SGCIAUZAWON 1N PAKESTAN Thesis for the Degree of M. A. MECHEGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Mary Jane Beech 1965 WWW WWW! HIWHIWWHMP 193 10756 9463 a... ., ‘u_"a~ ‘.‘.\ J. -.. . a ‘.‘ .~ p. ' ' ‘l 1 .p I I: c__ p . ‘ it ‘~' ' ‘- °- ' ‘ - " ' _" kl 1“; ‘I- r K; ABSTRACT SOCIALIZATION IN PAKISTAN by Mary Jane Beech The purpose of this study has been to provide an overview of the significant aspects of socialization and of childhood social systems in Pakistan. To this end all of the available students from Pakistan who were studying at Michigan State University during the academic year 1963-64 were interviewed. The findings from these interviews, ex- amined in the context of current research on socialization, are intended to serve as guidelines in the formulation of specific problems for field research. The child is socialized as he learns to participate in various types of organizations including the domestic group, the classroom group and the peer group. Through their power over him the other members of these groups seek to bring the child's behavior into conformity with their expectations of appropriate behavior for a person of his age and status. In the patrilineal, patrilocal domestic group in Pakistan, the father-son relationship is the pivotal one for the transmission of property and office, and through his control over these resources, the father has very effective control over his son's behavior. The Mary Jane Beech father also has considerable control over his daughter's behavior through his control over her dowry. The mother has relatively little control over her son, but has the responsibility of training her daughter in the household skills and hence, has considerable control over her behavior. Education is not yet compulsory in Pakistan and fewer than half of the children in the primary age group presently attend school. In general, primary and secondary teachers are inadequately trained, are poorly paid and have little prestige. Within the classroom the basic goal of both students and teachers appears to be the students' good performance on the annual examinations, particularly on the nationwide matriculation and intermediate examinations. In contrast to the incorporation of facts which occupies the pupil in the classroom, the peer group offers the child training and practice in interpersonal skills through participation in activities which are "models” of adult social organization. These model activities may em- phasize either a particular ”role" or the overall ”system" of relationships. The model activities may also be con— sidered as being either ”pure” in the sense that they rep- resent formal or abstract models or they may be considered as being "applied” in the sense that their organization closely approximates that of the adult society. Four types of activities have been defined by these two dichotomies, and each of these types is illustrated with information Mary Jane Beech provided by the informants. The effects of the absence of early peer group eXperience are also discussed. Through— out the thesis hypotheses are suggested which require fUr- ther research. SOCIALIZATION IN PAKISTAN BY Mary Jane Beech A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Sociology College of Social Sciences 1965 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Without the assistance of my advisor, Dr. William T. Ross, this research would not have been undertaken. It was in a readings course with him that I began to develop an interest in the culture and society of Pakistan. I sincerely appreciate the many hours he and Mrs. Ross have so kindly spent talking to me about Pakistan. They have both been very helpful in their constructive criticism of this thesis. I am very grateful to Dr. Ralph W. Nicholas who has helped clarify many of the theoretical issues involved in the thesis. He has also exerted considerable effort to make the thesis more readable. I also wish to thank the other members of my com- mittee, Dr. John Useem and Dr. William Form, who read the thesis and made many valuable suggestions. I wish to express my deepest appreciation to each of the Pakistanis who so generously gave of their time to relate their childhood experiences. I hOpe they will be patient if I have misinterpreted the meaning of their statements. To my husband, Robert Beech, I cannot begin to express my gratitude. He has not only made it POSSible for me to have the time for this project, but has also served as a sounding board during the development of my thinking and as a careful critic of my ideas. I am also indebted to my two sons, Robbie and Ricky, both of whom have been born since I began the initial readings course which led to this thesis, and who have spent many mother- less hours in the process of its completion. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. SOCIALIZATION IN PERSPECTIVE. . . . . . . . . . 1 Socialization in Culture and Personality Writings. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Socialization in the Theory of Symbolic Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 II. RESEARCH TECHNIQUES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Sample Size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Sample Characteristics. . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Data Gathering. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Data Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 III. THE DOMESTIC GROUP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Role Relationships. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 The Father-Son Relationship . . . . . . . . 28 The Father-Daughter Relationship. . . . . . 31 The Mother-Child Relationship . . . . . . . 34 The Father-Mother Relationship. . . . . . . 35 Sibling Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . 37 The Child's Relationship to the Larger Kin Group 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 39 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 IV. THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Formal Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Role Relationships. . . . . . . . . . . . 47 The Father-Teacher Relationship . . . . . . 48 The Teacher—Pupil Relationship. . . . . . . 51 The Pupil—Pupil Relationship. . . . . . . . S4 ResearChO O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 55 V. THE PEER GROUP. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 The Game. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 The CIUb. O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O 67 The Drama . . . . . . . . 70 The ”Bull Session" and the Fishing Trip . . . 3% Children without Peer Groups. . . . . . Chapter Page VI.WYOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOOO77 REFERENCESCITED....................81 APPENDIX. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O I O O O 86 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. The Developmental Cycle of the Domestic Group in PakiStano O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 24 2. Role Relationships in the Educational System . . 49 3. Peer Group Activities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6O CHAPTER I SOCIALIZATION IN PERSPECTIVE An overview of socialization in Pakistan must be placed within the context of current research in sociology, anthropology and psychology. Socialization may be thought of as either the process of "causing one to become social” or of ”becoming social.” Those writers who have stressed the causative sense of socialization have focused on social- izing agents, whereas those who have stressed the develop- mental sense of the term have focused on the person who is ”becoming social.” Differences in focus are also evi- dent in the various definitions and usages of the root word, "social.” It is generally accepted that man is a social animal, but there is disagreement about the essence of man's social nature. Some writers have stressed the sig- nificance of cerebral as opposed to instinctual control of motivation and behavior, and others have focused on man's use of symbolic forms of communication. Some writers have stressed the development of empathy or the ability to identify with another person, and others have stressed the importance of human group-living. There are, then, many shades of meaning which may be attached to the word socialization. For the most part, the precise meaning of ”socialization“ being used by a particular scholar is not made explicit but must be inferred from the type of prob- lem he chooses. Two general clusters of studies may be isolated in the current body of social science research. Studies of socialization done in anthropology, psychoanalysis and clinical psychology usually focus on the agent of social- ization, especially on the mother, on the process of social- ization as it occurs in the earliest years of life, and on the connection of certain socially acceptable habits or customs with basic drives or motivations. On the other hand, studies in sociology, in social psychology and occa- sionally in personality theory usually focus on the indi- vidual being socialized, on the process of acquiring sym- bolic communication skills, and particularly, on the learn- ing of new roles by persons of all ages. This separation does not appear to be artificial; there is little evidence of communication between the two groups of scholars. A brief summary of the basic concepts used and the findings of these two kinds of studies follows. Socialization in Culture and Personality writings Child (1954) summarizes the orientations and work of the first group of theorists in his chapter on social- ization in the Handbook gg’Social Psychology, The emphases on childhood and on the socializing agent are apparent in his