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I ... ‘ l . . . ,l. . - . x I 0 v V ‘ r , .4 ‘ a. it v. o . .. 4 «. I A \ ya in“ or: .o’ {-1 1. Ar . \ ..- ‘ b. J .- ‘t at .[Wlk'I flu 0’ o. I n a I. K ... .fil.v|.t OI .- I . J. I I‘ o - -’.o t ill)... . .t.ofi . . ‘ . .r ...R- x. a :43... it. . .. .. .. I .. . 21/ .‘J .o~ .. 13 50 g . . . ..., r x .1. ....3: .h s o 1 _ . u . o . ‘. [VI-1 . ..lo thduo'J' h o u. u d I . A" ..‘In. I .. .v.. C. . 1o. . § - . . .o a. \. . o ‘f . q . ~ L ‘ «J! fol. .. ‘)¢K\'* .C .. .k . . - o. 4. V . r ,1: .. ...»..a. . u 0 § . .| .. .v a . ,. I . v" 2’ u t . - I) . ..r ... A a. (.4. .1. . O r. O . 00 3.0a _ a .-K 3.? 4 ..( .30...” .'. ....Ca.o I w. ' IO ‘4 0/’v 00 ‘0 . . h. I. 'AIWL G‘~ .~ x.r I. . .fl . .4 ..1 If». 2 ..Ion r . .6. . . ./ p A. O .. ..r 5... .c.... -«1... . . s .0 a . (5‘ .. Jv \ .v I ...“, . ... . a . . .o «odio (.5... ... ”qu0 . vs. V .I. I n(,v. . I t. . v t v. a . O. o .‘<. . .w .. 1r . of (A . J. 5.0! «1“. . 1 a i . .. ... .. .. A. A .. In .-.Jall . . . . I. a a . , .0 u v . sl r x. 'u o ..J. a}. . ”JO-(.‘ .1 ) ll ... d t; o . o..t . -. ‘... . Z . . . .. 5.!“ ‘ .o a; ... Iufixwlw NJ 2..“ . . a .. l . ... n . an”. ‘1 .- Io. .4 a.” A . ..‘L ls.o.vnoo. G.Jlro\c‘.* . .x.‘.a.§ ‘. .u. .. u [‘04 .u . a ‘ \nil. ..‘K’IWJ - \ 4,. .. .. ..cg . . - ......r .... ..,. L .. . . .. ». . ~ ~ . .9.. ‘ L .J .o f \ .s_..,..t " fi ‘ o a N. . .- .. R..- 4.....3‘VfwwW. .- § . .. . . .. .. f. ......r??.«?...Xb~fmuw£u1rn:_..._.,....;f. 5%....ygemffiu} .h..A..DA.£¢ 5.. a . 3.....53. 3...... fiz...%.£.£3;:....4. . . , V-u. “— Q ‘ " ‘0‘ -- 4 N' ' s— .- ‘4 ‘3'. . ‘. g ‘ THEblS ‘ {‘3 LIBRARYL} Michigan State ..-._, , w. .I THE NARCOTIC TRAFFICKER -- A TYPOLOGY By 91/ Robert wafilaylor A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE School of Criminal Justice 1974. Approved by: 0" airman W%.W '(Member) ‘5 ABSTRACT THE NARCOTIC TRAFFICKER -- A TYPOLOGY BY Robert W. Taylor The purpose of this report is to establish empiri— cal typologies for each of the four existing classifications (levels) within the narcotic traffic subculture. Further, it is the intent of this study to compare and develop ap- parent trends or patterns exhibited by each typology. The typologies consist of two profiles -- the social characteristic profile and the profile of criminal activity. The social characteristic profile identifies each subject by race, sex, age, education, marital status, occupation and legitimate income per year. The criminal activity profile describes the crime most frequently associated with the deli- very of narcotics, the addiction status of each individual and the past institutional encounters for each offender. The hypotheses of this study involve the possible relationships existing between classification (level) and profile, The subjects under study consisted of 42 individ- uals. These subjects comprise the complete pOpulation of persons convicted at the Federal level (by the Drug Enforce- ment Administration, U. S. Department of Justice), of deli- very of narcotics (opiates) within the city of Detroit, Robert W. Taylor Michigan, from the period between January, 1970 to January, 1974. These typologies resulted from the examination, study and observation of police and court records. The Federal Probation and Parole and the Detroit Police Depart- ment were the primary sources for such documents. The major findings of this project, as established through the deve10pment of typologies for each classifica- tion, are: 1) Narcotic traffickers, at all classifications (levels) will in all probability be male, Black and in their low 30's. 2) As narcotic traffickers advance within the narcotic traffic subculture; age, level of education and legitimate income per year increase. 3) Most narcotic traffickers have previous re- cords and previous institutional encounters involving crimes against prOperty (larceny, burglary, etc.). . 4) Narcotic traffickers occupying lower classifi- cations (levels) have a higher ratio of addiction, a lower income and a more mobile position within society. Their' counterparts, are in contrast, more established within a specific community. It is hypothesized that mobility is a major determinent and factor regarding success and function for each classification within the narcotic traffic subculture. Robert W. Taylor In conclusion, this study recommends that further research be directed at narcotic traffickers, and the rela- tionship each plays within his particular subculture and within society as a whole. THE NARCOTIC TRAFFICKER -- A TYPOLOGY BY .3/ Robert waiTaylor A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE School of Criminal Justice 1974 The material in this project was prepared under Grant No. 73-NI-99-1023 from the Office of Education and Manpower Assistance, Law Enforcement Assistance Administra- tion, U. S. Department of Justice. Researchers under- taking such projects under Government sponsorship are en- couraged to express freely their professional judgment. Therefore, points of View or opinions stated in this docu- ment do not necessarily represent the official position or policy of the U. S. Department of Justice. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A thesis of this type cannot be completed without the support of many people. It is for this reason, that the researcher wishes to acknowledge the assistance of the fol- lowing people for their individual contributions, c00pera— tion and time to this thesis: To Mr. Kenneth Christian and Dr. Victor Strecher, my co-advisors, I am indebted for their patience, encourage- ment and counselling. To Dr. Robert Lorinskas, a member of my graduate committee, I extend my sincere thanks. To Mr. John Enright, Dr. Albert Glass, Mr. Allan Pringle and Mr. James Ziegler of the Drug Enforcement Admin— istration for their valuable assistance to me in this re- search, I am deeply indebted. To my mother and father, for their continuing sup- port and encouragement, my respect and love. To my mother and father-in-law, for their under- standing and support, my deepest gratitude. And finally to my wife, Sherri, who has been a source of encouragement and understanding throughout the long hours spent on this project, I give my deepest love and appreciation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF DIAGRAMS O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O 0 Vi LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vii Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l Processes of the American Heroin Market . . 