NEW NETHERLANDS:
A STUDY IN THE
FAILURE OF THE DUTCH WEST INDIA COMPANY
AS A COLONIZER

Thesis for the Dam of M. A.
MIG-{16AM STATE UNNERSITY
Frederick P. Brakora
1956

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New Netherlands: A Study in the Failure of
the Dutch West India Company as a Colonizer

by
Frederick P. Eakora

An Abstract of a Thesis Submitted in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements for the
Degree of Master of Arts in Michigan
State University

East Lan sing, Michigan

1956

Approved ”EM [gm i,9;,,k~¢.

partnent of Hfstéry

I}
(1/

£23.90

New Netherlands: A Study in the Failure of
the Dutch West India Company as a Colonizer

In the year 1609 the Dutch discovered what is now New York State.
History records little of the activity in that area, which the hitch
called New Netherlands, until 1624, and very little after that until
1629. In this brief work an attenpt is made to throw a little light
on the period from 1609 to 1629 and show that there were indeed sig-
nificant events that history has largely passed over. The events of
this period go a long way toward explaining why the Dutch created the
Patroonships which are such a prominent part of the history of the
Hudson River Valley.

Hmry Hudson discovered the river which bears his name and gave
the Dutch claim to New York State while he was sailing in search of
the Northwest Passage for the Dutch East India Company. His discovery,
however, failed to stir the innginations of the Dutch. After a lapse
of some five years the Dutch realized that England and France would
soon lay claim to the whole of the North American Continent if they
did not hasten to make their claim secure with a population.

In the year 1611+ the area was rediscovered. The discoverers were
given a monOpoly in trade to last for three years until the md of 1617
as a reward. A small but valuable trade in furs was maintained. The
trade and activity were kept small by design of the States General.
They desired to maintain complete dominence over the area so that when
the Dutch West India became a reality, New Netherlands could be turned

over to it. It was the intention of the States for some years prior to

the first settlement in l62h to allow only a few persons to search for
wealth in New Netherlands. The development of the whole of Dutch
possessions in the western Hemisphere was to be the function of the
powerful Nest India Company.

This Company, chartered in 1621, was primarily a trading organi-
zation. This fact had unfortunate consequences for New Netherlands
because it had little in the way of easily obtained wealth to offer
except fer the fur trade. As a result the West India Company lost
interest. So much so that by 1629 the colony could be considered a
substantial failure.

In 1624.the first settlement was made. Fbr'a year or more the
prospects for success looked bright. An involvement with the Indians
in 1625 forced all the settlers to retreat to Manhattan Island. On
Manhattan the colonists were not permitted to own land fur the Island
was the property of the Company. This, together with the hardships
endured, discouraged new immigration and, in fact, caused a certain
number of colonists to return to the Old werld.

With almost everything confined.to the Island of Manhattan and the
fur trade reduced to'a mere triCkle, the Company decided to devote its
energies elsewhere in the New WOrld. But in order to retain control
of New Netherlands, it was imperative'Uhatzmore peOple be induced to
settle there. As a consequence the Dutch established a system.known as
Patroonships in 1629. The Patroonships were huge grants of land.together
with virtual feudal rights made to persons who would settle at least 50
peOple on.the grant. This was an adaptation of the Captaincies which

the Portuguese found successful in settling the Mederia Islands. The

Patroonships were an expedient employed to stave off complete failure

in the colonization of New Netherlands.

New Netherlands: A Study in the Failure of
the Dutch West India Company as a Colonizer

by
Frederick P. Brakora

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Arts in Michigan
State University

East Lansing, Michigan

1956

Approved

 

Department of History

Table of Contents

Introduction

Chapter I ............................................... 1
Chapter II ...............................................13
Chapter III ........................ ...... .................33
Chapter IV ...............................................58
Chapter V .............................. ..... ............70
Conclusion ................... ...... ......................8h

Bibliographical n'oteOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ..... O ....... .88

INTRODUCTION

With the exceptim of one, all the colonies that made up America
in 1776 can trace their histories back to their founding with a certain
degree of precision. In almost all cases except that of New Netherlands,
there are memoirs or records that more or less clearly establish the
history of the early settlements. In no case are the first years of
settlement as confused and neglected as in New Netherlands.

Details of what happened in New Netherlands prior to 1629 are
difficult to find. There is even a question of the exact date on which
the first settlers arrived. Most historians writing about early New
York pass over the years from 1609 to 1629 in a paragraph or two in
which they point out that there was sane trade carried on between
1615 and 1620 and that in 1621 the West India Company was chartered
to take over the responsibility for colonizing the New World in the
Dutch intereSt. The event of Manhattan Island's purchase from the
Indians is discussed without providing an exact date. A statement to
the effect that it took place in the Spring of 1626 is made and from
there the discussion moves cm to the Patroonships.

The reasm for such a sketchy treatment, it must be pointed out,
is understandable. Material covering the period has come to light
only in the relatively recent years. Many of the most important
sources, of course, have been buried in the National Archives of the
Netherlands. And what is more important, a goodly part of the Dutch

West India Company papers covering its activities in these years were

destroyed by a short-sighted Minister of Colonies in 1821.

This work is intended to show the importance of these early
years and indicate to some degree at least why the Dutch colony
adopted the curious institution known as the Patroonships. These
neglected years in a large sense helped determine the destiny of the
colony. ‘He are interested in.what happened before 1629 and why.

It is interesting to speculate on.what the fate of the Dutch
West India Company night have been.had the New Netherlands settle-
ment more closely net expectations. But more interesting is the
speculation on the fate of New Netherlands had the story that is to

be told not been true.

New Netherlands: A Study in the Failure of the Dutch
West India Company as a Colonizer

CHAPTER I

From the year of discovery, 1609, until 1621+ the area claimed by
the Dutch in North America remained unsettled. During this approximate
interval of time the English had planted colonies at Jamestown and
Plymouth. The Dutch territory, reported to be of excellent quality
for farming, renained uninhabited for fifteen years except for a handful
of traders interested only in furs and easily-obtained wealth. At
home, a group of refugees petitioned in vain to be transported to the
New World to settle under the rule of the Dutch. But the rulers of
the Netherlands were not ready to take such decisive action. They
were awaiting the outcane of far-reaching plans. The plans involved
the creation of a Dutch West India Company.

Even before its creation, the specter of the Dutch West India
Company hovered over the Dutch claims discouraging constructive
activity. While the plans were being developed, the Dutch Government
refused to permit free access to New Netherlands, to either traders
or colonists, except on specified conditions. Under careful restric-
tion a small amount of trade was allowed. The reason for the close
control was that from the time of discovery there was agitation for
the formation of a commercial monopoly vested with complete juris~
diction over the Western Hemisphere. It was to be modeled after the

Dutch East India Company which held sole rights to all trade in the

last Indies. Until such time as the new company was formed restric-
tions were placed on all activities in the New world in a manner
that precluded the formation of everything resembling a colony.

The Dutch during this period relied on comercial enterprises
to expand their colonial holdings. Ii‘hey had been exceedingly success-
ful in the Far last where the East India Company had carved out an
empire and at the same time returned huge profits to its stockholders.
Why not apply such a successful method to the Western Hemisphere?
this they intended to do even 1: development of mm was delayed.
It seemed that the colony of low lethsrlands was always secondary to
some cc-arcial consideration.

The Dutch slain to New Netherlands was based on the voyage of
Henry Hudson who sailed for the Dutch East India Company. The East
India Company was chartered in 1602 for the purpose of trading to
the last Indies and the Orient. After a few very rewarding years
the directors, seeking to shorten the route to the source of their
wealth, sent out a free-lance Inglis]: sailor in search of the illusive
northwest passage. The Inglishnn, Henry Hudson, with a mixed crew
of hglish and Dutch seamen set out in the year 1609. Is failed to
find the sought-after passage, but instead he gave the Dutch their
claim to the Hudson River valley and what later became known as
low Netherlands .

Colonization could have begun shortly after 1609 because the
Dutch considered Hudson's voyage as the basis of their claim. This

claim was not disputed for some years to come. That they did consider

 

 

‘
I
.g: -
e , _
‘ ‘ .
.
.
‘
.

this voyage as giving title to the lands is substantiated by many
references in the records of the States General. In 1631l- the West
India Company referred to it in one of its many petitions and requests
to that body. 011 this occasion the records declared ”that the said
river and adjacent countries had been discovered in the year 1609, at
the cost of the East India Company, before any Christian had ever been
up the said river as Hudson testifies, who was then in the service of
the said Company for the purpose of discovering the northwest passage
to China."1 Other references placed this fertile land between #0 and
50 degrees latitude, thus nking it unmistakably the location of New
Netherlands or New York .

Upon his return Hudson revealed that he had indeed found a
bountiful land. As was custo-ry for a skipper returning from a voyage
of discovery, Hudson presented his report, first to his sponsors and
then, at the appointed tine, to the States General. His report left
no mistake but that he had discovered an excellent country for colon-
isation. "i‘he land is the finest for cultivation that I ever in w
11:. set foot upon, (a 13333 schoonste _la_nd;t_ g 33 m 2.1:. 33.5 915
in £522 £3 12333 33393)." In 1621:, the sane Dutch historian who
quoted Hudson wrote this in addition to Hudson's description: "He
found there also vines and yapes, pumpkins and other fruits; from all
of which there is sufficient reason to conclude, that it is a pleasant
and fruitful country."2 But the directors of the East India Company

1"Acts of the States General", in Docunents Relative to the
Colonial Hist of State of New York, WWE,E vols.
mm: 35%)??an “rennin-ween n. 2. Col. Docs.

2John De Last A Description of the Nest 13:11:? (fe-yden 1621;), in
.1. Franklin Janeson: ed., Narratives of New Netherlands, 1609-1661} ,
(New York 1909), p. 19. Hereafter oifid De Last, Narr, New Neth. Also

found in New York Historical Society Collections ml)7§econd Series
I, 282-31'6'.‘ “'-

 

 

 

did not seem impressed, nor did the Dutch governnent.

As a result the North American discovery remained a dead issue
for five years. The reason for the lapse of five'years is not known.
It cannot be said that the reason for lapsed time was due to the bad
relations between the Dutch and the Spanish. The two nations had been
at war since the middle of the 16th Century, it is true, but following
1609 they were, technically at least, at peace, having concluded a,
twelve year truce in that year. There was another reason. What it
was no one knows.

Five years after the discovery, in lélh, the area about the Hudson
River was "rediscovered”, but only after the Dutch government offered
a substantial reward to‘discoverers of new lands. It must have been
amply clear to the Netherlanders that if they did not stake out claim
in North America, soon there would be nothing left to claim. They
were aware of the Inglish in Virginia, for Hudson had reported their
presence. Others also, such as the Dutch historian Yon Hetern, and
even the records of the States General, indicated that there was
concern over the Inglish occupation of the continent. As early as
1611 Von letern wrote concerning the detention of Hudson in England
on his return from America, that ”it was thought probable that the
Inglish theuelves would send ships to explore further the said river.”
Von Hetern said that the English .had attempted to press Hudson into
their service since he was, after all, an Englishmn.3 Such indications
must have weighed heavily on the statesmen of the Netherlands as they
plotted the destinies of their country in the New World.

3amnne1 Von notern, nigger. and Dutch Wars 91; Events, (1611),
In Narr. 1e! Neth., pp. 8-9. Hereafter cited Von Hetern, Narr. 1e! Neth.

To get claim established in America it was imperative that some
sort of incentive be provided to encourage investment in projected
trips to America. (tents of monopoly rights to trade in any newly
discovered areas seemed to be the best solution. The precedent for
such grants had been well and profitably established prior to this
date by the last India Company. The amount of wealth that accrued
to the United Provinces as a result of that Company's exploits is
well known. It was logical, then, to presume that a similar arrange-
nent would be advantageous in the New World .

In this age of mercantilism the enphasis seemed to be in favor
of permitting private enterprise and the profit motive to direct the
energies of nations as well as men. If the state could provide the
climate within which these factors worked themselves out the most
satisfactorily, than it was performing its functions in the ideal
unner. The Dutch believed that the promise of nonopoly in trade
provided the most conducive atmosphere for such activity as was
required by these circumstances . Accordingly, on the 28th of lurch,
161‘!L , the' statesmen of the Netherlands fulfilled their function by
passing an act which provided that: "Whosoever any new passages,
havens, countries or places shall nowand henceforth discover, shall
alone resort to the same, or cause them to be frequented for four
voyages . " The discoverers were protected from interlepers by a
provision that decreed: ”Confiscation of the goods and ships where-
with the contrary attempt'be made, am a fine of fifty thousand
Netherlands Ducats, to the profit of the aforesaid finder and discoverer."5

his lo 993;. DOCB., I, so
5Ibid., p. 8.

Encouraged by such effective protection, the merchants did not hesi-
tate to assume the risk of sending out their ships, perhaps dreaming
of discoveries equal in wealth to those of the East India Company,
or even those of Spain.

Before the year l6lh ended, an assooation of Amsterdam merchants
was able to seize upon the tempting rights granted by the law. In
the same year, two ships returned simultaneously, one named the rortune,
ended by Hendrick Christiansen of Cleef, the other , the Tiger with
Adrian Block as captain, both of which were in the employ of a New
Netherlands company. The reports of the two skippers to the States
General revealed that they had revisited the place to which Hudson had
been only five years before. Yet these voyages were considered the
basis for claim of discovery as required by the law of 1611+. No
reason was ever given as to why the original discovery of Hudson was
not honored in this case . It does seem probable though that there was
opposition to the expansion of the East India Company‘s territory. As
early as 1602 there was agitation for a new ouspany to control the
Western Huisphere. It had many strong advocates. Be that as it my,
the lands christiansen and Block visited "in America betwoen New France
and Yirginia...in the latitude of to degrees to 145 degrees" were unmis-
takably the lands discovered by Hudson. In spite of that, ”on the llth
of October, 1611;, the States General granted those associated ship-
owners the extensive privileges of trading to the 'New Netherlands ' . . .
for three years more consencing on January 1, 1615 ," or until four
voyages had been capleted.7 '

61bid., p. 10.

7NFL-3301a“ Wassenaer, Historiche Verhael (Auterdam, 1621-1632) ,

in _N_. 1. Hist. Collections (1819?, New Series , II, 358-9. Not found
in Narr. 1!! Hath. Hereafter cited Wassenaer, N. Z° Hist. Collections.

This little company proved to be a more stop-gap measure while
more grandiose plans involving the future of the Dutch in America
were brought to fruition. As early as August of 1611;, two months
before the charter of the New Netherlands Company was granted, plans
were under consideration for the formtion of a second great commer-
cial monopoly to be called the West India Company. It alone was to
have the authority to trade and colonize in the Western Hemisphere.

Although the idea for a second company had been conceived by
William Hssolinx as early as 1602 nothing was done about it. The
idea was revived in l6lh and proposed to the States General.
Deliberations on the proposal spread over the next seven years .

The charter was completed in mid-year, 1621. But the Company did
not commence operations for another two seasons due to difficulty
in raising the necessary capital. During this time the New Nether-
lands Company carried on its activities and mintained a tenuous
sort of hold on the North American possession. Its exclusive
privileges lasted three years after which the trade there was opened
to all.

Of the activities of the New Netherlands Company very little
is known. The Dutch have always been very meticulous about record-
keeping and the New Netherlands Company was no exception. Careful
accounts had been kept of all its transactions and activities during
its brief existence, but unfortunately the documents relating to it
as well as those pertaining to the Amterdam Chamber of the West

India Company for the first seven years of its existence were sold

as waste paper by the Minister of Colonies in 1821. Consequently,
all that remains are a few references in the Acts of the States
General and some of the proceedings of the provincial governments
of Holland and West Friesland. With these scanty primary sources
only a few facts can be established.

The most significant fact about this organization, for our
purposes, was that it was exclusively a trading company operating
on a limited monopoly charter. The exclusive rights lasted from
January 1, 1615, to the last day of 1617 after which it had to
face the hazards of competition. During that brief period no
permanent colony or installation was attempted. Colonization was
to be a function of the proposed West India COW, then in the
planning stage. The participants in the New Netherlands Company
later indicated a willingness to promote colonization if the States
General would assist them, but that was not until after their
exclusive rights had expired. It was obvious that to attempt a
colony at the New Netherlands Company's expense would be to no avail
during the short period of three years. The cost of such an under-
taking spread over such a short space of time would. not be feasible,
even if the States General would permit it. From a business point
of view it did not make sense. The Cellpany, therefore, devoted its
energies toward extracting as large a return as possible, which
meant keeping fixed costs to a bare minimum. What other course
could be expected from a business organization? New Netherlands

Company was nde up of 17th Century businessmen who certainly were

not altruists; rather they had a keen eye for profits.

