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W... c ”a... ,..,._ .. .. u..~.~wg 233032 E Hmcoaumnaooo 1“ V” cowumosum D. 12 2 - There is .3 relationship between educational attainment and occupational achievement level, possibility for upward mobility, occupational self—direction, and self—esteem. 3 — There is a relationship between occupational achievement level and occupational self-direction, possibility for upward mobility, and self-esteem. 4 - There is a relationship between occupational self-direction, possibility for upward mobility, and self—esteem. The findings of this study will highlight these expectations and may either sustain or negate them. Definitions The following definitions will be used in this study: 1. Socioeconomic status of origin: the respondent's family socioeconomic background. 2. Occupational achievement level: the respondent's present occupational attainment. 3. Possibility for upward mobility: respondent's perception of the chance to achieve a higher position than his/her present position in the occupational hierarchy. 4. Self-direction: A self-directed occupation is a job which enhances and facilitates the employee's opportunities to exercise freedom of movement and autonomy in decision-making at the work setting. bus .vjilirzon- .2715qu 71.21 ' . 5M1: ,-._.- _ .m-H _--. su-" 15:; 13 Such a gfifl) is necessarily conditioned by doing substantively complex, non-routinized work and being free from close supervisory attention. These three job conditions were characterized by Kohn and Schooler (1983:53) as determinative of occupational self-direction. Kohn and Schooler (1983) define the substantive complexity of work as “the degree to which performance of the work requires thought and independent judgment. Substantively complex work by its very nature requires making many decisions that must take into account ill—defined or apparently conflicting contingencies" (p. 127). Moreover, Kohn and Schooler (1983) distinguish the substantively complex job from non- substantively complex ones by indicating that, in the former, work units are composed from complex entities whereas in the latter work units are nearly identical. A job that has complex work entities will permit a variety of approaches in the work setting, which will embrace initiative thought and independent judgment. These two aspects of job conditions (initiative thought and independent judgment), as they appeared in Kohn and Schooler's works, are the cornerstone for a self-directed job. 's self-acceptance, feelings of self-worth, as defined by Rosenberg (1979) . CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE Introduction The aim of this review of literature is to furnish the previous related research as a background for this study. This related research may go along with the findings of this study or may contradict it. Moreover, this chapter is designed to broaden our understanding of self-concept and self—esteem, and to clarify some of the confusion between the two concepts as they are related to this study. This chapter will be presented in the following order: 1. Literature related to the historical background of self-phenomena. 2. Literature related to a critique of Cooley's looking—glass self and Mead‘s reflected appraisal theories. 3. Literature related to the terms self-concept and self-esteem. 4. Literature related to factors and theories contributing to the formation of self-concept and self-esteem. 15 datmmi OJ ai: stmsdil in wolves Lin: mks. an": rht: :01 bnu0flpfizrd :2 an H:"r-u:w b-_-f . --~. ., :A: “ih' Hfliw [HHHH- a: ‘fidv r 'u- uh ;- . ' . .j-' . .'? l6 5. Literature related to work and self-esteem. 6. Literature related to social class and self-esteem. 7. Literature related to the nmderating variables between social class and self-esteem. Literature Related to the Historical Background of Self-Phenomena The self has been analyzed and examined by a plethora of studies conducted by psychologists, sociologists, and philosophers. Calhoun and Morse (1977) have succinctly documented the long line of scholars who have been concerned with the self—phenomenon: The 'self' is a phenomenon that has intrigued man for centuries. Baldwin (1889) clahns that St. Augustine (354—430) was among the first to investigate the 'self.‘ During the early part of the century, pioneers on self theory included James (1890), Cooley (1902), Freud (1920), and Mead (1934), whom many have credited with coining the term 'self-concept'; Maslow (1954), known for his contribution on 'self-esteem'; Iecky (1945), for his contribution on 'self-consistency'; Jersild (1952); and Coopersmith (1959), for his 'self-esteem inventory.‘ (p. 319) Although study of the self is a major focus of sociological scholars in social psychology, the works of the field's most towering figures, such as Charles H. Cooley (1902) and George H. Mead (1934), drew their basic principles from psychology itself. Nearly a century ago, psychologist William James (1896) delineated two ways in which man experiences self: one is the material aspect of s yd benlmsxe bus- besylsns next: car! "1:: on": .aiaipoiofioysq yd br-Jnufmn') a "h.” : ‘ --.:c-ri-:-.-Iq (\‘H'H Clint“ on}; r:!h_:|'.-'Ei‘a ..-~ r‘m r 3 _ .r: ;r--. " "j'.'-.§.'.u-.- E 1' .. ._ .- .'("- )c' 3'. -:-ni" ['IHI’ 1‘ '- '--' i uf" r . ' ' ' 17 the self, and the other is the social aspect of the self. As James (1896) concretely summarized, In its widest possible sense, a man's self is the sum total of all he can call his, not only his body and his psychic powers, but his clothes and his house, his wife and children, his ancestors and friends, his reputation and work, his land and horses, and yacht and bank account. All these things give him the same emotion. If they wax and prosper, he feels triumphant; if they dwindle and die away, he feels cast down. (p. 291) Since James, one of the most prominent contributions concerned with the self has come from Freud‘s psychoanalytic theory, which introduced concepts such as Id, Ego, and Superego. The Id represents that aspect of the self which is biologically derived, while the Superego represents the social. or internalized cultural aspect. According to Freud, these two aspects of the self are always antagonistic, in contrast to Mead's "I" and "Me," which have a cooperative relationship. One axiom of social psychology is that the self is social and develops through ongoing social interaction. Individuals do not simply respond to stimuli that exist independently of their ongoing activities; instead stimuli exist within and develop through the social interaction process, wherein individuals engage in ongoing activity. As Stryker puts it, We come to know who and what we are through interaction with others. We become objects to ourselves by attaching to ourselves symbols that emerge from our interaction with others, symbols having meanings growing out of that interaction. As any other symbols, self symbols have action anoijudiudnoo ineninnvq firm. an: 3.. ..n .asnast. mania } ':’:»._-.'.s'-J Inn-1? tit-«.2, .2: 'r'- i . =-" WIN": :.r~ ”out: :-.-’._E'-'..-r-c.'. ..:.'-_- ' ‘ -- . - .3' '-"-"‘-=‘: {J .- ' c l l8 implications: they tell us (as well as others) how we can be expected to behave in our ongoing activity. (Stryker & Serpe, 1982:202) To understand the development of the self within the social context, which has occupied a central place in the work of symbolic interactionimn, it is essential to examine the seminal contrflmfljons of Cooley (1902) and Mead (1934). Charles Horton Cooley (1864-1920) Cooley (1902) refers to the self as the "looking-glass self," the conception of self that is the most widely used and accepted by the symbolic interactionist school. Calhoun and Morse (1977) note that this suggests "that we perceive ourselves as reflected in a mirror; therefore, we tend to be interested in our" appearances because they are ours, pleasing or otherwise" (p. 318). Attendant to this conception of self, Cooley strongly emphasized the relationship between self and social environment. Since the self is social, its development and emergence is based upon social interaction. The basis for this social interaction, according to Cooley (1973), is "face—to-face groups" which contain groups of the family, the playground, and the neighborhood. In the essential similarity of these is to be found the basis, in experience, for similar ideas and sentiments in the human mind. In these, everywhere, human nature comes into existence. Man does not have it at birth; he cannot acquire it except through fellowship, and it decays in isolation. (pp. 159—160) ."_' II' ._-: . :._ ' , -_ _ ."‘-I I‘ll 19 Cooley's metaphor of the looking—glass self plays an essential role as mediator between the real self image and the ideal self. By interacting with others, the individual learns about himself and gains the ability to see himself through the reactions of others in the dominant reference group. The reactions of others are the mirror wherein the individual views himself and his behavior. What he sees there will lead the individual to applaud or to deplore his self-image. In Cooley's (1967) summary of this process, he emphasizes the individual's judgment of the perceived looking—glass self: A self~idea of this sort seems to have three principal elements: the imagination of our appearance to the other person; the imagination of his judgment of that appearance; and some sort of self feeling, such as pride or mortification. The comparison with a looking-glass hardly suggests the second element, the imagined judgment, which is quite essential. The thing that moves us to pride or shame is not the more mechanical reflection of ourselves, but an imputed sentiment, the imagined effect of this imagination upon another's mind. . . . We always imagine, and in imagining share the judgments of other minds. (p. 184). George Herbert Mead (1863-1931) Mead's insights and guidelines for the study of the self remain some of the most cogent contributions in the field of social psychology. According to Mead (1934), the self cannot exist out of or apart from society, and it is through communication with others that the individual learns about herself or himself. Social psychology studies the activity or behavior of the individual as it lies within the >fi§i :7 y g A .— _ . -> 0:! Isubivibni edzl has} Ifi'v- 2‘ .r': =:' '.': -_.:' ”My! .30 ivsdad ($39.” B'YEIIOOU HS . .'.".'_--l!'-3= H.115 -..':'_.-C.-'- :_ "r: (‘eUE'JGQB :‘2'Emf_'r\.i'-.'- ..r' - .- ~ 20 social process; the behavior of an individual can be understood only in terms of the behavior of the whole social group of which he is a member, since his individual acts are involved in larger, social acts which go beyond himself and which implicate the other members of that group. (Mead, 193426—7) For Mead, the individual is an active organism in any social interaction process with others around him; by virtue of this interaction s/he becomes a compatible and integrated member of a social group. Like Cooley, Mead conceived the "self" as a social product that is shaped like an object, just as other objects surrounding the individual are shaped. Consequently, according to Mead, by possessing a self the individual is capable of communicating with and reacting toward himself, just as s/he is able to respond and communicate with other objects around him or her. A Critigue of Cooley's Looking-Glass Self and Mead's Reflected Appraisal Theories According to the brief review of the literature on self-phenomena, especially that of Cooley, one may conclude that the individual's attitude toward the self is highly influenced by his/her social world. This view of perceiving the self or developing the self as constructed by Cooley and Mead has been challenged and criticized by scholars of social psychology, including Felson (1985) and Gecas (1983). In viewing the self-conception as being developed out of the autonomous and efficacious action of the individual, Gecas (1983) criticized the widely held [since 6 as "Elsa“ sflJ hevi+Irw Parr .y [nos sNiJ 'LL 0 as daut .i-war= n: v _. log” - I? 35; gaugofiq . (15.1": 5'55 1:: .