initial statement. Socialization refers to a problem which is old and pervasive in human life-~the problem of how to rear children so that they will become adequate adult members of the society to which they belong (Child 1954: 655). Child cites the various groups which he considers to have contributed to the study of socialization. Newhere in the chapter, nor in the bibliography, is the work of G. H. Mead or the subsequent 'interactionists” mentioned. The most important influence of all must surely be assigned to social anthrOpology. . . . First, awareness of the role of socialization as the mechanism of culture transmission and sur- vival has led to the study of socialization as itself an important part of the culture of any group which is studied. . . . [Whiting, Margaret Mead, Whiting and Child, Heinicke and Whiting] A second movement has to do with the effects of socialization on personality. [Sapir, M. Mead, Benedict, Linton] . . . A second discipline of great influence is psy- chiatry, and in particular the psychoanalytic move- ment. (Freud, Fenichel, Blum, Dollard, Davis and Dollard, Kardiner, Erikson] Within academic psychology, meanwhile, ther have been two main developments which have gradu- ally been merging with these influences from other disciplines. One is the study of child behavior. . . . The other current development in academic psy— chology of great importance is the vigorous growth of general psychological theory. . . . Thus far the theory of greatest influence here is a behavior theory based on stimulus-response analysis [Nowlis, Sears _e_i_:_ §_l_., Whiting and Child, Winterbottom] (Child 1954: 655-56). In his empirical work Child, with Whiting, narrows the study of the process of "becoming adequate adult mem- bers of the society" to the study of the acquisition of five systems of behavior. [We have selected five systems of behavior] . . . oral, anal, sexual, dependence, and aggression-on the assumption that these systems would occur and be subject to socialization in all societies. The first three of these, the oral, anal and sexual systems, we would expect to be universal on the basis of the fact that they could be presumed to be motivated by the primary or innate drives of hunger, elimination, and sex respectively. The fact that we were drawing many of our hypotheses from Freudian theory which holds that these three systems are in part expressions of developmental stages in the libido gave us another reason for the choice of these three. Dependence and aggression have a somewhat dif- ferent status. These systems we would suppose to be motivated primarily by acquired drives rather than by innate primary drives. Even if they are acquired, however, these drives are probably uni— versal (Whiting and Child 1953: 45). Whiting and Child make cross cultural comparisons of the acquisition of each of these systems of behavior in a sample of the societies included in the Human Relations Area File. For each system three judgments were made: degree of in- itial indulgence, age of socialization, and severity of socialization. Three judges individually recorded their ratings for each of these items on a seven point scale. Using these ratings, Whiting and Child compute the inter- relationships among these particular child training prac- tices. They also demonstrate several ”relationships between customs of child training and other customs which will pro- vide indices of the adult personality traits characteristic of the members of a society” (Whiting and Child 1953: 65). Recently, field studies have been conducted in six widely divergent cultures (B. Whiting 1963, and Minturn and Lambert 1964) in which the basic concepts developed by J. Whiting and Child are expanded and elaborated much more than was possible in the original statistical comparison. Preceding the cross-cultural work by Whiting and Child, there was a series of studies using a similar frame of reference, but comparing different socio-economic classes within American society rather than geographically separated societies. The initial study in this series was done by Davis and Havighurst (1946) in Chicago. It was followed in 1951 by a study of child rearing in Newton, Massachusetts (also called the Harvard, or Boston, study) by Sears, Maccoby and Levin (1957). Havighurst and Davis (1955) reanalyzed some of the data from the Newton study to make it as com- parable as possible with their own data, and summarized the similarities and differences in the findings of the two studies. Two additional studies attempted to reconcile the differences: one done in Eugene, Oregon, by Littman, Moore and Pierce-Jones (1957), and the other conducted in Palo Alto, California, by White (1957). Bronfenbrenner (1958) summarizes the findings from all of this research in which the dependent variables are specific child train- ing practices but he does not discuss the rationale for the use of such variables. It is necessary to return to Davis and Havighurst's original article to discover the reasons for the choice of these variables as the primary indices of socialization patterns. They state that they base their research on studies by ”cultural anthropologists and social psychologists . . . of the relationships between personality and socialization“ (Davis and Havighurst 1946: 698). They cite M. Mead, Davis, Dollard, Warner, du Bois, and Kardiner, and describe their interest as being in the cultural aspects of personality. Davis and Havighurst do not question the anthropologists' interest in these areas, which was in turn derived primarily from Freudian psycho- analytic theory . In the middle of the period when these studies were appearing Sewell, Mussen and Harris (1955) published an ar- ticle which seems to have been almost ignored. These authors present a factor analysis of thirty-eight commonly studied child training practices. Of the 703 correlations, between pairs of practices, only 123 were significant at the .05 level and of these, one-third were negative. Although eight factors were generated, none accounted for much of the var- iance (four percent on the average). Sewell, Mussen and Harris conclude, the results of this study throw into serious ques- tion the previous generalizations about the inter- relationships among child training practices and particularly the belief that specific practices reflect some general attitude toward the child or philosophy of child training on the part of the parents. The negative findings on this point also suggest that there is need for more careful study and assessment of the importance of other aspects of parent-child relationships in the socialization process (Sewell, Mussen and Harris 1955: 148). Criticisms of the work of Davis and Havighurst and others who have used a similar theoretical framework have also appeared in several more recent articles. In most of these articles an attempt is made to modify the indices used to measure socialization. Changes are made in the particular parental behaviors studied, but the emphasis on particular practices of the socializing agent remains. For example, Leslie and Johnson (1963) relate specific in- fant training practices to the specific normative pattern which receives authoritative support, to the way in which the infant is exposed to the norms and to the eXplicitness of the norms. Kohn in three articles (1959a, 1959b, and 1963) examines the theoretical weaknesses of the work sum- marized by Bronfenbrenner (1958) and presents data from his study of preadolescents in Washington, D.C. In Kohn's theoretical formulation, values serve as a bridge between position in the social structure and the behavior of the individual. Kohn is concerned, first, with the effects of social class on values held by parents and, second, with the effect of parental values on their adolescent children's behavior. Following the group of studies initiated by Davis and Havighurst and the group of cross-cultural studies in- itiated by Whiting and Child, there is what may be regarded as a third group of studies initiated by McClelland. He studies achievement motivation, first, in the United States (1953), then cross culturally, using data from the Human Relations Area Files and from other written materials (1961). McClelland (1961) relates the need for achievement created by specific child training practices to several indices of national or societal productivity. Rosen (1955, 1962) relates achievement motivation to such structural variables as socio-economic class, family size and age of the mother. He questions whether it is necessary to posit an individual personality characteristic and Specific child training prac— tices as intervening variables between the social structure and national productivity. All of the studies thus far discussed represent increasingly specialized attempts to answer the question posed in the study of culture and personality: what are the effects of culture in determining personality? Follow- ing the leads given by Kardiner, Margaret Mead and others, these studies have examined childhood training practices. One of the principal assumptions of this theoretical per— spective is described by Gorer (1953) as that of ”social continuity." . . . in any given society (or portion of society, where the society is large enough to be differen- tiated by regions or classes or a combination of both) the observable adults shared experiences and vicissitudes of childhood [were] similar to those which observable infants and children are now under— going; and further, that observable infants and children will grow up to have shared predispositions and characters similar to those of the observable adults. . . . It is assumed (a) that these shared adult predispositions are related to shared earlier experiences, and (b) that these shared earlier ex— periences are of the same nature as those experi- ences now being shared by the contemporary infants and children. This postulate is at present unproved; but it would be capable of proof or disproof if societies in which the vicissitudes of childhood and the predispositions of adults have been ade- quately described were to be revisited after the lapse of a generation (Gorer 1953: 63). Alongside the research on child training practices, there has been a continuing series of cautions and criticisms, among which Sewell's article has already been mentioned. As early as 1949, Orlansky outlined many of the criticisms of using specific child training practices as the principal way of operationalizing socialization. Lindesmith and Strauss (1950) summarize Orlansky's criticisms as follows: (a) various writers attribute different and contra- dictory effects to the same or similar childhood experiences; (b) the alleged influences of given infant disciplines or types of experience on per- sonality have not been proven within our own society, to say nothing of others; (c) the method of ”prov- ing” that early infancy is of primary importance is shot through with anthropomorphism and unsup- ported assumptions; and (d) post-infantile child- hood experiences are probably of more vital im- portance in shaping personality than the prelingual ones (Lindesmith and Strauss 1950: 596). Another important criticism is made by Apple (1951). He points out that in thinking of man as "learning" his cul- ture one distinguishes man from other animals who are thought to inherit complex instinctual patterns for behavior. How- ever, in trying to understand how man learns his culture, somehow the distinction between "learning" and ”training" is lost. In equating "learning" and “training" it is as- sumed that training proceeds according to laws of learning formulated by the experimental psychologist. While this assumption may be made, it is not a necessary assumption, particularly at this stage in the deve10pment of theories of learning and of socialization. Moreover, simply because learning is an individual process, the study of socializa- tion need not necessarily be reduced to the study of the relationship between a single socializing agent and the individual who is being socialized. 10 Socialization in the Theory of Symbolic Interaction Merton's definition of socialization, which "is in the current sociological tradition,” (Loomis 1961: 309) clearly expresses the typical emphases of the second group of theorists. The technical term socialization designates the processes by which people selectively acquire the values and attitudes, the interests, skills, and knowledge--in short, the culture-current in the groups of which they are, or seek to become, a member. [sic] It refers to the learning of social roles (Merton 1957: 287). G. H. Mead, taking ideas from James and Dewey and more directly from Cooley, developed the nucleus of the theory which has become known as symbolic interactionism. With Cooley, we have the idea that the self is a mirror of others, that it is through the percep- tion of others and the control of others that the child develops a self capable of autonomous ac- tion. . . . Mead offers a more developed theory of the growth of the self through the use of language and gestures to participation in the play and the game. The interactional process gives rise to the symbolic process (Pitts 1961: 821). After language begins to appear, the next crucial process is the development of the concept of ”role" through child- hood play in which the child imitates the role behavior of mother, father, baby, postman, milkman, and so on. The child who can act the role of another is, however, not yet socialized. He must learn to play the game, which is to incorporate all of the attitudes of the other players to him and to each other. The fundamental difference between the game and play is that in the latter the child must have the ll attitude of all the others involved in that game. The attitudes of the other players which the par- ticipant assumes organize into a sort of unit, and it is that organization which controls the response of the individual. The illustration used was of a person playing baseball. Each one of his own acts is determined by his assumption of the action of the others who are playing the game. What he does is controlled by his being everyone else on that team, at least in so far as those attitudes affect his own particular response. We get then an 'other' which is an organization of the atti- tudes of those involved in the same process (G. H. Mead 1956: 231). Mead's emphasis on the learning of roles has led to the development of an interest in adult socialization as well as in childhood socialization. The basic similar~ ities in the two processes became apparent, and adherents of the symbolic interactionist theory were primarily at- tracted to the study of adult socialization which had pre- viously been neglected. Merton's book, The Student-Physician (1957), is an example of this trend. ‘ghg_Sociologngfughilg.Development (Bossard 1948) is one of the earlier studies of childhood socialization using the symbolic interaction framework, and it remains a basic example of research done from this theoretical per- spective. In his analyses of American childhood, Bossard uses autobiographies as his main source of data and sup- plements these with personal interviews. Bossard (1956) also documents the significance of family size as a struc- tural variable in determining the nature of family inter- actions. More than others, with the possible exception of Parsons, Bossard considers the family as a social system. 12 Parsons' "thesis is that the socialization process goes through a series of stages, defined as learning to participate in the various levels of organizations. . . ” (Parsons 1959: 30). In the first stage the individual learns to participate in the nuclear family (Parsons and Bales 1955). The second stage centers around the primary and secondary schools and the third stage revolves around higher education (Parsons 1963). Although Parsons analyzes the groups into which the person is being socialized as social systems in which "socializee" is a defined status, he is, nevertheless, more Freudian in his frame of reference than most sociologists. Parsons posits four phrases in the proc- ess of socialization into a group (and in psychotherapy), which are in the order of their occurrence (1) permissive- ness, (2) support, (3) denial of reciprocity, and (4) manip- ulation of rewards (Parsons and Bales 1955: 38—39). Sullivan, although a psychiatrist and basically a neo-Freudian, in his Interpersonal Theory 2£,Psychia§£y (1953), focuses more on child-other interaction than on parental training practices. He stresses the importance of ”compeers" and teachers in the juvenile school-going period and the importance of a special chum in pre-adoles— cence. His term ”significant other” has been widely adopted and with it the focus in the study Of socialization has been expanded from the parentpchild relationship to the child's relationship with a variety of ”others" important to him. 13 The general trend within the second group of the- orists, then, is to consider socialization a process about which general laws can be formulated regardless of the age of the person and the type of role into which he is being socialized. In a ”Conference on Socialization through the Life Cycle” (Brim 1964) a group of social scientists made a preliminary outline of some of the important dimensions of socialization. They specified these as significant vari- ables: (1) the formality of the relationship between the socializing agent and the person being socialized, (2) the group context of the person being socialized (whether the person is being socialized alone or as a member of a group, and whether the person or group being socialized is one of a series, passing through the socializing agency, or the only one of its kind), (3) the power and support in the socialization relationship (the degree to which the socializing agent exerts dominance or authority in his re- lationship to the person being socialized as against being permissive or democratic, and the degree to which there is a highly affective relationship between the socializing agent and the individual being socialized in contrast with one of low affectivity), and (4) the content of socializa- tion (whether the emphasis is on learning the values and behavior expected in the role, the skills necessary to meet the role requirements, or the desirability of practicing the behavior in pursuit of the appropriate ends. A concern with roles may be seen to dominate symbolic 14 interactionism and sociology in general, and "socialization” has become almost synonymous with "role—learning.” Goffman's 1133 Presentation 9__f_ £313 3.3 Everyday Life (1959) , in which an analogy with the dramatic performance is employed to emphasize the role-taking nature of man, is a particularly cogent example of the current focus on roles. Drama, how- ever, and role-playing in general are more nearly extensions of “play” than of the "game” as these terms were used by Mead. It seems that in the development of symbolic inter- actionism, the game analogy has not been fully exploited. The playing of "games“ requires a greater concep- tion of the organized whole than does the dramatic perform— ance. Furthermore, competition is much more crucial to the ”game,” than it is to the dramatic performance. A theory of socialization based on "game” playing could be developed, in which the focus would be on the kind of ”game" or system which is being learned rather than on the type of role which is being learned. Such “games" might be cat- egorized