3 2. THE TYPOLOGY WITHIN CRIMINOLOGY . . . . . . . lO Legalistic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . ll Physical-Constitutional-Heredity Approach . 12 Psychogenic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Sociological Approach . . . . . . . . . . . l9 3. NATURE OF THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Statement of the Problem . . . . . . . . . 28 Significance of the Problem . . . . . . . . 29 Delimitation of the Study . . . . . . . . . '29 Focus of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 Statement of the Hypotheses . . . . . . . . 32 Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 4. METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 The Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 The Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Chapter 5. ANALYSIS OF NARCOTIC TRAFFICKERS IN DETROIT, MICHIGAN (JANUARY, 1970 TO JANUARY, 1974) . Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Social Characteristic Profile . . . . . . . Criminal Activity Profile . . . . . . . . . The Established Typologies . . . . . . . . Classification I - Typology . Classification II - Typology . . . . . . . Classification III - Typology . . . . . . . Classification IV - Typology . . . . . . . 6. COMPARISON OF THE TYPOLOGIES . . . . . . . . . Variables Within the Typology . . . . . . . Trends and Patterns Within the Typology . . Discussion of the Hypotheses . . . . . . . 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . General Overview of the Findings . . . . . Delimitation of the Study . . . . . . . . . Generalizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trends and Patterns Displayed . . . . . . . Application of the Findings . . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. THE HISTORY OF NARCOTICS AND NARCOTIC TRAFFIC IN AMERICA 0 I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O A Brief History of Narcotic Traffic in America 0 I O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O The Evolution of Narcotic Laws . . . . . . B. LETTERS OF SUPPORT AND COORDINATION FOR THESIS Page 48 49 49 61 66 67 68 69 70 71 71 73 77 81 82 84 84 86 87 89 95 96 96 108 124 Diagram 1. 2. LIST OF DIAGRAMS Map of Logistics -- Heroin Market . . Levels of Suppliers Buying--Selling Prices . . . . . . . The Heroin Market: Chain of Supply . Classification Systems -- Status within the Narcotic Traffic Subculture. . . Clarification of the Research Problem Hierarchy of the Narcotic Traffic Subculture--Breakdown of Population into Classification . . . . . . . . Example Worksheet . . . . . . . . . . vi 0 oo .28 .31 .42 .46 Table 10. 11. 12. LIST OF TABLES Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Encounters . Classification Classification Comparison of the Typologies . by Population . by Race . . . by Sex by Race by Age . . . by Education by Occupation . by Income per Year by Marital Status . by Past Institutional by Addiction by Crime . . vii Page 49 50 52 53 54 56 58 59 62 64 65 74 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION There are an estimated 250,000 to 315,000 narcotic addicts in the United States, each paying an esti- mated 20 dollars a day for an estimated 40 milli- grams apiece per day-~four or five tons a year. The leading law enforcement policy concerning the prevention and eradication of drug abuse is prohibition-- keeping drugs away from the pOple. This philosophy began ‘with the enforcement of the 1914 Harrison Narcotic Act, and it has remained the dominant theme of both anti-drug legis- lation and anti—drug education ever since. To respond ef- fectively to this type of policy, a large amount of attention must be directed toward the elimination of drug traffic. In June of 1971, President Richard Nixon declared a "national emergency" and proclaimed that "America's Public Enemy Number One is drug abuse." Consequently, he asked Congress to create the Special Action Office of Drug Abuse Prevention to plan, organize and coordinate the activities of enforcement regarding the control of illicit drugs. 1Edward M. Brecher and the Editors of Consumer Re- ports, Ligit and Illicit Drugs (Boston, Massachusetts: Little, Brown and Company, 1972), p. 92. .... ,IIII i}... [Ill-ll. . \. I u) \l u! .t'l’ll>llll’l -2- Creation of this new agency produced a drastic change in the administration's approach to drug abuse. No longer was it considered just a "judicial" war on drugs or a "legal matter"; but now, for the first time, some type of preven— tive enforcement was being implemented. The passage of new, stiffer drug control legislation and the tightening of U. S. borders against the inflow of drug traffic marked the era of enforcement change. In addition, the administration en- acted an international outlook concerning the control of foreign manufacture and exportation of drugs—-specifically involving the Opiates. These measures received substantial political support from middle class America, but did little to decrease the flow of drugs, especially Opiates, into large urbanized centers.2 The only notable effect was a sharp increase in the price of heroin on the street corner. The question to be asked, then, is "why" have our narcotic laws failed to control the problem of drug abuse? Two interrelating factors can be associated with this situation. First, the economic processes and organiza— tion of the American heroin market have not been fully re- alized; and secondly, the peOple involved in such activity have not been subject to detailed, empirical research. 2David E. Smith and George R. Gray, "It's so good don't even try it once" - Heroin in Perspective (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1972Y, Chapter 1. . _I.II‘I Ll. [[[li'tfll’lJL’kr -3- Therefore, a problem exists of not understanding or recog- nizing the system and/or the people involved in narcotic trafficking. In the past five years, there have been attempts to analyze or at least explain the American heroin market. To the author's knowledge, the best integration of the various attempts have been summarized by the writers and editors of "Consumer Reports."3 The result and summary of their find- ings is expressed in the following pages. \ Processes of the American Heroin Market DesPite the claims that growing requires special soils and climates, the opium poppy can be cultivated almost anywhere. Until recently (prior to the emergency of the Vietnam Conflict in the 1960's), most heroin entered the United States from Turkey. However, it is estimated that less than 7% of the total heroin harvest of today is produced in this region. Of the remaining 93%, almost 70% or one thousand tons per year, is grown and exported from the Golden Triangle region of Southeast Asia--consisting of northeastern Burma, northern Thailand and northern Laos (see Diagram 1). This region has been established and advanced, in part, by American intervention in Vietnam.4 3Edward M. Brecher, 0p. cit., Chapter 11. 4Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in South- east Asia (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1972), p. 9. .4- < m (5 a $258 22.3 :93... 93.33 E28 00000000 0' 828°: IIIII 9 ”I”; '2- 0:..520 I ”>0; 3.! >fluo< Hmaflsfluo >H :oflumonmflmmpao =mumammo umpnum: HHH cOADMOHmflmmMHO gmHmHmmOHO£3= "Canvas oocamucoo HH COH¥MOHMHmmmHU mBZMEMAm QUHmHmEm =mHmpHOQEH HOnm2= H GOHDMOHMflmmmHU mcoHDMOflmwmmmao .cflfio¢ HomEOOHOmcm noun Hmom Mom OEOOGH mumsfluflmoq coflummoooo moumum Havana: GoHumosom Mom omm comm oawmoum oeumflumuomumco Hmfioom ll \1 . n \I ll ‘ ' (IL {'1' ‘ll‘ I‘ll-I I -32- Given the data obtained by examination of records and files established by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Federal Probation and Parole Department, it is the intent Of this study to provide the following information: 1. What specific social characteristic profile can be associated with narcotic trafficking, by classification of the narcotic trafficker? 2. What Specific profiles Of criminal activity can be associated with narcotic trafficking, by classification Of the narcotic trafficker? a. b. 3. DO in in DO specific crimes cluster within the criminal pattern Of the narcotic trafficker? What is the relationship of criminal acti- vity profile to addiction status. narcotic traffickers engage concomitantly other illegal activity, if so, specifically what areas? DO narcotic traffickers engage in other illegal activity at different stages (time) in their criminal history? What is the percentage of narcotic traffic- kers who are addicted to an Opiate drug (by classification) while engaging in the crime of delivery of narcotics? 4. What effect does classification or status within the narcotic traffic subculture have upon the social characteristic profile? 5. What effect does classification or status within the narcotic traffic subculture have upon the criminal activity profile? Statement of the Hypotheses Hypothesis 1: Narcotic traffickers occupying Classification I have virtually no criminal record or pattern. -33- Hypothesis 2: Narcotic traffickers occupying Classifications III and IV have criminal patterns involving a large ratio Of prOperty crimes to crimes of violence. Hypothesis 3: Narcotic traffickers occupying Classifications I and II are pre- dominately male, white and upper socio-economic class Offenders. Hypothesis 4: Narcotic traffickers occupying Classifications III and IV are pre- dominately male, black and lower socio-economic class Offenders. The hypotheses for this study are based upon three contentions--the media portrayal, the public perception, and the enforcement personnel View Of the narcotic traffic subculture. The American media portrays narcotics and narcotic addiction in a variety Of ways. Public communication through the techniques Of television, radio and neWSpapers have, in the author's Opinion, depicted the narcotic traffic sub- culture as a racially, socially and economically segregated hierarchy. TOO many entertainment features have described the white, upper class executive exploiting the deprived, lower class minority for purposes solely based upon "selling" the product. The average Citizen has, unfortunately, a tendency to believe and/or identify with the inaccurate des- cription elaborated by media techniques. This situation has promoted an erroneous conception of who and what narcotic -34- traffickers in America resemble concerning social and be— havior variables.64 The public perception of narcotics and narcotic abuse reveals the contentions supported by mass media com- munications. The author suggests that peOple believe what they wish. In fact, any information concerning a contro- versial subject such as narcotic abuse tends to reinforce basic values and beliefs already asserted by individuals.65 These basic values are usually the result of personal en- counters, former education and parental guidance experienced by each individual. Thus, the general public attitude Of the narcotic traffic subculture is predetermined by individ- uals (based upon relevant past experience) and supported by the immediate environment (mass media). To explain what the public perception Of the narcotic traffic subculture is, involves the general overview of how peOple view the American society from a cultural standpoint. The first major contention of public attitude holds that wealthy, white individuals occupy the tOp echelons (executive status) Of society. The second contention holds that poor, minority (usually Black) individuals occupy the lower echelons of society. This American, cultural, hierarchial belief has 64Joseph T. Klapper, The Effects of Mass Communication (New York: The Free Press, 1965)} 65Ibid. -35- been promoted since the arrival of slaves in the Western world.66 The white, wealthy, upper class status ruling (or at least supervising) Black, poor, lower class individuals is a prominent theme in American history and culture.67 It seems reasonable that these same presumptions be asserted toward the narcotic traffic subculture. The final rationale for the hypotheses is supported upon interviews with local police authorities concerning their views of the narcotic traffic subculture. These interviews reflected the basic public perception previously described, as superimposed on enforcement personnel. The somewhat romantic idea of white, upper class executives smuggling large quantities of narcotics while reaping the benefits of such a product from a hooked, poor, Black, lower class population was prevalent throughout the author's interviews.68 In conclusion, the author has based the hypotheses Of this study upon three contentions-~the American media portrayal, the public perception and local police view Of the narcotic traffic subculture. 66Robert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1957) p.I101-120. 