--' f : .r-u -, if. Wk? i-IH. ‘_ , u . " "' 5:' I I . r. 21 perspective which viewed the development of self- conception through the "looking-glass self." According to Gecas, this perspective of self-conception led to an overly passive and oversocialized view of human beings: "Taken alone, the looking-glass self—orientation leaves us with an essentially passive and conformist view of human beings, one which emphasizes an external source, e.g., the opinions of others, imagined or real, as the locus of the content or substance from which we construct our self—concepts" (p. 78). Meadian traditions of the role of reflected appraisal assume that the self is largely shaped by imagination of the responses of others. This role has always been evidenced in the work of social psychologists, especially those who follow Mead's legacy such as Rosenberg and others. For example, Rosenberg (1979) cites inlpressive evidence for the importance of the reflected appraisal principle in the formation of self—conceptions. (This finding will be explained in the following section.) Such a finding, which is attested in the work of, among others, Videbeck (1960), Haas and Maehr (1965), Manis (1955), Kinch (1963, 1973), and Mannheim (1966), has been challenged by Felson (1981a, 1981b, 1985), who indicates that "the importance of the reflected—appraisal process has been exaggerated by the symbolic interactionists" (1985:71). In his studies of fourth— through eighth—grade children and their peers, and college =. * . sumo-Ia as II? ai‘ame ‘s'flw'sno {apij ‘ 11"! 9d: 10 suooI end as .159: no benigswi .Fuhfido i0 anointqo '.| uo inlmjsmoo nw fisi r'w mo ." -.- r. .' " '1'." :1 c .= .~,,:._4 mrn . 3 _ l' . : _.'|i' . g 1'" -"--""- H v' - '3'; r z -- _ i' ‘ 1.3" v '\ ' ' . . I , I :jr'j I. I 22 football players and their coaches, Felson found that the relationship between others' appraisal and self-appraisal was not supported. The cause of the ambiguity in these relationships, as it occurs in his research, is attributed to communication barriers, which prevent us from knowing the actual opinions of others toward ourselves. In an evaluation of reflected appraisal, Felson (1985) indicates that Studies of fourth— througrl eighth-grade children and their peers, and college football players and their coaches, suggest that the effects of the actual appraisals of others on reflected and self-appraisals are not very strong. This was attributed to communication barriers that prevent persons from finding out what others think. These barriers result in inaccurate reflected appraisals and idiosyncratic, idealized self—concepts. (p.76) Literature Related to the Terms Self-Concept and Self—Esteem The literature review (n1 self-phenomena indicates that the individual's attitude toward the self is highly influenced by his/her social world. Thus, the individual's conception of himself is based on his perception of the way others are responding to him. This perception consists of two categories: one has a descriptive aspect, another has a valuative aspect. The former we call self—concept and the latter self-esteem. Self-Concept The long liistory of research about self-phenomena has created confusion and Inanifold interpretations. In nu‘thit‘l: but. Sci-2'. l'. r I .I‘.‘ . .I ._ ' '- V" 23 the literature of social psychology, researchers in the area of self-perception have used the two aspects of self—perception interchangeably (Beane & Lipka, 1980). Gecas (1982) indicates that the two aspects of the self are closely interrelated. Coopersmith (1959) also indicates that self-esteem needs a clarification, because the term itself is vague and subject to manifold interpretation. As Wylie (1961) aptly concludes, "'me theories are in many ways ambiguous, incomplete, and overlapping" (p. 3). Thus, researchers draw attention to the importance of distinguishing between the two aspects of self, due to their different implications and meanings. Calhoun and Morse (1977), two scholars who express concern about the necessity of clarifying the two concepts, elaborate: The importance of clarifying these distinctions becomes clear when we consider the relative stability of self-concept and self-esteem. The self-concept can be altered only gradually, employing intensive stimulation from people with whom the child has already established strong relationships (significant others). On the other hand, self-esteem can and does change from day to day. Using self—esteem as an indicator of the child's self-concept could lead to incorrect assessment in the form of both false positives and false negatives. (pp. 321-22). An attendant problem for those dealing with self phenomena is the lack of differentiation between the self and self-concept. The literature of social psychology reveals that some researchers tend to look at them as equivalent to each other. Yet, in fact, they are not “I 9dr" .anbuinnn': YIi'fii HM") ’11-":1” r" -"""—-'-’-'""'"-‘f‘3"j _l_;f|_! ‘g.jz'_,!l-.r:(_..-."E \ --. U. . '. .m-l . EW \H... , . _ ,l.._, ." .3“ ..'_' I 1 F n l ...-1* :F - J. I —:v'\-—' ' . l ' - .- r 24 equal, for the self—concept is an aspect of the self. Chad Gordon (1968) has sketched the difference between the two: The self is a complex process of continuing interpretation-—simultaneously the person's located subjective stream of consciousness (both reflexive and nonreflexive, including perceiving, thinking, planning, evaluating, choosing, etc.) and the resultant accruing structure of self-conceptions (the special system of self-referential meanings available to this active consciousness). (p. 116) Gordon proposed that self is a learning process that occurs through the individual's lifetime of social experience with himself and with others. This process results in the development of a structural aspect of the self that is self-conception. Many other scholars have advanced definitions of self-concept. Similar to Gordon's view of how the self-concept is developed, is the view of Gergen (1971): The notion of self can be defined first as process and then as structure. On the former level we shall be concerned with that process by which the person conceptualizes (or categorizes) his behavior--both his external conduct and his internal states. On a structural level, our concern is with the system of concepts available to the person in attempting to define himself. (pp. 22-23) Gecas (1982) defined self—concept as "the concept the individual has of himself as a physical, social, and spiritual or moral being" (p. 3). Kinch (1963) noted that "The self—concept is that organization of qualities that the individual attributes to himself" (p. 481). For Beane and Idpka (1980), self-concept was "The perception(s) one I- 3111:] 01 sIdinsw: 2..- ni'r-sm» ffiijnfi'i .‘ ---:-2 [as ' (01'r .q) .("azsuamoi_-:.m'z ~.‘.' 23"”; .‘fli.’ fit-91:01:: .min'w .‘ -' .'_' ”my. jn-Ir‘ -_.--.'.- nubtoD . L . - 'n LI: 1);! 25 has of oneself in terms of personal attributes and the various roles which are played or fulfilled by the individual" (p. 2). Videbeck (1960) wrote that self-conception is "a set of interrelated self-ratings, usually upon bipolar scales using some personal or behavioral quality as the referent of the scale" (p. 351). Rosenberg (1979) has defined self-concept as "the totality of the individual's thoughts and feelings having reference to himself as an object" (p. 7). Rosenberg‘s definition indicates that self—concept is not Freud's "ego,' Horney's "real self," Maslow's "self-actualized person, Turner's "impulsive self" nor Mead's "I" because these definitions do not distinguish between self and self-concept. On the contrary, Rosenberg's definition treats self—concept as a picture of the self, and not the "real" self. In order to clarify the meaning of self—concept, Rosenberg poses the following question: "What does the individual see when he looks at himself?" In answering this question, Rosenberg specifies four areas of self-concept: l. The parts (content of the self) is the first area. This area of self-concept is composed of three elements. (A) Social identity is the individual's identification by some particular characteristics, such as race (black, white, Hispanic); sex (male or female); nationality (Arab, European); religion (Protestant, ~ 5;.- fi-Al, pnivad apnilsel has aJdE-uorij a'Isuf-ivtnni em 30 21115301 a'gvednsaofi .(Y .q) “'99tdo nn :5 l'rrwifl oj ascension n'busufi don 'fl thnnon-Wir:- ieff :'~!--?w'* nor? nxruh -... ."?"r-L:J"-. -- _'.-- .' :" '-! - .'- - . - .--.. hrs? i.-§"' r1." ._ I? I.- .,_, '. l:: - I I ' I. ‘ _:_ C: ‘ I ' r . -l.‘ _ l‘ 1 26 Catholic, Moslem). (B) Disposition, as explained by Rosenberg, is a characteristic of self—concept which the individual develops out of social experience. This characteristic may refer to attitudes (liberalism, conservatism), traits (bravery, generosity, morality), abilities (musical skill, athletic prowess, intelligence), values (belief in democracy, equality), or personality traits (compulsiveness, extroversion). (C) Physical characteristics refers to such items as height, appearance, hair color, health status. 2. The relationships among the parts (structure) is the second area. of self-concept. Three points hi the structural area of self-concept are identified by Rosenberg. (A) Psychological centrality emphasizes that "the differential importance of self-concept components is thus critically significant for self-esteem. Some disposition or social identity elements rank high in our hierarchy of values—-stand at the center of our feelings of worth—-whereas others are relegated to the periphery. One person stakes himself on his intelligence but cares little about his savoir faire; for another the reverse is the case. One takes great pride in his social class position, a second in his ethnic background, a third in his race, a fourth in his religious affiliation. . . . A professor may consider himself both intelligent and well-mannered--both dispositions, in other words, are elements of his self-concept——but he may stake himself far Seq no . y_ Iupe .yosunombhen _§3__§_yrlq (D) .(noia'zsvm-uznme- .aesntvielzlqmou) adieu: (1:191:14 n. raw-3.1.? doL-z- r.1 1916-515!" _'._'._:>f:'r-.Eur-.'r.u~t.:.-do . .. - .-' r. --"-.~'--'-c;qs (“..:'-:_'E‘ . .'.c_ u.’ [Hr- 39111::3‘. . -" I' ~. Jl-i_¢'- ' I r' . 27 more heavily on the former characteristic than on the latter" (Rosenberg, 1979:18-19). (B) The relationship between the parts and the whole of self-concept is the second point in the self-concept structure. Rosenberg argues that there is no agreement among researchers about whether one should just focus attention on the parts of self—concept (dispositions, social identity, or physical characteristics) or on the whole global self-attitudes. Therefore, he advances the idea that "parts and whole are both important, but they are neither transferable, interchangeable, nor equivalent, nor can information on the one form the basis for conclusions about the other" (Rosenberg, 1979:22). (C) Considering the structure of self-concept, there are two aspects of the self: one is overt (social exterior), the other is covert (psychological interior). The overt aspect of the self represents physical, demographic, or behavioral characteristics; in short, it encompasses all social identity and concrete behavior. In contrast to the overt aspect of the self-concept is the covert, which is concerned with the private world of thoughts, feelings, beliefs, and wishes. This aspect of self-concept remains within the individual's boundary, thus the world outside is not supposed to have access to it. Rosenberg argues that the individual does not acquire the psychological traits at birth, but instead attains them through the social learning process, which takes .anolflsoqelbf Sqesnoo-Blea is 21:; odd no notifies." 9113 no no (esijei‘xerlnsmdr- janiamu 'm .yJijnnt-i 15150: I'I" .. aem-uvhs curl muck-:19. 'E . . .-rnn.-!;'::.—-'i I; :-~ _:’r.-..-'ofc; -: [011w -" .'l"' .;'rI.rE.'='-. r=r' '5'H't’ . - . _. . ' an." ' " tun! . -."-. .-'1- -.L ‘ T.‘ ' .‘r '.