EXAMINING THE INFLUENCE OF MENTORS ON BLACK FOOTBALL PLAYERS
ON PREDOMINATELY WHITE COLLEGE CAMPUSES
By
Whittney Brandon

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
SOCIOLOGY
2012

	
  

ABSTRACT
EXAMINING THE INFLUENCE OF MENTORS ON BLACK FOOTBALL PLAYERS
ON PREDOMINATELY WHITE COLLEGE CAMPUSES
By
Whittney Brandon
Based on interviews 21 with black student-athletes, this qualitative study identifies
critical factors that help African American football players to adjust academically,
socially, and emotionally to university life. The participants were members of two
National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division 1 Football Bowl Subdivision
teams. The study focuses on why black student-athletes are experiencing difficulty
transitioning on predominately white campuses and simultaneously rejecting current
mentor programs aimed to help them adjust successfully. The study uncovers the reason
behind black players dismissal of mentor programs and call for a redevelopment of
mentor programs with younger actors, focused on community engagement in order to
decrease the graduation rate gap. Compared to black student-athletes who lacked
effective mentors, black student-athletes with mentors they embraced fared better.
Keywords: mentors, development, isolation, football

	
  

Copyright by
WHITTNEY BRANDON
2012

	
  

	
  

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………….v
INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………...1
TRANSITION TO COLLEGE LIFE……………………………………………………...2
DATA AND METHODS…………………………………………………………………6
FINDINGS ………………………………………………………………………………12
CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………………….17
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………..20

iv	
  

	
  

LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE 1. PLAYER ISOLATION MODEL…………………………………………19

v	
  

	
  
Introduction
In the field of sports studies a relevant amount of research has been devoted
toward the graduation gap between black and white football players, however, few
studies have looked at the specifics required for a successful transition from a high school
student athlete into a graduation-track college student athlete (Eitzen and Purdy 1986).
This study has three purposes. To begin with, identifying key stressors that effect special
populations, who are considered a double-minority, social minorities on college
campuses (e.g. black, student-athlete) encounter barriers to successful transition
especially when these individuals support minority positions or viewpoints. The two
social minority characteristics coming together create a double-minority status (Walls
1998). Next, this study will provide an assessment of the level of influence social-spatial
determinants have on black student-athletes at the Division 1 level. In that student
athletes are mutually influenced by the social and political structures of their local
environment and help shape the social and political structures of their campus
environments (Soja 1980). With this in mind, identifying what factors influence
successful adjustment of black student-athletes to college life and if the active presence
of a mentor can help ease the transition from high school to college level sports,
academia, and social adjustment. This study will also address two main questions. First,
why are black athletes experiencing difficulty integrating into white university campuses?
Next, why are some black student athletes rejecting college-adaptation programs aimed to
assist with their transition academically, emotionally, and socially to campus life?

	
  

1	
  

	
  
Transition to College Life
The transition from adolescence to adulthood remains a critical and vulnerable
period in the life course as it involves monumental social role changes (Schulenberg,
Sameroff, and Cicchetti 2004). For black student-athletes this transition period is most
likely to occur during their scholarship contract at their respective university.
Schulenberg, Sameroff, and Cicchetti (2004) suggest that this transitional time period
may also influence one’s trajectory of psychopathology and mental health status. During
this critical stage, one’s life experiences are greatly diversified and developmental
milestones occur simultaneously (Cohen, Kasen, Chen, Hartmark, & Gordon, 2003;
Schulenberg, O’Malley, Bachman, & Johnson, forthcoming; Sherrod, Haggerty, &
Featherman 1993). Throughout the developmental transitionary period from high school
to college, various social actions should be assessed differently during various stages of
the life course, “Behaviors that in one context are considered deviant, in another may be
age-appropriate,” (Schulenberg, et al. 2004).
In the case of black student-athletes, such behaviors as substance use or group
fighting in defense of a friend may be a method of social bonding. The displays of unity
or brotherhood can also be explained as elements of cool masculinity or cool pose
(Majors and Billson 1993). The term cool is used to express a long standing coping
mechanism adopted by black males to adjust the dominant definition of masculinity as
some elements have been elusive due to the history of racism and discrimination in the
US and not just viewed as a colloquial phrase. To explain further, “By cool pose we
mean the presentation of self many black males use to establish their male identity. Cool
pose is a ritualized form of masculinity that entails behaviors, scripts, physical posturing,