in terms of the organization of the players or in terms of the rules for competition. Some of the types of ”games" played in economic competition have been studied in game theory, and the approach to game typing used in game theory suggests several types of games which are also analogous to various sorts of social competition (von Neumann and Morgenstern 1953). It is suggested that an analysis of the ”games” people play would prove more fruitful for the study of the dynamics of social stratification, and 15 the exercise of political power and social control than ”dramaturgical analysis" has proven. In summary, the culture and personality theorists have focused on cultural variation in childhood training practices and on the effects of specific childhood train- ing practices on the development of personality. The sym— bolic interactionists, taking many of their theoretical formulations from Cooley and G. H. Mead, have focused on the learning of new roles by persons of all ages. However, while Mead stresses the importance of "game” playing in the socialization process, the current emphasis on role- taking stresses the play-like aspects of social organiza- tion to the partial exclusion of the game-like aspects. The present discussion of socialization in Pakistan employs many of the concepts of symbolic interactionism. The three social systems in which the child has an impor- tant position: the domestic group, the classroom and the peer group, are each discussed in terms of the functions they have for the socialization of the child. An attempt has been made to discuss not only the roles which their members play, but also the conflicts of interest which are inherent in each of these groups. CHAPTER II RESEARCH TECHNIQUES The purpose of this study is to provide a general overview of the patterns of socialization in Pakistan and to delimit problems for future field research. Because it is a pre-study, the approach has been adapted to the available subjects. The most apprOpriate subjects for the study of patterns of childhood socialization would have been those currently being socialized, the children, and the socializing agents most actively engaged in training them, their parents and teachers. There are, however, no Pakistani families in this area. Therefore, Pakistani stu- dents studying at Michigan State University were asked to provide recollections of their childhood experiences. Sample Size During Fall and Winter Quarters, 1963-64, there were eighteen students from Pakistan studying at Michigan State University. Attempts were made to reach each of these students and to arrange for an interview. Interviews were conducted with fourteen of the students. 0f the four who were not interviewed, one student could not be reached, one refused to be interviewed and the other two broke ap- pointments and could not be reached to make further 16 17 appointments before they left the university. Two additional Pakistani citizens in the community, men who were formerly students at Michigan State and who continue to associate with the student group, were also interviewed. The total number of persons interviewed was thus sixteen. Each of these informants was interviewed once and five of them were interviewed a second time, thus making a total of twenty- one interviews. Sample Characteristics Of the sixteen informants, fourteen are male and two are female. They range in age from twenty to thirty- five years, with most of them in their middle or late twen- ties. All of the informants are Muslims, ten from West Pakistan and six from East Pakistan. Most of them spent their childhoods in what is now Pakistan although several spent some portion of their childhoods in what is now India. All of the informants, however, grew up in the larger cul- ture area of South Asia and, in fact, in the northern half of the sub-continent. In contrast to the general population these students are from the middle and upper classes to which less than ten percent of the peOple of Pakistan belong. Many are upwardly mobile within the middle class and will, upon their return, have higher positions than their parents have had. Again in contrast to the general population, most of these students are from urban areas whereas ninety percent 18 of Pakistan's population lives in rural communities. Those informants who are the sons of rural landowners spent their early years in the village, but went to school in the city and returned to the village only for vacations after they entered school. Clearly the educational attainment of these students is above that of the general population of which only twenty percent is literate. Of the sixteen informants, only one is an undergraduate. The remaining fifteen are working on graduate degrees or in the cases of the two ex— students, have finished them. The educational attainment of the informants generally exceeds that of their fathers, many of whom were educated in the traditional madrasahs. These students form an unrepresentative sample not only because of their high socio—economic and educational stat- uses, but also because they are living in a foreign culture, an experience which may, indeed, bias their reflections on their childhood experiences. Thus, this sample of in- formants differs from the general population in many im- portant respects, an unfortunate but necessary condition in this type of preliminary research. Data Gathering Each of the informants was interviewed separately in a small office on campus. Each of these interviews was tape recorded. The tape recorder was set up before the informant arrived and was placed on the floor out of his direct vision. A small microphone was placed on the table 19 between the informant and the interviewer. The informant was not required to hold or wear the microphone nor was he instructed to speak particularly clearly. It was thus hoped to minimize the resistance which the tape recorder might create and which might discourage the respondent from making disclosures about himself. After a brief period of introduction in which an attempt was made to establish rapport, the informant was asked if it would be all right to record what he said. He was told that the material was confidential, that the recording was being made to obtain an accurate record of what he said, and that he would not be identified in any material which was used in the thesis. Each of the informants gave his permission for the record- ing, although three repeated the request that the material be kept confidential. The interviews were open ended. Each respondent was asked to tell about his childhood. He was asked to start with whatever occurred to him first, and the inter- view proceeded from this point. The informant was some- times aSked to explain a particular statement further, but fer the most part comments by the interviewer were not in- tended to direct the conversation. Specific and detailed questions were avoided and there was no order in which tOpics were to be covered. There was some tendency for the informants to con- sider the interview from a psychological perspective. Many seemed to be aware of the current psychological premise 20 that the problems of adulthood have their roots in early childhood. They tended to focus on their problems and to discuss their childhoods mainly in relation to these prob- lems. Unfortunately, at the elementary level of this in- quiry more information was needed about the everyday lives of the informants and less about crisis situations. It should also be noted that no precise upper or lower age limits were set on the period of the informant's life which was to be discussed. The informants tended to concentrate on their adolescent years and gave more infor- mation about college and university activities than about their earlier years. Data Analysis Each of the interviews was transcribed from the tape recording. Copies of these transcriptions and notes made on rehearing* the tapes were cut and categorized ac- cording to the ”significant others” to whom reference was made and according to recurrent topics. In the following chapters an attempt is made to isolate important aspects of the socialization process as it appears in these inter- views. There is reference to current research when it ap- pears to support or to contradict particular aspects of the interviews. These findings are presented primarily as hypotheses to be investigated in future research. The small sample size and the fact that the sample is not rep- resentative of the general population of Pakistan makes accurate generalization problematic. CHAPTER III THE DOMESTIC GROUP The domestic group is composed of those persons who reside in a single household and eat food prepared in a single cooking center (kitchen, rannaghar). In most of Pakistan the domestic group consists of: l) the oldest male in a patrilineal descent line, 2) all of his adult male descendants, 3) the wives and minor children of the men in categories (1) and (2), and 4) the wives and minor children of deceased men included in categories (1) and (2). The oldest male has jural authority over the members of his domestic group. He controls the resources allotted to the domestic group, particularly agricultural land. His sons inherit his land and other property upon his death. Generally, his daughters are married and leave to reside in the domestic group of their husband shortly after reaching puberty. Following the life cycles of its members, the do- mestic group passes through phases in what Fortes (1958) has called its developmental cycle. Three types of family organization based on the number and relationships of the adult male members follow one another in cyclical fashion in the patrilineal, patrilocal domestic group defined above. These are (1) the joint