests and monks in carrying out their duties.
Arithmetic was largely devoted to learning the skills necessary to cal-
culate the calendar. Astronomical studies were given a boost by contacts
with Fleury and the literaty cast of these scientific endeavors was a
natural outcome of an education that was largely literary in emphasis.
The Anglo-Saxons inherited the idea that the science of‘the ancients
was an admissable portion of Christian learning. In fact, Englishmen

associated learning and wisdom with knowledge of astronomy and calculation

~101-

9fthe calendar. Also the idea that the pagan gods represented cosmic

and moral forces was passed down to the Anglo-Saxons. This notion is
reflected in the religious manuscripts in which the gods appear as Jus-
tice, Hades, Eridanus, Sol and Luna. The gods may appear in a transform-
ed state so that Terra becomes the woman with evil children or Herakles
becomes David. The religious manuscripts are not directly linked with

the vestiges of classical learning, but the idea that the gods represented
moral or cosmic forces was certainly reflected in this illustrations

of the manuscripts.

English art in the tenth and eleventh centuries was primarily deri-
vative and imitative of the Carolingian models which the illustrators
followed. The sources of many of the mythical figures can be traced
to five pictorial traditions: l) the Aratus manuscripts based on fourth
or fifth century prototypes, 2) the zodiac calendar illustrations deri-
ved from a manuscript tradition dating from the fourth century which
was in turn based upon much earlier works, 3) the medical illustrations
based upon sixth century prototypes, 4) the Utrecht Psalter based upon

fourth anififth century prototypes and 5) the Psychonachia based upon

 

fifth and sixth century prototypes. Other mythical motifs can be traced
to the iconography of Carolingian crucifixion or baptisms. The use of
93331 and Luna and Jordan became common in Carolingian illuminations and
ivories and these motifs are employed in Anglo-Saxon works.

The availability of these Carolingian sources, and the high quality
of these sources was the crucial factor in the "classical feeling" of
Anglo-Saxon art which art historians have commented upon. The Viking
raids had destroyed much of the indigenous artistic traditions of Hibere

mr
“Saxon art ‘Mdconsequently English artists welcomed Carolingian models

-102-

as sources for the style and iconography of Anglo-Saxon art. English
artists not only copied entire works like the Aratea and the Utrecht
Psalter but also used isolated motifs sketched from the Utrecht Psalter
in composing new works. The Tiberius Baalter and the Bury St. Edmunds
Psalter are perhaps the finest examples of artists transforming borrowed
motifs into new compositions. The antique demon figure is used in the
Vita-Mars, Harrowing of Hell ( in this case combined with a second motif
from the Utrecht Psalter) and Third Temptation of the former. The Bury
artist developes his text illustrations from such motifs as the Vita-
Mars composition and torches from the Utrecht Psalter (for the Psalmist

and the Lord, Psalm 12) or the woman with evil children based on Utrecht

Psalter and ngchomachia illustrations for Psalm 7. The use of Hades

 

and demon figures in the Last Judgement of the New Minster Liber Vitae

 

and the Mambres at the Mouth of Hell of the Marvels of the East are other
examples of the ability of Anglo—Saxon artist to create new compositions
drawing upon borrowed motifs.

A second factor in the classical feeling of the art of this period
was the drawing styles of Anglo-Saxon artists. Harley 2506 and the Malms-

bury Psychomachia have been compared to Greek vase painting. It is the

 

sensitive and vital outline drawing technique of these works which has
invited the comparison with classical art. The painterly technique of
the Benedictianal of St. Aethelwold or Tiberius B.V. do not invite com-
parisons with classical painting, for example the illusionistic style of
Pompeian mural painting. From the second quarter of the eleventh cen-
tury, stylistic elements like the attenuation of figures, the enlarge-
ment of important figures, the exaggumted size of hands and feet are

commonly used and these elements give the later works a more medieval

~103—
feeling than earlier works like the Philosophy from the Boethius manu-
script. The figure of Philosophy has solidity and monumentality in
contrast to the elongated floating figures of the Tiberius Psalter which
gives it a somewhat classical feeling.