	
  

2	
  

	
  
impression management, and carefully crafted performances that deliver a single, critical
message: pride, strength, and control,” (Majors and Billson 1993). Displays of cool
masculinity while acceptable in many urban environments, black students may feel
pressure to conform on their predominantly white campuses (Matthews 2009).
Melendez (2008) conducted a study on the social and developmental issues
experienced by black athletes from urban cities transitioning into a predominately white
academic institution with a majority of white coaches and student peers. Experiences on
the team (judging, differing values, conformity, expectations), city stressors (behavioral
and value expectations), experiences in the city (inhospitable, intolerant, unwritten rules,
racist), academic stressors (grades, retention, stigma), experiences on campus
(stereotyping of black athletes, rejecting, resentful), and athletic stressors (winning,
performance) all led to black players’ emotional realties of mistrust, self-protection, and
isolation (Melendez 2008). Many players interviewed in the study confessed that they
felt obligated by their coaching staff to “sell out” in order to bypass harsh judgment from
some non-athlete black peers, white teammates, and white coaches alike. The concept of
“selling out” was defined by black student-athletes as, “giving up one’s cultural values
and beliefs and, in turn accepting those of the majority culture,” (Melendez 2008).
Differing cultural codes and forced assimilation can lead to resentment and mistrust of
white coaches by black student-athletes (Melendez 2008).
A singular definition of mentorship still remains an elusive goal, but is applicable
when a relationship between a young adult and more experienced mentor develops and
when the mentor offers support, advice, and guidance (Kram 1988 and Merriam 1983).
As noted by Bloom, Durand-Bush, Schinke, and Salmela (1998) college students with

	
  

3	
  

	
  
mentors, “experienced more positive changes in their self-confidence and overall
developmental status compared to their matched controls,”(p.269). Furthermore, Vallant
and Milofsky (1980) reported that mentoring positively influenced identity and intimacy.
In regards to student-athletes, “athletes who had mentors acting as confidents, counselors,
or positive role models reported a higher degree of comfort to express emotions and
commit to relationships,” (Bloom et. al 1998: 270). In our case, revised mentoring
programs geared for student-athletes that include the supportive dynamics for black
players should be made a priority. Player development is an all consuming task that
many high profile programs do not account for as their coaches are spread too thin and
cannot devote enough time to mentor the amount of players on a traditional football team
(Willis 2011).
Smith (2007) discusses issues of distrust and defensive individualism among lowincome black populations. The concept of distrust in low economic neighborhoods is
highly complex in nature and should not be viewed as a universal truth. In one study
conducted by Gerald Suttles (1968) found there to be racial differences in various types
of social support in the low- income neighborhood he profiled. However, Suttles only
found racial differences in social support among adults in the neighborhood and not in
adolescents (Suttles 1968). In regards to black student-athletes, most enter college at
ages 17 and 18 and may bring a trusted peer group philosophy with them to college.
According to Smith (2007) individuals are classified as a “high” truster or a “low”
truster, with no direct benefit from either category. While high trusters may be more
susceptible to disappointment from trusting the wrong person or organization, low
trusters may miss opportunities due to consistently holding back. However even if a

	
  

4	
  

	
  
black student-athlete came into a football program as a high-truster it may be more likely
that they turn into a low truster after their experiences with the coaching staff after their
freshman year (Smith 2007).
Trust networks are earned and developed over long-standing reciprocal
relationships. These networks can be analyzed through the strength or fragility of close
ties (Smith 2007). A study of networks on black street-corner men in, Tally’s Corner
(1967) researcher Elliot Liebow hypothesized:
Many of his subjects’ relationships were doomed to fail because they tended to
develop intimate relationships very quickly, publically declaring their
commitment to one another by “going for brothers” or “going for cousins,” for
example, and offering the requisite material and social support assumed to exist
between individuals occupying these formal roles without learning the personal
history of their “brother” or “cousin” and without establishing through a series of
ever increasing exchanges the mutual trust and displays of trustworthiness
needed. As a result, friendships did ‘not often stand up well to the stress of crisis
or conflict of interest, when demands tend to be heaviest and most insistent.
Everyone knows this. Extravagant pledges of aid and comfort between friends
are, at one level, made and received in good faith. But on another level, fully
aware of his friends’ limited resources and the demands of their self-interest, each
person is ultimately prepared to look to himself alone’ (180).
This type of network is heavily encouraged by many coaching staffs and refer to
their programs as a “Football Family” or that teammates are to be considered as a
“Fraternity of Brothers” as early as the first recruiting visit in some cases. Therefore,
there is a high degree of fragility in those close ties formed with teammates and coaches
who express this mantra.