67Ibid. 68Interviews with Detroit Policemen and Drug Enforce- ment Administration personnel during the first three months Of 1974 in Detroit, Michigan. ' -36- Definition Of Terms The most frequently used terms are defined in the context in which they are used in this study. Typology: A "purposive, planned selection, abstrac- tion, combination and (sometimes) accentuation of a.set Of criteria with empirical referents that serve as a basis for "69 A collection Of statements comparison of empirical cases. which assert this is the way the narcotic traffickers are, these are the ways they behave. Classification: The representation Of a specific role and level existing within the narcotic traffic sub- culture; consisting of those positions outlined in Diagram 5. Status: The Specific role or level which is occupied within the narcotic traffic subculture by an Offender at any given time in his criminal career. Social Characteristic Profile: One of the major parts Of the develOping typologies, consisting Of those elements which identify the individual Offender by race, sex, age, education, occupation, legitimate income and marital status. Criminal Activity Profile: The arrest record, the addiction status and the past institutional encounters Of each offender. 69John C. McKinney, Constructiye Typology and Social Theory (New York: Appleton-Century, Crofts, Inc., 1966), pp. 3 and 203. -37- BEES: A chemical that interacts with the body chem- istry. . .that alters mood, perception and consciousness. For the purposes of this study, the term "drug" relates to the following substances: alcohol, nicotine, Opiates, co- caine, depressants, tranquilizers, stimulants, marihuana, hallucinogens and other miscellaneous chemicals (natural or synthetic).70 Drug Abuse: Codeword for that type of drug use which is presently deemed and considered "wrong" by society.71 The drugs subject to abuse are generally classified as alcohol, nicotine, Opiates, cocaine, depressants, tranquili- zers, stimulants, marihuana, hallucinogens and other mis— cellaneous chemicals (natural or synthetic). Opiate or Narcotic: The Specific set Of drugs which consist Of Opium, and the drugs and preparations which are derived therefrom, such as heroin, morphine and codeine. A common characteristic Of all Opiates or narcotics is their ability to produce addition-forming or addiction-sustaining 72 habits of use. Opium is a raw natural product, it is the dried juice of the unripe capsule of the Opium poppy (Papaver 70Samuel F. Levine, Narcotics and Drug Abuse (Cin- cinatti, Ohio: The W. H. Anderson Company, 1973)) p. 10. 71Second Report Of the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse, Drgg Use in America: Problem is Perspective, March, 1973, p. 13. 728amuel F. Levine, Op. cit., p. 13-14. -33- somniferum). MoEphine is the chief active ingredient in Opium; each grain Of Opium contains about one-tenth of a grain of morphine. Heroin (diacetylmorphine) is produced by heating morphine in the presence Of acetic acid.73 Addiction: The state Of mental, emotional and physi- cal dependence resulting from the use Of narcotics in suffi- cient doses over a period Of time--that is, the state by which the body "craves" a specific narcotic drug, and if the narcotic drug is discontinued, the body reacts in withdrawal sickness.74 Narcotic Trafficker: Any person directly involved in the selling, giving or dealing of illicit narcotic drugs; the so-called "hard drugs" consisting of an opium base such as heroin, morphine and Opium.75 73Edward M. Brecher, Licit and Illicit Drugs, p. l. 74Erich Goode, Drugs in American Society (New York: Alfred A. KnOpf, 1972), p. 23. 75Richard H. Blum and Associates, The Dream Sellers (San Francisco, California: JOssey-Bass Inc., Publishers, 1972), Chapter 1. CHAPTER 4 METHODOLOGY The purpose of this study is to examine the peOple involved in the trafficking of narcotics within the city Of Detroit, Michigan, between the period Of January, 1970 to January, 1974. Further, it is the intent Of this treatise to establish additional empirical elements to the typology Of narcotic traffickers as they exist according to the class- ifications of the narcotic traffic subculture. It is antici- pated that this study will lead to valid conclusions con- cerning the comparison Of typologies between classifications. The Population The subjects for this project developed from four existing classifications utilized by the Drug Enforcement Administration, U. S. Department Of Justice.76 The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), is a federal agency responsible for the enforcement Of all laws, regulations, and statutes concerning the use and abuse Of drugs. The Drug Enforcement Administration was enacted 76Refer to Diagram 4, page 27 for a detailed explan- ation Of the Classification System. -39- | l 1! {IL flflflflfl -40- through President Richard Nixon's Reorganization Plan No. 2 on July 1, 1973. The agency took over the administrative functions, manpower and budgets Of the following agencies: 1. The Bureau Of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD)--abolished as a separate entity by the Reorganization Plan. 2. The Office Of Drug Abuse Law Enforcement (DALE)--abolished by Section 2, Executive Order 11727. 3. The Office of National Narcotics Intelligence (ONNI)--abolished by Section 3, Executive Order 11727. 4. In addition, some 600 narcotic investigators Of the Bureau of Customs--transferred from the U. S. Department of the Treasury under the Reorganization Plan. The subjects for this treatise are comprised Of the complete population of persons convicted at the Federal level (by DEA) of delivery of narcotics (Opiates) within the city of Detroit, Michigan, from the period between January, 1970 to January, 1974. The population consists of 55 in- dividuals distributed within the classifications as follows: Classification I — 2 Classification II - 8 Classification III - 16 Classification IV - 16 Confidential Informants - 13 For the purposes Of this study, the 13 confidential informants were not analyzed in either profile. Their ex- ceptional vulnerability excluded the use Of data pertaining 77Drug Enforcement Administration, "A Unified Com- mand--John Bartels Discusses the Mission Of DEA," Drug Enforcement, V01. 