='r. f -— 28 place through communication. Through this process of social development, the self gets more personal and sophisticated. It changes gradually from having overt aspects to covert aspects. The propensity to think of the self in terms of a trait psychology is not there at birth but is, rather, the product of social development. The self perceived by the young child is largely a concrete, material reality. With maturation and learning, however, the individual comes to conceptualize the self in terms of more abstract response tendencies or potentials, consisting largely of dispositions or traits. In short, the self becomes less and less a pure perceptual object, and more and more a conceptual trait system. (Rosenberg, 1979:208-209) 3. The third area of self-concept is the ways of describing both parts and whole (dimensions). When one considers self-concept as an attitude, this attitude varies toward the self in several dimensions, such as content, direction, intensity, salience, consistency, stability, clarity, accuracy, and verifiability of self-attitudes. We can learml what the individual sees when he looks at himself (chiefly social identity elements, dispositions, and physical characteristics); whether he has a favorable or unfavorable opinion of himself (direction); how strongly favorable or unfavorable these feelings are (intensity); whether the individual is constantly conscious of what he is saying or doing or whether he is more involved in tasks or other objects (salience); whether the elements of his self-picture are consistent or contradictory (consistency); whether his self attitude varies from day to day or moment to moment, or whether, on the contrary, it is a firm, stable, rocklike structure (stability). (Rosenberg, 1979:24) I! 19010»qu flex: .9qu on: usual! 5 VII odd yd bevleousq 3193 bfl-a "an n (H .yzfllseu .[shejsm .eJexsnoo 0:1 éemos Isublvlbni ed: .rsvewor! .Lmin'msi Josziads 910m "'10 anus: nj Ms;- :on :Eifrldqsanca cnijaianoo .eIsiJns'fc-q m" {"1517-111 :---:.: CLI.'--"z-:'.'1 an: .d'mdn nT -'r’i..'Li'JJ 1c; ..:oi+"-'e;'n---'-" ‘u yum-us! - - . . Sanitarium; arm-1 r-. arts-f "u. :- '- --.:-' .. :i'l.-J.-. 1511.:0131'inl'. r'. [1 9-;, I- '-.. - "_'._';"- f,-.. _. II.-.,.:' [1,. n!" _I 29 4. The last area of the extant self-concept is ego-extension, which was previously referred to iJI James' definition of the self. The individual's ego-extension may shrink or stretch, depending (n1 how Inuch importance the objects have for the individual, and whether the objects are considered as ea part of the self or not. Rosenberg demarcates three characteristics of self ego-extension. (A) The first is the subjective experience of "me" or "mine." This indicates that the way the individual incorporates external objects into the self is merely a matter of subjective experience. (B) The second characteristic of ego—extension is the presence of the emotions of pride or shame. (C) The third defining characteristic is the phenomenon of introjection. Introjection is defined by webster as "the adoption of external (persons or objects) into the self, so as to have a sense of oneness with them and to feel personally affected by what happens to them" (Rosenberg, 1979:36). In conclusion, Rosenberg emphasizes that the individual's self—concept is constituted of all components as a totality: "The extant self-concept [is] content, structure, dimensions, and ego—extensions. Together they constitute most of what the individual sees and feels when he reflects upon himself at a given point in time" (Rosenberg, 1979:38). will ' ‘10 "em" 30 eenehsqxs evidostdua ed: 31 331i} ed? (A) .T:.ubiv.'rhnj 911.! V”! and Jeri: as-Jscibn} afin'." ".S—‘-I"i‘fil" 5 vfin"-..-r- 73': 91:! -~=-': CJni .." “if“? '-=n1-::lx.3 :-:’:'"r'n"..r:'.r!i '1 ‘ funny. :.nT.(-'I) .e-:-nsx:--_':=: €‘JJD'.-L-'UE ‘r "HIM-.r. I f ( I l '1 l n] I i “ . n . . .-. ‘ . 30 Self-Esteem As noted before, self-concept and self—esteem are often used synonymously and interchangeably. Proshansky and Newton indicate that "various terms have been bandied about--self, self-concept, self—image, self—esteem, proprium, ego, ego—identity, identity, and so on. Sometimes these terms are used precisely, sometimes indiscriminately, synonymously, or interchangeably“ (Rosenberg & Simmons, l971:9). A good way of clarifying the term self—esteem is to consider the picture that Ikmenberg and Simmons (1971) draw cf a person who suffers from low self-esteem: “Low self-esteem means that the individual lacks respect for himself, considers himself unworthy, inadequate, or otherwise seriously deficient as a person" (p. 9). A similar definition is given by Coopersmith (1967) when he writes that self—esteem is: The evaluation which the individual makes and customarily maintains with regard to himself: it expresses an attitude of approval or disapproval, and indicates the extent to which the individual believes himself to be capable, significant, successful, and worthy. In short, self—esteem is a personal judgment of worthiness that is expressed in the attitudes the individual conveys to others by verbal reports and other overt expressive behavior. (p. 5) Calhoun and Morse (1977) defined self-esteem as "the individual's satisfaction with the self—concept" (p. 321). This means that one‘s self-esteem is a product of the comparison of one's real self-concept and one's ideal 31 self—concept (which is determined by the judgment of others and how one compares oneself to others). If this process leads to a high discrepancy between the real and the ideal self-conception, one would expect damaged self-esteem. Wells and Marwell (1976) identified three aspects of self—esteem: (1) self-esteem as an attitude which "refers to a more or less phenomenal process in which the person perceives characteristics of him/herself and reacts to those characteristics emotionally or behaviorally" (p. 64); (2) self-esteem as psychological responses, which refers to how the individual feels about him/herself, so that a "high self-esteem individual simply feels that he is a person of worth, he respects himself for what he is. . . . Low self-esteem, on the other hand, implies self—rejection, self-dissatisfaction, self-contempt" (p. 67); (3) self—esteem as personality function, which indicates that self—esteem is that component of the self-system which regulates the extent to which the self-system is maintained under conditions of strain, such as during the processing of new information concerning the self (p. 68). Brissett (1972) argued that self-esteem encompasses two very basic social—psychological processes: self-evaluation and self—worth. Self—evaluation refers "to the process of making a conscious judgment regarding the social importance or significance of one's self" noazsq and doidw :11: among Ins-many!" 235-“ 'u': won: 5 0:! 03 35:3.“ n-_ i-HF, -' '-’" "'"\_|'n:- "- '- :j- ' - :j I c-. -. if _ flag "\'_'1' [rs-1c i' l.‘ --:--u'. J 2 .-:- " . LII" '. ' -‘-' r' E .(-‘_ I I'.\ 32 (p. 255). In other words, self-esteem in terms of self—evaluation refers to a: set of attitudes toward the self, how the individual perceives him/herself with respect to some quality or ability. Thus, the individual's self—esteem is the fit between the individual's perceptions of his ability of doing a given task and his real accomplishments. Self-esteem, in this sense, is summarized by James' famous equation: success self-esteem = . pretenSions Brissett's (1972) discussion of self-estean as self—worth refers to "The feeling of self. This self feeling does not involve rendering a judgment as to the social acceptability of one's identities or one's performance in an identity; nor does it involve an evaluation of how well one is doing with respect to his ideals and aspirations. It is literally a matter of feeling oneself" (p. 259). Gecas (1982) distinguishes between two types of self—esteem: (a) self-esteem based on a sense of competency, power, or efficacy, and thus related to effective performance; and (b) self—esteem based on a sense of virtue or moral worth, and thus concerned with how adequately the individual measures up to norms and values in personal and interpersonal conduct (p. 5). Moreover, Beane and Lipka (1980) stated that» self-esteem is "the valuative assessment one makes regarding personal satisfaction with role(s) and/or the quality of yd "'-¢.\.“..=.r-n'.'ma a} .eanea .‘Ll F- ...a . -....- -..-I. -.---.... . 33 performance" (p. 2). Lastly, Rosenberg (1979) indicated that self-esteenl implies self-acceptance, self-respect, and feelings of self-worth (p. 31). From this review, one would conclude that self—concept is the conscious perception one has of oneself, and self-esteenl is the evaluation of such perception. Thus, self-esteem is related to one's performance and achievements, aspirations, sociability, confidence, attribution, and general well-being. Since we are assessing the impact of work environment on self-esteem, we will. measure self-esteem ix) its global dimension as a concept which refers to an individual's self—evaluation or judgment of his/her own worth. Literature Related to Factors and Theories Contributing to the Formation of Self-Concept and Self-Esteem Rosenberg's research in the sphere of self-concept and self-esteem enhances our knowledge and understanding of these complex phenomena by advancing additional empirical and theoretical reasoning in the field of social psychology, which commands most of the research on self-perception. Rosenberg's extensive research on self-concept and self-esteem has been based primarily upon two sets of empirical data: one set represents data from a Chicago urbanized area (adult subjects), the other set represents data from public school children (grades 3-12) in Baltimore City (Rosenberg, l979:xii). One of several .x-jjlidni-ooe .anoidsziqes miner-4:91:11: hm. when-whee; "m. .1” .3..3-.d--Il's'.-: 'F'l'finulj '4' -.-'.-' -'.' PM --'-i Tint-.2 ' . _ l. \ r 7 ._ 'J -l ' F ‘ ‘ 1 .' , , . , r . . ,‘ ' r I . l | In.‘ _ I - 1 _.|-_ -_ ... _ — - - _ _ .- ..l. - — —- _-— 34 outcomes of this research is Rosenberg's consolidation of four principles of self-concept formation: reflected appraisals, social comparisons, self-attribution, and psychological centrality. Although these principles (or some of them) are assumed to be in the theoretical legacy of sociological and psychological theorists such as James (1896), Cooley (1902), Mead (1934), and Festinger (1954), Rosenberg advanced our understanding of these theoretical perspectives through his research. The following is a review of these four principles and two other theories-— identity theory and self-investment theory--which also contribute to our understanding (Hi the formation process of self-esteem and self-concept. I. Reflected Appraisals This principle goes back to Cooley's theory of the "looking-glass self," where one's ideas of self are a reflection of the imagined appraisals of others. It is also found in Mead's "significant others," which was put forth as an alternative to Cooley's "imagined appraisals of others." Reflected appraisals imply that an individual develops a self-concept on the basis of the perceived attitudes of others, and not necessarily' their actual attitudes. Communication among individuals is essential for the individual to experience the reflected appraisals principle, according to Mead (1934): "The individual experiences himself as such, not directly, but only I“ ‘ 1. '13”! 150159109111 92911: _, ,, a,é. \(DEQI) hast-1 bfl'B 30 pnibnsaaaebm: s. 31 pniwc-Ilo'i sn'r .n-y'int-ao: air ""E’E'I‘JO‘JHS '.e.-.r:.:c' -v I. "3.3 Erne- ::: J'_ 31:; :' JAN-raj.- -. -. _ ' ;- .‘.~:.t‘ LM'. :‘1’: A, ,7- 003 ‘(BCB ) .(5091) 191' «no bemuzvhs paradnsaofi 35 indirectly, from the particular standpoints of other individual members of the same social group, or from the generalized standpoint of the social group as a whole to which he belongs" (p. 138). Mead's theorem of self—concept as a reflection of others' opinions toward the self stimulated considerable experimental research. Richard Videbeck (1960) was one of those who experimentally demonstrated that one's view of self-concept is functionally dependent upon the response of others. Videbeck (1960) initiated a direct attack on two postulates, by examining attitudes toward the self among 30 college students in a speech class. Before the experiment took place, students were asked to assess their adequacy in oral communication. Each student was then asked to read aloud six poems in the presence of an expert, whom they assumed would appraise their performance. Subjects were assigned arbitrarily’ by the expert to two groups, one being praised (approved), the other being criticized (disapproved). Immediately after the subjects received the expert evaluation, self-ratings scales were administered again to the students. Significant differences in self—ratings before and after the experiment were documented. Subjects who were praised by the expert showed a general increment in their feeling of self—adequacy. On the other hand, subjects who received a negative evaluation revised their self-estimates in a negative direction if they had rated 30 wotv a'sno Jam .'