	
  

5	
  

	
  
Data and Methods
Upon approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) twenty-one black
research participants were selected based on their current or former membership to a
Division 1 football program. All participants were approached on a volunteer basis and
on the grounds that their names and any information disclosed that may identify them be
kept confidential. The office of compliance and the department of athletics of each
university were contacted in order to obtain permission to interview student athletes on
campus. The athletic department was also contacted in order to help facilitate times that
student athletes could meet during study table hours to participate in the one-on-one
interviews. Each interviewee was first presented a confidential consent form that
explained the purpose of the research, informed them of the voluntary nature of their
participation, and detailed contact information if any questions or concerns emerged at
any point in time. The majority of the interviews took place on weekend study hall hours
and a few took place after morning meetings during the weekdays.
Interviews were conducted on two different University campuses that will be
identified as “University X” and “University Y.” Student Athletes interviewed at
University X has a student enrollment over 35, 000 undergraduate and 10,000 postgraduate students. University Y has a student enrollment upwards of 20,000
undergraduates and 2,000 post-graduate students. Both universities are widely known for
their traditional winning football programs as well as perpetual division championship
contenders. A total of twenty-one current and former student athletes were interviewed.
Only one of the twenty-one players were from a campus based town.

	
  

6	
  

	
  
The survey instrument contained five sections: Experience in High School (1),
Experience in College (2), Transition with Mentor (3), Transition without Mentor (4),
and Perceived Issues (5). In section one, research participants were first asked
background questions regarding, race, class rank (underclassman or upperclassman), and
to identify their parent’s social class status. From there, research participants were asked
to describe their high school football experience as a student athlete, their intimate
relationships with parents, coaches, and mentors (if applicable), and what assistance if
any they received in regards to academic studies and emotional issues.
Section two required players to describe their experiences in college as a student
athlete, elaborating on the relationship they developed with their coaches, the academic
transition from high school to college, and who or where they seek emotional support to
discuss life issues such as relationship troubles, legal matters, or a friend’s death. Section
three focused on questions on how the transition from high school to college transpired if
the participant identified a mentor, while section four were delegated to participants who
did not identify having a mentor present. Section five allowed the players to discuss
some of the perceived issues they were facing regarding the community’s response to
their presence and/or reputation in the town by fans, local residents, and non-athlete
student peers. They also were asked if they felt comfortable on campus and in the
surrounding town, if they had experienced any type of discrimination, and if a mentor
assisted them in this transition period.
A social anthropological approach was applied during the data collection process
in order for the researcher to gain a special perspective and understanding of how black
student-athletes interpret their social reality (Berg 2004). The researcher worked as an

	
  

7	
  

	
  
academic mentor to black football players for 1.5 years at a Division 1 level program in
order to conduct a thorough participant observation in addition to conducting one-on-one
semi-structured interviews after the duration of employment as a mentor. First hand,
knowledge of what how the athletic academic staff and coaches manage the academic
careers of the football players was a critical element in identifying the level of agency
football players had in their academic careers. As well as what programs were in place to
assist them in their overall player development socially through religious athlete
programs and black focused black programs sponsored by the athletic program.
All data was coded into seven categories: mentor status, high trusters, low
trusters, connectedness and comfort level, academic standing, perceived fan support, and
family involvement. Mentor status was noted in order to compare the remaining six
categories against the group of students who had a mentor present and those who did not,
in order to determine if mentorship had a direct influence. The high and low trust
category was used to note how open and trusting the student athlete towards the football
program and assistant coaches. High trusters are more likely to trust coaching staff and
teammates without much hesitation. Low trusters are less likely to trust coaching staff
and teammates and remain cautious. Connectedness and comfort level was used to
measure the success of their adjustment to college from high school. Perceived fan
support provided information on crowd support or disapproval and how that affected
them personally. Family involvement gave insight on their kin support network.
All research participants identified themselves as black or African American.
Nineteen participants were between the ages of 18 and 24. Two former athletes over the
age of 40 were interviewed in order to note if there were any significant changes in the