1, NO. 1:2, 1973. -41- to their actions and associates. Thus, the total pOpulation under study number 42 individuals. The researcher would like to note the hierarchical structure exhibited within the convicted narcotic traffic subculture as it pertains to the size of the population. Within the subculture, there exists a chain Of command and a status Of position associated with each level (refer to Diagram 6). This chain of command or chain Of suppliers is similar to a modern merchandise organization. The top echelons are held by a few individuals (importers), while the lower levels incorporate the mass Of buyers (addicts). Like a modern business, the product (heroin) is imported by a few top ex- ecutives, refined and sold by a number of secondary wholesalers, again sold by a large number of retail dealers, and finally traded at the street level by small businesses. This situation has produced a system where Classifi- cation I may be correctly represented by two individuals, (for the complete pOpulation may only consist Of five peOple); whereas, Classification IV must be represented by a larger amount to depict the total population Of street pushers. What has been expressed is that as one goes up the levels Of the narcotic traffic subculture, the number Of peOple occupying the same level decreases. Further, each level delegates a specific status which dictates the norms, rules and functions for that position. Thus, a person occupying Classification II has a designated role associated l ‘ l.[.l[\ .l.r\IE (1 l.r.«..[f .‘4/ ..I ~.. L .1! 1[- 'lli. It'll.) )11111— '1! K [\ -42- CLASSIFICATION High Status -- "Importers" (2 Individuals) II -- "Wholesalers" (8 Individuals) III -- "Street Dealers" (16 Individuals) Low Status IV -- "Street Pushers" (16 Individuals) Addicts Diagram 6: Hierachy of the Narcotic Traffic Subculture-- Breakdown Of Population into Classification N=42 \./|I\u(ll~[s ’. -43- with the classification--in this example, that Of "whole- saler." How a person moves from one classification to an- other, is dependent upon the informal and formal codes ex- hibited by that particular system. The mobility factors involved in the narcotic traffic subculture are complex and will not be undertaken in this study. However, an under- standing that such a system prevails is essential in the comparison and the establishment Of typologies for each classification existing within the narcotic traffic subculture. The Procedure With the establishment Of the population, a worksheet was constructed for each of the 42 individuals. The work- sheet categorized the individual into Specific classification, social characteristic outline and criminal pattern. The sources yielding this Specific information were delivered by three agencies. First, the Drug Enforcement Administration presented a computer printout consisting of their disposed cases resulting in convicted traffickers within Detroit, Michigan, from January, 1970 to January, 1974. The information Obtained through study Of this printout resulted in the name, race, sex, age and classification of each listed offender. The information Obtained was a direct result from the Geo-Drug Enforcement Program, employed within DEA as a classification system for convicted narcotic traffickers.78 73Drug Enforcement Administration, U. S. Department of Justice, Geo-Drug Enforcement Program, 1972 (Office of Criminal Investigations), p. 28. -44- The second source of information was received through the Detroit Police Department. By COOperative Observation of investigation reports, background reports and arrest records; the criminal pattern, the relevant addiction infor- mation and the past institutional encounters for each Offender was noted. The Federal Probation and Parole supplied the final information from specific pre-sentence investigation reports. The remaining social characteristic profile (education, occu- pation, income and marital status) was establiShed for several individuals. Although the agency did not provide information on the complete population, their assistance was extremely beneficial. Thus, through the general observation and study Of Drug Enforcement Administration records, Detroit Police Department reports, and Federal Probation and Parole files, the empirical typologies Of each individual existing within the population was determined. (Refer to Diagram 7, for an example worksheet). Analysis The encoded worksheet for each subject was transferred to computer cards for analysis. A statistical program con- sisting Of cross-tabulations was developed to establish and measure the relationships existing between the following variables: 10. -4 5- Classification: Race: Age: Education Level: Occupation: Legitimate Income: Marital Status: Past Institution- al Encounters: Crime I: Addiction: The designated role and status associated with each level of the narcotic traffic subculture. (Refer to Diagram 4, page 27 for a detailed explanation of the classification system). Negroid (black) Oriental (yellow) Caucasian (white) The calculated age by years Of each subject. Less than a high school educa- tion. Possession of a high school education. Post high school education. Unemployed--not possessing a legitimate income. Unskilled worker--general labor. Skilled worker-~possessing a formal trade or craft. White collar worker--any cleri- cal or administrative position. The stated, yearly income of each subject at the time of arrest, (from a legal employer). Single Legally separated Divorced Married A simple "yes" or "no" state- ment regarding past institu- tional life. (Has the subject been convicted and sentenced before?). The most frequent crime in the subject's arrest record. A simple "yes" or "no" state- ment indicating if the subject was addicted to a narcotic drug at the time of arrest. -46- DATA WORKSHEET CLASSIFICATION SOCIAL CHARACTERISTIC OUTLINE -- Race Sex Age Religion Education Level Occupation Legitimate Income/year Marital Status. Military Discharge (type) Present Institutional Situation Past Institutional Encounters: yes no CRIMINAL PATTERN -- Crime I Crime II Addicted: yes no Diagram 7: Example Worksheet ing the -47- The following cross-tabulations were produced involv- indicated variables: 1. Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification Classification by Education by Race Education by Addiction Education by Sex Race Sex Race, Sex, Age Occupation Income Race, Race, Sex, Sex, Occupation Income Education Race, Sex, Education Marital Status Race, Sex, Marital Status Past Institutional Encounters Race, Sex, Past Institutional Encounters Crime I Race, Sex, Addiction Race, Sex, Addiction Crime I, Addiction Crime I Race, Sex, Education, Occupation, Income Finally, based upon the contingency tables asserted through the cross—tabulation of variables, broad inferences were suggested. These inferences were supported by the typo- lOgies established for each classification of the narcotic trafficker. CHAPTER 5 AN ANALYSIS OF NARCOTIC TRAFFICKERS IN DETROIT, MICHIGAN (JANUARY, 1970 to JANUARY, 1974) This analysis is an indepth examination of the persons involved in the crime of delivery Of narcotics in Detroit, Michigan. 