The scope of the New Netherlands Company activities, as a result,
was confined to the fur trade. For this purpose trading posts were
located.where contact could be made with the natives. No time was
wasted in this respect. De Last noted that "in the year 1615, a
redoubt or fort was erected on the river and occupied by a small
garrison." The location of this installation.was in the heart of
the thioan Country, which Hudson had reported to be fertile and which
was inhabited by friendly Indians, at the approximate location of the
present city of Albany. The fort was later reconstructed and called
Hort Orange. It was the mnst promising settlement in all of New
Netherlands. At the Fort, there was what De Last called "a great
traffic in the skins of beavers, otters, foxes, bears, minke...and
the like.”9 Other centers of trade were also established at Manhattan
Island and on the Delaware River, as well as several other locations
that were visited periodically by sailing vessels, but none was the
equal of Fort Orange.

After three years the company‘s monopoly came to an end.
Although the New Netherlands Company continued to operate in the area
they soon had competitors. Two other groups of Amsterdam merchants
were attracted by the profits realized from the fur trade. But the
combined operation of all the companies remained very small. 'When
the States General ordered the area cleared they brought all equip-
ment and people home in three ships.

This trading operation.mdght have been greater had there been

8De Last, Narr. New Neth., ppo38-9.
9Ibid., p. 1&8.

lO

colonists in the area. At no time during the period from 1613+ to
1620 can it be said that there were not available colonists to be
sent to the New world. Since about 1607 there had been residing
at Leyden a group of Brownist exiles from England who had repeatedly
petitioned for transportation to New Netherlands. When the pleas of
the group to the Lords went unheeded their cause was espoused by the
merchants of Amterdam who besought the Prince of Orange to inter-
cede in their behalf before the Lords at The Hague. The merchants,
participants in the New Netherlands Company, sent the following
petition to the Prince in 1620:

low it happens, that there is residing at Leyden a certain
English Preacher, versed in the hitch language, who is well-inclined
to proceed thither to live, assuring the petitioners that he has the
means of inducing over four hundred families to accompany him hither,
both out of this country and England, provided they would be guarded
and preserved from all violence on the part of other potentates , by
authority and under the protection of your Princely Excellency and
the High and Mighty Lords States General in propagation of the true
and Christian religion, in instruction of the Indians in that country
in true teaching, in converting them to the Christian Faith, and thus,
through the mercy of the Lord, to the greater glory of this country's
government to plant there a comonwealth, all under the order and
sound. of your grincely Excellency and the High and Mighty Lords
States General.1

The House of Orange apparently looked with favor upon the idea,
but the States General would have none of it. The petition was
forwarded to the Lords for immediate action. The disposition made
of it there reflects in part the relationship between the House of
Orange and the States General who were fearful of the rising influence
of the former. The proposition was postponed on several occasions and
was finally rejected in smy language on April 12, 1620, one month
to the day from the time it was sent to the Prince of Orange. 011 this

1°"Petition to the Prince of Orange", 35. I- 93;. Docs" 1. 22-27-

11

Saturday their High mghtinesses decreed that the ”petition of the
Directors of the New Netherlands Company, that they, for the peopling
of the said Island my be assisted by two ships of war is again

11
rejected.” From this day forward nothing is heard of the Drownists
in the Acts of the States General. The Lords never formally declared
the reason for their rejection.

An explanation of the action is suggested, however, by one of
the historians of the time. During the decade of the 1620's he
wrote:

Nor did the States General look with more favor upon the
application which the Amsterdam Company made to them on the 12th
of February, 1620 in behalf of the Brownists at Leyden.

The Statemen of Holland by this time entertained too large
and ambitious design to listen to the modest petition of the
Amsterdam. Company. They had in view the establishment of a great
commercial monopoly, whose concentration of capital and energy would
not only direct the colonization of the Dutch discoveries in America,
but also assist the States in crushing the pride of Spain. They,
therefore, finally resolved on the 11th of April, 1620 to reject
the prayers of the memerialists, and thus rejected the Puritans
soon afterwards left their home at Leyden 1Band embarked in the
Mayflower under the banner of St. George.

The seriousness of this error on the part of the States General
was lPPreoiated later in the history of the Dutch Colony in North
America. The refusal to transport any of the four hundred families
denied the colony what it was to need most-~populaticn. These four
hundred families amounted to more than the total population in 1630.
They might have altered the course of history in the Dutch colony.
Had they been transported to New Netherlands the patroonships might
never have come into existence. There would have been no need for

them. If there had been a large and loyal population in New Netherlands

llIbid., I, ah.
assenaer, N. !. Hist. Collections, Second Series, II, 359.

 

there would have been no need to grant huge tracts of land to masters
who would promise, as a condition of‘the grant, to bring fifty peeple
to settle.

Lack of population plagued New Netherlands all through its
history. In 1650 the governor of the colony would have welcomed with
open arms such a stalwart group as the Brownists. At that time "the
governor, Peter Stuyvesant, welcomed refugees from New Haven, whether
'noble or ignoble, freeman or slave, debtor or creditor, yea to the
lowest criminal includedl"13 About what might have been one can only
speculate.

However, without the consent of the States General nothing could
be done. Their refusal spelled the end of’the idea. The States had
no intention of allowing anyone to interfere with what they intended
to be the Nest India Company's function.

As a consequence, in 1620, twelve years after the discovery of
New Netherlands, not a single Dutch citizen resided there. And what
is more, no one would live there until 1621+ when the West India
Company was finally able to deliver a small group of thirty families.
This groupzmight have made the total population in 162h.in New Nether-
lands in the neighborhood of LOO families instead of a meager thirty,
had the Dutch been willing toqact. However, they favored waiting
upon the west India Company.

133. G. Fisher, Men, Women and Manners g3 gglonia; Times, 2

vols. (Philadelphia, 1898), Vol. II, Chapter 8. As quoted in Curtis
Nettels, Roots 2; American Qiyilization (New Ybrk, 19h7), p. 201.

 

13

CHAPTER II

Before the story of New Netherlands colonization begins an
analysis should be made 'of the organization that was to carry it
out. The new company which the States General provided with a charter
in 1621 was outwardly similar to other. Joint stock companies of the
Seventeenth Century. In the beginning it was intended to be primarily
a conercial trading company like the others, but into its structure,
either wittingly or unwittingly, the States General incorporated a
feature which enabled it to deviate in later days fron its primary
intent and begin a vigorous buccaneering of the Spanish Rain. The
Conpany conenced its activities in the peaceful pursuit of coloniz-
ing New Netherlands. Shortly after this modest enterprise was
launched it became apparent that it would not yield sufficient wealth
to Justify a place of prime importance among West India Conpany ventures.
Consequently, the Company turned to freebooting. It was for buses.-
neering,not trade,that the Company became noted.

In this chapter evidence will be offered in an attenpt to show
that the West India Company was intended to be principally a comercial
and colonizing organization. The decision to abandon colonization was
forced on the directors of the. company by two things, the lack of
inediate profits from its newly founded settlements in the New World
and pressure fro: the States General to assist in a more direct campaign
against the hated nations of the Iberian Peninsula. Presently, the
Company was persuaded to attack the Portuguese in Brazil from whence a

campaign could be conducted against the lucrative Spanish trade. This

1h

they did by their own admission in response to the pressures of profit
and governmental persuasion.

In analyzing the Company's charter and the documents concerning
the deliberations that led up to it, we shall see that the stated
objectives were trade and colonization. When negotiations for the
fonnation of the Company first began there was already an expressed
fear along the Dutch of their complete exclusion from the North
Alerican continent by the British and French. By 1620 it was clear
that if territory was to be held in the New world the Company which
was to govern it must be completed. There was also the important
consideration of the expiration of the truce with Spain which had
been signed in 1609. It was due to expire in 1621.

The Twolve Year Truce was a brief respite in the conflict that
had raged betwun the Dutch and their Spanish overlords since 1566.
Attempts by Philip II to centralize the adninistration of the Nether-
lands threatened to deprive the cities and the nobles of their tra-
ditional privileges. Increases in taxes, enforcement of Catholicism
upon an unwilling population, and objections to the person of Philip
hinelf led to a revolt which ultimtely resulted in the unification
of the seven northern provinces of the Netherlands under the House of
Orange. Although the House of Orange had been the rallying force and
had largely led the revolt, the resulting government was not a monarchy,
but a republic. The seven provinces declared their independence of
Spain in 1581. From that time the United Provinces found themselves

on the defensive against Philip II and his son who succeeded him,

15

Philip III, both of whom.refused to recognize the independence of their
ferler vassals. After Philip II died in 1598 the war continued until
1609, when both sides, weary of the long struggle, consented to a. truce
of twelve years duration. Now it was to expire in 1621. By that time
the Thirty Years war had broken out and the Dutch antagonism toward
Spain was merged with that devastating conflict. Thus, as 1621 approached
the States General needed to organize its affairs in the New World to
allow more time for themselves to deal with the European situation.

The States General had found that their East India interests had
been well taken care of by the East India Company. Consequently, they
hurried to form a second similar organization for the western half of
the world. In these two great organizations diplomacy was linked with
trade in the exPectation that the interests of the trading companies
and the policies of the States General for colonies would coincide.
This was in keeping with the Dutch political philosophy which a recent
writer has characterized in the following way:

Capitalistic it certainly was and its imperialism was by no
means confined to America, Asia, or Africa, but sought to penetrate
and meter Europe as well as distant lands. Everywhere and always
the sole concern of Seventeenth Century Dutch capitalism was ' profit
mking' , whether under the Netherlands flag or that of some other
nation or even under the black flag of piracy.... Gold was their
sole aim and many did not hesitate to sell Spain amunition and war
equipment that, a few days later, might be used against Netherlands'
towns and troops. A popular story is told of a sea captain who said
that 'he would sail into hell and trade with the devil were it not
that his sails might catch fire.'1

The organization constructed to carry out Dutch policies was
certainly given the wherewithal to accomplish the objectives for which
it was intended. It was given a commercial monopoly over half the

1Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Evolution 91 the Dutch Nation. (New York,
l9h5), pp. 179-180. Hereafter cited Vlekke, Dutch Nation.

 

 

16

earth, power to make treaties and alliances, administer justice, form
and maintain governments, keep armies and fortifications, but above
all else it was charged with increasing trade and commerce. In the
event that the Company became embroiled in international difficulties,
or if the nation required the services of its land and sea forces the
charter provided the necessary machinery for carrying out the national
will. But the West India Company was first and foremost a conmercial
organization.

Wassenaer suggested this when he declared that the States General
"had in view the establishmmt of a grand commercial monopoly, whose
concentration of capital and energy would not only direct the coloniza-
tion of the Dutch discoveries in America, but would also assist the
States in crushing the pride of Spain."2 This statement indicates the
dual natives of the organization. Most writers dwell on "crushing
the pride of Spain" to the utter disregard of the primary motive as
stated by Wassenaer and the documents relating to the company. From
the above statement it is impossible to say how the "crushing" was to
take place. It nay be that commercial competiticm was the means. It
is fairly obvious that further documentation is needed. However, the
above indicates a point worth making and that is that no matter what
the source, the motive of the Dutch West India Company was not solely
to "crush the pride of Spain."

And it is significant here, as well as in what is to follow, that
commerce and trade are always emphasized far more than the other. In
fact, the other untive is often only implied.

2Wessenaer, fl. 3;. Hist. Collections (Second Series), II, 359.

17

The absence of any declaration against the Spanish monarch in
the deliberations prior to the grant of the charter seems to be
conspicuous. On July 21, l6lh,when the Lords consented to consider
the proposal for such a company, the following resolution was read
into the records :

Read a remonstrance of diverse traders of these provinces in
substance for the formation and erection in this country of a
General Company for the Vest Indies, the Coast of Africa, and the
Straits of Magellan, without prejudice to the East India Company....
Resolved, that the deputies present do advise with the principals
on the aforesaid remonstrance, in order that they may on this day
four weeks hence send some of their merchants hither, with when
their High lightinesses may thoroughly examine the matters contained
in the aforesaid petitions....3

The merchants presented their arguments as called upon from tin to
time during the next seven years . They had pointed out on a number
of occasions that such a company was the best means "for promotion
of commerce and interests of the country...being laudable and advan-
tageous for the country and its inhabitants."

The charter itself is the most convincing evidence of why the
Company was originally established. The tenor of the document If is
indicated by its preamble:

Be it known that we, noticing that the prosperity of this country
and the welfare of its inhabitants consists principally in navigation
and trade, which from time imemorial has been carried on by this
country with good fortune and blessing with all countries and king-
dom: and desiring the aforesaid inhabitants not only be maintained
in their fonser navigation, comerce and trade, but also that their
conerce may be increased as much as possible, especially in con-
formity with the treaties, alliances, conventions and covenants
concerning commerce and navigation formerly made with other princes,
republics and nations, which we intend shall be punctually kept and
observed in all their parts and finding by experience that without
the canon help, and means of a general company no profitable business
can be carried on protected and maintained in parts hereafter designated
on account of the great risk from pirates, extortion and the like, which

31'. z. 993;. Docs., I, 7.
“‘Resglutions of the States of Holland and West Friesland",
Ibid., p. .

18

are incurred on such long and distant voyages: we therefore, for
many other and different pregnant reasons and considerations also
thereunto moving, after mature deliberation of council, and for

very pressing causes have resolved that the navigation and commerce
in the West Indies, Africa, and other countries hereafter designated,
shall henceforth not be carried on otherwise than with the common

in the West Indies, Africa, and other countries hereafter designated,
shall henceforth not be carried on otherwise than with the common
united strength of the merchants and inhabitants of this country and
that to this end there shall be established a general company which
on account of our great love for the commonweal and in order to
conserve the trade and welfare of the inhabitants of this country,

we will maintain and strengthen with out help, favor and assistance,
so far as the present state and condition of this country will in
any way admit, and for that purpose furnish with a proper charter
and endow with the privileges and exemptions hereafter enumerated....5

The question of the Company's original purpose must be considered
somewhat further. There are a great many historians who contend that
the West India Company was created solely to make war against Spain.
The directors of the Company never indicated such a motive either in
the charter or correspondence relating to it. The charter's preamble
dispels such a belief as do the documents that follow.

Although what follows is, in a sense, ahead of the story and
brings in events that properly belong in a later chronological period
it is necessary that the point be made in spite of the violence to
the chronology. There are two documents that must be explained at
this time which relate to the opposition of the west India Company
to a proposed truce with Spain in the year 1629 and again at a later

date.

The first document was dated OctOber 23, 1629,and was addressed
by the Assembly of the XIX, the Directors of the west India Company,
to the States General. The document elaborates in detail why the
Company's financial position required the war to be continued so that
the plunder of Spain's ships and possessions might continue. This is

5"Cherter granted by the High and Mighty Lords the States General
to the west India Company," Ren. Bow. MSS. p. 89. Hereafter cited

"Charter". For some reason the WeSt India Company Charter does
appear in _N_. I. 993... Docs.

 

19

not the part that is important to us at this time. What is important
is a paragraph inserted in the document reviewing the organization of
the Company and its purpose. It is largely self-explanatory and reads
as follows:

Your High Nightinesses are aware, and it is not unknown to us,
that this Company was in the comsncement, designed principally to
increase trade and con-arcs, without which the great multitude of
season bestowed by God on this country cannot be employed, and all
occupations mintained in continual action and prosperity; that also,
those who supposed themselves most conversant with this trade, were
of the opinion that the West India Countries were not so exposed to
the attacks of our enemies the Spaniards and Portuguese, but that
trade could be carried on with sundry nations and people; colonists
transported, and plantations of various products promoted, from
which advantages could be derived equal to those our aforesaid
enemies have realized since many years, to the strengthening con-
siderably of the King of Spain's finances. And in case of delay
or ill success, it was expected to make good a portion of the loss,
by going to Punta del Rey for salt; but in consequence of the
tedious negotiations with the Northern Quarter, we are entirely
out off by the enemy from the salt trade at the Punta ; and as regards
the general trade, experience has now made us wiser, and shown that
the trade with those nations and people, who still remin indepen-
dent of the King of Spain, is very meager and trifling; and that the
countries, yet uninvaded, are for the most part of little consequence
and unproductive, or if good and fruitful, are very difficult of
cultivation, especially for our people, who being unaccustomed to
so hot a clients can with great difficulty betake themselves to
agriculture; and being unprovided with slaves, and not used to the
employment of then, cannot, like the Spaniards and Portuguese, supply
through others , their own insufficiency. Moreover, the colonizing
such wild and uncultivated countries, demands more inhabitants than
we can well supply; not so much through lack of population, in which
our provinces abound, as from the fact, that all who are inclined to
do any sort of work here, procure enough to eat without any trouble:
and are therefore, unwilling to go far from home on an uncertainty:
to this my be added, the doubt of being able to protect it, unless
a greater and heavier expense than the returns are worth that my be
derived from thence. But in order that you, High and Mighty, my be
correctly informed herein, and understand the situation of the
countries yet uninvaded by our enemies , we shall explain to you more
particularily the entent and condition th eof, from one end of our
boundries in the West India to the other.