	
  

8	
  

	
  
personal narratives of black student athletes that may be used for a future continuation of
this study. The majority of blacks players did not report having a mentor. The few
participants who did identify a present mentor, stated that their mentors were typically
within 10 years of age. Some mentors were senior members on the football team, older
brothers, younger coaches, or assigned mentors from their respected athletic department.
Only a handful of black players described experiencing a good/smooth transition
from high school to college compared to the majority of participants who described a
more difficult transition. The majority of black players found the transition to be difficult
based on rigorous academic demands, unfamiliarity with how college football programs
are managed, and instability with fickle fan base. Players that found their transition to be
largely positive identified having a hometown similar to that of their university and
having attended a high school that prepared them for college academic work. An
overwhelming number of the black players interviewed commented on being open and
trusting. Those athletes were classified in the high truster category. Fortunately, only a
small portion of black players interviewed expressed feelings of being wronged by
previous coaches and family members prior to attending college and thus were
categorized as being a low truster.
Over half of black players interviewed reported that they felt disconnected to the
surrounding town and football program. Many players identified high school football as
a tightly bonded family and described college football as more of a business. Therefore,
they felt largely disconnected from their coaching staff. The number of players on a
college team is also substantially larger than on a high school roster, thus while players
felt close to some players they barely knew others. In addition, the majority of black

	
  

9	
  

	
  
players described their campus to be vastly different from their hometowns and found it
difficult to connect on many levels. Of the players that felt connected to their team and
campus community identified (1) having a strong family or long standing friendship tie
within short distances or (2) that their new town reminded them of their town of origin or
(3) they developed a close bond with their position coach. In terms of academic status,
all athletes were asked to comment on their academic standing with the university
currently. Players that self-reported being in good academic standing (57%) slightly
edged out those who self-reported being on academic probation (42%) by either
university standards or standards set by their head coach.
A very small portion of interviewees felt that fans were consistently positive
toward the team, players, and coaches while the majority of respondents felt the fans
were either negative or fickle with their support. The majority of athletes surveyed stated
that the fan support was extremely fickle in nature. For example, when the team is
winning the fans show up to the games and scheduled community events in large
numbers and most interactions with students on campus are pleasant and congratulatory.
However, if the team is losing a host of other problems occur, such as negative media
campaigns, hostile fans, snide remarks from professors, and non athlete student peers
verbally attacking the football program as a whole or individual players and coaches.
The level of family involvement was measured based on who they went to for
emotional support (social and football related). The majority of players reported that
their family had a high level of involvement while they were in high school. However,
high levels of family involvement drop once players moved and started college. The

	
  

10	
  

	
  
majority of players reported low family involvement in college and only a small fraction
reported that their families remained highly involved in college.

	
  

11	
  

	
  
Findings
Black student athletes face barriers transitioning to a predominately white
university campus lifestyle. According to the data, many black athletes are entering
college as high trusters but are quickly discouraged by an environment that is susceptible
to fickle fan support and a false sense of family. This vulnerability is heightened by the
instability in a high head coach job turnover rate that is not present in high school
football. Many black players are hundreds of miles away from their hometown without
the close physical proximity support of family or mentor that may lead to high levels of
isolation.
While black student athletes strongly desire a mentor to help with their transition,
they reject the current transition based programs. Players from University X described
two college-adaption programs that both centered on mentor relationships. Most players
deemed those programs failures as the mentors assigned were “out of touch” with their
lifestyle. However, the desire for a more appropriate mentor remained strong. Players
from University Y did not have a formalized college-adaption program in place.
Nevertheless, players from University Y that stated they had a good transition from high
school to college gave credit to the consistent support of a mentor. And of those players
from University Y that did not have a mentor present, expressed a need and desire for
one.
Players from University X and Y who identified having a mentor described
having a close confidant to discuss life issues relevant to confidential football matters,
relationship problems, coaching changes, and other matters to were more connected and
less isolated than those who did not have a mentor.