'The purpose of this chapter is to establish the empirical typologies for each classification Of the narcotic trafficker as they exist within the narcotic traffic sub- culture. The social characteristic profile and criminal acti- vity profile for each Offender has been calculated and dis- played for establishment of the four typologies. The input format for each typology consists of eleven variables. Each variable will be discussed as a whole entity within each typology. The variables are classification, race, sex, age, marital status, education, occupation, income, past institutional encounters, addiction status and crime frequency. The following discussion will be based upon the cross- tabulation Of variables. TO avoid the duplication and cluster- ing of multiple tables, the results of the cross-tabulations have been integrated. Thus, some of the information discussed for each variable may not relate directly to the displayed tables. -43- -49_ Classification Each Offender is placed within one Of the four possible classifications. The classifications are predetermined accord- ing to the criteria set by the Drug Enforcement Administration. The breakdown Of the pOpulation is as follows: Table l CLASSIFICATION BY POPULATION Classification - Number Of Subjects I 2 II 8 III 16 IV 16 It is the purpose of this treatise to establish a specific typology for each of the above classifications. Social Characteristic Profile This outline or profile distinguishes each Offender by race, sex, age, education, occupation, income and marital status. Each variable is discussed as it relates to the social characteristic outline, the typologies under construc- tion and the delimitations of such a study. The EEEE_Of each Offender presented one Of the most crucial elements in the establishment of a profile for each classification. The population divided into two races, that Of negroid (Black) and caucasian (White). An abundance of Blacks (88.1% Of the total population) marked the first significant finding. -50- There were no representatives of the Oriental (yellow) race within this population. Table 2 CLASSIFICATION BY RACE (Percentages of Race by Classification) Classification White Black I -- 2 ~N=2 100.0 II 1 7 N=8 12.5% 87.5% III 1 15 N=16 6.3% 83.8% IV ' 3 13 N=16 18.8% 81.3% N=42 5 37 100% 11.9% 88.1% The overwhelming ratio of Blacks to Whites may be explained, in part, through the assertion of several contin- gencies. First, the city of Detroit, Michigan, has an excep- tionally large percentage Of Blacks. The latest figures in- dicate that the city has a racial composition consisting Of 43% Black, 50% White, 4% yellow and 2% other.79 This situa- tion may produce a higher ratio Of Blacks to Whites than in other large metropolitan centers. Secondly, the crime Of delivery of narcotics is fre- quently associated with lower class, ghetto areas. In continuance Of this thought, many sociologists have asserted 79A1ex poinsett, "The Dilemma of the Black Policeman," Ebony, May 1971, p. 2. -51- that narcotics are more likely to be abused in these areas.80 The use Of heroin is Often explained as a way to escape ghetto life.81 Thus, the peOple living within these areas are more likely to be narcotic addicts. It is a relevant fact that over 80% Of the slum areas in America are pOpulated almost ex- clusively by Blacks.82 Finally, if law enforcement personnel actively believe the above stated theory, then a type of selective enforcement is inevitable. Indeed, if slum areas do harbor an environment Of narcotic addiction, then Special enforcement attention will be directed at these locations. Specific law enforcement efforts pointed at these communities and their pOpulations may produce a higher ratio Of "apprehended" Blacks to Whites, based purely upon location and geographical factors Of resi- dency. The §2§.°f the population expresses another variable relevant to the develOpment of a typology for each classifica- tion. 80David E. Smith and George R. Gay, "It'sygo Good Don't Even Try it Once" -- Heroin in Pergpective (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.) p. 97. 81Ibid. 821bid. -52- Table 3 CLASSIFICATION BY SEX BY RACE Classifi- Black Black White White cation MaISS' Females Males Females I 2 -- -- -- N=2 II 4 3 1 -- N=8 III 9 1 -- 1 N=16 IV 13 -- 3 -- N=16 N=42 28 9 4 1 Male = 32 Black = 37 Female = 10 White = 5 A surprisingly large number of females are represented in Classifications II and III. Their ratio to males within these classifications are almost equal. However, in consider- ing the total population, a ratio of 3 males to 1 female is prevalent. The median age of the total population is 31 years. A somewhat high figure considering the average age Of a drug addict is 25 years.83 The following table represents the population by age groupings Of 5 years. 83Dan Waldorf, Careers in DO e (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Ha , Inc., ) Chapter 1. ..53— wv.N wm.v mm.m mm? wo.wm wm.¢w amp moor F N II o m mF m m quz wm.mm wm.m wm.N— wm.NP wm.hm mm.m mm.mp Opuz P F II N N m P m >H mm.mm mm.m mm.NF mm.hm mm.NP wo.mN Owuz II P II F N m N v HHH mm.NP wo.mN mm.NP wm.hm mm.NF mu II II II P N e m — HH woop Nuz II II II II N II II II H more» mummm, whom» whom» mace» mace» whom» whom» mN cowumowm Hm>o w mm mmlpm omnmv mvlpv owlmm mmlvm omlmN swap mama lemmmao Asowumowmammmao an mod mo mommucwouomv mw< mm onaéuHmHmmmqo v magma ..54- Possibly the most outstanding feature represented in the data concerns the average age Of males to that Of females. It was noted that females averaged approximately eight years younger than males. NO significant factor was seen in the issue Of race to age; however, Blacks did seem to be slightly Older than Whites (by 1-3 years). The average education Of the population was approxi- mately 10-1/2 years Of formal schooling. This figure repre- sents the majority Of individuals as expressed in Table 5 (having not completed a high school education). Only 2 Of the 42 subjects had fully completed a college