The illustrations of the religious manuscripts develop the narra-
tive elements of the composition. This tendency to narrative increases
in the eleventh century. The progression from the passive personifi-
cations of the Vita-Mora figures of the Leofric Missal to the "baptized"
personifications of the Tiberius Psalter to the active, agitated figures
of the Psalmist and the Lord of the Bury Psalter illustrates this de-
velopment well. This tendency can also be seen in some of the images
of Harley 603. The Utrecht Psalter illustrations are narrative images
meant to tell the story of the verses of the psalms, but the artists'
of Harley 603 take the narrative further. The woman with the evil child-
ren of Harley 603 has been drawn into the action of the psalm by putting
her into a more upright position and enlarging her size in relation to
the background. The woman from the Bury Psalter is even further from
the reclining Terra from which the motif is derived. The Bury figure

sits completely upright, holding a bowl inscribed vas mortis, a detail

 

which refers to the words of the psalm. Even the personifications of
natural forces can be drawn into the scene, as the $01 and Luna figures
of the Crucifixion of the Weingarten Psalter that cover their faces,
a gesture of sorrow apprOpriate to the subject.

The scientific illustrations do not show the gods acting out a
story as the religious manuscripts do. There were stories that explained
how the heroes were immortalized in the skies, but these incidents are

alluded to by the attributes carried by the gods, not by showing the actions

~104-

themselves. For instance, Perseus carries the head of Medusa, but he
is not shown in the act of slaying her. The passive role the gods play
is an important factor in their remaining close to their classical
models. The figures have a repose and restraint which adds a great
deal to their classical feeling. These qualities of repose and restraint
can be seen particularly when the Aratea figures are compared with the
agitated figures of the Tiberius Psalter and the Bury Psalter. The
Anglo-Saxon artist is also able to recreate these qualities because of
the excellence of the Carolingian models available to him and because he
willingly followed these models rather than medievalizing the motifs,
i.e. portraying the gods as medieval kings and queens as twelfth century
artists did.

The Anglo-Saxon artist had the abilities not only to imitate
faithfully classical motifs but also to use these motifs in new composi-
tions of his own invention, such as the Last Judgement from the New Minster

Liber Vitae, the Mambres at the Mouth of Hell from the Marvels, or the

 

Harrowing and Temptation from the Tiberius Psalter. These compositions
show not only the influence of visual models but also the influence of
the themes of English vernacular poetry. Many of these original compo-
sitions envolve Hades, demons and the torments of hell. The physical
tortures of the damned and the contest between good and evil are frequent
themes in the religious poetry of this period and these themes influence
the artist's conceptions of hell, salvation add damnation and his choice
of subjects. The motif of the bound Lucifer, the rebellious thane, is
attributable to the literary sources, as is the hell mouth. The juxtapo-
sition of the heavenly city with the abode of the damned in the Last

Judgement and the Fall of the Rebel Angels is another literary influence

-105-

from the poem, the Lamentation gf_The Fallen Anggls. Subject. matten

 

which would be a part of what I have termed demonology,is the area in
which the artist is most able to use classical motifs to express ideas
derived from his own culture. The artist's execution of these motifs

is medievalizing and not classicizing because he is narrating a story.
The Vita-Mora compositions of the Leofric Missal and the Tiberius Psalter
are exceptions to tendency to narrative development. In terms of the
"classical feeling" of the whole composition, the Last Judgement and

the pages of the Tiberius Psalter are the most medievalizing and the

Aratea pages are the most classicizing of these Anglo-Saxon works.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I began this study by compiling a list of all the illuminated
manuscripts from the period and then trying to find reproductions of
these works.in secondary sources. I first consulted general works deal-

ing with pre-conquest art; Margaret Rickert, Painting in Britain: the

 

Middle Ages and David Talbot-Rice, English Art, 871-1100 were good sources

 

of bibliographic information and led me to many more secondary sources.
The Art Index was an additional guide to secondary sources. Rickert is
the best general introduction to English manuscript art of this period.
Many of the manuscripts are printed in facsimile editions which m in-

dispensable if you do not have access to manuscript collections. These

 

works are: M. R. James, Marvels of the East, Sir Israel Gollancz, The

Caedmon Manuscript of Anglo-Saxon Biblical Poetry, Frederic Warner and

 