	
  

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Melendez (2008) noted that student-athletes can be “victims of animosity and
resentment resulting from their elevated social status”(p.432). Furthermore, stereotypes
such as “dumb jocks” or “thugs” permeates throughout college campuses from their nonathlete peers and the faculty (Engstrom and Sedlacek, 1991; Engstrom, Sedlacek, &
McEwen, 1997). Players interviewed for our study were in agreement with these
sentiments however many narratives echoed that Division 1 football was more of a
business and that their transition from high school improved once they detached
themselves personally from certain aspects of the overall experience. For example one
player stated,
I don’t really trust any of the coaches, cuz I don’t feel like they look out for any of
my best interests. It’s like you’re a factory worker. You go in there, do your job
and then you’re out and someone else comes. The system keeps replacing itself.
Our head coach does the best but the other assistant coaches they don’t care, they
only want to promote themselves, I wouldn’t trust no one.
The factory analogy or business like model is a stark contrast from the experience
most players identified with having in high school. Collectively players looked back
fondly on their high school football experience as a true family bond. It was common for
players to spend time in their coach’s homes; share meals with their coach’s family, and
many reported that their parents also had a close relationship with the coaching staff.
Typically, high school coaches are long standing members of the community and teach
classes at the school they coach. In contrast, Division 1 college coaches are hired only to
coach and do not teach college courses. Coupled with high media and alumni demands
limited time remains to spend with players or build rapport with their parents.
Black player college graduation rates have increasingly improved over the last ten
years, however seven of the top ten teams fall below the graduation average (Weiberg,

	
  

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2010). In 2010, sixteen of the top twenty-five Bowl Championship Series teams also fell
below the four year standing graduation average (Weiberg 2010). Many of these
universities are located in predominantly white university campuses such as Boise, Idaho,
or Eugene, Oregon. Academic performance may be influenced by the social-spatial
conditions of the football programs located on predominantly white university campuses
According to Klein (1993) spatial conditions affect participation in sports especially
among minorities.
When one player was asked what he found to be the most challenging in his
transition to campus life, he responded:
Money and transportation. Sometimes I just have to ask for rides, like everyone
else. We are only allowed to work during the summer, I could ask Coach if I
could get a job, but he would probably say no, that’s only for walk-ons.
Many football programs do not encourage their athletes to get jobs and the financial
assistance provided to them is limited with a good portion of their checks going towards
on-campus housing. Moreover, many universities do not allow freshman students to have
a car while attending school. This decreases the accessibility many black athletes have to
their familial support system and increases the distance to familiar cultural cornerstones
such as barbershops, churches, and black populations.
Cosgrove (1986) found that college students with mentors, “experienced more
positive changes in their self-confidence and overall developmental status compared to
their matched controls,” (p.269). With the completion of this study, similar results
confirmed Cosgrove’s findings. Of the black players that identified having a mentor
present they also reported having a good transition to college and felt more connected to
the campus and team. University X has attempted to establish a mentor program

	
  

14	
  

	
  
specifically with their black student athletes in mind. It included many black pastors and
other local black community leaders that served as mentors. The mentors met the student
athletes during their assigned training table (dinner) hour and exchanged email and phone
numbers with players in hopes of setting up a meeting in the player’s free time. One
player who rejected their suggested mentor that was assigned to him during his freshman
year through a mentor program that has since been terminated, noted this:
They would come meet us at training table and we would talk to them. Exchange
emails and I don’t know they just did a terrible job. I mean you have to fit at the
right spot, personality wise. This guy was just talking about ‘wanna meet me up
for pancakes?’ and I don’t have time for that. So I mean if they do a mentor
(program), maybe it should be somebody in college or just got out of college and
not set in their old ways.
The player mentioned that he thinks a mentor would help him, but also believes that a
mentor who is “out of touch” is useless.
Smith (2007) classifies individuals based on their trust level propensity as “high”
or “low” trusters. Smith did not find a direct benefit to either category however both face
various consequences. For instance, high trusters are vulnerable to disappointment from
placing faith in an untrustworthy source, and low trusters may miss out on positive
opportunities. Trust networks are earned and developed over long-standing reciprocal
relationships. These networks can be analyzed through the strength or fragility of close
ties (Smith 2007). Therefore, traditional football mantras that spread the message of
having a “Football Family” by coaches to the media and young players, especially during
the recruitment process can be potentially damaging to a young players’ psyche. One
player noted:
You know coach says were like family, which is cool. But it really is more of a
business. I feel that is more like a business, more than anything.