degree. These individuals were in Classifications I and III, both Black males. On the average, Blacks seemed to have a better educa- tion than Whites, based upon the ratio who had completed high school. Table 5 CLASSIFICATION BY EDUCATION (Percentages Of Education by Classification) Classifi- Below High High Above High cation School School School I -- 1 1 N=2 50.0% 50.0% II 4 3 1 N=8 50.0% 37.5% 12.5% III 7 7 2 N=16 43.8% 43.8% 12.5% IV 9 6 1 N=16 56.3% 37.5% 6.3% N=42 20 17 5 100% 47.6% 40.6% 11.9% -55- Richard H- Blum has asserted that the education of apprehended violators is considerably lower than those who participate in the same criminal activity, yet never are arrested.84 This statement may infer that truly "successful" narcotic dealers are well educated. Indeed, educated enough to know the loOphOles and informal ways of not getting caught. Whereas, their counterparts who do become apprehended are almost handicapped and marked by their lack Of formal educa- tion. Undoubtably, the degree Of formal education does cor- relate tO the degree of sophistication exhibited by individual traffickers. However, the author is skeptical of such broad generalizations, especially when reviewing the records and files Of "Lucky" Luciano. Luciano never finished an eighth grade education, yet organized and headed the American Mafia for over thirty years, before being indicted. In expounding upon this hypothesis, Blum continues to assert the importance Of education as a comparative dif- ference between apprehended and nonapprehended narcotic traffickers. His argument leads to the issue of occupation as defined by formal education. According to Blum, non- arrested dealers hold "professional, white collar positions" 85 within society. The author feels that such a Situation 84Richard H. Blum Associates, The DreamSgllers (London, England: Jossey-Bass, Inc., 1972) p. 125. 851bid. _56- may exist; however, the occupation of white-collar positions are not dependent upon education but upon another factor-- mobility. The occupation for each Offender provided this aspect of interest. Nearly one-half of the total population (45.2%) held positions as unskilled laborers. This category frequently expressed through positions held within the auto manufacturing firms which situate in the city Of Detroit. These occupations differed from skilled auto worker positions (which produced the highest population Of skilled laborers), in that a trade or craft was necessary to perform the duties of that position. Such positions as welder, tool and dye maker, and plumber were considered skill jobs while positions such as window cleaner, assembly-line worker and janitor were not. Table 6 CLASSIFICATION BY OCCUPATION (Percentages of Occupation by Classification) Classifi- Un- White Un- cation Skilled Skilled Collar Employed I -- 2 -- -- N=2 100.0% - II 4 1 2 1 N=8 50.0% 12.5% 25.0% 12.5% III 6 2 4 4 N=16 27.5% 12.5% 25.0% 25.0% IV 9 5 2 -- N=16 56.3% 31.3% 12.5% N=42 19 10 8 5 100% 45.2% 23.8% 19.0% 11.9% -57.. The conditions Of unemployment Offered an interesting account. The five individuals occupying this situation were all females. Of these five females, all but one engaged in the illegal vice of prostitution; and unsurprisingly, were addicted to narcotic drugs. The important aspect concerning occupation revolves around the position of white-collar workers. The researcher defined this term as "any clerical, administrative or manage- ment positions." The data presented a large number of Offenders (6) who owned or Operated their own business. These people were categorized as white-collar subjects. In other words, 75% of those persons occupying white-collar positions Operated their own business. In reality, as a narcotic dealer becomes more SOphis- ticated in his criminality (delivery of narcotics), he must have access tO people, he must have mobility. This does not indicate that sophistication, mobility and high classifications coincide (as Blum would state). What it does imply is that "success" in narcotic dealing is Often associated with moving about and being free to contact people who wish to buy nar- cotics. The position Of owning your own business possibly affords the luxury of high mobility and high person-to-person contact. This situation is an important aspect when evaluating the occupation Of narcotic traffickers. The income breakdown for the pOpulation lends support to the importance of mobility for "successful" dealing. The -58— two individuals possessing incomes over $18,000 per year also owned and Operated their own business. In fact, all six of those subjects having their own business fell within the ten highest incomes exhibited by the population breakdown. Table 7 CLASSIFICATION BY INCOME PER YEAR (Percentages of Income by Classification) Classifi- Below 3 6,000 $12,000 Above cation $6,000 $12,000 $18,000 $13,000 I -- 2 -- -- N=2 100.0% II 3 3 1 1 N=8 37.5% 37.5% 12.5% 12.5% III 5 11 -- -- N=16 31.3% 68.8% 1v 3 10 2 1 N=16 18.8% 62.5% 12.5% 6.3% N-42 11 26 3 2 100% 26.2% 61.9% 7.1% 4.8% A second highlight Of the income breakdown reveals that Black males occupied nine of the ten highest incomes. Whereas, Black females occupied the five lowest incomes. The third feature characterizing the income of the pOpulation involves the $6,000 - $12,000 grouping. Approxi- mately 60% Of the population occupied this category. Accord- ing to the National Census Reporty 1970, the average income for an American citizen working within a metropolitan area is approximately $8,000.86 This situation may account for the abundance Of subjects falling within this section. 