family between a father and his 21 22 married sons (and their dependents), (2) the joint family among brothers (and their dependents), and (3) the nuclear family (Nicholas, 1961). It should be noted that widowed mothers, sisters-in-law and daughters-in-law and their minor children may be included in each of these three phases of the domestic group without changing its classification ac- cording to this model. These phases in the developmental cycle have been defined according to male membership because it is the men who own and control most of the wealth of the domestic group in Pakistan. For different types of analysis sets of phases could be defined, based on the number of adult females and their relationships to one another, on the ages of the children or on other micro- demographic characteristics of the domestic group. The joint family between a father and his married sons is normally maintained until the father dies. The low life expectancy in South Asia means that in many cases the period in which there are three living generations is short and in some domestic groups this phase is, thus, non- existent (Cohn 1961: 1052). With increasing industrial employment one or more of the sons may be absent from the domestic group for much of the time. In such cases he ordinarily leaves his wife and children with his father while he is working in the city. The husband contributes at least part, and ideally all, of his salary to the joint budget for the maintenance of the entire domestic group. In return, he shares in his father's inheritance from which 23 he might be excluded if he took his wife and children with him to the city. The phase of the joint family among brothers begins when the father dies, if he had more than one son. This phase is a transitional and inherently unstable phase which ends with the partition of the prOperty among the brothers and the division of the household or the construction of a new house for the seceding family. Its composition does not follow the rule given above since it includes at least two men in the oldest generation. Each of these brothers is entitled to an equal share of the property and although the oldest brother is the head of the domestic group and his wife has the authority to control household affairs, neither of them has any real sanctions at his disposal and it is difficult to enforce unwelcome decisions (Nicholas 1961: 1059). The factors which favor and oppose maintain- ing joint property and residence are discussed by Cohn (1961), Nicholas (1961) and Glasse (1965), and include the relative wealth of the domestic group, the number of adult women in the household, the social rank of the family and the degree of social isolation of the domestic group within the community. Even under the circumstances most conducive to joint family organization, however, the joint family among brothers rarely outlasts the lives of the brothers .to become a joint family among patrilateral Parallel COUSinS° The phase of the nuclear family begins with the partition of the property among brothers, or with the death 24 com mo huwomowm cameo bombm k woodman: mo coabavwmm m.wm£umm HocOHpHmcmuH AWII Ti: Al! oJfibRflm H 0-4 o..< 0%!!th oh 0% We Ou_...< panamaa maumu [tn mcom moaned: meow moaned: Hmucoemoaoboo max new masses was was magnum a ammauom seesaw mumrnoum mnos< a ammeumm was no sesame peace ummausz sesame peace madame hence «more ljiil. cmumwxom ca Qsoww oaumoeoo or» mo oHUhU Hmucoemoao>on H unseen are 25 of the father in a joint family between a father and his only son. It continues until one of the sons in the family marries, at which time the domestic group again takes the form of a joint family between a father and his married sons. It may be noted that when the joint family among brothers breaks up, the result is not necessarily nuclear families. One or two nuclear families may detach them- selves, leaving a smaller joint family behind (Glasse 1965: 5). Role Relationships In order to study the changing pattern of control within the domestic group, the complex network of inter- personal relationships may be divided into a series of paired role relationships. A general statement may then be made about the relative power of the two related roles. A's control of B's behavior (or A's power over B) is directly related to A's propensity to reward B. In any relationship between two persons, A and B, power is not exclusively the possession of one of the persons; B's control of A's behavior is, likewise, directly related to 3'5 propensity to reward A. Indeed, the distribution of power between the two may be grossly unbalanced, but if B had no power whatsoever, there would be no reason for A to control B. -This prOposition about the relationship between power and the ability to reward reflects Homans' discussion of authority in Social Behavior: Its Elementary Forms (1961). 26 Homans' interest is in authority or influence which is ac- quired through voluntary interaction rather than through inheritance or other processes of allocation which do not require individual effort. Homans is not specifically in- terested in power which is the result of economic dominance, but he states that he considers his theory compatible with economic theory. In the domestic group authority is in- herited and the rewards at the disposal of its members in- clude material goods and other forms of economic reward. Thus, consideration of economic reward is an important part of an analysis of power in the domestic group. Homans' theory is cited because it provides a general frame of reference for the explanation of many types of behavior. A parsimonious and general set of theorems, such as Homans offers, may be adapted for a particular study while also providing for the integration of that study with the gen- eral body of research. Productive resources may be thought of as being of several types: (1) labor, (2) motivation, (3) skills, (4) knowledge, (5) fertility, (6) capital and (7) office. The items on this list are quite varied, and yet all of them are assets through the use of which the individual may increase his power and hence his control over others. Each of these types of resources is transmitted to the child in an orderly process which is determined by the child's stage in the life cycle. Through the provision of the basic necessities of life (food, shelter, human interaction), 27 the parent makes it possible for his child to grow into a physiologically mature adult capable of performing labor. The provision of such nurturance is especially emphasized in infancy and early childhood. After that the child is increasingly expected to contribute his labor to the pool of family resources. The creation of the desired pattern of motivation also has high priority during infancy. In this process the basic drives of the infant are gradually transformed “into secondary desires for human values and finally to more specific cultural values" (Brim 1964: 5). Training in the skills necessary for adult occupational performance and the transference of knowledge through for mal education are emphasized during later childhood and in adolescence. Reproductive rights are transferred to the individual at the time of his marriage or at the con- summation of the marriage if the child is married before puberty. Control over the use of capital and rights to office are the last resources to be transferred to the in- dividual and may be retained by the parent until his death. Each adult is responsible for the transmission of certain resources to the members of the succeeding genera- tion. In accordance with the basic prOposition about the relationship between control and the ability to reward, stated above, it is hypothesized that at any particular time in the child's life, the parent's control over him is directly related to the value of the resources which the parent has not yet transmitted to him but which he is 28 expected to transmit in the future. The Father-Son Relationship The major steps in the sequence of the son's ac- quisition of the power of an adult man are the attainment of physical maturity, entrance into an occupation, access to the reproductive capacity of women, and finally owner- ship of capital. The father provides for the maintenance of his son during his childhood, but does not directly feed or care for him. The father is, however, directly respon- sible for training his son in the skills and knowledge nec- essary to fulfill an adult male occupational role. The father also has the reSponsibilityfor arranging his son's marriage, and thus for granting his son access to the re— productive capacity of a woman. The most pervasive source of the father's control over his son, however, appears to be the control over land and other capital which the father retains until his death. According to the hypotheses stated above, it is predicted that if a father is a laborer and is not skilled in any trade or profession and also does not own land, his control over his son will decrease markedly after his son has become physically mature and after he is married. If the father is a skilled worker or craftsman, but does not own land, his control over his son is expected to decrease markedly after his son is mature, has completed his train- ing and is married. Among the traditional craftsmen and skilled laborers the age at which the son reaches physical 29 maturity and the age at which he completes his training are so nearly the same that there may be little reason to make a distinction. However, among the professional classes higher education continues up to ten or even more years beyond physical maturity, and the additional period of de- pendence upon the father created by the greater length of training appears to be significant. Marriage is frequently