	
  

15	
  

	
  

When asked how his relationship was with the coach who recruited him was he
responded:
He’s defense, I’m offense. We don’t talk anymore. We might pass each other in
the hall and he’ll say something about my grades.
There appears to be a disconnect between what the coaches are professing and what the
players are actually feeling. The majority of players interviewed were classified as being
high trusters that possibly made them more susceptible to disappointment during their
first year in college. When one player was asked to describe the relationship with his
position coach he responded:
We don’t talk no more, yea I don’t really like him, I don’t really care that he
doesn’t like me.
When asked if he trusted his coach he exclaimed:
Hell no!
The false sense of closeness may be more detrimental to black student-athletes
psychosocial development. Collectively, black players trust level of the football program
dramatically decreased after their first year at school.
From the narratives of the players, a conceptual map (Figure 1) was created to
show how the fragility of the player’s relationships with teammates and coaches at the
college level in conjunction with an unwelcoming new town magnify a weak social
support network that creates a space for player isolation and academic concern. Figure 1
serves as an illustrative model of the fragility of close ties among teammates, the mistrust
of the assistant coaching staff, the emotionality from feeling unwelcomed in their new
university town, and the lack of a social support system that all resulted in some form of
isolation and academic concerns

	
  

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Conclusion
This study examined black student-athletes transition to college life on
predominantly white campuses based on their attitudes and experiences with current
transition based programs. The research finds that while there is a strong need for these
programs, the right actors are necessary for their success. By focusing on the perceptions
and experiences of black college football players from a comprehensive standpoint
including academic status, emotional well-being and social markers allowed for the
development of a conceptual map of trust networks and coping strategies that
successfully transitioned black football players implemented. This assessment allowed
for the acknowledgment of what tools and actors assisted in comprehensive player
development for black football players to move toward graduation during their college
careers. Moreover, recognizing the level of influence mentors have on the level of
comfort and trust to a new environment, teammates, coaches, and academic staff. Thus,
if a student athlete has a sense of connectedness to their university, a greater sense of
agency may occur in their academic performance as well.
Players reported that their fan base was fickle in nature and the community only
supported the football program when the team maintained winning records. The mistrust
of coaches combined with a lack of social support and underutilization of social support
services all lead to player isolation. Due to the large portion of black players coming into
to college as high trusters, there are more consequences to successful adjustment
academically and emotionally when that trust is proven unworthy. However, black
student-athletes who reported having a mentor during their college careers also reported
that they had a positive transition to from high school to college and felt more connected

	
  

17	
  

	
  
to town and team. Players who reported not having a mentor thought it might have been
helpful if they had a mentor that they could share and relate.
Some players who were a part of a mentor program at one point in their college
careers consider those mentor programs to have failed them. Collectively they felt that
the mentors assigned to them were either too old or out of touch with their lifestyles.
Mentor programs with younger mentors that have familiarity with the elevated social
status of student-athletes and insider knowledge of the inner workings of Division 1
football programs would most likely prove successful. Thus, I conclude that a collegeadaption based mentor program with younger mentors and a greater focus on community
engagement would greatly assist black student-athletes transition to campus life. An all
encompassing emphasis on student athletes transition to college may lead to better
graduation rates for players.

	
  

18	
  

	
  
FIGURE 1. PLAYER ISOLATION MODEL

Player Isolation
& Academic
Concerns

No Social
Support Kin,
Coaches, etc.	
  	
  

Mistrust of
Assistant
Coaches

False Sense of
Family

	
  

19	
  

Unwelcoming
Campus &
Fickle Fan
Support

	
  

BIBLIOGRAPHY

	
  

20	
  

	
  
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