6"Asseubly of m to States General", 001:. 23: 1529, E- I- 99.1.-
DO0.0, I, 39"1‘00 .

20

The document then goes on to elaborate on the theme of the last
statement.

The second document is similar to the first; in fact, it repeats
verbatim much of the preceding document, but it has a significant
addition. The document is dated June 10, 1633,and is addressed to
the provincial government of Holland. After reciting what has been
previously noted, the document includes the following:

Thus, your Great Mightinesses see what remains, within such
great limits, in the West Indies, open to the Company for trade or
cultivation; whereof, from the commencement of our administration,
we preferred to proceed in a warlike manner against the common enemy....

But this prosecution of war, instead of commerce, has not been
undertaken by us, on our own mere motion, but principally by the
advice of the High and Mighty Lords States General, and the concurrence
of his Serene Grace, the Prince of Orange, for your Great Mightinesses
will well remember, that from the very inception of the Company, we
have all been solicited.by their High Mightinesses' Commissioners,
not only to undertake some hostile expedition against the enemy, but
even to dispatch our fleet to reinforce that which a short time before
had been ordered out under the command of Admiral L'Hermite, and to
send the ships we had then by us ready equipped in the Zuyder Zee,
which from good motives and with their High.Mightinesses' concurrence,
were dispatched to Bahia de Todos los Sanctos. From these beginnings
have we proceeded farther and farther into war; and undertake, with
their High Mightinesses' advice and the approbation of his Serene
Grace, divers expeditions which, to the astonishment of the universe,
have been crowned, from time to time, with such success; and neglected
to plant colonies and to settle the countries, from which as great
trade might have followed as we at present possess, or in all prdba-
bility, could speedily establish.7

The above citations indicating the nature of the Company, as
originally intended by the Directors and coincides with what has been
said about the nature of the Dutch philosophy. Merchants do not
ordinarily engage in enterprises for purposes other than to make profits,
especially 17th Century Dutch merchants. Privateering was certainly
outside the scope of commerce with which the merchants of the Netherlands
were so familiar. Persuasions and assurances of profit were necessary

7"Remonstrance of the West India Company to the States of Holland",
June 10, 1633, Ibid., I, 6h-7.

21

to induce than to embark on such a hazardous course. The merchants
protested that "from.the very inception of the Company, we have been
solicited by their'High.Mightinesi Commissioners, not only to under-
take some hostile expedition against the enemy, but even to dispatch
our fleet to reinforce that which a short time before had been ordered
out under the comnd of Admiral L'Hermite."

The capital necessary to launch this enterprise was obtained
from sale of shares to the general public and by a contribution from
the Lords of The Hague.

...all the inhabitants of this country, and also of other
countries, shall be notified by public posting of notices written
‘within the month after the date hereof that they may be admitted
into this company during five months from.the first of July of
this year, 1621, and that they may pay the money they wish to
inrest in three payments: to wit, one third at the expiration of
the aforesaid five months and the other two thirds within the
next three years, unless the aforesaid general assembly shall find
it necessary to extend the time....

To establish confidence in the venture, and indicate the good will
of the States General toward it, the Lords committed themselves and
the national treasury to "assist the Company with a sum.of ten
hundred thousand guilders ’to be paid in five years...provided...
that with half the aforesaid sum.shall receive and bear profit and
risk in the same manner as the other participants in the Company."
The one million guilders represented roughly one seventh of the
total stock in the Company, and was a very substantial vote of
confidence.

Investors were protected, at least in part, from.bad management
and poor Judgment on the part of the company's directors. Any losses

8"Charter", Ron. Bow. 1583., p. 103.
91b1de, PP. 109-1].le

 

22

sustained by a given chamber placed the directors' investment in
Jeopardy. The hazards and uncertainty of trade in the 17th Century
trade required such a provision if sufficient stockholders were to
be found. The organizers of the company, therefore, found it advis-
able to insert the following in the charter:

And if it should happen that in one chamber or another any of
the directors should get into such a situation that he could not
mks good what was entrusted to him for his administration and in
consequence thereof any loss should occur, said loss shall be
charged against the money which such directors have in the Company,
which (investment) is also especially pledged for his administration.lo

Such protection was imperative as a protection against unforseen
losses, especially those resulting from piracy and shipwreck.

The stockholders were protected by this provision from bad manage-
ment but they were not given an opportunity to accept or reject the
administration of the Company. They had to accept the appointment of
directors nde by the large stockholders who formed the organization.
Also the decisions made by the heads of the Company could not be pro-
tested by the stockholders. They participated in the organization
financially and that was all. They bore the burden of financial
risk without a voice in policy.»

for purposes of administering the Company and obtaining directors
and stockholders the country was divided into five districts called
chambers. Each chamber had a number of directors determined by the
amount of capital subscribed in that chamber. The Amsterdam chamber
being the largest and most wealthy was awarded twonty directors . 0f
the other four districts three were penitted fourteen directors,
and the smallest had twelve. From the five chambers a board of

101hid., p. 107.

23

directors or general assembly was selected. It consisted of nineteen
directors who guided the overall policy of the Company. This group
became known in history as "The Nineteen” or the Assembly of the III,
or simply "The In" . They played an important role in Dutch history,
and exerted a life or death influence on New Netherlands . The number
of delegates to this body was determined by the amount of capital
furnished by the respective chambers, and one additional one represent-
ing the States General. Here again, the Amsterdam chamber was in the
preponderance, having eight members as against the next largest dele-
gation of four from Zeeland. All of the directorships were by appoint-
ment from among the chief stockholders, and investment of from four to
six thousand guilders being necessary to qualify. The smll investors
were left at the mercy of an organization which they could not direct
or advise, nor could they withdraw their funds for a period of twenty
four years .

The 111 ruled absolutely over Dutch affairs on two entire contin-
ents and a part of a third. To all intents and purposes the Assembly
of the m was the government and high court for all the territory
not covered by the East India Company, with the exception of the area
i-ediately surrounding the continent of Europe. The globe was divided
into two spheres of influence, one for each of the two huge companies .
The West India Company was to dominate the entire area enclosed
between the meridians of the Cape of Good Hope and the western
extremity of the island of New Guinea.ll

Within these confines the III were empowered to act on a wide

11929;. , p. 89.

2h

range of activities without fear of interference in government or
trade matters. Governments, of course, could be established only
in those areas not already occupied by other nations. But the
restrictions on trade covered all commerce whether with Dutch
territories or with those of foreign powers. Any Dutch trader
attempting to encroach upon this area would be compelled to forfeit
the ships and goods used or obtained in the attempt, and in case
the goods or ships were taken to a foreign port and sold before
they could be confiscated, the owners were liable for the full
value of the ships and goods thus sold.

As the Company dominated the commercial affairs so it dominated
all other activities, both among its own people and those of other
nations with whom.they came in contact. In dealing with independent
nations in the area, as well as the natives, the XIX were given a
free hand. In this respect they acted in place of the States General.
On this score the Charter speaks for itself:

The aforesaid Company, in our name and by our authority, within
the limits herein.before set forth, shall have power to make such
contracts, leagues and alliances with the princes and natives herein
comprised, also to build fortresses and strongholds there; to appoint
the transfer, discharge and replace governors, troops and officers
of Justice and for other necessary services, for the preservation of
the places, the maintenance of good order, police and Justice, in
general for furtherance of trade, as according to the circumstances
they shall see fit; moreover they may promote the settlement of
fertile and uninhabited districts, and do all that the service of
this country and the profit and increase of trade shall require.12

The admonition to "do all that the service of this country and
the profit and increase of trade shall require", again emphasises
the nature of the thing. This clause, together with the remainder of

12mm, p. 91.

25

the above instructions provided the basis for a tyrannical rule over
the New Netherlands Colony. The desire to squeeze out of it every
guilder of profit resulted in the stagnation and strangulation of
the colony as long as it was directly under the control of the XIX
and later under the Amsterdam Chamber to which its control was
delegated after 1624. This lasted until 1629 when the Company attempted
to shift part of the burden of control over to individuals known as
patroons.
Another provision, like that above, had significant influence
on the conduct of affairs in the New Netherlands, and in a large
measure led to the misrepresentation of the purpose for which the
Nest India Company was formed. It was the Company's authority to
wage war when the need arose. In the decades of 1620 and 1640, and
for some tine after that, on the basis of this stipulation, the Company
engaged in attacks on the Spanish treasure fleets and carried on a
harrassing sea war against the Spanish possessions in the New werld.
As suggested in earlier citations, the Company embarked upon these
attacks when it was seen that the uninvaded portions of the West Indies
were "of little consequence". They sought to accomplish by conquest
what they had failed to do by discovery~——build an empire in the West.
What is important fbr our purposes is the wording of the Charter as it
regards the establishment of military and naval power within the Company,
by means of which it decided to embark on hostile action against Spain.
If at some later date, after the Company had commenced operations,

the powers granted by this section of the Charter were used for war-

26

making purposes, it does not necessarily mean.that this was its sole
or primary purpose. Earlier a citation was included which put the
Company on record as saying "that this Company was in the conmaicement,
designed principally to increase trade and commerce"13and that "we have
all been solicited by their High Mightinesses' Commissioners, not only
to undertake some hostile expedition against the enemy, but even to
dispatch our fleet".lh As will be seen shortly, the contingency of war
was prepared for, and why would it not be? The West India Company was
sovereign over Dutch possessions in half the world. Furthermore, this
company's ships represented a considerable portion of the nation's
naval strength. It would have to be utilized in a.national emergency
in any case, whether under the Company or under the direction of the
States General.

The basis for the company's military and naval strength was fbund
in the preamble and in a special section devoted Specifically to such
matters. These two references established the intent of the States
as regarded the use of that power. The preamble states that "no
profitable business can be carried on, protected and maintained...on
account of the great risk from pirates, extortions and the like, which
are incurred on such long and distant voyages",15 and therefore, the
Charter gpes on to state:

As it vill.be necessary for the establishment and security and
defence of this trade to take sane troops along, we will, according
to the condition of the country and the situation of affairs, fhrnish
the said Company with such troops for field and garrison duty as igall
be necessary, prov1ded they be paid and supported by the Company.

13See quote p. 19

l“See quote p. 20
15"Charter", Hen. BOW. M.S.S., p. 89

161bid., p. 93

2?

Piracy was an important occupation in the period under consideration;
in fact, along the channel coast pirates possessed such a stronghold
and took such a toll of Dutch shipping that in 1631 Prince F‘rederich
Henry led a full scale expedition against their citidal at Dunkirk.

Although formed as a protection against pirates, in order to
obtain the use of the Company's ships and armament for national
defence, the Charter offered the following benefits to the Company
if it engaged in the function of privateering:

In case of war all prizes which may be taken from memies or
pirates within the limits of this charter shall be seized by virtue
of our proclamations...after deducting all necessary damages which
the Company may have suffered in taking each prize, together with
the dues His Excellency as Admiral in Chief... and the tenth part
for the officers, sailors and soldiers who have taken the prize
shall remain at the disposal of the directors of the aforesaid
Company; provided that the account of them shall be kept separate
and distinct from the account of trade and commerce, that the net
proceeds of the said prize shall be employed in fitting out ships,
paying troops, fortifications and garrisons and like matters of
war and defence, by sea and land, and that there shall be no dis-
tribution unless the said proceeds shall amount to so much that
a notable share may be distributed without weakening the said
defences and after paying the expenses of war, which distribution
shall be made separately and apart from that account of trade:
and the distribution shall be made one tenth part for the use of the
United Netherlands and the remainder for the participants of this
Company in exact proportion to their invested capital.

In the war with Spain during the decade of the 1620's this
prize-taking function was instrumental in bringing about the deci-
sion on the part of the directors to give up part of the control of
New Netherlands to the Patroons. A recent evaluation of the West
India Company very frankly charges that during this period the Company
resorted to privateering against Spain for their major source of

revenue. The author of this particular work declared that the Dutch

17Ibid. , pp. 111-113.

(.0

"wanted both to plunder the Spaniards and to create an empire...
The directors in Amsterdam.fbndly believed they could continue to
play the role of buccaneers on a large scale." But, he went on,
"privateering on a.large scale called for large sums for equipment
and manning of ships, which in this particular case had to be full-
sized.men-ofhwar. To be profitable enormous booty had to be taken
year after year, a thing hardly to be expected fbr the Spaniards
and Portuguese were by no means defenseless, and quickly learned
to counteract the ways of the Dutch privateers."18 The plunder

and attempted conquest of Spain's possessions required all the
energies of the organization, and consequently, little was left to
the colony in the north.

It is evidmt that the States General were seeking every means
of assuring the profits of the Company. The quest for profits, it
was felt, would serve as a policy guide fbr the affairs of the Dutch
empire, a sort of invisible hand, as suggested later~by Adam Smith
in his W <_)_i_' Naticns. Not only did the States invest a large
sum; they also provided a substantial incentive to see the organi-
zation off to a good start. Of the one million guilders provided
by the national treasury, one half was to bear risk and profit,
while the other part was donated outright. And from time to time
the States found it necessary to make additional contributions.
Ftrther, the gpvernment promised to protect the Company against
"every person.in free navigation and trade," and.thus again help

to assure profits. When the subscription was not filled rapidly

18Vlekk e, Dutch Nation, pp. 211-212.

29

enough, rather than invest more of the nation's funds, the States
decided to add the final incemtive to investors. That incentive
was the addition of the salt trade of Punta del Rey to the Company's
privileges. It had been specifically excluded in the original draft
of the Charter. This trade was especially important as an adjunct
to the herring fisheries conducted out of the ports of Hoorn and
Enkhuizen in the Northern Quarter. Bylnid-year of 1622 it was clear
that steps had to be taken to stimulate the rate of investmait. In
the original charter, the length of time subscriptions would be
accepted was five months after July 1, 1621 or until the end of
November. By by the next summer sufficient capital.was not yet in
to commence operations; therefore, the following amendment was added:

...in our former proclamation of the ninth of June, in the year
1621, with a.prohibition that none of the natives or inhabitants of
this country for the term of 24 years from the first of July next
following should sail.or trade within the said limit, except only
those who under the Charter granted to the aforesaid Company are
perndtted to carry on the salt trade to Punta del Rey under the
regulation therefore adOpted by us: whereas upon reconsidering
that matter we find that it is useful.and necessary for the service
of this country and for promoting the aforesaid Chartered Company
to vest the aforesaid salt trade to Punta del Rey also in the said
Company". 9

But even with this last concession, a rather substantial one,
the stock of the Company was not mthusiastically received by investors.
"Every sort of publicity and pressure was exerted to induce subscrip-
tions. The East India Company, upon the request of the States General,
which it was unable to refuse, and from whom it was then seeking a
renewal of its charter, was compelled to subscribe one million guilders.
The total subscription was seven million guilders of which three
million...was subscribed in the Amsterdam department.2O

19"Amplification of the Charter of the West India Company", £1.92.
BOW. M03030, pp. 117-118.

2USamuel G. Nissensen, Patroon's Domain (New York, 1937), p. 10.
Hereafter cited Nissensen, Patroon's Domain.

30

In Spite of the need for inducements to invest in the venture,
buccaneering was never offered as a future policy. If freebooting
at the expense of Spain appeared as a lucrative possibility it was
not used by either the directors or the States General to encourage
investment in the Company. Much as the Dutch hated the Kings of
Spain and in spite of the fact that the two nations were technically
at war again open attack on his ships was never suggested.

Even outside the Company the idea was never openly published.
In 1622 and 1623 a lively pamphleteering was carried on in behalf
of the West India Company. One of the appeals of the writers was
to the patriotic spirit. A whole battery of leaflets pointed out
that it was the duty of every patriotic Netherlander to subscribe
to the Company's stock because the West India trade along with the
East India trade, was vital to the national welfare. This, of course,
is typical mercantilist doctrine. However, it was also pointed out
that at the same time considerable damage could be done to the King
of Spain's finances. A typical example is presented here:

Third discourse in the fom of a letter in which it is briefly
and concisely proved, the necessity of the East and West India
commerce, and also demonstrated by good and fundamental reasons
that by no means can a secure and solid peace be hoped for or
expected. Wherefore, all true patriots in the country, firstly
and mlers and then all wealthy inhabitants, are admonished to
contribute largely to this now newly Chartered West India Company
in order to insure its better success in annoying the Castilian

traffic. First written to a certain friend, and now printed for
the service of all true patriots by the lovers of Dutch Liberty.21

21G. M. Asher, _A_ Bibliographical and Historical Essay 9;; _th_e
Dutch Books gn_<_i_ Pamphlets Relating tg New Netherlands a_n_d_ :9 the Dutch
West India_ Company and its Possessions it; Brazil and Angola, etc.
(Amsterdam, 1854-673—fpp. 103-111.. Unfortunately this volume contains
only the title and a brief statement from each of the works cited.