postponed until the son's education has been completed, and the father's control over his son's marriage appears to be an added factor in lengthening the son's dependence. For example, although most of the subjects interviewed for this study have almost completed their formal educations, and although most are being supported by sources outside the domestic group (mainly government and foundation scholar- ships), the fathers of these informants may still manipu- late their behavior partially through control over their marriages. The most significant retention of the father's control over his son, however, appears to occur where a large portion of the son's potential income depends upon his gaining the use of capital over which his father has control. Thus, the peasant son whose father owns land, often remains dependent on his father well into adulthood. Certain inheritable rights, such as the geyp.or contract to work for a particular zamindar family which the Eéflfli. son inherits from his father, may also serve to make the son dependent upon his father well into adulthood. Among the upper classes commercial or industrial stock is another 30 form of capital which the son expects to inherit from his father, and through which the father can control his son's behavior. But whatever form of capital the father owns, if it forms a major portion of the son's potential income, it is predicted to increase considerably the son's depend- ence upon his father. In addition to the sources of control just discussed, for which a rather definite period of transfer from father to son can be established, the father appears to have fur- ther control over his son through the pervasive influence of his social status within the community. In a culture in which the individual's ascribed characteristics have a relatively great importance in comparison with his achieved characteristics, the position the individual occupies within his family is central. The son who maintains himself in good standing within the domestic group and particularly with his father is accorded a general social position sim- ilar to that of his father. This social position appears to be a function of the length of time the father has been known in the community, his general reputation, and the number and quality of his affiliations with other members of the community, as well as the general position of his kinship group and caste. It should also be remembered that even though the adult son is dependent upon his father, the son may also use his labor and whatever skills he has acquired to reward his father. During the father's old age he may be dependent 31 on his son for support. Consequently, if the son can ex- pect to get an equal or higher income elsewhere, his threats to secede from the joint family may counterbalance his father's control over him. In summary, then, the relation- ship between a father and his son is a pivotal one in the domestic group in Pakistan. The patrilineal father has not only the domestic and parental roles of provider and educator, but also rights over his son's inheritance which are enforceable by judicial sanction (Fortes 1958: 13). Considering the magnitude of the father's responsibility and the concentration of the son's expectations, it is not surprising that interaction between father and son is char- acterized by respect and obedience. The Father-Daughter Relationship In the long run the father has less responsibility for his daughter and less control over her behavior than over his son's behavior. Just as with the son, the father's control over his daughter decreases as she grows older, and likewise, at any particular point in the daughter's life her father's control over her is hypothesized to be directly related to the value of the resources which the father has not yet transmitted to her (or to those who con- trol her behavior, specifically her husband and his parents). In contrast to the father's responsibility for training his son, a father is not directly responsible for training his daughter in the skills necessary for her performance 32 of the adult female role. Only if his daughter is to have some formal education does the father assume a significant responsibility for her training. The major transfer of capital from father to daughter normally occurs at the time of her marriage when she is supplied with a dowry of house- hold goods and personal property. According to Muslim prop— erty law, daughters are supposed to inherit half the por- tion which sons receive at the time of their father's death. In practice, however, daughters usually receive a dowry at the time of their marriage but do not share in the di- vision of land or other immovable property (Wilber 1964: 124). This pattern may be changing with the greater en- forcement and acceptance of the property law, so that daughters more often receive a portion of agricultural land either as dowry or as inheritance after the father's death (Eglar 1960: 186-89). Such changes, if they are widespread, may be expected to produce major changes in the relationship between a father and his daughters as well as in other relationships in the domestic group. In the traditional pattern the father's control over his daughter decreases very markedly after her mar— riage. At marriage the jural authority over a girl is transferred from her father to her husband. The primary economic control over the girl, however, appears to be transferred from her father to the groom's father, and the actual supervision of the girl's labor in the household is then delegated by the groom's father to the groom's 33 mother, the girl's mother-in-law. The daughter's relation- ship with her father and with her natal home is, however, not completely severed at marriage. If the daughter is married during childhood, she may continue to reside in her parent's home until some time after she reaches puberty. Even after she goes to live permanently with her husband in his father's home, the daughter returns to her natal home for regular visits which may last several weeks. She returns for the birth of her first child and sometimes also for subsequent births (Eglar 1960). Among the different regions of Pakistan there is considerable variation in the frequency and duration of a girl's visits to her natal home. In the Punjab, and to a lesser degree in Bengal, there appears to be frequent movement of a woman between her husband's home (gaggg) and her father's home (23kg) (Eglar 1960: 81), whereas among the Pathans visits by a girl to her father's home are ap- parently much less frequent and of smaller consequence (Earth 1959: 39). It is hypothesized that the frequency of a daughter's visits to her natal home is directly related to the relative ability and inclination of her natal domes- tic group to reward her as compared with that of her hus- band's domestic group. It is further hypothesized that thepropensity for the natal domestic group to reward her, and also to reward indirectly the members of her husband's domestic group, is demonstrated by the value of the dowry which the girl brings at the time of the marriage and of 34 the value of the presents which she brings with her after visits to her natal home. However, not only positive re- wards, but also negative rewards, or punishments, should be considered. Thus, the assignment of an excessive amount of work by her mother-in—law, beatings by her husband or other grievances may make the natal domestic group appear more rewarding to the woman, and a sudden unplanned de- parture to her natal home appears to be a culturally under- stood form of protest by a wife or daughter-in-law. The Mother-Child Relationship The mother generally has less responsibility for transmitting economic resources to her children and conse— quently fewer real sanctions with which to enforce her de- cisions than does the father. She must, therefore, rely much more on personal influence and affection to get her will than the father must. The mother is responsible for the physical care of both her sons and daughters. She is also responsible for training her daughter in the skills she will need to manage a household, and because of this responsibility the mother may expect a fairly high degree of obedience from her daughter. In the mother—son relation- ship, on the other hand, after infancy the son may even have somewhat greater control over his mother than she has over him. The birth of a son is in many ways the mother's ticket to respect in her husband's household, and after her husband's death the mother will be dependent on her 35 son for support. For such reasons, then, the son's requests are generally honored, and two informants reported that even when they stole money from them, their mothers did not complain to the boys' fathers. The Father-Mother Relationship The basic tenor of the specific parent—child rela— tionships is set by the relationship between the husband and wife. It is hypothesized that the husband's control over his wife's behavior is directly related to the propor- tion of her potential income which he provides. In the early years of marriage when his parents dominate the house— hold, the relationship between husband and wife is almost exclusively a sexual one. The mother-in-law, getting her authority from her husband, controls most other aspects of the girl's behavior, just as the father controls most aspects of his son's behavior. Thus, the son's economic dependence on his father, which results in his continued residence in his parents' household, also results in the control of his wife by his mother. The strength of the relationship between his wife and her natal domestic group, discussed previously, also minimizes the control which the husband may exert over his wife. A third factor which may