.-:-::r-1.r-m:=x.h 3'1! 39 ads. 920d: ‘ 5.1310658st adj "om: 'H‘ISI-JIICQ'J' _. 'mu Eijn- ;.-’. e-i Jqs moo-Ha“. '-r' '1LE?'- '-.-_‘:I"- .- --""; ' . ' ".- ‘ ' ‘ .r.-3'. -"._ I '. I‘ 'L' . J ' ' . . ' - . 36 themselves high before the experiment. Videbeck (1960) stated his finding: This study tends to support the general view that self—conceptions are learned, and that the evaluative reactions of others play a significant part in the learning process. Observed differential effects of approval and disapproval treatments were interpreted to 1%: a function of an interaction between the subject's initially anchored self-rating and the objective scale value of the approval or disapproval implied in the other's reaction. (p. 359) Another experiment based on Cooley's (1902) and Mead's (1934) proposition on the modification of self-concept was conducted by Haas and Maehr (1965). This study is complementary to Videbeck's researdi. It advanced the notion that we come to value and view ourselves, as others have taught us to view and value ourselves, by raising two questions: First, whether the "phenomenon of change in self—concept as reflected in self-ratings is a real and stable one;" second, "whether the phenomenon is subject to dosage" (whether a greater amount of approval or disapproval produces greater or more durable changes in the self—ratings)(Haas & Maehr, 1965:101). Haas and Maehr designed two experiments to determine: (1) the durability' of experimentally induced change in self-rating, and (2) the effect of dosage on such change in self-rating. As the subjects for these experiments, eighth grade male students rated themselves CH1 a physical self-test along a 9-point scale ranging from "extremely adequate" to (Pat .in .r1r~<.l.1:)nu 15-min 9d: [WW (5091‘- ae'VC-Ic'r" nC- ::-'.'_:' .'-'r'--;'";'*:'1:-: '_‘-'." 'flné't. .I. v: " _| f I" I' f I I ‘ "-."L" . f I .l l l ' - .: '_ I ' n -' 37 "extremely inadequate." This self—test was obtained before and after the administration of approval and disapproval treatment by an expert (pretests). In Experiment I, designed to test the first hypothesis (changes in self-rating in response to the reactions of others are durable over time), subjects were divided into two matched groups based on the total score of the physical self—test rating. One group consisting of 19 students was given approval treatment; the second group consisting of 18 students was given disapproval treatment. Post-treatment measures were obtained at selected intervals of time--1 day, 6 days, and 6 weeks--after the first treatment (approval and disapproval treatment). The result of Experiment I supported the hypothesis and showed that the experimental treatment had not just an immediate but also a permanent effect on self—rating. In Experiment II, designed to test the second hypothesis (changes in self-rating in response to the reactions of others are subject to dosage), 30 subjects were given approval treatment twice for performing simple physical tasks, with the second treatment given within 48 hours of the first one. Subjects' self-ratings were made immediately, within 1 hour after first and second treatments, 6 days later, and 6 weeks later. This experiment supported the second hypothesis, that self-ratings are subject to dosage (Haas & Maehr, 1965:104). ll 0m: #36: a!!! no bc-egfi aquwn had').fr=n- 'i _ 30 pniiakenoa qur; ‘11:) .nrha: -Iz:s.-3-H-nr trztiawrkg 9d: 30 (mom; ':.-:.-:-r.= -"' {"s-r' " ' . .-" - '.; :_'.:-.._-'J.".' 9: 38 Manis (1955) conducted another empirical study based upon Cooley and Mead's conception of self as a cognitive structure of qualities (traits and attitudes) which evolve through interaction between individuals (social person) and other social persons in the surrounding environment. Manis posited six hypotheses to test the assumption that the individual's self-ratings are significantly correlated with the ratings made of the individual by friends. The subjects of this study were 101 male freshman students in a dormitory. Subjects' self-concepts were measured twice, at different times nearly six weeks apart, by asking them to describe themselves on 24 bipolar rating scales. The outcome of this study, indicating that the individual's self—concept was actuated by others' opinions of him, was in accord with symbolic interactionist postulation, according to Manis (1955): “Generally speaking, the results of this study support the theories of Cooley and Mead. The S's self-concepts were significantly influenced by their friends' opinion of them, particularly when they were perceived by these friends in a relatively favorable light" (p. 369). In one succinct sentence, Kinch (1963) has delineated the interactionist position on how the individual forms a self—conception: "The individual's conception of himself emerges from social interaction and, in turn, guides or influences the behavior of that individual" (p. 481). In more detail, Kinch's formalized orl'r .ebanifl w? Iruluvirnj '.u'-'." '30 n‘m "ruiJr-t'. (H: n‘Jtu ri a.!r:r.-I:e:.':=. rnndrhz-E' rum 1"}! -.'-..--.- vlrz'" 'r'J "o F5514!!! :- 39 theory of self-concept explains the social mechanism (relationship between self and other) byr which the self emerges and behavior is guided. This mechanism operates through the following circular process: first, an individual's self—concept is based (Hi how others respond ‘to him/her (S); second, in turn the self—concept operates to guide the individual's behavior (B); third, the person's behavior determines others' responses to him (R)(which are assumed to be perceived by the individual); and the corollary, the responses of others in turn influences the individual's perception of himself (P)(this perception will influence self-concept). Figure 2 refers to self-concept formation as constructed by Kinch (1973:81): Perception P Responses (of others) R Self-Concept Behavior B Figure 2--Condensed Process of Self—Conception Theory. Ifiinlldvtfinl odd chive 03 895519q07$q99fi09-319& odd nun: asnimuedeb uoivsded 1w! OJ bamuaan cur :- \xwrr'cza: a'noanuq :3 “J .71 ,3 . .htifla :(8) .r.-'3: '- .\ . :oivsded I ._ 5:41.117. 0 - .' ' ‘. ‘ s .v' 3.2"] - 40 Mannheim's (1966) study' attempted to concatenate the symbolic interactionist theory of the individual's self-concept as a reflection of the view held by others toward him/her, and the reference group notion that the individual's self-image is affected by the major identification reference group. One outcome of this study that was related to reflected appraisals is that "individuals tended to change their self-image over time in the direction represented by' their reference group self" (Mannheim, 1966:279). II. Social Comparison The second principle enunciated by Rosenberg (1979), Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978), and Rosenberg and Kaplan (1982), is social comparison, which is counted as one of the basic generators of self—conception. Originating with Leon Festinger (1954), this theory started with the premise that we learn who we are by comparing ourselves (in terms of traits, abilities, opinions, ego—extensions, etc.) to others. This tendency toward comparison is a unique characteristic of the social person, as explained by Festinger (1954): "There exists, in the human organism, a drive to evaluate his opinions and his abilities. . . . To the extent that objective, nonsocial means are not available, people evaluate their opinions and abilities by comparison respectively with the opinions and abilities of others" (pp. 117-118). , A , "_-2.._ - A‘=: ”4.9. It risaisaqqs 1593391331 (1:; 69.1519: ecu 33d: yhus'a 3: salt: 19vo salami-flint! dis-rt! apnnrlzr -'J Tut-raj airmuf-iuinI' quoup sons-.1535" 259M (r -'.-:r~r.-::'-1.". rue-1;. :r'~15- sir-”i m ."\I:' .--.- 41 It is an axiom of social comparison theory that people tend to have an enduring need to evaluate themselves, by comparing what they have and what they are able to do with others. The comparison process is fundamental for the individual to form a sense of self-worth. Since few standard yardsticks exist for these comparisons, people tend to harness many objects in their environment to serve the purpose. However, not all social objects and components are on an equal footing; some stand out, whereas others remain in the background. Inasmuch. as the social comparison principle is an indispensable variable in many psychological and sociological theories, it has commanded a great deal of research attention and evoked substantial empirical study to establish its validity and generality in various disciplines of social science. While social comparison was the anchor principle for early interactionists, like Cooley and Mead, and their descendants, Rosenberg's work might be considered one of the most seminal pieces of research that utilized this principle to present valuable insights into the self-perception phenomenon. Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978) conducted empirical research to study “Social Class and Self-estemn Among Children and Adults." The data on children came from 2,625 public school children in Baltimore City. The adult sample consisted of 2,300 people, aged 18—65, who represented an urbanized area of Chicago. Interviews were M a [51:03 Ila Jon .zavswdi .“aurfihq odl svfiiy u: finnmnomixns . m“. {doc-f" do bm-Ja smoa :pniqu" “mp-"- rr, r r--.. .=*.1r:e,ancm_r--.' 42 the method used to gather information about the subjects. The findings indicated that no association exists between social class and self-esteem among preadolescents, a modest relationship among adolescents, and a nwderate relationship among adults. One way to explain the differences in the results between adults and children is that social comparison based on status is not a matter of concern among children, because they perceive their socioeconomic environments as homogeneous. On the other hand, the opposite case is demonstrated by adults, whose socioeconomic environments tend to be sharply heterogeneous. Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978) explain how social comparison differs among adults and children: The general principle of social comparison, of course, applies equally to children and adults. The self-esteem of both groups is influenced by comparing themselves with those around them. But, given their social roles, the interpersonal environments of children and adults differ radically. Schooling is, after all, the main business of the child's life; working, the Inain business of adults. In school, children (especially younger ones), whatever their own SES levels, tend to be more or less equal to most of those around them; there is nothing in this to raise or lower their self—esteem. In the world of work, on the other hand, the social comparisons adults make place them above or below others and may understandably affect their feelings of self-worth. Both children and adults make social comparisons, but the differing structures of interpersonal relations in school and work place make SES irrelevant to the child's self-esteem, relevant to the adult's. (pp. 62-63) Besides the social class and self—esteem study, the social comparison principle has been used as a variable to assess the relationship between academic achievement and 11911:! svis-qu and: summed .na'xblirio pncms mmonoo T‘EH’UO ..rid r10 ..=:.--_'v-'_-t“.':t'--. .m- . :n-wr'r- --.1r-c-:no'_>-.:-..:i:>ca .-:-:.'\-‘!.-) \:'.- .U': r- =.;- " ' "'-' .. : - '. t-i‘ ’--'.' -T- '5"="".E‘.(' ”"1" UflE-F! I \- .' - u 'I'.' 