31

One might argue that the author of this leaflet was suggesting
conflict with Spain. However, that need not be true. In the absence
of such a suggestion elsewhere in records and papers relating to the
West India Company one can assume that, as a mercantilist doctrine,
the above statement could be construed to mean.that whatever trade was
taken by the Dutch would be denied the Spaniards. If a war fever were
desired the patriots would surely have used stronger language than this.
The statement can be immobilized by attributing it to mercantile philosophy.
In spite of all the appeals to patriotic as well as financial motives
the termination.date for acceptance of investments was moved forward
almost two years. Initially, all funds were supposed to be pledged
before the end of November, 1621. But under the circumstances the
final date was extended to the last day of August, 1623, and for for-
eigners to the last day of October, 1623. By the fall of 1623 the capital
stock amounted to 7,108,106.5 guilders, which was the full subscription.
Now, at last, the Company was ready to commence operations, but it was
not until the following spring that any concrete action was taken.
Thus after a delay of fourteen years, the Dutch were at last
ready to begin developing their claims in the New'Horld. At least
the machinery was there: what they did with it remains to be seen.
Having settled upon a general company, armed and.with wide discretion
in all colonial.matters, the States General turned to consider other
_problens. The Western.Hemisphere was the domain of the XIX. Some
time later the XIX delegated the affairs of New Netherlands to a

special commission.made up of members of the Amsterdam.Chamber.

32

They retained the overall control, but specific tasks were delegated
in this manner. It remains to be told how the Company treated its
charges in the‘Hestern.Hamisphere, specifically in.New Netherlands,

which a half century later came to be called New York.

33

CHAPTER III

Up to this point little has been said directly relating to the
principle topic of this work-”New Netherlands. The matters dealt
with have been, for the most part, geographically far removed from
the Colony--but nevertheless important. The history of New Nether-
lands was greatly influenced by what has preceded this chapter. The
aim of this chapter is to begin the story of New Netherlands and
follow it up to midyear 1626.

The year 1626 is readily recognized as the historic year Peter
Minuit purchased Manhattan Island from the Indians for a handful of
trinkets. It is with this event that most historians begin the
history of the Dutch in America. This is unfortunate because the
course of events for some years was largely influenced by what took
place before that historic transaction. From the founding of the
colony of New Netherlands to the purchase of Manhattan Island condi-
tions in the colony made an almost complete turnabout. All the
progress that had been made during the two years from 162h to 1626
was reduced to nothing by an event that took place before the island
was acquired. In fact, the event which took place at Fort Orange may
have geatly influmced the Dutch in the decision to make the Island
their headquarters in the New World.

The events during the years 1621+ to 1626 are sanewhat confused.
No significant events have inaccurate dates assigned to them. To
make the chronology of this portion of Dutch history in New York

accurate it will be necessary to clear up some of the confusion

3h

surrounding the dates. The first was the arrival of the colonists
in New Netherlands and the second the purchase of Manhattan. These
events are significant mough to justify the effort.
The best evidence seems to indicate that the original colony
of settlers was sent out to New Netherlands in the spring of 1624.
There are sane accounts that place the date at 1623, but there is
some doubt as to whether they are correct. Many of the accounts that
favor the year 1623 are based on the writings of Nicolaes von Wassenaer.
In an article dated December 1, 1621. he noted that "the West India
Company being chartered to navigate these rivers did not neglect to
do so, but equipped in the spring (1623) a vessel of 130 lasts, called
the 'Niew Nederlandt' , whereof Cornelius Jacobsen May of Hoorn was
skipper, with a company of thirty families, mostly of Walloons, to
plant a colony there....They sailed in the beginning of March...and
in the beginning of May sailed into the river now called the Mauritius.“l
There is a question of whether the date in parentheses was Wassenaer's
or that of his translators. His article was dated in the last month
of 1621.. and he states that the Company equipped a ship "in the spring".
Another source seems to support the earlier date until a close
look is taken at its wording. It reads as follows: "In the years
1622 and 1623, the West India Company took possession by virtue of
their Charter, of the said country, and voyaged thither in their ship
New Netherland, divers colonists under the direction of Cornelius
Jacobsen May...."2 The statement is not clearly made and it is not
1Wassenaer, Narr. New Neth., pp. 7144-5. The river later became

known as the Hudson River.
25. 1. Q_o_1_. Docs., I, 11.9.

 

35

clear whether it meant that possession was taken in 1623 or whether
possession was taken and the trip made at the same time. Actually
the Company officially took possession in 1623 when the stock sub-
scription was completed. It seem that that is what is referred to.
A set of documents translated in 1921‘ by A. J . 1'. Von Laer
answers the doubts concerning whether it was 1623 or 1621!». One of
the documents in this set deals specifically with the sailing of the

vessel, !_e_w_ Netherland. It contains instructions by which the colony

 

was to .be ruled during the first few months. Before the first
colonists boarded the ship they were compelled to swear to obey rules
set down inthe document. It was dated March 30, 162k and is a trans-
cript of official West India Company papers. Based on the date of
this document the first settlement in New Netherlands took place in
the spring of 162k rather than in 1623. There is agreement among

all authors that the ship which delivered the first colonists was

named after the colonyuthe New Hetherland. The document which sets

 

the date at 162} for the sailing also identifies the ship. It reads

as follows: ”The foregoing articles have been read to the colonists
going over in “the ship New Netherland, they took the oath of allegiance
this 30th day of March anno 16%...."3 This statement leaves little
doubt about which date is correct. .

The colonists who went over on the New Fatherland were refugees

 

who, like the Brownists of Leyden in 1620, had requested the Dutch

to transport them to mama. under Dutch rule in the New world.

These refugees had previously petitioned the King of England for
3Documents Relative to New Netherlands, 162h-1626, A. J. 1'. Von

Leer ed. {Ban Marine, California, 19210, p. 18. Hereafter cited
Docs. Rel. Le! Neth.

36

permission to settle in Virginia. They were French-speaking Walloons,
"Protestant exiles from the Southern Netherlands which had remained
Spanish and Catholic."h Through the King's ambassador at The Hague
they requested the right to go to Virginia and begged that they be
protected in their religion and be given free lands.5

When assistance was not ibrthcoming from the English, however,
the French Walloons prevailed upon the Dutch to tranSport them. The
Directors of the Company, having failed to accept the offer of the
Brownists to peOple their lands did not fail in this Opportunity and
delivered the Walloons to America to strengthen their trading posts.

Upon arrival in the New World the group was divided to settle in
several widely-separated locations. The exact dispositim made of
the thirty families who came over is not known. One secondary account,
without stating its source of information, made the division as follows:
eight families were left on Manhattan Island to take possessicn for the
Company (the Island was to be reserved exclusively for the Company's
use); four couples who had married at sea and eight men were sent to
form a settlement on the South River, now the Delaware, and selected
a spot on the east bank, near the present tom of Gloucester, New Jersey;
two families and six men were sent to the great Fresh River, now the
Connecticut, to build Fort Good Hope on the present site of the City of
Hartford; eighteen families proceeded up the Hudson to settle at Fort
Orange, at what is now Albany.6

Wassenaer recorded only the disposition of the last group, what-
ever its size. He said that "the ship sailed up to the Mohicans, 1.1+

ANettels, R_Lots _o_f American Civilization, p. 196.

5N. Y. Col. Docs., III, 9.

6Henry_ G. Bayer, The Belgians First Settlers _i_n_ New York and the
Middle States (New York, 1925), pp. 159-60. The statement was not foot-
noted and could not be verified.

 

37

7
leagues, and they built a fort named 'Orange' ." This was on the site

of the fort originally built in l61h by the New Netherlands Company
traders.

A close examination of the above division will reveal that the
total number of families divided among the four settlements exceeds
thirty which is the accepted number given by Wassenaer. Be that as
it may, the dispersal indicates that there were four small, weak
colonies created. The exact number of colonists is not vital at this
time. The account that placed it at thirty families may have used
only an approximation.

The group sent to the South River located the seat of government.
Contrary to may popular beliefs, the original colonial government was
located on the South River (Delaware River) opposite what is now
Philadelphia. The governors of the colony from 1621!» to 1626 resided
here rather than at Manhattan Island, or Fort Amsterdam (Fort Amsterdam
was not begun until 1626) . Cornelius Jacobsen May, the skipper of the
'New Netherland' which delivered the Valloons and the first governor
set up his headguarters there. "His administration continued during
the year 162R." Neither he nor-his successor resided at Manhattan.
This is made clear by an order sent with Verhulst, his successor. It
stated that "he, Willem Verhulst, is to have his usual place of residence
on the South’River," from whence he "shall also from time to time, as the
occasion may require, betake himself to the North River to regulate
utters there." The statement, "the usual place", is construed to
mean the usual residence of the governor. There is no evidence of

7Wessenaer, Narr. New Neth., p. 75.

cs. Rel. New Neth., p. 61+.
911315., p. 61}.

 

38

Verhulst having been present in the colony prior to the time of his
assignment as governor; therefore, "the usual place" did not refer
to his personal residence, but to that of the governor. The govern-
ment, such as it was, remained on the South River until 1626.

During what might be called the first phase of the settlement's
history, there were tw° governors. The first was the skipper who
brought the colonists over, one Cornelius Jacobsen May. He was
succeeded by a much more important individual sent out by the West
India Company as a permanent officer. May had been merely a temporary
appointee, as his main occupation was that of ship's captain. Verhulst
was sent out some time in late 162k or very early 1625. The governor
was assisted by a council and a second in command known as the
Conissary. The Commissary was instructed to keep the minutes of the
meetings. He also acted as clerk of the court, when the council sat
in its Judicial capacity. These duties were but part of this man's
Job. He was also the keeper of the Company records, such as the books
of account for the warehouses where an account was kept for every
colonist who drew goods. These the colonists were to pay for at a
later date either from.wages received in.the employ of the Company or
from.sale of merchandise to the agents of the Company. The colonists were
denied the right to sell to anyone else but the Company. This, as a
utter of fact, was still another part of the Comissary's function-~-
to see that the settlers sold their furs and goods only to the Company
and that at prescribed prices. He was also supposed to see that the

prices were not bid up unduly. Along the line of trade, as keeper of

39

the warehouse, he issued trading goods to the agent-traders who met
with the Indians. It was his duty to keep them stocked with the
proper trading articles and receive the furs they turned in and
prepare them for shipment. All in all he was a very important figure.

In his administration the governor was assisted by a council.

The council had a mxmber of functions. The counselors acted as
advisors to the governor, or director as he was sometimes called,
rather than as legislators. Perhaps more important was their Judicial
function. The council tried all cases civil and criminal according to
the laws of Holland and Zeeland and instructions sent out by the West
India Company. In addition the council assigned land grants to
eligible colonists, inspected tools which were to be discarded as worn
out, and informed the directors of the Company of all matters pertain-
ing to the welfare of the settlements.

This unusual body was made up of Company appointees. In met
cases the tenure of a councilor was very short. Except for the
Comissary there were no permanent councilors at this time. The
majority of the council was made of ships' captains present in the
colony at the time of the meeting. The value of such an arrangement
is certainly open to question as far as intelligent administration
of local matters is concerned. The skippers were not apt to be well
informed on local problems .

The law by which the Colony was ruled was made up of a series
of instructions prepared by the West India Company directors. These

instructions contained little in the way of civil and criminal law;

rather they contained rules and regulations the Company felt were
appropriate for the local conditions and suited their interests.
Ordinary civil and criminal matters not covered by Specific instruc-
tions from the Company were presumed to be handled by the legal code
of Holland and Zeeland as they were a few years later.

The original set of instructions for the administrators of the
colony was made up by the board of directors of the West India
Company, the Assembly of the XIX. The Assembly at that time was
heavily mgaged in other matters, sane of then dealing with other
portions of the New World. As a result a set of hastily drawn regu-
lations was made up two days before the departure of the first
group of colonists. This document was appropriately titled "Pro-
visional Regulations for the Colonists." They were adopted by the
Assembly on March 28, 1621.. The ship carrying the Walloons left
Amsterdam March 30, 1621.. The haste with which the rules were made
did not obscure the intention of the Company with regard to the
administration of the new territory. Rather than risk losing some

of the import of the document it is reproduced here in full.

1+1

Provisional Regulations for the Colonists
Adopted by the Assembly of the
m of the West India Company
March 28, 1621.10

Provisional conditions upon which the respective colonists
have been engaged in the service of the West India Company and
sent out to New Netherlands, to take up their abode on the river
of Prince Mauritius, or at such other places as shall be assigned
to them by the Commander and his council.

1.

The colonists shall, in addition to observing the respective
articles and instructions, during the voyage and their residence,
and in changing their location, be bound to obey and carry out
'without any contradiction the orders of the Company already given
them.or still to be given, as well as all regulations received
from the said Company in regard to matters of administration and
Justice.

2.

They shall within their territory practice no other form of
divine worship than that of the Reformed Religion as at present
practiced in this country and thus by their Christian life and
conduct seek to draw the Indians and other blind people to the
knowledge of God and His word without however persecuting any
one on account of his faith, but leaving to everyone the freedom
of his conscience. But if anyone among them or within their
Jurisdiction should wantzonly revile or blaspheme the name of
God or of our Savior Jesus Christ, he shall according to the
circumstances be punished by the coriander and his council.

3.

The sounder and other officers already appointed or still
to be appointed over them shall, in conformity with the instructions
given by the Company, have power to mks alliances and treaties
with foreign princes and potentates in that country residing near
their colonies, upon the conditions as shall be deemed most advan-
tageous to the service of the Company, without paying heed in such
treaties to anyone's private interests. Which conditions the
colonists collectively, and each of them individually, shall be
holden to observe, although by so doing they should be involved
in war with others, their neighbors, and even be obliged to take
the field.

101311., PP. 2‘18e

h2

it.

They shall take up their permanent residence at the place to
be assigned to them.by the commander and his council and use all
diligence to fortify the same by common effort, likewise erecting
in common the necessary public buildings and establish trade rela-
tions as far as possible. And if anyone should be remis herein,
and the Company or the settlement through his neglect should suffer
damage, he shall be corrected and punished according to the cir-
cumstances of the case.

5.

In all public business, be it civil, military, or Judicial,
they shall use Nether-Dutch language only, the penalty for not
doing so being that all public dispatches and proceedings drawn
up in other languages shall be null and void and of no effect.

6.

The colonists shall without paying any recognition therefore
receive from.the Company the costs of transportation, as well as
the place and lands to be cultivated by thegbwhich, according to
the size of their families and their industry, shall be allotted
to them.by the Commander and his council.

7.

Further, whereas in the beginning all necessaries will have
to be transported thither from this country, the Company shall
arrange to have the colonists during the first two years provided
with the necessary supplies and clothes from.its storehouses, and
that at a reasonable price, which the colonists who receive the
supplies, if they cannot pay the amount at once, shall be holden
to pay and satisfy in installments, being debited‘with the goods
received on the Company‘s books, and giving receipts thereof under
their hand to the receiver of the Company. In regard to which the
Commander and the Commissary are ordered to take good care that
nothing be neglected; also they are to give out no goods on credit,
except to those who are in.need, letting no prodigals or those who
neglect their property enJoy this privilege, but leaving them to
bear the inconvenience resulting from.their own carelessness.

8.

The colonists shall be free to carry on and prosecute the
inland trade without obJection on the part of anyone, on the express
condition that they shall sell the goods they have purchased or
collected to no one but the Company's agents, and this provisionally
until other regulations, as necessity may'require, shall have been
made herein.

“3

9.

They shall be free to engage in all sorts of sport of fowling,
hunting, and fishing, and this provisionally as above.

10.

All minerals, newly discovered or still to be discovered mines
of gold, silver, copper or any other metals, as well as precious
stones such as diamonds, rubies, and the like, together with the
pearl fishery, shall be allowed to be worked by the Company's men

only.
ll.

But if anyone of the colonists during his sojourn there should
discover anything of the kind aforementioned, he and his heirs shall
receive as a reward l/lO part of the net proceeds of the aforesaid
mines or pearl fishery, and that for the period of the first six
successive years, to be reckoned from the day on which the Company
took over and commenced to exploit the same.

12.

With the understanding that all costs of exploitation and of
the necessary tools pertaining thereto shall first be subtracted
and deducted, and that as the first discoverer shall be as he who.
first reveals the same to the Commander there, or the general
company here. And if any such discovery be made by anyone and de-
liberately concealed, such person shall if the fact becomes known,
be arbitrarily punished according to the circumstances of the case--
yea, even corporally.

13.

They shall not be permitted to exercise themselves or to teach
others any handicraft to which trade attaches, especially dyeing,
except by special consent of the Company or its agents, upon pain,
should anyone act contrarywise, of being expelled as a perjurer
and arbitrarily punished according to the circumstances of the case.

1h.

They shall not permit any stranger (whereby are understood all
persons who are outside the Jurisdiction of the Company or its
commissaries) coming to their shores to do any trading, nor hold
any intercourse with them.whereby they in any way may learn the
profits, needs or situation of the place, on pain of being punished
therefore according to the circumstances of the case.

uh

15.