operate to minimize the husband's control over his wife is the control over resources which the wife herself main- tains. In the lower castes where the wife may have a spe- cific occupation, such as midwife, or where she participates 36 directly in the field work, it is predicted that the wife will have considerable power, and hence, an effective voice in decision making within the domestic group. On the other hand, in agricultural households and among the middle and upper classes in urban areas where the wife is kept in purdah, her actual and potential resources are ordinarily very small in pr0portion to those of her husband, and he, therefore, may be expected to have considerable control over her after his father's death. In such well-to-do households the wife's main sources of power appear to be the control she has over herself as a sexual object and her access to rewards from her natal domestic group and she may use these to gain a voice in particular household decisions. The parental roles of the husband and wife are also strongly influenced by the specific phase of the develop- mental cycle through which the domestic group is passing. In the joint family the father appears to have less influ- ence on the conduct of domestic affairs than he does in the nuclear family. It appears that most of the father's interactions within the joint domestic group are with the other adult men rather than with his wife or children. The mother, in these circumstances, appears to have more direct responsibility for the children and is more likely to deliver admonitions and minor punishments and to issue permissions herself. In the nuclear family, on the other hand, the father appears more likely to maintain direct 37 control over his children's activities. This appears to be partially a function of the smaller size of the nuclear family as compared to the joint family and of the result- ing intensification of each of the relationships (Bossard 1956: 310). Another important factor is that the father in the nuclear family has been released from his earlier dependence on his own father and is now free to exert his increased power over his wife and children (Wilber 1964: 124). Still another factor to be considered is that the children in the nuclear family are likely to be older than those in the joint family because in the normal develop— mental cycle of the domestic group in Pakistan the phase of the nuclear family generally occurs after the death of a man's father and before his own children become adults. As a consequence, the boys, in particular, are likely to spend much of their time outside the home and, thus, beyond the control of their mothers who are confined to the court- yard. The father must, therefore, assume a greater respon- sibility for directing and disciplining his sons. Sibling Relationships Relative age is an important criterion in determin- ing the nature of any relationship between siblings. Terms of reSpect are often used in addressing an older sibling, even though he may be only a year or two Older, whereas younger siblings may on occasion be called by name. At least during childhood the older brother has the authority 38 to request favors from his younger brother and may under certain circumstances (which require further study for more precise specification) punish him. The authority of the older brother appears to be considerably greater where there is a relatively large difference in the ages of the two brothers, but even among brothers who are similar in age, physical strength and educational status at least minimal deference is generally accorded to the older brother. After the father's death the oldest brother inherits the father's authority in matters relating the joint family to the community, and this position in the succession of authority within the domestic group appears to be the source of the oldest brother's control over his siblings. However, as has been pointed out previously, the father's property is divided equally among his sons, and thus, the oldest brother has no real power to enforce decisions. The com- petition which develops for land and other resources often leads to very strained relations among adult brothers. Younger sisters are also expected to show respect for their older sisters, but the oldest sister appears to have less authority over her younger sisters than the old- est brother has over his younger brothers. Rivalry among sisters may revolve around differential treatment by their father and brothers and particularly around the relative sizes of the dowries and of the gifts which they take back to their saures. Married sisters may also compare the value of the jewelry and clothing which their husbands have given 39 them and the relative social positions of their husbands' families. Traditionally the relationship between brother and sister has been one of the warmest in the domestic group. ”At best, the brother is protective and confidential with his sister, sharing with her some of his experiences out- side the household, while she for her part tells him the gossip of the other women, ministers to his food prefer- ences, and intercedes in his behalf with their parents“ (Wilber 1964: 126). During adulthood the woman's brother's home is a vacation spot where she is relieved from the drudgery of housework and where she receives presents which enhance her status in her husband's household. Tradition- ally the sharp separation of male and female roles appears to have prevented competition between brothers and sisters. Two current changes, however, seem likely to result in in— creased competition between these two roles. One of these changes is the greater adherence to the laws giving women full rights to inheritance; the other is the greater en- trance of girls into formal education. Both inheritance and education involve an allocation of scarce resources and hence, are inherently competitive. The Child's Relationship to the Larger Kin Group Eglar (1960) has very aptly described the relation- ship of the child to the relatives with whom he comes in contact from an early age- 40 As the child grows up, he soon learns that the household and the village he lives in are his dadke-- his father's father's place—~while the household and the village he frequently visits with his mother are his nanke--the place of his mother's parents. . . . Dadke is the child's own village, its parents' home. Here is most of the family land and here live most of his biraderi, his paternal uncles and cousins, whose number and unity add power and pres- tige to his family and who are the first to come together and to help on special occasions. Nanke is cherished throughout life. It is the place where a child is supposed to be treated with great affection and indulgence. From early child- hood when one visits one's mother's family one is given much love, and when one returns home one is given sweets and new clothes to take back. When a boy marries, his mother's brother gives him a substantial gift; when a girl marries, part of her dowry comes from her nanke (Eglar 1960: 80). The mother's relatives are not only a source of presents and good times; they also present standards by which the child may measure his own performance and that of his parents. In meeting his maternal cousins whom he has not seen for several months the child is presented with an opportunity to compare his recent growth and accomplish- ments with those of his cousins. The contrast between the way he remembers his cousins and the way they appear upon renewed acquaintance seems likely to direct the child's attention to changes within himself. Any differences in the development patterns of the various children is likely to be further emphasized as the mother and her brothers' wives compare their children. In this respect the members of the mother's kin group seem to serve the function which Bossard (1948: 221-61) attributes to the guest in the 41 American household. In fact, guests in Pakistan are nor— mally addressed by kinship terms and are expected to inter- act with the domestic group as a kinsman would. Conclusion The domestic group is a very complex institution which includes a wide variety of roles and types of inter- action, only a few of which have been discussed here. The focus in this chapter has been on the relative power involved in the different role relationships. Further research on relationships within the domestic group must focus on the effects of particular stages of the developmental cycle on the quality of specific relationships. Bossard's (1956) study of the large family system provides an example of the effects of one structural variable on family relation- ships. However, in analyzing the domestic group in Pakistan it will be necessary to consider not only the effects of a varying number of a children, but also the number of adults and their relationships to one another. CHAPTER IV THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM Formal Organization 'Pre—university education in Pakistan as a whole is divided into the following stages: Stage Duration Age Primary 5 years 5+ to 10+ Middle 3 years 10+ to 13+ High 2 years 13+ to 15+ Intermediate 2 years 15+ to 17+" (Pakistan 1960: 115). In Classes I through x there is one general curriculum with few variations offered. Students are promoted on the basis of their performance on annual examinations given by the local school. Following the completion of the tenth class, there is a nationwide ”matriculation" examination. Those who pass this may enter a two year intermediate program (Classes XI and XII). At the intermediate level a choice is made among arts, science, commerce and several special- ized curricula. The completion of the twelfth class is marked by another nationwide