86National Census Report, 1970, page 210. -59- The marital status for each individual comprised the final variable under the social characteristic outline. The marital status depicts a slightly less than 50% married popu- lation. These figures reflect the current married and di- vorced percentages Of the United States' population as a whole.87 Table 8 CLASSIFICATION BY MARITAL STATUS (Percentages Of Marital Status by Classification) Classifi- cation Single Divorced Separated Married I l -- -- 1 N=2 50% 50% II 1 2 -- 5 N=8 12.5% 15.0% 62.5% III 2 7 2 5 N=16 12.5% 43.8% 12.5% 31.3% IV 2 4 1 9 N=16 12.5% 25.0% 6.3% 56.3% N=42 6 13 3 20 100% 14.3% 31.0% 7.1% 47.6% In evaluating Table 8, the researcher questions the issue of being truly "single.” Considering not only the marital status Of single, but also of divorced and separated, the total percentage Of "single" individuals represented over 50% Of the population. After analyzing the data, it was Shown that of this 50%, over 90% were either living with or cohabiting with 87Richard E. Quinney, ThelSocial Reality of Crime Little, Brown and Company) Chapters (Boston, Massachusetts: 3-4. -50- a member Of the Opposite sex. Even though these relation- ships are not legally bound, their influence on the subject's behavior may be an important variable in develOping a typo- logy for narcotic traffickers. The status of being married or cohabiting may afford the luxury of another income or the availability of narcotics. More than 90% of the addict population were cohabiting or married. This may indicate that such relationships form a financial or security arrangement for the addict trafficker. Another important part exhibited by the marital status concerns the sexuality of each offender. The data did not reveal any bisexual or homosexual behavior trends. The com- plete pOpulation was heterosexual. The author considers this an unusual finding. Dan Waldorf, in his book, Careers in Qppg, has noted the sexual deviance portrayed by addicts and narcotic dealers. He states that approximately 30% Of the female addicts and 3% of the male addicts engage primarily in homosexual or bisexual relations.88 The considerable dif- ference in these findings and in the findings resulting from the pOpulation under study, may be a result of incorrect re- porting. The stigma associated with homosexuality may have produced enough anxiety within the individual Offender as to suppress any admission concerning his or her sexual behavior. Even though the admissions of this population were usually 88Dan Waldorf, Op. cit., page 171. -51- substantiated through a pre-sentence investigation, a per- son's sexual life is Often too private to reveal any relevant deviance. When considering the economic relationship between homosexual deviance and addiction, it is hard to believe that the total population under study did not portray some type of sexual deviance. Criminal ActivitnyrOfile The criminal pattern constitutes the second major profile within the typologies for each classification. Three important variables form the criminal pattern. They are the past institutional encounters, the addiction status, and the most frequent crime existing within the arrest record of each individual. Past institutional encounters represent a statement concerning the past conviction and institutional life of the individual narcotic trafficker. Simply stated, it is an in- dication of whether or not an Offender has been previously convicted and sentenced to institutional life. Of the 42 individuals within the population, 71% had been previously convicted Of a felonious crime resulting in the sentencing Of that person to a state or federal institution. . 1 1|- E’Ill..['lll.l‘lllll._i[|‘ Ill. (It‘ll —f‘[l[ll|llllll\_ III I .[.[-2{[2[1‘.4[£ [I ll‘.: .Il'lllll.‘ .'.T.III.III‘ I‘ll ) -52- Table 9 CLASSIFICATION BY PAST INSTITUTIONAL ENCOUNTERS (Percentage of Classification POpulation) Classification YES NO I 2 -- N=2 100% II 4 4 N=8 50% 50% III 11 5 =16 ' 68.8% 31.3% IV 13 3 N=16 81.3% 18.8% N=42 30 12 100% 71.4% 28.6% It is interesting to see that both Offenders occupy- ing Classification I (Major Importers), had been previously convicted. Also, a substantial amount of those individuals occupying Classification IV had been previously convicted. Another important feature indicated that the entire popula- tion Of White males had served time, while only 64% Of the Black males had been previously convicted. A cross-tabula- tion Of addiction by paSt institutional encounters reveals that the entire pOpulation of addicted Offenders had served time previous to their present situation. The addiction status Of the population indicates an important pattern. First, the two Black males occupying Classification I were not addicted; and secondly, Of the total pOpulation, only 35.7% were addicted to a narcotic drug. Classification by race by addiction reveals that 55% of the .ll 3. I I): Lilln.flllnlln\[1[t ‘1 ‘ [it .Lfi: [It‘lll‘ ' III' -53- Black pOpulation were addicted, whereas only 20% of the White pOpulation occupied the same addiction status. The researcher believes that such a low number of addicted Offenders may be the result of two contingencies. The author hypothesizes that as one moves up the hierarchy of the narcotic traffic subculture, the amount of narcotic addiction among members decreases. Secondly, this study only reveals those persons "addicted" to a narcotic drug; however, further research into the abuse of other drugs (i.e., cocaine, amphetamines, barbit- uates, marihuana and especially alcohol) may Show a substan- tial number of habitual abusers. A study of this type has been performed by Richard H. Blum. In his book, The Dream Sellers, Mr. Blum empirically reveals: The histories Of the dealers shows that nearly all (476 of 480) are themselves involved in illicit-drug use, that the majority Of dealers have at one time or another used a variety of psychoactive substances (including alcohol, tobacco, sedatives, amphetamines, cannabis, hallucinogens and Opiates); that some dealers decrease their drug use as they grow Older, whereas others continue to use at least some potent substances with increasing frequency. A hierarchy Of drug preferences, measured by an index of enduring favorites, ranks tobacco, cannabis and the Opiates first and sedatives and the special substances (glue, thinner and so on) last.89 89Richard H. Blum, Op. cit., p. 30. -64- Table 10 CLASSIFICATION BY ADDICTION (Percentage of Classification Population) Classification YES NO I -- 2 N=2 100% II 2 6 N=8 25% 75% III 7 9 N=16 43.8% 56.3% IV 6 10 N=16 37.5% 62.5% N=42 15 27 100% 35.7% 64.3% A breakdown Of education by addiction indicates that 14 Of the 15 subjects possessed a high school education or less. Only one subject had completed a year of post high school education. The average age of the addicted population was 32 years. The BEETS frequency distribution exhibited by the data expressed the final trends relevant to this study. A surprisingly high percentage of the population (21%) had never been arrested prior to their present involvement. (Refer to Table 11). A breakdown Of classification by race by addiction by crime distinguishes two major areas Of criminal activity-- property crimes and violent crimes. 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