Furthermore, the colonists shall solemnly promise upon oath
to keep secret all transactions and affairs of the Company which
may in any way come to their knowledge, and they shall not be at
liberty to divulge the same after they have withdrawn.themselves
from.the authority of the Company; (likewise, they promise that
they shall at no time hereafter associate themselves with any but
those of the Company) to come within the limits of the charter,
whatever it may be.

16.

They shall also be bound to remain at the place of their
destination with their families for the space of six consecutive
years, unless a change be made herein by order of the Company,
but at the expiration of their bounden.time, or sooner, in the
case of removal by order of the Director or their honorable
agents, they shall be permitted to trade or to sell their houses,
planted fields, and cattle to someone else among the remaining
colonists.

17.

They shall at first plant and sew on the lands alloted to
them.such products and crops as the Commander and his Council
shall order, without making any change therein for any private
reason, on pain of being punished by the Council for any contra-
vention thereof, according to the circumstances.

18.

They shall take especial care, whether in trading or in other
matters, faithfully to fulfill their promises to the Indiana or
other neighbors and not to give them.any offense without cause as
regards their persons, wives, or property on pain of being punished
rigorously therefore.

19.

The directors shall at all times have the right to transport
thither as many people as they shall deem.expedient.

20.

Finally, they shall take the oath of allegiance and obedience
to the High and Mighty Lords the States General and to the Company,
and shall in all things comport themselves as good and loyal sub-
Jects ought to do.

#5

21.
The forgoing articles having been read to the colonists going
over in the ship "Niew Nederlandt", they took the oath of allegiance
this 30th day of March anno 162%.

Under was written: Before Dr. Claes Petersz and Gharrard Schaep.
Was signed D. Mostaert.

Though the South River settlement constituted the seat of govern-
ment, Fort Orange was the center of activity both in trade and agriculture.
Fort Orange, from the earliest days of Dutch activity in the New World, was
the heart of the whole territory. It was the central trading post where
the Indians of the Hudson and,MOhawk River valleys came to exchange their
furs for Dutch hardware and trinkets. Here in the Hudson valley was also
found the most fertile farmland yet discovered in New Netherlands. Furs
and agriculture were the life4blood of the colony as well as the source
of profits to the west India Company.

As far as the directors were concerned the fur trade was the most
important because from it came the most abundant profits. .Agriculture
would realize little profit, but it would be important in defraying
expenses of the colony. What was grown in the colony would not have
to be shipped from the old Country. For a brief period the colonists
were permitted to carry on‘both activities; that is, they were allowed
to trade directly with the Indians. The only qualification to this
privilege was that they could sell the acquired furs to no one but
company agents. It was presumed that fur trading would not detract
from the primary function for which the Amsterdam directors had trans-
ported them to America---agriculture.

It was the intention of the Company to populate New Netherlands

146

with farmers for the purpose of maintaining possession of the outposts
of trade.‘ Killian van.Rensselaer, a prominent director, and later
the only successful patroon, outlined the Company policy in this
regard. "From the very commencement of the Company...in order to
continue the possession of those quarters, and to maintain the trade
in peltries, several colonies were set up."ll

Of the settlements thus established one was particularly success-
ful in both the fur trade and agriculture for a time. For the settlers
at Fort Orange, the prospects for farming were excellent, far superior
to either of the other settlements. Here the walloons found large
tracts that had already been cleared by the Mohican.Tribe. The
‘Walloons' friendship with the Mohicans was also a considerable aid
to them.in farming. From.them.they learned much, for the Mohicans
were good farmers, as their large stocks of grain would testify.
With the knowledge gained from.the Indians plus Old'World experience
it was not long before reports reached the homeland of the excellent
prospect for farmers. DeLaet reported in l62h that "the land is
excellent and agreeable to the eye, full of noble forest trees and
grapevines, and nothing is wanting but the labor and industry of
man to render it one of the finest and.most fruitful lands in this
part of the world."12 The'Walloons were willing and able to supply
that labor and industry and before the season was finished the trading
ship Macheral, leaving in the autumn of 162%, was able to report
that "the corn was as high as a man."13 ‘With a few seasons of hard
labor the Fort Orange settlement might have become highly productive
and prosperous. The introduction of farm.animals would have been

llBen. Bow. MSS., p. 235.

lafieiaet, Narr. N3! Neth., p. #9.
13weaeenee“r, g‘ . ;. fie—t: g_o__1_. (18kg), II, 136.

1+7

the fulfillment of the farmers' dreams.

Great optimism surrounded the Fort Orange settlement in the first
year. That Joy and hope spilled over into the letters of the Walloons
to their friends at home. After their first successful season their
letters bore out what DeLaet had observed. Most of the letters and
commications of the Valleons have been lost like so many papers
concerning the colony, but excerpts remain in the pages of Willem

Daudart's Manor 1: Ofte Cort Verhael (Memorial 2}: Brief Record),

 

 

published in 1621+. A secondary work of relatively recent origin and
edited by a well-known author declares that the tenor of most of the
letters is illustrated by the following:

We were much gratified on arriving in this country: Here we
found beautiful rivers, bubbling fountains flowing down into the
valleys; basins of running waters in the flat lands, agreeable
fruits in the woods, such as strawberries, walnuts, and also...
wild grapes. The woods abound with acorns for feeding hogs, and
with venison. There is considerable fish in the rivers; good
tillage land: here is, especially free coming and going, without
fear of the naked natives of the country. Had we cows, hogs, and
other cattle fit for food (which we daily expect in the first ships)
we would not wish to return to Holland, for whatever we desire in
the paradise of Holland, is here to be found. If you come hither
with your family, you will not regret it..1

he so often happens, this pleasant dream of the future was
shattered. Three events took place in rapid succession to end
for all time any idea that New Netherlands would ever be the 'equal
of the "paradise of Holland". The one incident involved relations
with the Indians, a second had to do with the cattle that the
colonists anxiously awaited, am the third involved Yerhulst, the
governor. It would be difficult indeed to establish which incident
was the most significant.

11"I. l. P. Stokes, ed., The Iconoggphy 9; Manhattan Island, 6
vols. (New York 1895-1928), IV, 60.

 

 

1+8

Early in 1625 the ship loads of farm animals arrived at the lower
end of the Hudson. Along with the animals came direct orders as to
how and under what conditions the animals were to be distributed.
Four ships carried the cargo including some ”one hundred and three
stallions, mares, bulls and cows for breeding and multiplying."15

If the Colonists presumed that the arrival of the animals was
the answer to their prayers, they must have been terribly disillusioned.
Apparently they had not known what the terms of ownership would be.
At the same time the animals arrived a group of farmer-managers or
head farmers, as they came to be called, arrived also. They were
to operate farms owned by the Company. To these farms were appor-
tioned the lion's share of the best horses and cattle. hch of the
five head farmers was entrusted with four cows and four horses and
a large share of the sheep and hogs. What remained was to be dis-
tributed among the Colonists. Under the system of distribution,
the five head farmers received their share, then the remining
animls were given over to the Colonists without cost, but on
condition that "the first calf shall be kept by them for one year
and then belong to, and be turned over to, the Company. The second
shall be for themselves, the third for the Company, the fourth for
themselves, and so on successively, it being understood that when
the calves belonging to the Colonists shall themselves have calves,
one half of the increase shall be for the Company. . .provided always
that they are to keep them for one year as aforesaid."‘16

Two other restrictions were also attached to the raising of the

l5Wassenaer, Harr. New Neth., p. 79.
1 cos. Rel. New Neth., p. 151.

 

 

”(9

cattle and animals. First, no one was permitted to slaughter any
animals without the express permission of the Council. For the
first offense the violator would be compelled to pay four times
the value of the animal: for a second offense he would be deprived
of all wages due him, be imprisoned, and be shipped back to the
fatherland. Second, if, on the advice of the Council it "shall
be permissible to slaughter the yearlings...that are in excess...
one tenth shall be kept by the person who raised them or the head
farmer...and the remaining nine-tenths shall be for the benefit of
the Company to be disposed of at reasonable prices, to be fixed.by
the Council, to those who desire any part thereof."17

And if this were not enough to discourage the settlers there
was added a more serious difficulty the following spring, 1626.
The area in and around Fort Orange was frequented'by two tribes,
the Mohawks and the MOhicans. The latter had always gotten on
well with the whites, exchanging fUrs and knowledge of farming.
The former had little liking for either the whites or the MOhicans.
A dispute developed.between the two tribes. Creeckenbeeck, the
commander of Fort Orange, out of friendship toward the Mbhicans,
allowed himself and his men to antagonize the war-like MOhawks
even though Company directors had clearly indicated that the
colonists should not engage in Indian disputes. The friendly tribe
had "requested to be assisted by the Commander...and six others.
Commander Creeckenbeeck went with them: a league from.the fort
they met with the Mbhawks who fell so boldly upon them with a

17Ibid., p. 98.

5O

discharge of arrows, that they were forced to fly, and many were
killed, among them were the Commander and three of his men...."18

The account goes on to relate the consequence of the Comander's
error. The Mohawks displayed their contempt for the white men by
holding a cannibalistic banquet at which the Dutchmen were roasted
and eaten! Survivors related the tale of horror of the settlers at
Hort Orange. It must have struck terror into the hearts of the
farmers outside the confines of the Fort.

with this incident it was painfully clear that the Mohawks
could not be treated with the same cordiallity as the Hohicans.

The war between the tribes continued intermittently for several
years. During this period the safety of the Fort Orange colonists
as well as those of the other outposts was in Jeopardy. There was
ever the possibility of an attack by the fierce Mohawks against
the relatively unprotected farmers. The council of the colony
decided that the danger was too great, and therefore everyone was
compelled to move to the safety of Manhattan Island.

Throughout the years after the disaster involving Creeckenbeeck,
Port Orange became a military outpost. From 1626 to the end of the
period under consideration, it was occupied, at first, by sixteen
men, a number later increased to twenty-five or twenty-six. They
remined in that precarious situation to maintain the Fort and to
carry on whatever trade they could. This was done on the apron
orders of the Amterdem Directors . The Fort remained in the state
of preparedness and under military rule virtually independent of

18'Cvlassenaer, Narr. 1°23. Neth., pp. 814-5

51

the Council. The virtual independence'was the result of two factors-
distance and the fact that the council was occupied with other matters
of equally grave importance.

At about the same time or shortly before the incident at Fort
Orange, the Council took the unprecedented step of arresting the
governor. In their judicial capacity they arrested him.fbr his
misconduct, as they called it. Issack de Rasiere, who became commissary
somewhat later described the plight of the colonists under Verhulst's
rule as fellows: "they have...been harshly ruled by Verhulst and that
without any legal formality, but merely upon his own authority."19
For his misconduct in office Verhulst was detained in custody until
the Arms of Amsterdam carried him and his wife home to stand trial
again before the directors of the West India Company;

The office vacated by Verhulst was filled by Peter Minuit, who
took command at the request of the Council upon his arrival in New
Netherlands. Minuit had been in America earlier but had returned
to the Netherlands, and.now on his second voyage he was made governor.
This was in the Spring of 1626. By the time the next vessel arrived
that year, Minuit had already begun his official duties. On July 28,
1626, the firms of Amsterdam anchored off Manhattan Island. Minuit's
secretary who was then just arriving commented that "On our arrival
here we did not find Minuit, he having gone to Fort Orange to inquire
into the disaster caused by fine reckless adventure of Creeckenbeeck....
On Minuit's arrival here he was placed in command on account of the bad
conduct of Verhulst."20 Verhulst had already been tried and was await-
ing deportation, while Minuit began energetic pursuit of his immediate

19Docs. Rel. New Neth., p. 187.
201bid., pp. 175-6.

 

 

52

problems, namely, of preserving Fort Orange.

The incident at the Port was a major crisis for the Colony as
well. as for the West India Company. It required Minuit's immediate
attention for two reasons; the interference of Creeckenbeeck in the '
quarrel had violated the specific instruction given by the Company
to keep free of Indisntroubles , and if the Fort had to be abandoned,
the trade there would be lost. The directors of the Company had
foreseen the possibility of the Colony becoming involved in quarrels
among the Indians, and they therefore cautioned the governor to "be
very careful not lightly to enbroil himself in their quarrels or
war, or to take sides, but to remain neutral and to pacify and recon-
cile the parties by the most suitable means."21 But by the time
Minuit had arrived the damage had been done, and the trade there
was in grave danger. Isaack de Rasiere reported to Amterdan
later that year: "trade at Fort Orange has been very bad because
of the war between ‘Creeckenbeeck and the Mohawks ."22 Fortunately,
the trade was not completely lost. I

The most serious consequence was that the colonists were
forced to retreat to Manhattan Island. Prior to the outbreak of
hostilities Wassenaer reported that there "had been 8 families,
plus ten or twelve sailors" at Fort Orange .23 Those on the South
River, the seat of the government, were also sent to Manhattan.
Fort lassau on the South River remained unoccupied during the next
few years. The trade there was carried on by sailing vessels. By
the middle of the year the entire population of the Colony was

Sift—I: 3223:5'

assenaer, larr. New Neth., p. 81*. Note that this seems to
contradict a statement made earlier that 18 families were sent to

Port me e

 

53

located safely on the Island. Only Fort Orange remained as an
occupied trading outpost.

l‘rom this time on Manhattan Island. was the focal point of
all Dutch activities in North America. Among the first acts
performed by Minuit in his official capacity as governor was the
historic purchase of the Island from the Indians. By direction
of the Company no lands were to be appropriated from the natives
without giving them satisfactory compensation. Under no circum-
stances were the settlers to forgo the Indians into a sale or take
”possession by craft or fraud."2 Under such instructions this
simple, unadorned transaction took place to the everlasting credit
of the Dutch nation.

The exact facts relative to the purchase are somewhat confused
and obscured. Accurate data are scarce. From two accounts it is
found that the purchase was made for a price of either 36 or 60
guilders some time early in 1626. An interpreter of Nassenaer's
work, and indeed, many secondary accounts hold for the 36-guilder
price. But on the other hand the official documents of the States
General reveal, in a letter from Peter Schogen, that the price was
60 guilders. The latter seen more reliable since it was nearer
to the scene in time and place. Peter Schogen was in New Nether-
lands at the time of the transaction. He returned to Europe on
the im— 93 Amsterdam in the autumn of 1626.

None of the accounts state the exact date of the purchase.
Schogen wrote that it took place in the spring, for, he declared,

2"raid” p. 106.

5h

"They have purchased the Island of Manhattan from the Indians for.
the value of 60 guilders,..They had their grain in by the middle '

of May and reaped'by the Middle ofAugust."25 wassenaer, who often
included in his accounts the arrival and departure of ships, reported
the date on which Minuit arrived in the New World. He spoke of
"Adrian Jbris...skipper, who went out there on the 19th of December
of the year 1625 with the ship the §§a_ygw_and conveyed Peter Minuit....
The §EELEEE arrived there on the hth of May, 1626."26 This more or
less coincides with the date given by Schogen relative to the plant-
ing of the grain. It seems very likely that the purchase must have
been made very shortly after the arrival of Minuit, within the period
between may h and the middle of the month.

The Company had intended to purchase a large tract of land for
a permanent installation for some time. Orders had been given to
select a suitable place for a major fortification and settlement as
early as April, 1625. Up until that time no permanent installations
had been erected. The forts on the Hudson and the Delaware were only
small structures suitable for a small garrison. Now the directors
urged the construction of a major fort to accommodate large quantities
of goods and many colonists as well as the garrison. Accordingly, they
sent the following order to the Colony:

In case there cannot immediately be found a suitable place
abandoned by the Indians or unoccupied, at least 800 to 1,000 morgans
in extent, fit for sowing and pasture, we do not consider it advisable
to construct so strong a fortification...as called for by the specifi-
cations which the surveyor has with him, but advise that only a tempo-
rary settlement be made....Verhulst, assisted'by the surveyor Cyrn
Fredericksz...shall investigate which is the most suitable place abandoned

25"Peter Schogen to the States General", 1626, N. X. 92$: 2233.,

I: 37.
26Wassenaer, g. :. Hist. 99;. (1819), New Series, II, 363.

55

or unoccupied, on either river, and then settle there with all the
cattle and build the necessary fortifications.27

Manhattan Island more than filled the requirements and accord-
ingly was purchased by Minuit. It was said to measure 11,000 morgens
in size and was suitably located to cover the entrance to the river.
The island also provided the pasture required for the cattle and
horses arriving at about the same time. The directors were at last
preparing to form a permanent settlement in the New World. Everything
was to be centered in Fort Amsterdam.as the structure and colony were
to be called.