'II I , 43 self-concept. Rogers, Smith, and Coleman (1982) based their study on social comparison theory's assumption that the importance of academic achievement for self-concept is not determined by only the academic achievement itself, but by the way that one compares one's achievement to that of others. It is this comparison which will influence (either negatively or positively) self—worth, and not the academic achievement. The study concluded that "the most meaningful way to understand the relationship between academic achievement and self—concept is within the context of social comparison group or classroom" (Rogers et al., 1982:334). These two studies show how the social comparison process has an implication for the development of self—conception, by defining self—concept in relation to others. Another study worth mentioning which documented the effects of comparison on self-conception was carried out by Morse and Gergen (1970). The subjects of this study were 78 undergraduate male students at the University of Michigan who answered an advertisement for part-time jobs in the research institute. An experiment collaborator was presented to each subject as another applicant applying for the same job. For half of the subjects the new applicant appeared as Mr. Clean (possessing socially desirable characteristics); to the other half of the subjects he appeared as Mr. Dirty (possessing socially undesirable characteristics). Morse 44 and Gergen (1970) describe the experimental procedure as follows: Half of the subjects found themselves confronted with a person whose personal appearance was highly desirable. He wore a dark suit and appeared well—groomed and self—confident. After he had been seated, he immediately opened an attache case, pulled out several sharpened pencils, and began to work on his forms diligently. For descriptive purposes, this stimulus person will be called Mr. Clean. . . . The other half of the subjects were exposed to Mr. Dirty, an individual whose appearance was in sharp contrast to Mr. Clearn's. He wore a smelly sweatshirt, ripped trousers, no socks, and seemed somewhat dazed by the whole procedure. He placed his worn paperback edition of "The Carpetbaggers" on the table in front of him, and after staring aimlessly around the office for a few seconds, began searching for a pencil, which he finally found on the table. (p. 150) The primary goal of the experiment was to determine whether exposing the subjects to varying conditions would have an effect on their self—esteem by assessing the difference between subject's self-rating before and after they were exposed to the experiment collaborator. The results of the experiment indicated that Casual exposure to another person is sufficient to produce a marked impact on a person's momentary concept of self. The presence of someone with highly desirable characteristics appears to produce a generalized decrease in level of self-esteem. Exposure to a, socially undesirable person produces the opposite effect. These findings are not only consistent with the proposition that a person may use others to gauge his own self-worth, but extend the range of phenomena to which social comparison theory has been applied. As a result of others‘ characteristics appearing more desirable or less desirable than his own, a person's generalized self—estimate is (displaced downward or upward. (Morse & Gergen, 1970:154). - I-’ oseoqxs 939w 213% due 9d: 30 alsd asdJo sflT ni 25w sonsuseqqs eaodw [subivibni n5 .yduiu .1! YIIamn s o~cw 3H .r'nusrit .IM on JELWJHHD queue bar; ; fins .eflnoa cw \uvmvner bquiw ‘JJE fljbzha ' . . ' - ... - l. . l . . .. ... ..Cr.’ ".1 .r.: .G'Ill-"ILIf-JI; fri-i'.i‘ '-:J -I u -. "-. .:.."r:.: i‘ "an Pnnfiiscus) :nr" “a noi:rF¢ finsdwncuc LTLL l d - [3n " d "' \: r. . . "2 1': '.I "1'. r- l.. 1" 'EL _ ‘ r I - I z ' ' - - . '5 '= - .- '. .' -' I' .- l I I 45 Congruous with Rosenberg and Pearlin's explanation of the different effect of social class on the self—esteem of children and adults is Faunce's (1989) assertion of the importance of having a heterogeneous experience environment for the utilization of the social comparison process. A heterogeneous environment demands that we associate with people who are higher or lower than us in hierarchical status which will in turn provoke us to think of our position (status) in comparison to the positions of others. Accordingly, this comparison will influence our self-conception. Faunce (1989) refers to this process of social comparison when he indicates that: "The ways in which we differ from others are especially likely to induce social comparison and self-evaluation when the difference involves a status characteristic relevant to frequently occurring and continuing interaction" (p. 383). The point that Faunce advanced in regard to social comparison is that the individual‘s self— conception is not affected as much by his knowledge of the status or position that he holds among others, as by continually being reminded about his status or position in the hierarchical system, through a continuing interaction with other" people who (differ front him. According to Faunce (1984), "Knowing one's location in a status hierarchy is less consequential than being reminded of that location, especially when the reminders come from persons with whom one regularly associates" (p. 3). a gang w i‘s 500-. said: 03 an exovouq n32: ni Iliw flaidw aujsja [safflouszolfl '."' o anozfiiaoq ad: 03 noa.fisqnofi ‘t 'ru'sju) noiyfiacg uuo lo ‘ :- ':'n' in F ‘n.'r rl i\. u!«_);—-' rnr. - 5'. ' _\' -_n'r': .. ;. . a-...r‘_1r:- l' _ '5'“ " . ‘ ' k ‘ ._ ‘-. 'U ' - I - . -5' ‘ :Ir': ":Ja ‘ ' ’ ‘ 'L“ ' ' r .‘I '40 . I . .. - , .y. H r- ' " ' ‘I I' . “.-., ... . ‘ -. . 1' 1' , -. 46 III. Self~Attribution The third principle of self-concept formation, according to Rosenberg (1979, 1982), is "self- attribution,‘ the premise of which is that people make judgments about themselves by observing their own behavior and its outcomes. For example, we tend to view ourselves as academically successful if the outcome of our school work is highly accepted or praised, and feel flawed if the case is the reverse. Thus observing our own behavior and evaluating its outcomes will influence our perception of self-worth. "A person who ranks high in the status hierarchy would be expected to have high self-esteem not only because he compares favorably with those around him or because he commands their admiration and respect, but because he himself interprets his success-whether based on the accumulation of money, prestige, or power—-as evidence of how good he is" (Rosenberg, 1979:139). Using this principle to elucidate the discrepancy in the results of the Chicago and Baltimore study, one might contend that the children perceived their socioeconomic status, whatsoever, whether high or low, as an ascribed one, while the adults consciously acknowledge that their status is achieved, rather than ascribed. Rosenberg (1979) refers to this as follows: One reason social class has so little bearing on the self-esteem of the child, then, is that the societal stratification system does not represent an arena. of personal accomplishment. What the child himself has wrought appears to bear on his self—esteem; his father's achievements, on the 9:111 ii h'wsl'.‘ I954? has .r.-5mm;- 'w.‘- "-- :0. --:. "Inch"; aft Anon 'r '- J'--I£.i.'t' ;:.-i' "I . '.' ' '-: ." .- " -,..._' :,_-_"_ 436:3- I"-I \_ . _ H '_': 'p. r I . : I 47 other hand, are not his own. The identical principle applies to adults. What the adult has achieved may affect his feeling of self—worth but what his father has achieved is largely irrelevant. (p. 140) IV. PSychological Centrality The fourth. principle Ci self-concept formation is psychological centrality. The implication of this principle is that the best vantage for understanding how four areas of the self-concept extant influence one's self—conception, is by viewing self-concept as an hierarchical organization of parts, pieces, and components. Not all dispositions and attributes of self-concept are perceived at the same level of importance; some of them are salient while others remain in the background cm: are a trivial matter. Rosenberg (1979) refers to the mechanism of this principle as follows: Psychological centrality holds that the self- concept is rum: a collection in“: an organization of parts, pieces, and components and that these are hierarchically organized and interrelated in complex ways. Not only are certain dispositions--intelligence, morality, honesty, courtesy-~differentially central to our concerns, but so are certain social identity elements (such as black, Protestant, father, machinist) and ego—extensions. (p. 73) Knowing that psychological centrality plays a major role in self-concept formation would explain why social class has an effect on adult's self-esteem rather than on that of children. The impact of social class or status on global self-esteem, then, depends in part on its '.'.r1 inn-"3:" '. J5!" “fl"? - '.fl ' '. '. :t.--';-- 1110"! r. - , . . . E)" 48 psychological centrality for the individual. The relevance of this point in the present context is that social status affects adults' more than children's self-esteem simply because social status is more psychologically central to the adult than to the child. Adults are more aware of, attuned to, concerned with social status than children. (Rosenberg, 1979:144) V. Identity Theory Similar to the psychological centrality principle is Stryker's (1968, 1973, 1980, 1982, 1989) identity salience concept. According to Stryker's identity theory, the self consists of a collection of identities-—one may view one‘s self as doctor, father, musician, black or white, a member of a certain club, tennis player, liberal, brave, friendly, woman, democrat or republican, etc., because all these dispositions and social identities make up the self. Hence, Stryker (1989) defined identities as "internalized sets of role expectations, with the person having as Inany identities as she or he plays roles in diStlJlCt sets of social. relatxionships" (p. 46). Nevertheless, the concept of identity salience, as advanced by Stryker and Serpe (1982), proposed that these dispositions and social identities do not compose the self arbitrarily, but rather take place within the self in a hierarchical manner. As noted by Stryker and Serpe (1982): Identity salience represents one of the ways, and a theoretically most important way, that the identities making up the self can be organized. Identities, that is, are conceived as being organized into a salience hierarchy. This hierarchical organization of identities is '0 oneiisa vikinebt (9891 .SH’E .0801" (EVQI .3091) a'uexyzie Isa adj .Y‘JO'JIIJ vi'rdrnshi -' '19?‘.-":J-"' oj [r-E:---<-n:--". .quonoo .I . .-:.. ... a . ' ' ' . - I ' ' ' .- DHO .- . . n -..:2- ----..- - .- - ... . -- . '-::! 33:10::- : ' . 'l c . ' 1 ".r..' I . L « “rm.- 1' , ‘.': I 'l' 49 defined by the probabilities of each of the various identities, with it being brought into play in a given situation. (p. 206) Thus, according to the identity theory, the self consists of organized identities which have different effects on the self-conception, depending upon the salience of the identity in the self's hierarchical structure. Stryker (1989) indicates that the central proposition of the identity theory argues that commitment affects identity salience (p. 46). Thus the higher the commitment to the identity, the more the salience of this identity in the person‘s hierarchical structure, and the more the effect of that identity on the self-conception, because this identity(ies) will be evoked several times, and in several situations. "The greater the commitment premised on an identity, the more salient will be that identity, and the more general self—esteem will be based on that identity" (Stryker & Serpe, 1982:207). Identity' theory is developed as a response to the dispute over the nature of the self. The literature of social psychology is fraught with two totally different views of the self. One advocates the multiplicity of types of self, as may be found in the work of many interactionists. For' example, Kinch (1973) indicates that: . . . to think exclusively of a single self- concept is misleading. Although it is true that when an individual moves into a new group he brings with him a conception of himself based on earlier encounters and some dimensions of the old self are reinforced, at the same time many “u 0": no I: Inst-dots: 53' act-:1 n! 131111.!” .113 50 09-011.)". r latrines add dad: 39.1533:an (9381) ‘.IOElY'IJa .ouuiouzfil insmdimmoo 33d: sang-us vaoed: ydtdnebi :‘HI'J 30 noiJlaoqozq on: ncdgin ens anflr .(Et .2? sonoi'cr gjijnnbj $539335 cifj 30 consiitt ufiJ unom “J: .vjijnst; mun cfl inomjimmoo ." r-. ._r'_:-.... :1" -z -" f ' : .1 'r '-: ' . _:,'?;!r19_n’;:_i " u ,- . , . .‘ _ ' :"_-' "-’-"-"--: 1.- .