Henry Wilson, The Benedictional of St. Aethelwold, Francis Normald g£_

 

31,, The Paris Psalter, and M. R. James, The-Centerbury Psalter. The

 

 

Palaeographical Society, Facsimilies of Manuscripts and Inscriptions

 

and the New Palaeographical Society, Facsimilies of Ancient Manuscripts

 

also contain facsimilies of illuminated pages. In addition to these
Anglo—Saxon works I relied heavily upon the facsimiles of two Carolingian
works, Der Stuttgarter Bildegpsalter and E. T. DeWald, The Illustra-

tions of the Utrecht Psalter.

 

The larger problem of the transmission of classical myth to which
this study relates has been the concern of much scholarly endeavor.

"Classical Mythology in Medieval Art" in Metropolitan Museum Studies

 

-106-

-1076

by Erwin Panofsky and Fritz Saxl is a seminal article for any study
related to this problem. Many of the books and articles I relied upon
were published under the sponsorship of the Warburg and Courtauld Insti-
tute; the Institute has provided an important direction and focus for

scholarship in this field. Roger Hinks, Myth and Allegory in Ancient

 

Art provided many insights into the nature of myth in classical art.
Fritz Saxl‘s Lectures contains a fine article on English illuminated

astronomical manuscripts. Jean Seznec, The Survival of the ngan Gods

 

largely deals with Renaissance art, but his discussion also contains
many ideas and information necessary to an understanding of the survival
of the gods in medieval art.

Any historical background to the art of this period must be con-
cerned with the monastic reform movement in England. J. Armitage Robin-

son, The Times of St. Dunstan is a good study of monasticism although

 

he tends to overemphasize the role of the three reformers. David Knowles,

The Monastic Order in England gives a good picture of the aims of the

 

reform movement. F. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England was the most use-

 

ful of the general histories of England. D. P. Kirby, The Making of

 

Early England is the most up—to-date of the general histories,but he

 

semms to give excessively harsh evaluations of the reformers. David

Knowles, The Evolution of Medieval Thought was the best source on the

 

nature of monastic education and learning and early medieval attitudes
toward antiquity. J. S. westlake, "From Alfred to the Conquest" in

The Cambridge History of English Literature gives a general overview of

 

the literary achievements of the revival. Charles W. Kennedy, Early

 

English Christian Poetry was the most useful poetry collection for the

porposes of this study. Although I cannot attest to the fidelity of

-108-

his translations, they impressed me as the most poetic.
In addition to the works on scientific manuscripts mentioned above

J. H. G. Gratten and Charles Singer, Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine pro-

 

vides a wealth of information on medical and herbal science as does Charles
Singer, "Greek Biology and Its Relation to the Rise of Modern BiologyP
in Studies in the History and Method of Science. Singer appears to be
the most definitive historian of Anglo-Saxon science.

I consulted a variety of reference works in the course of this a
study. Various articles from the Dictionarygof National Biography on
the reformers were helpful but tend to be somewhat outdated. 0n questions
of Christian iconography I consulted Louis Réau, Iconographie de 1'Art

chrétien and Gertrud Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen Knnst.

 

Oskar Seyffert, Dictionary_of Classical Antiquities was a handy volume

 

on classical mythology. The Interpreter's Bible helped me to find the

 

scriptural basis of some of the compositions.

Before proceeding to list books and articles I would like to men-
tion two other sources that were invaluable in tracing the development
of certain motifs, Adelheid Heimann, "Three Illustrations from the Bury
St. Edmunds Psalter and Their Prototypes," Journal of Warburg and Cour-

tauld Institutes and Dimitri Tselos, "English Manuscript Illustration

 

and the Utrecht Psalter," Art Bulletin.

Books

Blair, Peter Hunter. An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England. Cambridge:
University Press, 1956.

Buttrick, George Arthur SE El: (ed.). The Interpreter's Bible. 12 vols.
New York and Nashville: Abingdon—Cokesbury Press, 1952.