It is not altogether clear what the primary motivation was
behind the order to build Fort Amsterdam. In the original plans
the structure was to be of considerable size, rectangular in shape
and open on the water side.28 If it was the primary aim.to protect
the colony against attack from the Spanish and Portuguese, it was
not stated in the instructions as to location or dimensions of the
structure. It will be recalled that orders were for the fort to be
situated on ”suitable place abandoned by the Indians or unoccupied,
at least 800 to 1,000 morgens in extent, fit for sowing and pasture....
on either river." Certainly such instructions would not be given if
there was danger of attack from the sea by a European power or pirates.
That the fort was proposed for purposes of local protection seems to
be further indicated by the preamble to the instructions sent with
the man designated to supervise the construction. It reads:

Special Instructions for the Engineer and Surveyor, Cyrn Fredericksz,
and for the Commissary and Councilors, according to which they are to
regulate themselves in regard to the fortification and the building of
houses when the Council, pursuant to our instructions, shall have found
a suitable place in which to establish a settlement with all the cattle.29

27Docs. Rel. New'Neth., p. 105-6.

id., p. 133.
29Ibid., p. 132.

 

56

The directors had given no indication that they had intended to
concentrate the entire effort on the Island of Manhattan. After the
"recklessness of Creeckenbeeck" had caused the retreat from Fort
Orange the attractiveness of Manhattan with its 11,000 morgens of
land was greatly increased. The Walloons had found that the area at
Fort Orange was highly desirable and much of it had been clear so
that it might have been considered if the incident had not occurred.
After the attack it was necessary to concentrate the effort and strength
in a place suitable for keeping the animals and that could be easily
defended. The island suited the situation admirably. A recent critic
of the Company's policy took a rather more disparaging view of the move
to the island. “Only commercial consideration made them (the Company)
planters of overseas settlements. They realized that in North America
they needed a fortified center for their fur trade, where the peltry
could be stored until an opportunity was offered for shipment to
Holland. The island at the mouth of the Hudson was found to be the
most suitable location for the Company's trading post and storehouse."3O
This, of course, is true only in part for it does not take into consid-
eration the Indian menace. What is important is that the whole popula-
tion was forced to seek shelter on the island.

This move was the turning point in the history of New Netherlands.
We know that up to this time at least part of the colonists were
enthusiastic about their situation. This was true for those who were
at a distance from.Verhulst. After his arrest, prospects must have
brightened for all the settlers. But with the commencement of the

30Adrian Barnouw, The Pageant 93 Netherlands History (New York,
1952), p. 195.

 

 

difficulties at Fort Orange many things changed. What those changes

were is the subject matter for succeeding pages.

57

CHAPTERN

The purchase of Mhnhattan.which begins most histories of New
Netherlands was of great significance not as the beginning of the
Colony's history, but as an.important turning point in its fortunes.
what had begun with vigor and promise two years previous to the
historic purchase was, in the following years, to undergo a signif-
icant transformation---a transformation.which greatly influenced
the decision to establish Patroonships as a method of populating
the land.

As the move began toward Manhattan there seemed to be little
cause to be discouraged for the Company had already formulated plans
for the formation of a permanent colony fully equipped and protected.
But as the plans become known, it developed that one item.was over-
looked, the most valuable asset the'Vest India Company had in America,
the colonists. .All the elaborate planning had one thing in mind---
the convenience of the Company. The neglect of the settlers beget
the change of fortune that occurred during the three years after
the purchase and made the patroonships appear to be the answer to
the Dutch colonial problem.

By the time the Council and the other officials had decided on
the location of the new Fort Amsterdam which the directors had
ordered to be built it was already the middle of 1626. The orders
to build the installation had been issued in April of 1625 and
probably arrived in the Colony by mid-summer. The selection of

Manhattan, as we have seen, was influenced by the affair between

59

Creeckenbeeck and the Mohawks at Fort Orange.

The plans sent to the Engineer and Surveyor, Cyrn Fredericksz,
were much more than plans for a fort. They included a complete
layout for farm.lands, homes inside the fort, public buildings and
everything necessary for a compact community sheltered from.possible
enemy attack. Every detail.was taken care of with an eye to the
convenience of the Company. The scope and detail for the plan
indicate that the‘west India Company felt that the colony had real
promise as a business venture, for they were contemplating a sub-
stantial investment in it. In their plans, though, the directors
evidenced the short term.nature of their thinking for they singularly
failed to accomodate the colonists who in the long run would have nude
their investment profitable and secure. At the time the instructions
were made up there was evidence of real enthusiasm.for the project.

That the directors intended the work to go forward rapidly is
indicated by the instruction for beginning the work and hiring labor.
Nothing was to be spared to attain this objective.

While the surveyor is staking out the aforesaid place, the
farmers shall take good care of the cattle, and the smith Jacob
Lourensz, with his helpers, shall commence to make the most necessary
iron work. The wheelwright shall also take in hand what is necessary,
while the carpenters shall.meanwhile cut and saw lumber, and first of
all make an enclosure in which the cattle are to be kept at night,
they to be guarded night and day by some boys.

And in order that the work may progress more speedily, the
Council shall summon from.all other places as many people in the
employ of the Company as they can.muster, making the sailors, too,
do such work as they are fitted for, be it digging, felling trees,
sawing lumber, or other things. And if the sailors should demand
special pay for this (which, however were unreasonable, since the crews
of vessels going for salt must also wheel it on board), and refuse
their services without it, it shall be permissible for the Commissary
and Council to allow them some increase and, if even then they are not
satisfied, in order that somehow they may get to work and not remain
idle, to promise them.that the Directors here will compensate and
satisfy than as in their discretion they see fit.

60

When the "Orangen Boom? returns hither, care shall be taken by
the Council to keep there as many men as possible out of those who
are best able and most willing to work, provided always that the
vessel remain fit for the homeward voyage and can be properly defended.

Furthermore, the Commissary and Council shall summon free persons,
such as colonists and others who are not in the service of the Company,
only if they are willing to work as aforementioned, when they shall
be given proper wages, tO‘Vit, as a strong, healthy man 8 stivers a day
and his beard, and‘women and childred in proportion.

And should the Indians also be willing to work, they shall be
paid half as much, in the same manner as the colonists and others,
being given for their work some trading goods reckoned at about what
they cost here in this country, and then at the rate of 2 stivers a
day; for example, for a hatchet that costs 1% stivers here, a man
will have to work 7 days. But herein.the Commissary and Council.may
exercise their discretion, acting according to the circumstances with
an eye to the least expense and to the best interests of the Company.1

The fort on which all the available labor was to be expended was
to be an imposing structure. The outside wall was to be 3,150 feet
in circumference, and enclosed by a moat measuring 2000 feet on the
long side and 1600 on the two sides running to the open end of the
fort which faced the water's edge. This enclosure was to be large
enough to house all the inhabitants of the Colony. The settlers were
to live inside the fort and go out daily to work on the Company farms,
for on Manhattan the Company owned all the land.

The houses within the stockade were to be of uniform.size and
designed to be of maximum.utility to the Company. The houses, to
be occupied by a farmer and his family, were to "adjoin one another,
each 25 feet square....The second story of all the adjoining houses,
nine feet high and 25 feet square, shall throughout be reserved for
the use of the Company to store therein at first all provisions
belonging to the Company.abut the garrets above the second story
shall be for the use of the respective houses....From.his own house

lDOCBo 3.02:0 10-! Rothe, PP. 136-9.

61

the Conissary must be able to go into all the lofts...along the
entire street, doors to be made from one into the other."2

All the other structures surrounding as well as inside the
fort were to be of similar design and usefulness. The public build-
ings were to be designed in a like mnner, but not of the same size.
They were to include a church, a school, and a market place. The
interiors of the buildings were to be left incomplete, to be finished
by the tenants. The work thus saved could be applied to the sizable
task of completing the outer works.

It seems that the structure of the dimension prescribed was a
monumental task for the population of the colony to execute. The ’
mimem free population was reported to be no more than 270 persons
at any time during the years prior to 1630. In fact the figures
given by Vassenaer for the year 1625 indicate that the population
amounted to a mere two hundred souls.3 It is not likely that there
were more than one or two hundred Company employees present. Then,
when considering the number of exemptions from work, the number of
available construction workers was diminished notably. The total
might have been.around 150 to 200 workers who were not overly
enthusiastic about working for the Company. The Company officials
in low letherlands intended to build this fortress with the avail-
able labor other than farmers. At the same time that the fort was
to be begun, twelve farms were supposed to be laid out so as to
give selected farmers plots containing 151:» acres according to the

measurement of the time which was given in "morgens". Two special

2Docs. Rel. New Neth., pp. 136-9.
371—assenaer, Barr. New Neth., p. 82.

 

 

62

farms were to be set aside, one for each succeeding commander or
governor, and one for each succeeding Commissary. These two farms
were to contain 225 acres each. In all only twelve farms were laid
out at this time.

With the remaining ten farms, the following disposition was to
be made. Two farms of 15h acres were reserved for each succeeding
Pastor and Subcommissary, five were assigned to "Head Farmers”,
who operated the farms for the Company, and were paid on shares,
and the remaining three farms were to be disposed of in an undetermined
fashion. Nothing in the instructions indicates what was to become of
thom.ezcept that they were to be held open until additional farmers
arrived. Presumably, this meant head farmers from.the old country,
for there were more than enough colonists to take up that land.

There were at least 30 families of Walloons plus some other families
that came on the ships arriving in 1625.

There was a singular lack of provisions made for the benefit
of the colonists. They were provided for only after all the Company
personnel were taken.care of, both as regards housing and land.

Only a few, if any, colonists received any land to work. ‘Vith regard
to the housing, the Company personnel were to receive the best avail-
able, and the colonists what was left. "With regard to the dwellings
of the farmers, we deem it advisable that ten.houses be taken in hand
first, according with the specifications of model D, and that for each
house, including the court yard and garden back to the surrounding
ditch, there shall be allowed 200 feet, and also 200 feet frontage on

the esplanade of the castle, in all 200 square feet. (This obviously

63

was intended to be 200 feet square). The first five of these houses
shall be drawn for by the five head-farmers, and the remaining

houses may beuused by the Foreman of the Commissary and the Comforter
of the sick.”

It was the intention of the‘Hest India Company to house the
remainder of the Colonists and population inside the fort with a
very small plot of ground about their dwelling. As already pointed
out the houses were to be 25 feet square and be situated on a lot 25
feet wide and 30 to 50 feet in depth. These were intended to accomr
modate the Colonists until such time as they might be able to return
to their homesteads.

The set of plans which envisioned an installation of such
magnitude must be regarded as a mere expression of the Company
intentions as of 1625 rather than as something that would eventually
be realized. Once the colonists were confined to this narrow strip
of land, there was little the Company could have done to stimulate
their ambition but give them.grants of land here on the island.

But this the Company was unwilling to do. Hence with a reluctant
labor force the proposed project was far from a reality. Construc-
ton of the fort on the scale proposed.was never accomplished.

Some authorities claim.that the outer ramparts were actually begun,
but were abandoned in favor of a smaller version of the original.
We do know for certain, however, that the smaller version of the
fort was not completed in 1629. In the Charter of Freedoms and
Exemptions for the Patroons it is clearly stated that the Company

“noes. R01. New Neth., pp. lie-u.

6h

would complete the fort on Manhattan Island. There was a rather
marked contrast between what the Directors must have envisioned
and what actually resulted from their careful planning.

In this period after the move to the island the whole colonial
effort seemed to bog down. In Spite of the elaborate plans and
the vigor with which they were to have been pursued, the colonists
and the colony in general suffered from want of basic necessities.
This, in addition to bad management seems to have led to a general
condition of lawlessness and contempt for regulations.

Both food and shelter were in short supply as late as 1628.
The huts of bark and branches which the colonists hastily erected
when they were first forced onto the island still remained as late
as the and of the summer, 1628. At that time the first minister
of religion reported that "they are beginning to build new houses
in place of the hovels and holes in which heretofore they had

5
huddled rather than dwelt."

Food production was equally insufficient for the needs of the
populace. Of the twelve farms which had been contemplated only
six were in production in 1627. Issack de Rasiere, the Commissary
described the farm situation at that time as follows:

The six farms...four of which lie along the River Hellgate,
stretching to the south side of the island have at least 60
morgms (lh8 acres) of land ready to be sown with winter seed,
which at most will have been ploughed eight times. But as the
greater part must have some manure, in as much as it is exhausted
by the wild herbage, I am afraid that all will not be sown: and
the more so, as the cultivators are hired."

5"Jonas Michaelius to Jan Foreest" August 8, 1628, Manhattan
_i_n_ 1628, Dingman Versteeg, ed. (New York, 1901;), p. 69. Hereafter
cited "Jonas Michaelius to Jan Foreest".

"Issack de Rasiere to Samuel Blonnnaert", 1628, l_\I_. _Y_. {ii—st.

92;. (1849), New Series, II, p. 345. Also found in Narr. New Neth.,
p. 104.

65

The inability to get farms into production, as de Rasiere
suggeststas at least partially due to Company ownership. There
were also other reasons given, namely that the workers were too
poorly fed to be ambitious, and that they were unconcerned and
lazy. It is difficult to say which was the most important factor.
The three together, however, made for a dismal farm.outlook.
Conditions seemed favorable for good farmdng yet the colony was
unable to produce its own needs. "The ground is fertile enough
to reward labor, but they must clear it well....Until now there
has been distress because many people were not very industrious,
and also did not obtain proper sustenance for want of bread and

7
other necessaries", thus reported Jonas Hichaelius. Yet we know
from.the enthusiastic reports of the'Valloons at Port Orange that
they were able enough to produce if they were working on their
own lands. The six farms mentioned by de Rasiere were owned by
the Company and operated by hired superintendents, or head farmers.
In general they were reported to be an inept lot. Both de Rasiere
and Jonas Michaelius complained about the way they carried on.their
duties and the farming picture in general.

‘Vith regard to the lands, they will be all right in time,
but greater diligence will have to be applied than has hitherto
been done, under the superintendence and management of sober,
industrious persons, of whom, may God better it, there are a
great lack here. At times I cannot sufficiently wonder at the
lazy unconcern of many persons, both farmers and others, who
are willing enough to draw their rations and pay in return for
doing almost nothing, without examining their consciences or
considering their bounden duty and what they promised to do upon
their engagement. And whereas this should be communicated in
more detail, I refer your Honors to the letter of Minuit, who

7Jonas Michaelius, Narr. New Neth., p. 132.

 

66

tells me that he is writing your Honors privately about these

matters, as touching his office, which I have often enough urged
him to do , in order that your Honors might for once be thoroughly
informed on the subject.8

The Reverand Michaelius confirmed the condition described
above in a letter he wrote in August of 1628 but with some hope
for the future.

Everything begins to succeed now better than before, for much
labor and expense have been in vain....Some Directors and Heads,
by bad management, have rather kept back than helped the people
and the country, and many among the comon people would have liked
to make a living, and even to get rich in idleness rather than by
hard work, saying they had not come to work 3 that as far as working
is concerned they might have stayed at home, and that it was all one
whether they did much or little, if only in the service of the
Company. Such expressions were the burden of the song one heard
all day long. And this sort of people are all, in the course of
time, shipped home as useless ballast.9

This unfortunate condition on the farms led to a shortage of
food. Instead of the colony becoming self-sufficient it continued
to rely on shipments from home, and in some cases, on what could be
purchased from friendly Indians. The need for farmers was described
by Reverand Michaelius: "We need nothing so much as horses and cows
and industrious workers.. .in order that we may produce sufficient
dairy products and crops....Ten or twelve farmers, with cattle and

land in proportion, would be'sufficient to help us out of all
10
difficulty.” But until such time, he complained:

The rations which were given out here, and charged for high
enough, are all hard stale food, such as men are used to aboard
ship, and frequently not very good, and even so one cannot obtain
as much as he desires, (even) of this hard fare of beans and gray
peas, which are hard enough, barley, stock fish....I have now
ordered from Holland almost all necessaries; and I has to pass
through the winter (1628) with hard and scanty food.

8Docs. Rel. New Neth., pp. 207-8.

9Jona's Michaelius to Jan Foreest, pp. 71-2.
l°Ibid., p. 65.

”Jonas Michaelius, Narr. New Neth., p. 130.

 

 

67

The foregoing statements are surprising, not so much for what
they said but for something that was not said. The need for twelve
farmers comes as a shock when one realizes that there were present
on the island some thirty families of Walloons who had demonstrated
their ability to farm while they were in the outpost settlements
from 162: to 1626. Yet the Commissary and the Minister petitioned
the directors in Amsterdam for additional farmers. The colonists
who might have provided the necessary farm product if they had been
given land were thus forced to use their resourcefulness to maintain
a bare existence until they could once again resume work on their
farms at the outposts, if they were willing to wait on the uncertain
day. The greatest assets that the Company had in the New world were
thus converted into liabilities, for the Company was obliged to feed
them from their inadequate supplies of hard rations.