examination, the "intermedi- ate“ examination. Those who pass it may proceed for a Bachelor's degree. In the college a major is chosen and thereafter the majority of the courses taken are in the major field. Colleges in Pakistan offer two types of 42 43 Bachelor's degree, the “pass” for the terminal student and the ”honors" for the student who expects to continue his education. Bachelor's programs generally require two years beyond the intermediate examination, though many are being expanded to three and even four year programs. Colleges are under the jurisdiction of universities which are respon- sible for preparing and evaluating the final Bachelor's examinations (Pakistan 1960: 42-44). Efforts to upgrade the quality of education in Pakistan have included several changes in the organization of the system. As part of the Second Five-Year Plan juris- diction over the intermediate program was transferred from the universities to the boards of secondary education (Pakistan 1961: 340). The middle classes (VI through VIII), which were formerly lumped with the high school classes (IX and X) as secondary education, are referred to as ”junior high” classes in the Third Five-Year Plan. Secondary edu- cation now refers to Classes IX through XII (Pakistan 1964: 157-83). The first eight classes will be compulsory as soon as it becomes possible, with the emphasis in these classes on producing functional literacy. Class VIII is to be the terminal level for students not proceeding to the matriculation examination. Education in Pakistan is not exclusively a govern- ment effort. ”The private sector has in the past played an important role in the advancement of education. Most of the existing primary and secondary schools and some of 44 the colleges were established through private effort” (Pakistan 1961: 341). The government continues to rely on private sources for the establishment of additional schools and the education of a large portion of the popu— lation. Some primary schools, private and public, are co- educational. At the secondary level, however, almost all schools have separate classes for each sex or are exclusively boys' or girls' schools. Only at the university level are classes again coeducational. Although there are many outstanding exceptions, in general, teachers are inadequately trained, are poorly paid and have little prestige. This is especially true at the primary level. There are often too few texts and supplementary reading materials. Classes are large, often including more than fifty pupils even at the primary level (Pakistan, 1960: 259, 265—66). Less than half (45%) of the children in the primary age group (6—11) presently attend school. Less than one- fifth continue into the middle classes (Pakistan 1964: 162). At every level the number of male students far exceeds that of female students. ”It has been estimated that in the last year of the Second Plan period the ratio of female to male students is 1:3, 1:6 and 1:7 at the primary, sec- ondary and higher education levels respectively” (Pakistan 1964: 178). Facilities for both primary and secondary edu- cation are being rapidly increased. A.goa1 of seventy 45 percent attendance among those in the primary age group has been set in the Third Five-Year Plan (Pakistan 1964: 162). It seems unlikely that this goal will be reached in view of the slow rates of increase in attendance over the past ten years. HOwever, even if this goal is achieved, the school is not a social system in which all children may be expected to participate in the near future. Goals The primary goal within the educational system ap- pears to be good performance on the annual examinations and particularly on the nationwide examinations. Rewards for educational achievement seem to be given almost exclu- sively on the basis of performance on these tests. Entrance into each successive class depends on passing the final examination over the work of the preceding class. Employ- ment opportunities are directly related to one's score on the matriculation, intermediate or B.A. examinations. Thus, the rewards and goals are generally consonant. The Commissflmuon National Education, however, has criticized the narrowness of this orientation and has stressed the need for much more inclusive educational goals. The present system of evaluation is confined to intellectual attainments and is based on written examinations conducted by the schools at the end of every term. These are hardly more than formal- ities and are not taken very seriously by either the pupil or the teacher, and there is no attempt to base promotion through the year on an objective and comprehensive assessment of the work done throughout the year. 46 On the other hand, the public examinations held at the end of classes X and XII are taken too seri- ously and absorb the entire attention of the teachers and school authorities. Their short-comings are notorious: they consist solely of written tests in which success can be achieved through mere mem- orization, and practically no effort is made to test the pupil's intelligence, and no credit is given for the work done during the two years' course covering the examination curriculum. This completely destroys any incentive to study until “E-Day" looms near, for it is too distant a goal to encourage sustained effort over a long period. The few weeks beforehand are then spent in an orgy of cramming. The whole effect is to undermine school discipline and to arrest the development of character (Pakistan 1960: 122—23). In contrast with this situation the Commission advises that evaluation of the student ' . . . must cover not only his intellectual but also his moral, social and physical growth" (Pakistan 1960: 122). Correspondingly, it has established a set of broad objectives for each level of education. The inclusiveness of these new goals may be seen in the set for the primary level. Primary education should be designed to: (a) make a child functionally literate; (b) develop all aspects of his personality, moral, physical, and mental; (c) equip him with the basic knowledge and skills required of an individual and a citizen and prepare him for further educa- tion; (d) arouse a sense of civic responsibility, love for his country, and willingness to contribute to its development; (e) develop the habits of industry, integrity, and curiosity; and (f) awaken a liking for physical activity and sports and games (Pakistan 1960: 183). These new goals, however, are not likely to be ac— cepted unless the rewards of the system are made conditional on their acceptance. Thus, in accordance with the effort 47 to reduce the emphasis on the matriculation and intermediate examinations, the Committee recommends that twenty-five percent of the final evaluation be based on classroom per- formance including performance on bi-weekly tests over re- cently covered material. In the effort to increase the teachers' interest in creating the desired student attitudes and values, there are to be accelerated promotions and spec- ial increments for teachers who receive good evaluations. Any large scale manipulation of teacher salaries to promote the nationally recommended methods of teaching seems, how- ever, a dim prospect with present salaries both inadequate and locally controlled and with no practical means of wide- spread evaluation based on the new expanded goals. The “class examination pass percentage,“ thus, seems likely to remain the primary standard of teacher evaluation for some time (Pakistan 1960: 129). Role Relationships This analysis focuses on students who, like the informants, belong to the urban middle and upper classes. Such students are being educated for professional and bus- iness occupations and hence, have a long term commitment to the educational system. It must be remembered that this type of student is not representative of the members of his age group in Pakistan. It should also be noted that this analysis is concerned with pre-university education and particularly with the primary and middle school years. 48 The diagram on the next page shows the three prin- cipal actors in the local educational system: the teacher, the pupil and the pupil's guardian, who is usually his father. Each actor controls certain rewards which another expects to receive for the performance of his role. In making ar- rangements for his son to enter school, the father initiates the action. In many cases he pays the teacher both the standard tuition fee and, in addition, money for tutoring his son after regular school hours. Thus, the teacher is dependent on the fathers of his pupils for his salary. The teacher, however, has specialized knowledge which the father wants his son to learn. The teacher may also have the final authority over whether the child passes a given class, although not over his score on the matriculation or later examinations. The father exercising his responsi- bility for his son, sends him to school. The father also punishes his child if he skips school or if his performance does not meet the father's expectations. Although the son is clearly subordinate, the transaction between his father and the teacher, which is profitable to both of them, re- quires his obedience as well as his actual learning of the material being taught, and thus he has a slight control over the interaction. Moreover, in the long run, compli- ance in learning will bring the pupil independence and pres- tige in the community. Father-Teacher Relationship. The father-teacher relationship, as any role-relationship, is strongly influenced 49 .omowmc GOHhmauomcH mo mQOHpUprwm .meflpmcwemxm :0 no wmomasocx omyfleaq wucmeuomumm toom tam mcacummq .mwnmccmaum .mwaosum on coaunmuud .uuommsm .mucOHUGQO coshwummoom .uummmmm upmHHowpcou wonwsmm "pmHHowucou mpumsmm madzmm