-' - ‘ -.i ' ..x Tim's. .Lt . - ' .' Cu 50 dimensions of the self may not be relevant in the new setting. As you move from your work to school, to a date, the image you have of your self naturally changes because the same type of expectations do not carry over to the new settings. (pp. 89—90) An opposite view of Kinch's notion of self is held by those who view self in singular dimensions, as demonstrated in Cohen's (1989) definition of self-concept. Cohen argues that "the self—concept is regarded as an enduring feature of a person's personality that operates in all situations to affect that person's behavior" (1989:321). Unlike these two perspectives, identity theory is constructed to offer a conceptualization of self that incorporates both multiplicity and singularity dimensions. Stryker (1989) refers to this process in the following: This conceptualization incorporates the idea of a multiplicity of selves through the postulate that self comprises as many identities as positions occupied and roles played by the person in organized networks of social relationships. It incorporates the idea of the singularity of self via the postulate that these identities are organized in a salience hierarchy. (p. 47) VI. Self-Investment Theory The psychological centrality principle proposed by Rosenberg (1979) and the identity theory as advanced 13y Stryker and Serpe (1982) and Stryker (1989) indicate that, since the self is constituted by dispositions, attributes, and identities, the effect of these characteristics on one's self—conception depends on how central or salient ‘ ‘ ,3 q . xi- ,7 :!.-).-. at!“ .‘M‘j sauna neflot) v.95: ;!.-.".: Kilian-1.1.4: ._'-r.:r, n. . '.'-‘JLIJfiSvR phi-imbue i '- ' .-.--- -...--.. -- .., — - - - :.- -':_': .. . ~-. ... . o .- r. -' -(r: 2 ‘ l ’- r 51 one or all of these characteristics is (are) to the individual. Similar to these two perspectives of self-conception formation is self—investment theory, as developed by Faunce (1975, 1982, 1984, 1989). Faunce (1989) defined selfeinvestment as: a commitment to achievement with regard to an activity or attribute based on the relevance of that activity or attribute for self-esteem. High self—investment in work, for example, means that occupational achievement in some form is necessary to maintain self-esteem; those with low self-investment can fail in this area with impunity. (pp. 381—382) Self-investment theory is distinguished from the two related previous theories by two central concepts, knowledge and reminders. Unlike the psychological centrality principle and identity theory, self-investment proposes that knowing one's location in a status hierarchy (as central characteristics, attributes, or identities) would not have an important effect on one's self—conception unless social experience reminds him/her of that location. This reminding concept entails a frequency of evaluation process because "the greater the frequency of evaluation by others of an attribute or activity, the higher will be the self-investment in that activity or attribute" (Faunce, 1989:383). Literature Related to Work and Self—Esteem Although we adopt the theoretical perspective which considers work conditions as prior variables to self—esteem, the fact is that the literature in work and 52 self-esteem is conflicting. Researchers provide us with a voluminous literature to attest to the effects of work conditions on self-esteem, and vice—versa. Regarding the assumption that self-esteem influences work, some scholars have emphasized the role of self—esteem in work outcomes and occupational achievement (Korman, 1970); in high occupational aspirations (Douvan & Adelson, 1966; Bedeian, 1977); in expectations of success in attaining one's goals (Rosenberg, 1965); in educational and occupational attainment (Bachman & O'Malley, 1977); and in seeing oneself as competent in dealing with the world (Fitch, 1970). Bachman and O'Malley (1977), however, indicate that "the fairly strong correlations between self-esteem during high school and later educational and occupational attainment reflect very little direct impact of self-esteem on later success" (p. 377). Reporting additional qualifications of this relationship, Greenhaus and Badin (1974), in their study of the relationship between three sources of self-esteem and task performance for 144 undergraduate students, conclude that "task—specific self-esteem predicted performance for total sample; socially influenced self-esteem predicted performance for high authoritarian subjects" (p. 722). Literature Related to Social Class and Self-Esteem With regard to the alternative assumption, i.e., that work influences self—esteem, most research has dealt Irv-I1! IIIIIIaI IIoI g Jnomavome-I." isnohsquoao bus aemoosuc also: at a nsvuoa) anoifisfiiqaa Isnoidsquuoo dplfl n1 :(OTQI .naflloll '“ :'.:-.:--'.-oua ‘m (anal-11151.33“ 1.} -:(\'\‘91 .rwi.i-‘. :Cséflf .rmzlabA I .1 " 1.".i- . .'.' II .- '-:-'I'_- . 'I ".h'r: -JJI".‘- "i 1.. ‘3' 15-i' "'- . - I ' ' . . " '.."-C"'--L '- “fif- . - ' .r-' 53 broadly with effects of social class generally rather than specific aspects of work. Literature on the relationship between social class and self-esteem, however, is fraught with contradictions. Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978) refer to this problematic situation as "after decades of research on both social class and self-esteem, it is somewhat surprising to find so little knowledge about their relationship“ (p. 53). In a prior work, Rosenberg (1965) reported ea weak relationship between indices of self-esteem and social class. Luck and Heiss (1972) investigated the social influence upon adult males' self-esteem, and found that "self—esteem was not positively related to socioeconomic status; the proportion of cases with high self-esteem is greater among those with low—status fathers (63 percent) than it. is among those with high-status fathers (35 percent)“ (pp. 69, 76). Kaplan (1971) failed to observe 23 relationship between social class and self—degradation. Moreover, Mortimer and Lorence (l979b), in their examination of the socialization affect of work experience on self-concept during the early work career, indicate that there is no direct relationship between the measures of socioeconomic background and the 1976 self-concept data. Coopersmith's (1967) study indicated that "there is no clear and definite pattern of relationship between social class and positive and negative attitudes toward the self" (p. 83). gusdneaofi .Jl'xau 'xohq 5 M .(E: .q) 'aidanofisla: fled: Elc- aosif-nf neowIad qiflz-rur.r'--='-. 23,-. r-: Educ-at". (8801) -. (SUM) aafie-H Ems firs-v ' _. . -:---.-::a:-:--—3lea if. :"’!if.' f-gffil '. ' a '_ ,. I.::-..‘n1 2'15: !' 3., " _ 1.. ‘ '. l i . w l l . .. 54 Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978), as noted above, conducted empirical research to study social class and self-esteem among children and adults. The findings indicated that no association exists between social class and self-esteem among preadolescents, a modest relationship among adolescents, and a moderate relationship among adults. One way they explained the differences in the results between adults and children is that social comparison based on status is not a matter of concern among children because they perceive their socioeconomic environments as homogeneous. On the other hand, the opposite case is demonstrated by adults, whose socioeconomic environments tend to be sharply heterogeneous. Although Rosenberg (1965) and Rosenberg and Pearlin (1978) are considered cornerstone studies on social class and self-esteem, their researches do not provide us with complete knowledge of how social class influences adult self—esteem, especially in a work setting, which will be explained in this research. Literature Review on Studies of the Mediating Variables between SES and Self-Esteem Educational Attainment We propose that the occupational experience of being self-directed, having the possibility for upward mobility, and occupational achievement are limited by educational 'I sjnwebom g bns .ejnsoasloba pnonn qkdanaf adj-banisqus ysfid ;? noWhIido h"fi P-'-Z .'._'!l_§:"- ¢ ;:.~n '-'I .5" 9:10 u‘onI 50530.4! .vflluts pncm. qidanoldsfii -'Iv:n~ ' .I‘ :.fine1“3alb- .;.:( nwri=-_Hr: [afoot dad: ‘1 n l (I 55 qualifications which are greatly affected by family socioeconomic background. Blau and [Mncan (1967) and Duncan, Featherman and Duncan (1972) used 1962 OCG (Occupational Change in a Generation) data and a 1966 DAS (Detroit Area Study), respectively, for their research. The 1962 data resulted from a national survey of males, 35 to 44 years old; the 1966 study dealt with males 21 to 64 years old. The results of these two studies attested to the effect of socioeconomic origins on educational attainment and occupational achievement. For example, the model they used tested the effect of three family background factors, father's education, father's occupation, and number of siblings, on the subsequent educational attainment using OCG data. The causal diagram for the OCG data set indicated that the path coefficients from father's occupations to son's education (PUX) was 0.28, which was the highest among the three family background factors, as indicated in the following statements: Each of the three family background factors directly influences education in an appreciable degree. Results for all four cohorts suggest that father's occupation is a slightly more weighty factor in educational attainment than either father's education (n: number of siblings when all three variables are considered simultaneously. The effect of number of siblings is negative, implying that an increase in family size lowers the number of grades of school completed. (Duncan et al., 1972:41) Moreover, Sewell and Hauser (1975), in their study of the effect of socioeconomic origins on educational 0.9 hsjas-st asthma cw Ham-H lo aJIua-n 3r: .blo 81.9! =":'.'j.'"-‘\'.2'H:"E 5'0 awn“: sin-(fuzz-.-'.-.-'.--'m ":r. :l'-'-'I"--: 911:! .... ..:x--- '!‘_'-- .j n-.' E:::\:.- ::~:'-:.i-|E--_:-'.-".'---.~. f:-r .:n:-':1--.lr~:l:lr- '-"." I " " '.' 2'. :. . 5.0-: 56 attainment, indicate that "for each sex, socioeconomic status is an important determinant at each level of attainment in the process of higher education—~even when intelligence is controlled" (p. 9). They also argue that: Those with higher status origins, as indicated by numerous studies, on the average score higher on ability and achievement tests, earn better grades in school, have higher educational and occupational aspirations, are more likely to obtain the education that will qualify them for the more demanding and high prestige occupations and consequently tend to earn more money. (p. 2) Educational attainment has an increasingly important role in one's occupational attainment, which subsequently results in differences in wealth, power, and prestige. Nachmias (1977) indicated that "there is ample evidence that in the United States, higher education increases the chances for higher income and more power and prestige" (p. 589). The aims in including this variable are two-fold: one is to determine the effects of educational attainment on self—esteem independently; second, to determine the effects of educational attainment on self-esteem in combination with variables related to occupational experience, such as self—direction, possibility for upward mobility, and occupational achievement at work. Research on the effects of education on self-esteem are conflicting. The studies range from showing no relation at all, negative relation, positive relation, or a relation through a mediating variable, which is the case ." " . I ~'_3 . . -. ,-| 1, ,LL .. - 7 :0} mad: 2311515: I]? *l‘L’. o;:.-.-.u‘hs or” nlsido anoinquooo option-:1; rim-f hm.- L-an'l-m-erxnf; mum odd (3 .q) .ysnom t-‘icm u'mu --J f'riz'J v1.31“: 115.. 2.10:) hm. t~LJ3vqni Yfflniafifijuni FL 'T! H-.. ' Tanri' waij ‘- i_:(‘l‘.'_-!_li'-’..’