 

Cockayne, Oswald (ed.). Leechdoms,,Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early
England. 3 vols. ("Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores")

-109-

London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts and Green, 1864.

Crawford, S. J. Byrhtferth's Manual (A.D. 1011). Vol. I: Text, Trans-
lation, Sources and Appendices. ("Early English Text Society,’
' Original Series, No. 177) London: Oxford University Press, 1929.

 

 

Der Stuttgarter Bilderpsalter. Vol. I: Facsimile-Band. Stuttgart:
E. Schreiber Graphische Kunstanstalten, 1965,

 

DeWald, E. T. The Illustrations of the Utrecht Psalter. ("Illustrated
Manuscripts of the Ages,“ ed. E. T. DeWald g£_gl,) Princeton:
Princeton University Press, n.d.

 

Diringer, David. The Illuminated Book, Its History and Production. New
ed. revised and augmented. London: Faber and Faber, Ltd., 1967.

 

Dodwell, C. R. The Canterbury School of Illumination, 1066-1200. Cam-
bridge: at the University Press, 1954.

 

Engelbregt, J. H. A. Het Utrechts Psalterium,_Een Eeuw Wetenschappelijke
-Bestudering_(1860-1960). Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker and Gumbert,
1965. (With an English Summary). ‘

 

 

Gollancz, Sir Israel. The Caedmon Manuscript of Anglo-Saxon Biblical
Poetry,_JuniungI in the Bodleian Library. Oxford: Published for
the British Academy by Oxford University Press, 1927.

 

Grabar, Andre and Nordenfalk, Carl. Early Medieval Painting, from the
Fourth to the Eleventh Century. ("The Great Centuries of Painting")
Geneva: Albert Skira, Inc., 1957.

 

 

Grattan, J. H. G. and Singer, Charles. Anglo Saxon Magic and Medicine,
Illustrated Specially from the Semi-Pagan Text 'Lacnunga.i ("The
Wellcome Historical Medical Museum," New Series No. 3) London:
Oxford University Press, 1952.

 

Hampson, R[obert] TIhomus]. Medii aevi Kalendarium, or Dates, Charters
and Customs of the Middle Ages. London:. Henry Kent Causton and
Co., 1841.

 

 

Herbert, J. A. Illuminated Manuscripts.("Burt Franklin Bibliographical
Series," XI) New York: Burt Franklin, n.d. (Originally published
London, 1911).

 

Hinks, Roger. Myth and Allegory in Ancient Art. ("Studies of the War-
burg Institute," No. 6, ed. Fritz Saxl) London: Warburg Institute,
1939.

 

James, Montague Rhodes. The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover:
The Catalogues of the Libraries of Christ Church Priory and St.
Augustine's Abbey_at Canterbury and of St. Martin's Priory at Dover.
Cambridge: at the University Press, 1903.

 

 

-110-

James, Montague Rhodes. The Canterbury Psalter. London: Published for
the Friends of Canterbury Cathedral by Percy Lund, Humphries and
Co. Ltd., 1945.

. Marvels of the East: A Full Reproduction of the Three Known
Copies. Introduction and Notes by James. Oxford: Printed for
the Roxburghe Club by John Johnson, at the University Press, 1929.

 

Katzenellenbogen, Adolf. Allggpries of the Virtues and Vices in Medieval
Arr; from Early Christian Times to the Thirteenth Century. Trans-
lated by Alan J. P. Crick. New York: W. W. Norton and Co. Inc.,
1964.

 

 

Kendrick, T. D. Late Saxon and Viking_Art. London: Methuen and Co.
Ltd., 1949.

 

Kennedy, Charles W. Early English Christian Poetry, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1963.

 

Ker, N. R., (edl). Medieval Libraries of Great Britian, a List of Sur-
Viving Books. 2nd ed. ("Royal Historical Society Guides and
Handbooks," No. 3) London: Offices of the Royal Historical Soci-

 

 

ety, 1964.
Kirby, D. P. The Makingyof Early England. London: B. T. Batsford Ltd.,
1967.