Some of the colonists, who were better acquainted with frontier
life, found it necessary to procure food from friendly Indians. To
do this they obtained strings of coral beads which as the Dutch .
discovered made excellent trading goods . The colonists purchased
the beads from the Comissary and exchanged them for corn, fish
and other things . DeRasiere noted that there was a substantial demand
for the beads for this purpose. Thus, the ingenious frontiersmen
probably fared better than did the Company servants and the ministers .

The hard life led by the people on huhattan, the bad manage-
ment that was said to exist, and the natural atmosphere of freedom

that is characteristic of the frontier led to a disregard and contempt

for the Company and its regulations. An independent attitude had
developed during the administration of Verhulst when some of the
settlers were far removed from the administrator and even among
those who were in the vicinity of Verhulst and the Council. Accord-
ing to the charges against him, Verhulst was interested in enforcing
only those rules which pleased him. As a result a certain feeling
described as "free coming and going" developed. This condition
plagued the succeeding administration. De Rasiere reported the
state of affairs to Amsterdam in September, 1626:

Your Honors will kindly have Advocate Homel draw some disposi-
tions according to the style and usage in such utters in the city
of Amsterdam, in order that we may regulate ourselves accordingly
when the occasion presents itself. As the people here have become
quite lawless, owing to the bad government hitherto prevailing, it
is necessary to administer some punishment with kindness in order
to keep them in check, to break them of their bad habits, and to
make them learn to understand their bounden duty and respect they
owe your Honors both in writing and speaking, which cannot easily
be done unless you Honors provide some fine or penalty in the
utter. As they have heretofore been very harshly ruled by Verhulst,
and that without any legal formality, but merely upon his own
authority, they deem it very strange that we now begin to inquire
into their affairs and that they are summoned before the court to
defend their cause. They consider that great injustice is done to
them if they are ordered to speak of your Honors with reverence and
without using such profane words as they have heretofore been accus-
tomed to use and as have been listened to with deaf ears and been
allowed to pass without their being punished therefor. Only that
was punished which offended Verhulst or his dignity, not according
to law but according to his pleasure .12

The net result of the Company's hopes for the new Fort Amsterdam
was that instead of establishing a thriving colony that would induce
new settlers to come over, it had the effect of discouraging some of
the original group who braved the wilderness in the outposts in 1621:.
Of the original group of thirty families of Walloons an undisclosed

12Docs. Rel. New Neth., pp. 187-8.

 

 

69

number were returning home for one reason or another during the
summer of 1628.13 The decision to leave must have been carefully
weighed against the prospect of staying on in.New Netherland, for
the return trip was an eight-week voyage under favorable conditions.
Very often passengers on these voyages suffered severe discomfort

as well as contracting beri-beri and scurvy. It must have been no
light cause that brought about such a decision. This decision
‘without doubt indicates that the state of progress in New Netherlands
as far as the colonists who originally case were concerned.

It was not a case of ignorance of what a successful colonial
venture needed, for‘Uassenaer had pointed out that for the pros-
perity and advancement of the settlement "it is highly necessary
that those sent out be first provided with.means of support and
defense, and that being freeman, they be settled there on a free
tenure; and that all they work for and gain.be thzirs to dispose
of and to transfer according to their pleasure."l In the first
mentioned requirement the Company did well under the circumstances,
but in the others it was seriously lacking. Success depended upon
all, not Just one of the requirements so ably stated. It is evident
that the venerable directors did not heed‘Wassenaer's admonition.

13JonasIMichaelius, Narr. New Neth., p. 125.
assenaer, Narr. New. Neth., p. 76.

 

 

70

CHAPTER V

The preceding chapter indicated that, after 1626, the settlers
in New Netherlands had little cause to be encouraged. The confine-
ment to mnhattan virtually stifled their desire to continue the
struggle for existence on the frontier. For them New Netherlands
held little promise, except for a few of the more courageous.

Perhaps the next question ought to be, what did the colony
promise the investors in the Dutch West India Company stock?
what were the prospects as far as the business enterprise was
concerned? This can be most readily discovered by investigating
the possible areas of profit opened to the Company, or the possible
trade that might be developed. That will be the proposition this
chapter will attempt to answer.

Under the control of a commercial trading company, it is reas-
onable to assume that the item of trade would rank high on the
scale of importance in any colony or settlement. Since the West
India Company was a Joint stock company it had to concern itself
with returning profits to the stockholders. Since the Directors
were the large holders of equity, they would press as hard as
possible to increase profits. The attitude of the directors of
the Company in this respect is indicated by the following admonition
to their colonists and officers in New Netherlands:

...one and all,...sha11 promise the Council upon their solemn
oath that they shall, each in matters entrusted to his care, look
after the Company's interests, manage their farms, exercise trade
and perform their labors with the greatest profit to the Company
and least expense, warn the Council of all loss reported to them
or to be feared, and conduct themselves in all things as good and
faithful subjects are bound to do.1

lDocs. Rel. New Neth., p. 129.

 

71

In New Netherlands there were two possible sources of wealth
that would measure up to the'West India Company's standards. They
were minerals and the fur trade. But in that part of America
occupied by the Dutch there were no known minerals in quantities
sufficient to make their extraction worth while. The only sources
of wealth then.was the fur trade and a small revenue from.forest
products. The latter, of course, was never very remunerative, but
was essential in Company shipbuilding.

The hope of discovering deposits of minerals or precious stones
was given up only after considerable study and effort had been
expended upon it in New Netherlands. The Directors offered induce-
ments to any discoverer of minerals or marketable products. They
offered a one-tenth share to the discoverer of a saleable goods
”for the period of the first six consecutive years, to be reckoned
from.the day on.which the Company took over and commenced to exploit
the same."2 This small payment was intended as a reward for discovery.
The Company reserved to itself all rights to such wealth: "All
minerals, newly discovered or still to be discovered.mdnes of gold,
silver, copper or any other metal, as well as of precious stones,
such as diamonds, rubies, and the like, together with the pearl
fishery, shall be allowed to be worked by the Company's men only."3
Generosity was never a mark of the Dutch commercial.men of the
Seventeenth Century.

In the event that their inducements were not sufficient to
stimulate search for minerals, the Company sent out its own agents

to carry on the search. And even in this respect, the venerable

2Ibid., p. 13.
31bid., p. 10.

72

directors sent detailed instructions as to how the search was to
be carried on. In the orders to verhulst we find the following
1 directions:

He shall have Peter Minuit and other whom he shall deem.fit
investigate what minerals and crystals there may be both on the
North River and the South River, and to that end have the mountains
in which such are supposed to be inspected all around, causing holes
to be dug, first at the foot, then half way up, and finally at the
top of the mountains, in order to see what they contain, sending
us several samples of each.mineral that looks promising, and ike-
wise of dyes, drugs, gums, herbs, plants, trees, and flowers.

He shall cause diligent inquiry to be made among the Indians
whether there are no sulphur or salt mines, or whether any of the
Indians have anything that looks like metal, such as, gold, silver,
copper, iron, lead, etc., asking them.where they got it.5

They left nothing to chance or individual discretion. All
their solicitude, however, was for naught for New Netherlands
contained no such products.

However, the dauntless directors were not to be denied with-
out having given everything a consideration. They were determined
to find some product that would place the Colony on a paying basis.
They therefore turned their attention to other commodities in which
the Dutch had long been the leaders, namely fishing and salt trade.
In the latter, the Dutch seamen had been traveling to Punto del
Rey under considerable risk from Spanish ships of war. The trade
to Punto del Rey was shortly cut off completely. Regarding the
possibility of profitable fisheries they were requested to find
out if there were any "suitable fish to be caught that could be
dried or salted...and send over some of each sort, dried or salted."
Also he was to see if there were any oysters...there in which

pearl might be found, and whether there are no suitable places for

“Ibid” p. 75.
SIbid., p. 75.

73

6
making salt pans." However, all of these alternatives were also

to be denied theme They could never hope to compete with the cod
fishing which was already being exploited by Europeans off the
Grand Banks.

There was one resource in.which the New World abounded -
timber of all sorts. The directors did not fail to recognize
this. They therefore sent ordersto the colony to the effect that

He (the governor) is especially to look out for the elm.trees,
from which to saw lumber for gun rests and gun carriages, five
inches thick and ten to thirteen feet long, and if it cannot be
sewn so quickly, to send over the logs, and further to load the
vessels as far as possible with all kinds of lumber in order not
to have them.return empty, even if they should, for want of better,
be laden with axe-handles and firewood. Nor shall he omit, if
there be plenty of hazelnuts to send some over, if there be wal-
nuts, to see whether some oil cannot be pressed out of thems7

In order to comply with this order all that was required was
to set up the mill and hire the labor to carry and to cut lumber.
This was beginning to be done in 1628 at the expense of such vitally
important projects as building homes and shelter for the colonists.
The minister of religion reported that year that "They are also
cutting wood and erecting another mill for the purpose of exporting
to the Fatherland whole cargoes of timber fit for building houses
and ships." But at the same time he pointed out the need for the
colony in respect to labor. "For building purposes there is a
greater lack of laborers than materials...Ve need nothing so much
as...industrious workers for the building of houses and fortresses,

8

who later could be employed in farmdng...." But nevertheless the
work for export went forward.

61bid., p. 76.

71bid., p. 71.
Jonas MHchaelius to Jan.Foreest", pp. 65, 69.

71»

When all these possible sources of revenue failed to produce
profits, the Directors turned in another direction - toward some
sort of a cash crop. This was a logical alternative for the
Netherlands imported a great share of her food stuffs, especially
grain which she received from Prussia and Poland. If such creps
would be raised in New Netherlands and exchanged for manufactured
goods, the Dutch would have improved their position considerably.
If not cereals, then perhaps they might develop a trading commodity,
or at least something for home consumption to defray part of the
costs of buying from foreign nations. To this end, they sent over
samples of all sorts of food products, in the hope that one of them
might be profitable. Each kind was to be planted in its proper
season and in different conditions, and the results studied to
see where and how the plants grew best. At the same time they
ordered colonial officials to see if the wild grapes growing there
might not be suitable for making brandywine, vinegar or verjuice,
and if not, procure some vines from Spain or the Canary Islands.

The degree of the disappointment in this last attempt was
expressed by the Assembly of the XIX themselves. In a rqmrt to
the States General of the Netherlands they complained that "this
district, which we have named New Netherlands, although it ought
to be, in point of climate, as warm and as well adapted for the
cultivation of fruits at least, as the farthest frontiers of
France toward Spain: yet it has been found much colder, and as

much subject to frost and other inconveniences as these; nay, as

75

more northern countries. The people conveyed by us thither, have
therefore, found but scanty means of livelihood up to the present

time 3 and have not been of any profit, but a draw back, to this

9
Company. "

The scanty means of livelihood mentioned here was the result
of the move to Fort Amsterdam. In the days prior to the incident
at Fort Orange the Colonists fared well, for they possessed their
own land. and some enthusiasm for working it, as the Halloons
testified in their letters. However, once the entire population
moved to lanhattan onto Company land that enthusiasm were off
rapidly. In fact numerous of the Walloon families requested to
be sent house. The prospects of working for the Company and not
being free to trade with the Indians on an equal basis with Company
agents reduced the prospects of prosperity considerably. Hence,
even the farms on the island were not adequately productive to
supply the needs of the settlers .

There remained but one source of profit to the Company, the
fur trade. This is the element of the New Netherlands trade most
often talked about by historians. Usually they point out that
the trade was brisk and that there were large returns on furs due
to the ready demand for furs in Europe. The Dutch marketed their
furs at the Leipzig and Frankfurt fairs. What is not common know-
ledge is that the fur trade was restricted as far as the colonists
were concerned. It was not until 1638 that it became free to all.
The fur trade was the West India Company's only source of revenue,
with the exception of some lumber which was shipped home. As its

9"XII to States General," October 23, 1629, _lg. _Y_. g_o_l_. Docs., p. 39.

76

source of revenue the Company protected it as best it could, but
even at that it barely balanced the hmports into the colony when
averaged over the six year period for which statistics are avail-
able. In endeavoring to restrict the trade for itself the Company
encountered.many problems.

Under the Provisional Regulations governing the first contingent
the colonists were permitted to carry on the fur trade with no
restrictions. They were free "to carry on and prosecute the inland
trade without obJection on the part of anyone, on the express condi-
tion that they...sell the goods they have purchased or collected to
no one but the Company's agents."10 This provisional arrangement
was made until other arrangements were made as dictated by necessity.
The necessity was not long in coming.

The following year the original instruction.was amended to the
disfavor of the colonist traders. The new rule attempted to reduce
the colonists to the level of trappers and hunters, for they would
be unable to benefit from.dealings with the Indians. Since they
were to be compelled to "deliver up the said skins and goods to the
Company at the price for which we obtain them.at the trading-places
from.the Indians, and...shall not permit them, by selling the skins
(to others), to make the Company pay a higher price for them."11
Under such conditions all trading matters were to be handled by the
Co-issary and the Governor. The whole program was under their
direction. And as indicated earlier this was to be one of their

primary duties. The two highest officials were favored with an

lopoca. Rel. New Neth., p. 10.
llIbid., p. 67.

 

77

incentive to increase the trade in pelts. Whichever of the two
arranged a particular transaction received a commission of an
unspecified amount depending on the type of pelt. As a result

of such a system, diligent effort would be made to see that peltry
was not obtained by outsiders, who once they gained an inroad into
the trade, might bid up the price. Some difficulty, however, was
encountered along these lines as well as with the colonists them-
selves who worked at getting higher prices.

From the very beginning of his term of office as the Company
representative de Rasiere encountered difficulties. The "rough
and unrestrained" colonists described by Rev. Michaelius knew how
to handle such affairs. De Rasiere wrote to the Directors of his
plight, and theirs.

With great trouble and.many threats I obtained for cash from
the colonists at Fort Orange 305 beaver and he otter. I had to
pay for each merchantable beaver two guilders and for a good otter
two guilders and five stivers....They were much discontented even
then, having been stirred up, they said they wished to send the
skins to the honorable Directors, who would give them three guilders
for each skin good or bad....In order not to have the skins go to
strangers, I was therefore Obliged to pay them.two guilders for
each good merchantable skin, after consultation with Minuit, who
for the sake of all concerned advised me to do so.

It was never made clear who the strangers were who were offering
the high prices to the colonists.

De Rasiere reported another incident which occurred, as near
as can be ascertained, at Fort Amsterdam. This incident involved
the wife of one of the blacksmiths in the service of the Company.
De Rasiere recounted it as follows: "It happened one day that the
wife of Wolfert Gerritsz came to me with two otters, for which I

l2Ibid., pp. 215-6. The mention of the "colonists at Fort Orange”
probably means ”colonists from Fort Orange." This letter was written

September 25, 1626. The colonists left the Fort in the spring of that
year 0

 

78

offered her three guilders, ten stivers. She refused and asked
five guilders, whereupon I let her go, this being too much. The
wife of Jacob Lourissz, the smith, knowing this, went to her and
offered five guilders, which Wolfert's wife again told me. There-
upon, to prevent the otters from.being purloined, I was obliged
to give her the five guilders."l3

This incident together with the other compelled de Rasiere
to ask for help from.the Directors. In order to prevent further
occurrence of similar nature, he asked "should your Honors desire
to remedy such and other similar practices, it will be necessary
to send me and the Shout (sheriff)hother instructions and to order
the Council to assist us better."1 This suggests that the practice
of bidding up the price of pelts was a common practice, at least
for a time.

The Company was well aware that the valuable furs would attract
outsiders and that a clandestine trade might easily develop. They
therefore made provisions to forestall the possibility. In so doing
they gave the colonists the lever they needed to open the Company
purse. If the interloper had a permit to travel in.New Netherlands
and engaged in the forbidden trade, his permit was to be immediately
suspended. If the interloper was outside the Jurisdiction of the
Company, then the Commissary was ordered to bid up the price to
destroy the market for him, As soon as the colonists discovered
another buyer, de Rasiere was in difficulty, as indeed, he was

most of the time in.natters of trade.

13Ibid., pp. 216-9.
luIbid., pp. 216-19.

79

However, there are indications that De Rasiere was finally
able to bring the fur trade under control. Governor Bradford of
the Plymouth Colony felt that the Dutch had done a good job in
this matter. He remarked that "the Dutch have reduced their
trade to some order, and confined it only to the Company, which
heretofore was spoiled.by their seamen and interlepers."1 . The
fur trade remained the exclusive privilege of the West India
Company until 1638.

But even in the hands of the Company the fur trade remained
a source or difficulty. At one point it caused some friction
between the colony of Plymouth and New Netherlands. In the years
after the incident at Fort Orange the Dutch continued to send their
agents into the Connecticut River region. It was here that Dutch-
English conflicts had their beginnings. They later culminated in
the conquest of New Netherlands by the Duke of Ybrk.