( 'I_; |".' "1 . I-_ _. Irfia I '51: .1"! ..r‘. g. '95-: " ' I J r I h —I 57 we propose for this study. Mortimer and Lorence (1979b), in a longitudinal study' of occupational experience and self-concept, examined 435 males who were 1966-67 college graduates. They were the subjects for the research during their undergraduate years and during a follow-up study 10 years later. The finding of the study was that there was no significant direct effect of educational attainment on the 1976 self-concept. The study showed that graduate educational attainment exerts its psychological influence more indirectly through work autonomy and income. This finding is congruent with a previous study by Bachman and O'Malley (1977), who found no direct impact of higher educational attainment on self—esteem. They found that the only impact is through occupational achievement: "educational attainment contributes to job status which, in turn, has a modest impact on self-esteem" (p. 337). Similar results were reported by Kohn and Schooler (1983): "The psychological effects of education are in varying degree attributable to occupational self—direction“ (p. 169). There are some studies which show a general relationship between educational attainment and individual self—esteem. For instance, Jacques and Chason (1977), in their study of self-esteem and status using 972 subjects, "observed significant differences in the samples of service—oriented professionals, married black residents, prisoners, and white university students. In general, ‘ :lrsuhl-‘a'np Isfl: L-JWL-dé: \[r'lIJT' -. rI'J‘ . .14';:'"Ir'n;-' } I '.'b '3 V0! 9113 ' — r -. - ... .- _ . . . '-.--'-.IJ- -'.. .I'.-Z.‘J'{_-l-_-u..n-.vv, - '-v'. I :---j,?:'.;_-Lf'a . 7'"- '|- 31' . ' ‘ - . 'I! I I l _l" 58 persons with fewer years of education scored significantly lower on Rosenberg's self-esteem scale than did more educated persons" (p. 410). likewise, in studying the influence of educational attainment on self-evaluations of competence, Weidman, Phelan and Sullivan (1972) found that educational attainment has a strong, positive association with self—evaluations of competence. The basic themes of this study are the reverse of that proposed by Korman (1970), who assumed that a positive self—image will promote occupational achievement. we have emphasized the theoretical trend which asserts that occupational conditions and experiences tend to affect adult self-esteem, as is revealed le the works of Tharenou and Barker (1982); Tharenou, 1979); authors of Work. in America (1973); Mortimer and Lorence (1979a, l979b); Bachman and O'Malley (1977); Luck and Heiss (1972); Hall (1971); Kohn and Schooler (1969, 1973, 1978, 1983); Schwalbe (1985); Rosenberg (1979); Faunce (1989); Kasl and French (1962); and Harvey (1975). For example, the authors of Work in America (1973) indicate that "work plays a crucial and perhaps unparalleled psychological role in the formation of self-esteem, identity, and a sense of order" (p. 4). Moreover, Harvey (1975) wrote that "a man's whole self-worth, feeling of self—esteem and self—approval appear to have become largely embodied in his occupation" (p. 221). While this may overstate the case in terms of the extent of effect, in sawsvotv add 915 '{ana airEJ lo asmsfl: olesd orfr r: 's;." E':-.-.n:u.'.>as Of'h .(C‘VL‘L) -.'5-.!:'.O;'l yr" horaoqrnq Ind: v: .":'-r.rJI ' .-:. ':;-' ;. .-'- i1". outfit-V l.“ '. ~.‘ .‘szanq ' ' — .. I . 'I. ' .‘IE'-" :.- - ._' l-:' -/'..-..'€’.I 59 the causal direction is the one we are proposing. Tharenou (1979), reviewing the literature on employee self-esteem, concluded that "intrinsic characteristics of the job (skill, variety, challenge, interest, autonomy) affect the employee's global self-esteem level more than self-esteem level affects job characteristics" (p. 339). A similar conclusion was reported by Mortimer and Lorence (1979b), who indicated that "several recent studies provide that work experiences do influence the personality" (p. 307). Kohn and Schooler (1983) found that the relationship between occupational experience and self—concept is based primarily on the effect of the former on the latter. The following is a literature review of the two main occupational condition variables. Self-Direction In the path diagram (Figure l), which describes the assumptions and hypotheses guiding our theoretical work, we postulated that since socioeconomic background produces differences in occupational values and experiences, employees from higher socioeconomic statuses are more likely to be concerned about having a job where they can exercise self-direction at work. This proposition has its foundation in the work of Kohn and Schooler (1969, 1973, 1978, 1983). They argue that: The higher their social-stratification positions, the more value men place on self-direction and the more confident they are that self-direction is both possible and efficacious. The lower their social-stratification positions, the more value asihufla Insae: Jezevoa" 55H: bsdsaihni odw .(dQYQI) HI consuflrl 03 9::wu'fi'Qr" th‘ Jr 9 oijowq Jth' (555?; :chuu"fi .-K v'-- ..iw .-‘ "13} rnnrwov 60 men place on conformity to external authority and the more certain they are that conformity is all that their own capacities and the exigencies of the world allow" (1983:32). Furthermore, Mortimer and Iorence's (l979b) research on "Occupational Experience and the Self-Concept" demonstrates a direct path from family income to 1976 work autonomy. Kohn and Schooler (1973:103) examined the relationship between three variables indicative of self-direction: closeness of supervision; routinization of work; and substantive complexity. Their results showed that self-direction is significantly related to self-esteem. Also, they indicate that: Occupational self—direction leads to self-directed orientations to self and society: Men who are self-directed in their work are consistently more likely to become nonauthoritarian, to develop personally more responsible standards of morality, to become more trustful, more self-confident, less self-deprecatory, less fatalistic, less anxious, and less conformist in their ideals. (1983:142) In addition to the findings of Kohn and Schooler, research has consistently documented the importance of self-direction at work for self-esteem. Such research has been conducted by Hall (1971), Mortimer and Lorence (l979a, l979b), and Tharenou (1979). Upward Mobility Two other variables related to occupational experiences and conditions, which we assume influence self-esteem, are perceived possibility for promotion and 9d: bonimsxs (EOI:€VEI) noloodoa bnn ndox 5 Lo vuijsoibnl asldsjusx :oudj r-.w39d qfdanoiIrIs: : -. To noljsxintdu0? :PO.“1V?.QU? .0 u:wn:?o" :uajluuzib—Floa 1.. ,‘.'!I._‘__ :'-'.'I .‘;"i‘ '_ '- - ' r'"': ', ' -_".'J I ' u_' I. ii" 61 upward mobility at work. Upward mobility is very salient in many people's lives; it is a central theme in our socialization process. It is pivotal in the education system, in job training, and in the mass media. While upward mobility is a very pervasive goal, i1: is not possible for everyone. Luckmann and Berger refer to this: "While practically everybody feels committed to upward mobility as a central life-goal, a majority fail to achieve it" (1964:340). For this reason and many others, one would assume that mobility has crucial consequences for the psychological functioning of the individual. Many researchers have emphasized the importance of upward mobility for self-esteem. Luck and Heiss write that "upward mobility is more likely than stability to be associated with self—esteem for those with a college education" (1972:71). Luck and Heiss indicated that upward mobility is more conspicuous and highly related to self-esteem among those with college degrees than those with higll school diplomas. Faunce's (1989) recent contribution to the literature on work and self-estemn challenges the commonly assumed idea that work necessarily affects self-esteem. He argued that attention should be directed to variables which. influence this relationship. He, for example, indicated that opportunity for upward mobility (one characteristic of occupational status assignment systems) would influence the salience of occupational achievement, which, in turn, would influence 0:1 [is] :Ihoi'nm s .Ison-nlil 1:. '.'-rm: 1% as 'JEHdol . 'x . '.'-r'Jn .Ir. ‘nr .3: a r'.:J ‘u'! .( ' " - a-‘JJ‘I'JI' . :III- "I -j -‘\ _.I"_r l _ 62 the relationship between work and self—esteem. likewise, we propose in our causal diagram (Figure 1) that occupational achievement will influence self-esteem indirectly through occupational conditions (self-direction and upward mobility). Occupational Achievement Level Another variable which may mediate between socioeconomic status and self-esteem is occupational achievement level. By depicting a direct path from socioeconomic background to occupational achievement, we assume that, to some extent at least, the latter is a consequence of the former. The theoretical background of this assumption is based (Hi the work, anong others, of Blau and Duncan (1967) and Duncan, Featherman, and Duncan (1972), who argue the importance of father's occupation and education with regard to both respondents' educational attainment and occupational attainment. Direct effects of SES on occupational achievement have been reported by Eckland (1965) and Nachmias (1977). Eckland concluded that "apparently, social class makes a significant contribution to occupational achievement independent of its effect on the student's college career" (p. 742). Also, Nachmias notes that "social class has significant direct and indirect effect on the formation of educational and occupational goals and on occupational attainment" (p. 589). . «film- Isva] idoA Is hfiekflod sdslbem Saw ”III. nldrlnsv andjonA . v I”-u-.i..:-.Ij..-'._.-m :-..' ' .. i '.- fl". v'I.'-.i-' .In'cIEIJ'f-LHJIDUB I: . “I- 1uu:-L u3:J=uL~ Y” -:= '1 nbnsvalflas i' 63 Research on the relationship between occupational achievement and self-esteem is conflicting. Some studies show ea positive relationship even while controlling for education as an antecedent variable to occupational achievement. Others show no relationship, or some relationship as a result of the influence of variables such as education or occupational conditions. Kohn and Schooler's (1973) study demonstrates two points: when pay was controlled (indicator of occupational achievement), the relationship between self—esteem and a composite index of 12 occupational conditions was not reduced. There were no independent effects of job level on global self—esteem after removing intrinsic job conditions. On the other hand, a relationship has been found between occupational achievement or job level (as indicator of occupational achievement) and self—esteem. This relationship surfaced in the research of Kasl and French (1962), Jacques and Chason (1977), Luck and Heiss (1972), Bachman and O'Malley (1977), and 'Iharenou and Harker (1982). Tharenou and Harker found that "global self-esteem and sense of competence are significantly and positively related to the employee's job level, complexity, performance, and satisfaction. Job level has the highest beta weight for global self-esteem" (p. 800). Based on the assumption that success has a positive effect on self-esteem, Bachman and O'Malley (1977) found a direct positive impact of the subjects' 1974 occupational status on 1974 self-esteem. -:r.c_ nr-.iw :ajnloq m.“ PLJfi'lfi‘flcm'f' ybuJ" (TIL-I) a'uefoofloe ,(‘M ""'-l":!i:I:"-I Ir..'a-:-":H.:~n:mn '. u‘.-_‘.--:-iI')rI£) faE-_u.'IL‘.':I'-'n0'.‘: asw .r-u 64 Since research on the effect of occupational conditions and experiences on self-esteem are contradictory, the aim of this study is not to test only one possibility; our‘ path analysis will initially cover all possible paths. Still, the basic premise of this study is that the higher one's socioeconomic origin, the higher will be educational attainment; the higher the educational attainment, the higher will be occupational achievement and the more likely one is to be self-directed and upwardly mobile at work which, in turn, will result in high self-esteem. 9d: why-1.16 a'ono Ibdytfl Id: 3513 It. add :adgifl 9d: :Jnemnlsiis lanoldsaubo Id IIII 3 Isnoijsquuao nu IIlw ISIpif ufld .jncmn191;e Isnoidloub. tfijncxib-Jloa 9d 01 31 an» yiuflil fimr on: has Inemsvaidos n. 'ffiffl? II r'-.' .I'"-"'! P" .r‘nr" '- :_'.-'_:." ' "" l ..t'Qh bnfi '9 - 251,-- I .' - '1!“ f_ . CHAPTER III RESEARCH METHODS, INSTRUMENTATION, AND PROCEDURES The primary purpose of this research was to explore causal relationships between self—esteem and job conditions and experiences; specifically, self-direction, occupational achievement level, and upward mobility, and to determine how these conditions moderate the effect of socioeconomic status of family of origin and educational attainment on self-esteem. It represents one segment of a long line of research on work and self-esteem. Furthermore, this research particularly aims to highlight the effect of occupational self—direction on self—esteem. This chapter will focus on descriptions of the population, the instruments used, and the methods used for collecting and analyzing the data. Description of the Population The population of this study was drawn randomly from two census tracts in Lansing, Michigan. Forty-five persons were selected from each tract. One represents a stable upper-middle class residential area, the other represents a stable working—class residential area. The head of each household was interviewed. Forty-five blocks 65 -.of' has monies—3192 nec-st-c! FOINEHOXJEI‘JJ IIIUI: ...c-.i;Iuo:I.L..