Knowles, David. The Evolution of Medieval Though . New York: Vintage
Books, 1962.

 

. The Monastic Order in England, a History of Its Development
from the Times of St. Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council, 940-
1216. 2nd ed. Cambridge: at the University Press, 1963.

Miller, Eric. English Illuminated Manuscripts from the Tenth to the
Thirteenth Century. Paris and Bruxelles: G. van Oest, 1926.

 

The New Palaeographical Society. Facsimilies of Ancient Manuscripts,
Series I (Part I-X) and II (Part I-XIII). Edited by Edward
Maunde—Thompson 25 pl. London: Oxford University Press, 1903-1912.

 

Oakeshott, Walter. Classical Inspiration in Medieval Art. New York:
Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1959.

 

. The Sequence of English Medieval Art, Illustrated Chieflyg.
from Illuminated Manuscripts, 650—1450. London: Faber and Faber
Ltd., 1950.

 

 

Pacht, Otto; Dodwell, C.'R. and Wormald, Francis. The St. Albans Psalter

 

(Albani Psalter). ("Studies of Warburg Institute,“ Vol. 25, edi-
ted by G. Bing) London: The Warburg Institute, University of Lon-
don, 1960.

The Palaeographical Society. Facsimiles of Manuscripts and Inscriptions.

 

~111-
Edited by E. A. Bond and E. M. Thompson. London: The Palaeograph-
ical Society, 1873.

Panofsky, Erwin. Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art. ("Harper
Torchbooks") New York and Evanston: Harper and’RBw, Publishers, 1960.

 

' . Studies in Iconolpgy: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the
Renaissance. ("Harper Torchbooks," the Academy Library) New York:
Harper and Row Publishers, 1939.

 

 

. Tomb Sculpture: Four Lectures on Its Changinngspects from
Ancient Egypt to Bernini. Edited by H. W. Janson. New York: Harry
N. Abrams, Inc., n.d.

 

Prudentius. Translated by H. J. Thompson. Vol. I. ("The Loeb Classical
Library") Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1949.

 

Raffel, Burton. Poems from the Old English. N.p.: the University of
Nebraska Press, 1960.

 

Réau, Louis. Iconqgrnphie de 1'Art chretien. Tome II: Iconpgraphie de
la Bible. Pt. II: Nouveau Testament. Paris: Presses Universitaires
de France, 1957.

 

 

 

Rickert, Margaret. Painting in Britain: the Middle Ages. ("The Pelican
History of Art") Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1954.

 

Robinson; J. Armitage. The Times of St. Dunstan. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1923.

 

Saunders, O. Elfrida. English Illumination. Vol. 1. Florence: Pantheon
Cass Editrice, 1928.

 

Savage, Ernest A.. Old English Libraries; the Making, Collection and Use
of Books During the Middleyéges. Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Co.,
1912.

 

 

Saxl, Fritz. Lectures. 2 vol. London: Warburg Institute, University
of London, 1957.

Saxl, Fritz and Meier, Hans. Catalogue of Astrological and Mytholggical
Illuminated Manuscripts of Latin Middle Ages. Vol.III: Manuscripts
in English Libraries, 1 and 2. Editequarry Bober. London: War-
burg Institute, 1953. V?

 

 

 

 

Saxl, Flrits] and Wittkower, RIudolf]. Britisthrt and the Mediterranean.
London: Oxford University Press, 1948.

 

Schiller, Gertrud. Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst. Bd. 1. N.p.:
Gutersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1966.

 

Seyffert, Oskar. Dictionary of ClassicalAntiqnlties; Mythology; Religion;
Literature, Art. Revised and edited by Henry Nettleship and J. E.

 

~112-

Sandys. Cleveland and New York: Meridian Books, the World Publi-
shing Co., 1956.

Seznec, Jean. The Survival of the Pagan Gods, the Mythological Tradition
and Its Place in Renaissance Humanism and Art. Translated from the
French by Barbara Sessions. ("Bollingen Series," Vol. XXXVIII)

New York: Pantheon Books, Inc., 1953.

Stenton, F. M. Anglo-Saxon England. 2nd ed. ("The Oxford History of
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