The English made known their complaints in the course of
negotiations conducted between de Rasiere and Governor Bradford
of Plymouth relative to inter-colonial trade. There was an exchange
of letters and even a personal visit by de Rasiere to Governor Bradford
at Plymouth in 1627. In March of that year de Rasiere had written
inquiring about the possibility of setting some sort of trade in
metion. Bradford was amenable to the suggestion but under the
circumstances wrote the following:

"...this year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, both
for clothing and other things; but that it may so fall out, that

hereafter we shall deal with you, if your rates are reasonable....
-We desire to know how you will take beaver by the pound, and otter

15"Governor Bradford to Sir Ferdinando Gorges," June 15, 1627,
Vignaud Pamphlets (University of Michigan Library), p. 366. These
are not published pamphlets.

 

80

by the skin, and how you will deal percent for other commodities,
and what you can furnish us with; as likewise what commodities
fron.us may be acceptable with you, as tobacco, fish, corn, or
other things and what price you will give."
But in the same communication.we find the following also: "...we
desire that you would forebear to trade with the natives in this
bay, and river of Narraganset and Sawanes, which is as it were at
our doors. The which if you do, we think no other English will
go about any way to trouble you or hinder you; which otherwise are
resolved to solicit his Majesty for redress, if otherwise they
cannothelp themselves.'16

Later that same y...- the friction between the two settlements
appeared to be getting worse. De Rasiere had visited Plymouth in
October. It seems that Bradford's grievance had not been satis-
fied nor had trade relations improved. Under the date of October '
5, 1627,3radford wrote to the Lords of the‘west India Company that
they would be unable to conclude any agreement for this year for
supplies as they had sent their factors to England and Holland to
procure supplies and therefore would not know until their return
what would be needed. At the same time they expressed doubt as
to any future possibility of an agreement, and so they informed
the Lords of the west India Company: "We desire your Honors, that
you would take into your wise and honorable considerations, that
which we conceive may he a hindrance to this accomodation (trade
agreement), and may be a means of future evil if it be not prevented,
namely that you clear the title of your planting in these parts,
which his Majesty hath, by patent, granted to divers of his nobles

l6"VilliamBradford to the Directors and Council of New Nether-
lands”, March 19, 1627, Ibid., p. 361.

and subjects of quality; lest it be a bone of division in these
stirring evil thnes."l7 The parts referred to in this instance
were the area about the Connecticut River. Later the dispute
deve10ped into an English claim to other regions and resulted in
the conquest of the whole of New Netherlands in 166A by the Duke
of York. It was the Dutch pursuit of the fur trade that began
the rumblings which ultimately would cause the downfall of the
Dutch effort in North America.

It is doubtful if the value of the fur trade obtained at the
expense of good relations with Plymouth was worth the ultimate
cost. The entire fur trade, which was practically the only source
of revenue, failed to excite the directors of the'West India Company.
The value of the goods imported into the colony and of the furs
exported were recorded by John de Last, eminent historian and also

director of Amsterdam.0hamber of the West India Company; The

following table indicates the values in question as recorded by

 

18
de Last.
Year Beaver Otter Exports Imports Balance of
l62h 4,000 700 27,125 25,569 Exports
1625 5 .295 #63 35,828 8,772 .13.!
1626 7,258 857 h5,050 20,384 Guilders
1627 7.250 370 12,730 56.170
1628 6,951 73h 61,075 none
1629 5,913 681 62,185 55,228
3h3s993 166,673 177,320

While the net balance of exports seems to be a rather sizeable
sum it represents an average annual balance of approximately 29,53h
guilders per year. This the directors did not regard as particularly
encouraging. The XIX reported to the States General that "the trade

17"William Bradford to the Lords of the West India Company",

October 5, 1627, Ibid., p. 365.
18John de Laet, History 9;; the West India Company, Ibid., p. 385.

 

82

carried on there in peltries has been right advantageous; but one

year against another we can, at most, bring home only 50,000 guilders."19
This amount seems slight Justification for the application of such

a large quantity of resources as the Company had tied up in New
Netherlands.

Following 1629, the Company inaugurated a new policy designed
to offset much of the cost of the colony without losing the profits
of the fur trade. A select group of directors in.the Amsterdam
Chamber petitioned the States General to grant them.a charter of
privileges that would.make any enterprising directors who met the
terms of the agreement a feudal lord over a huge domain in the New
‘world. The grants became known as patroonships and the document
liming them.possible was the Charter of Freedom.and Exemptions to
Patroons. It took effect June 6, 1629. Its significant provisions
were the following:

All such shall be acknowledged patroons of New Netherlands who
shall undertake, within the space of four years next after they have
given notice to any Chamber of the Company here, or to the Commander
of the Council there, to plant a colony there of fifty souls, upward
of 15 years old; one-fourth part within one year and the remainder
within three years after sending the first, making together four
years, to the full number of 50 persons....

They shall, from the time they make known the situation of the
places where they propose to settle colonies, have the preference
over all others of the absolute property of such lands as they shall
have chosen....

The Patroons, by their agents, shall and may be permitted, at
such places as they shall settle their colonies, to extend their
lumits four leagues along the shore on one side of a navigable
river or two leagues on each side of the river, and so far into
the country as the situation of the occupiers shall permdt....

19"Assembly of XIX to States General," October 23, 1629,
E. I. 991:. DOCBc, I’ppe 39")‘1‘00

 

83

They shall forever possess and enjoy all the lands lying
within the aforesaid limits, together with the fruits, crops,
Idneral, rivers and fountains thereof, and the high, middle and
low Jurisdiction, fisheries, fowling and grinding to the exclus-
ion of all others, to be holden from.the Company as a perpetual
inheritance, without its over devolving again to the Company....
And in case any one prosper so mmch as to found one or more towns,
he shall have power and authority to establish officers and magis-
trates there, and to make use of such title in his Colony as he
sees fit according to the quality of the persons.

Whosoever shall settle any colony outside of the limits of
Nhnhattan.Island, shall be obliged to satisfy the Indians for the
land they shall settle upon, and they may extend or enlarge the
limits of their colony if they settle a proportionate number of
colonists thereon.

The Company'will endeavour to supply the colonists with as
many blacks as it possibly can, on the condition hereafter to be
made, without however being bound to do so to a greater extent
or for a longer time than it shall see fit.

 

The Company promises to finish the fort on the island of E
lanhattan, and to put it in a posture of defense without delay....20

The Company, much like the colonists, did not make signifi-
cant progress in New Netherlands. The Company's welfare in this
venture was inextricably bound to that of the colonists. If the
colonists did not prosper, neither would the Company. This was
especially true asalong run consideration. Unfortunately for the
Dutch the directors were not aware of the nearness of this rela-
tionship, for they failed to ease the burden of the colonist, and
thereby denied themselves the loyal services of a large portion
of the population. As a result the enterprise faltered and some
expedient such as that granted in the Charter of Freedom.and
lxemption for the Patroons became necessary.

20"Charter of Freedoms and.Bzemptions for the Patroons," in
Rene DOV. BS, PP. 137-1530 A180 found. in “me New Hath.) Ppe 90’96.

 

 

8h

CONCLUSION

In conclusion we can appraise the difficulties in which New
Netherlands found itself in the period from 1609 to 1629 as the
end product of the economic philosophy of the age. The partici-
pation of the Dutch Vest India Company in the affairs of the colony
was merely as the instrument of national policy. The States General
used the two great trading companies, the East and West India Companies
as instruments for carrying out national policy. They vested them
with vast powers because the States General felt the colonial problems

of the Dutch Empire would be most adequately handled by these huge

 

trading monopolies.
The Directors of the West India Company, in turn, used the 4

government of New Netherlands, which they instituted under the grants

in their charter, as a means of attaining their objectives-“that of

developing as lucrative a trade as possible, regardless of the effects

it might have on the settlement or settlers. Any benefits which

accrued to the Company and its stockholders were looked upon as

highly desirable by the States General of the Netherlands for that

was helping them achieve national economic objectives. The inter-

locking welfare of these two bodies was in accord with the economic

philosophy of mercantilism which developed in Europe at the close of

the Middle Ages, and which permeated the policy of most European

governments at this time.
The doctrine of the mercantile system, stated in its most

extreme form, made wealth and money identical and regarded it there-

fore as the object of a comnity to so conduct its dealings with
other nations as to attract to itself the largest possible share of

 

85

precious metals. Each country's interest was to export the utmost
possible quantities of its own manufactures and to import as little
as possible of those of other countries, receiving the difference
of the two values in gold and silver. This difference is called
the balance of trade, and the governments might resort to all avail-
able axpedients...for the purpose of receiving such a balance.1

The use of a commercial trading company for the attainment of
the goals of mercantilism in colonial empires is logical. The aim
of the private companies could be counted upon to be simdlar to the
national aims. The point is that both the mercantilist nation and
the business enterprise are interested in as great a quantity of r
wealth as Feasible.

The system.as applied to a colony required.that the Company

 

attompt to acquire raw materials for manufacture, or other products
from.New Netherlands at prices as low as possible so that these goods ‘4
might be resold in the markets of Europe at a profit and thereby
result in a favorable balance of payments for the Dutch‘west India
Company and the Dutch nation. Therefore, as the Company Directors
understood the situation, it would be most prudent to regulate matters
in America so as to keep the cost of furs, lumber, and any other
product that might be found or developed as low as possible. Such
a policy, as we have seen, had a stifling effect on New Netherlands.
As a consequence of the mercantilist doctrine, mismanagement,
and an unfortunate Indian affair, by far the greater part of the
population'was concentrated on.Manhattan Island with very dim
prospectefor the future. The colonists were held there under unbear-
able restrictions at the convenience of the West India Company and
at the expense of the colony as a whole. The entire population did
not exceed 270 people.

1Encyclopedia Britannica, Zh'vols. (Chicago, l9h7) XV, p. 261-2.

 

 

86

This can be regarded as a rather poor snowing. But for reasons
already discussed very few Dutch were willing to risk the uncertainty
of an eight-week ocean voyage to face the prOSpect New Netherlands
had to offer in 1629. All types of peOple were needed, farmers, smiths,
wheelwrights, millers, laborers and what not, but none would come.

In the face of this dearth of p0pulation the Dutch West India
Company devised a.p1an modified from.the Portuguese system.which had
been successfully applied to Madeira, the Azores and Brazil, which
was to give hereditary grants or captaincies to courtiers who would
settle or improve them. The plan was adopted in 1629 by the Dutch
West India Company with the sanction of the States General to make
up the deficiencies in population that existed in the New World
settlements. The beneficiaries were the members of the Company, more
particularly the members of the Amsterdam Chamber.

The West India Company Directors did not attempt to conceal the
failure of their colonial enterprise in North America. In one of'their
communications to the States General dated Octdber, 1629, they admitted
that the colony had failed both financially and in population growth.2
Without a population of some size it was easy for the directors to see
that prospects for the future were not bright because agriculture and
the fur trade were the only available sources of income. And vhat is
more, agriculture was not cnly not profitable, it was not feeding the
population. This, they pointed out, was a result of the bad climate
there. According to their calculations it should have been as warm
and mild as southern France, but it was not. All in all, the venture

had been an unfortunate mistake. The time was at hand to dispose of

the burden if possible.
2See footnote P. 75.

87

The necessary steps to overcome these deficiencies, the States
General believed, had been taken earlier that year (1629). On June 7,
the "Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions" for the patroons had been
granted.3 History has proven how wrong they were. Lack of population

continued to plague New Netherlands all through its history.

3"Charter of Freedoms and Exemptions", A. J. F. van Laer, ed.
Ren. Bow. MSSJ, pp. 137-153.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

Although material on the history of early America abounds,
there is a notable scarcity in the one segment that dealt with
the Dutch settlement in New York. This is particularily true of
the brief period on New Netherland's history from 1609 to 1630.
General works dealing with the period of colonization usually pass
over these years in a page or two mentioning that the island of
Manhattan was purchased in 1626 and begin the story with the
founding of the patroonships.

The reason for this condition became apparent as soon as
research was begun. Meet of the materials that are now available
were taken from the Dutch National Archives and from certain other
private sources located in Europe. A wealth of’material from the
most pertinent sources, records of the Amsterdam Chamber of the
West India Company, was destroyed in 1821. The remainder has been
hunted out at widely scattered times, and collected in volumes.
There is no denying that the sum total of all that is available
today does not allow a very comprehensive study of this important
period.

The sources can be roughly divided into those covering the
period from the discovery to 1623, the year the West India Company
commenced operations. The other period spanned the years from the

first settlement in New Netherlands, l62h to 1629.

 

 

89

1609 - 1623

The fragments of information relative to the New Netherlands
Company are found in the first pages of Documents Relative t3 t_h_e
15 vols. (Albany, 1856-87), I. While other of the collected sources
to be mentioned referred to the New Netherland Company the basic
facts are in this volume.

The Dutch West India Company, on the other hand, is treated
piecemeal in s everal places. However, the most significant pieces,
in most respects, are the Documents Relative _t2 the Colonial History
9; _t_h_e_ M 9}; Egg! 33313. For some unknown reason that volume does
not contain the charter of the West India Company. The Van Rensselaer
Bowier Manuscripts, A. J. F. van Laer, ed. (Albany, 1908) supplied
this essential document. The Van Rensselaer papers are an excellent
source for the period after 1629. They deal with the Patroonship of
Rensselaerswyk.

A very unusual volume which proved to be of more interest than
practical value because it dealt with materials that are not avail-
able on the activities of the West India Company was G. M. Asher,

_A_ Bibliographical and Historical Essay 9_n_ Dutch Books and Pamphlets
Relating E1 the Dutch West India Company and its Possessions i_n_
Brazil and Angola, etc. (Amsterdam, 1854-67). A critical history
of the West India Company would most certainly have to take this

volume into account. Hundreds of titles are given along with a brief

sketch of each.

90

The works of two historians contemporary with the Company were

Nicholaes van Wessenaer, Historisch Verhael, (Amsterdam, l62h-30)

 

and Johan De Laet, 1533 World (Amsterdam, 1625, 1630, 1633, 1611.0).
Both are compiled and translated in a very useful volume of the

Original Narratives of Early American History Series, Narratives

 

2; New Netherlands, 1609-166M, J. Franklin Jameson, ed. (New'York,

 

1908). The works of van wassenaer and De Laet are also published

in a rougher translation in Collections of the New York Historical

 

 

Society, Second Series, 8 vols. (18hl-59), I and II. There are a

few passages of Wassenaers WOrks found in the Collections of the

 

New York Historical Society that are not found in Narratives of

 

 

New Netherlands.

 

.A rare collection of pamphlets containing letters written by
William.Bradford of Plymouth Colony and Issack de Rasiere of New
Netherlands in which an attempt was made to establish trade
relations between the two colonies in 1627, as well as some
statistics compiled by De Last on the Nest India Company's trade

were discovered in the Vignaud Pamphlets (University of Michigan

 

library).

91

162A - 1630

Without the volume Document§_Relative to New Netherlands,

 

 

ggggrgg§§§,.a. J. F. van Laer, ed. (San Marino, California, 192M)
the sections of this work dealing with New Netherlands woud have
been impossible. There is no other single source which provides
as much information on these formerly obscure years as do the
documents in this collection. There are only fifty copies of
the book in existence.
With these documents as basic information the following

letters were utilized to fill the story. "Issack De Rasiere to
Sammuel Blommaert" (1628 2) and "Jonas Michaelius to Adrianius

Smoutius" (August 11, 1628) both found in Narratives gf New

 

Netherlands, J. Franklin Jameson, ed. One other letter not

 

included in the Narratives and published by itself has the distinc-

 

tion of being the earliest known letter written from.New Netherlands:
"Jonas Michaelius to Jan Foreest", (August 8, 1628) published along
with the original Dutch in Manhattan 13.;6gg, Dingham Versteeg, ed.
(New YOrk, 19Gb).

Both De Last and Nassenaer in their two works provided some
references that were used in addition to their treatment of the

period prior to 1623.

 

92

Secondary Sources

To the extent that secondary works could be utilized the

most valuable were Cambridge Modern History, A. W. Ward, G. W.

 

Prothero, Stanley Leathes, ed., 13 vols. (Cambridge, 1931;), IV:
also Samuel G. Nissensen, Patroon's m (New York, 1937). The
latter deals with the period that immediately followed that covered
here but much of the background material was useful since the book
is well documented both as to Rensselaerwyk and the West India
Company.

Other general works which provided background material were

Adrian Barnouw, The Pageant of Netherlands History (New York, 1952):

 

 

Bernard H. M. Vlekke, Evolutions 93 the Dutch Nation (New York, 19h5);

 

 

Curtis P. Nettels, Roots 9; American Civilization (New York, 19h7);

 

Iconography _o_f Manhattan Island, I. N. P. Stokes ed., 6 vols. (New

 

 

York, 1895-28), vol. IV; S. G. Fisher, lien, Women and Mapners in.

 

 

Colonial Times, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1898), Henry G. Bayer, Thg_

Belgians First Settlers in New York and the Middle States (New York,

 

 

1925).

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