--l.[oa .\;1.Exsoil'tusqe Han-neiqus- bnr. anoidlbnoo -..--., {-.. -.:.¢:_z:n .'.r.:- ...‘n .~r -'.- . Irv-..r I.— ..-. 5'an Esnoljfiquaoo 66 were selected randomly from each census tract. Two procedures were applied in selecting the households from each block for interview purposes: 1. The interviewer started with the third house from the corner on the east side. If any obstacles occurred in interviewing the household, the house on either side was selected. 2. After finishing with the first interviewee, the interviewer was instructed to move to the third house from the northwest corner on the west side in the next randomly selected block. Again, if any problem occurs in making the interview, the house on either side was selected. Table 1 gives a breakdown of the number of males and females represented in the research data. Table l~—Distribution of Total Population by Gender. Total Females Total Males Total Population 28 62 90 Table 2 gives a frequency distribution of the socioeconomic status of family of the research population. The value rank for this socioeconomic status is given according to Duncan's socioeconomic index. The rating is based on occupation of head of household in the respondent's family of origin. ed: .ocaoivus1n1 i H'.' L .'_:L=(_u. I-'.'=i:‘ll _' .I II I -5} '.l. Jali” 9d: [11.5w [muzninlf -'.\..-. .1". cri [ J"'I'.I. 19315 T: .S 'l'lIJ-J'n’l: .usl.:33ni an: 67 Table 2—-Frequency Distribution of the Target Population's Family Socioeconomic Status. Value Frequency Percent Value Frequency Percent 3 1 1.1 39 2 2.2 6 2 2.2 40 3 3.3 7 l 1.1 43 l 1.1 8 1 1.1 49 1 1.1 9 2 2.2 50 5 5.6 10 4 4.4 51 1 1.1 11 1 1.1 52 2 2.2 13 l 1.1 53 1 1.1 14 4 4.4 54 1 1.1 15 3 3.3 56 l 1.1 16 2 2.2 59 2 2.2 17 3 3.3 61 3 3.3 18 1 1.1 62 2 2.2 19 2 2.2 65 2 2.2 21 1 1.1 66 2 2.2 22 2 2.2 67 1 1.1 23 1 1.1 70 l 1.1 24 6 6.7 71 1 1.1 25 2 2.2 72 1 1.1 27 3 3.3 82 1 1.1 31 2 2.2 84 2 2.2 32 1 1.1 85 1 1.1 33 3 3.3 93 l 1.1 36 1 1.1 96 l 1.1 37 1 1.1 —-— Total 90 100.0 Table 3 shows a frequency distribution of the target population's educational attainment. Table 4 presents a frequency distribution of the occupational achievement level of the research population. The value for this status attainment is ranked according to Duncan's socioeconomic index. 68 Table 3--Frequency Distribution of the Target Population's Educational Attainment. Value Value Label Frequency Percent 6 years of schooling 1 1.1 9 years of schooling 2 2.2 10 years of schooling 5 5.6 11 years of schooling 4 4.4 12 years of schooling 22 24.4 13 1 year of college 6 6.7 14 2 years of college 9 10.0 15 3 years of college 4 4.4 16 4 years of college 21 23.3 17 M.A./M.S. degree 10 11.1 18 Ph.D. degree 6 6.7 Total 90 100.0 Table 4-—Frequency Distribution of the Target Population's Occupational Achievement Level. value Frequency Percent value Frequency Percent 6 l 1.1 50 3 3.3 9 2 2.2 51 3 3.3 11 l 1.1 53 2 2.2 13 2 2.2 54 l 1.1 15 3 3.3 61 5 5.6 16 1 1.1 62 3 3.3 21 7 7.8 65 3 3.3 23 l 1.1 66 9 10.0 26 2 2.2 68 l 1.1 27 2 2.2 69 l 1.1 32 2 2.2 70 1 1.1 33 1 1.1 72 4 4.4 38 2 2.2 78 3 3.3 39 1 1.1 80 1 1.1 41 1 2.2 84 5 5.6 44 7 7.8 85 l 1.1 46 3 3.3 86 2 2.2 49 1 1.1 93 l 1.1 25 2 2.2 72 1 1.1 27 3 3.3 82 1 1.1 31 2 2.2 84 2 2.2 32 1 1.1 85 l 1.1 33 3 3.3 93 l 1.1 36 l 1.1 96 1 1.1 37 1 1.1 -—— LO C Total 100.0 '.- S, I Mb I- "'QSIJ'“) 3c 2:592 E 21 .15‘. s[;.¢.f.-'.--J lo fit-5%: b at I.r' - ”I .~ T .'.'..?"..'=..."! TI :l-¢| -. ._ -‘ .' -'_. {q 8'. 69 Instrumentation Socioeconomic Status of Family of Origin and Occupational Achievement level of Target Population These two variables were measured by using Duncan's (1961) socioeconomic index. The socioeconomic index is used as ea measure to stratify the individuals in our target population as well as to rank and classify their occupation (see Appendix B). Duncan indicates that "The greatest interest in the index will be in its potential use for stratifying a population of individuals. No less important, however, are its possibilities as a research instrument in investigations of occupation structura' (1961:140). The virtue of Duncan's socioeconomic index compared to other occupational scales, such as the National Opinion Research Center's (NORC) Scale of Occupational Prestige and Edwards' Measurement of Occupational Status, is that "The socioeconomic index . . . is one that combines the available information on educational and income levels of persons engaged in several occupations" (Duncan, 1961:117). In contrast to the Edwards scale, it contains information about specific occupations and it is not limited to the 90 occupations included in the original NORC scale. After explaining the limitation in Edwards' measurement scale, Pavalko (1988) writes: The desire for more refined scales for measuring occupational status has led to the creation of 'indexes' that order occupations on the basis of the average educational attainment and income of people in those occupations, as reported in the 70 national decennial censuses. The best known and most widely used scale of this kind was developed by Otis Dudley Duncan* using 1950 census data. . . . It is commonly referred to as the Duncan socioeconomic index (SEI). The scale includes nearly 500 occupations. (p. 127) Duncan (1961) describes the objectives of the SET as follows: . . . obtaining a socioeconomic index for each of the occupations in the detailed classification of the 1950 census of population. This index is to have both face validity, in terms of its constituent variables, and sufficient predictive efficiency with respect to the NORC occupational prestige ratings that it can serve as an acceptable substitute for them in any research where it is necessary to grade or rank occupations in the way that the NORC score does but where some of the occupations are not on the NORC list. (p. 115) Occupational Self—Direction A four-item scale was used as an indicator of self—direction (adopted from Kohn & Schooler, 1983). The scale assesses freedom from close supervision and engaging in non-routinized and complex tasks. Indicators for the self-direction scale are: The frequency of talking to the immediate supervisor. The frequency of talking to the supervisor, who is above the immediate supervisor. The number of times the employee is evaluated by his supervisor. Job complexity. The reliability measure used for the self-direction scale was Cronbach's alpha coefficient, which is a measure *Highlighted by the author. U a}! To amuuj NJ .yaibflbu I F.: chd ovsd ovlme-suq Ins is 1:1 Im- hm: . a-‘~'=..’-:.!£ 1". av 3091131131109 {,---u-i;i:-r;:-"1vt '.‘."1'" . " .'-.: '3'11 -..- t' :73" r" 1....” ' -. -' :.' “I;-'.§'_'c.--‘.'q {ha h In« f 11;? "3 sin: _ ! - 1dr . TDE 1 :5: H..- L 'I. ' l v I. : i. ( uF-l - ‘ ‘ 4 l I 71 of internal consistency (Carmines & Zeller, 1979). The overall alpha for the self-direction scale was 0.7004. Table 5 shows a frequently distribution of the target population's occupational self-direction scores. Upward Mobility Upward mobility was measured as the perceived possibility for upward mobility. The respondents were asked, "How certain do you feel about your chances of moving up?", using a five—point response format. The five response categories are: (5) very certain; (4) certain; (3) somewhat certain; (2) uncertain; and (1) very uncertain. Table 6 shows a frequency distribution of the target population's perceived upward mobility. Self-Esteem The lO-item scale developed by Rosenberg (1965) was used to measure the target population's self-esteem. This self—esteenl measure deals generally with favorable and unfavorable attitudes toward the self. The scale is balanced, with five positive items and five negative items (see Appendix A, Item 34 1—10). Respondents were asked to indicate (n1 a five—point, Likert scale how strongly they disagree or agree that each item was true of them. The five response categories are: (1) strongly agree; (2) agree; (3) neither agree nor disagree; (4) disagree; and (5) strongly disagree. The higher the value on the scale, the higher the self—esteem. .\ . raj-1w r1! ' .:-.-.-..c.—. . ‘ . ' " - '2 7 2 T - .r" ((3... h. . =I'- .:"I 'I-"ffiurlil 'I-LII YJtJldlaaofl '- :.IIIE-I". 'I-I ‘. I "-" '-I' ' ' ' _ . ~. L ! -:_ ." . Hui!" gin-'35?!» 1 72 Table 5——Frequency Distribution of the Target Population's Occupational Self—Direction Scores. value Label value Frequency Percentage Low Self-Directed 4 l 1.1 occupation 5 2 2.2 6 3 3.3 7 3 3.3 8 8 8.9 9 6 6.7 10 9 10.0 11 10 11.1 12 12 13.3 l3 13 14.4 l4 17 18.9 High Self—Directed 15 4 4.4 occupation l7 2 2.2 Total 90 100.0 Table 6--Frequency Distribution of the Target Population's Perceived Upward Mobility. Value Lable Value Frequency Percentage Very uncertain 1 18 20.0 Uncertain 2 16 17.8 Somewhat uncertain 3 24 26.7 Certain 4 14 15.6 Very certain 5 18 20.0 Total 90 100.0 73 A number of studies suggest the reliability and construct validity of this scale. For instance, Crandell (1973) evaluated Rosenberg's (1965) scale as one of the best scales to measure self—esteem. Furthermore, Hensley and Roberts (1976) indicated that Rosenberg's scale is one of the most well-known scales for measuring self-esteem. The reliability measure used in this study for the self-esteem scale was Cronbach's alphg coefficient, which is a measure of internal consistency (Carmines & Zeller, 1979). The .alpha_ for the self-esteem scale as used in this study was .8355. Table 7 shows a frequency distribution (of the target population's self—esteem scores 0 Career Stage A two—item scale was used as an indicator of career stage. This scale was a composite of two variables: (1) number of years in the labor force; and (2) age. Since these two variables have different distributions, the original raw scores of the two variables were converted to standardized ones. Career stage was used to measure the influence that number of years in the labor force and age had on the effect of educational attainment, occupational achievement level, occupational self- direction, and upward mobility on self-esteem. The reliability measure used for the career stage scale was Cronbach's glpha coefficient. The overall alpha for the career stage scale was 0.76. --i-r".' .:In-...2:-j:.IE.-:-o':- '..'!.:'.'§ a'rf"!£I'7rI¢.\':I'.'.' .‘-'I'-\' -.-.!'r'-'.'.£: Inmates-3103 74 Table 7--Frequency Distribution of the Target Population's Self-Esteem Scores. Value Label Value Frequency Percentage Low Self—Esteem 10 score 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 29 High Self-Esteem 32 score 38 HHNI—‘mbdkaHkOI—‘whma‘mI—‘bp I—‘ OGDOUObUlU’lflI-‘sbb H I—‘I—‘NHmquDP-‘CDI—‘wnmeIQI-‘Ah [—1 H li—‘l—‘Nt—‘U‘lhflm Total 0 O |.—-l O O O Research Questionnaire The research questionnaire (see Appendix A) was developed by Professor William Faunce (Michigan State University, Department of Sociology). The original objective of the questionnaire as designed by Ikofessor Faunce was to test a detailed theory of "self-investment," which attempts "to explain why level of occupational achievement is an important determinant of the self-esteem of some persons and has very little effect upon the self-esteem of others" (Faunce, l980:ii). 75 The method used to gather the research information from the target population was a face-to-face interview. The questionnaire contains: a detailed work history; personal experience of occupational status differences both at work and off the job; an indication of self-investment in work at the present time; how often the interviewee communicates with his/her immediate supervisor and the person above the immediate supervisor; the interviewee's perception of the possibility for upward mobility; and Rosenberg's ten-item self-esteem scale. Moreover, the questionnaire sought demographic information such as gender, age, race, level of education, individual gross income, total family income, and occupation and education of parents. Analysis of Data Data collected from the research questionnaire were entered into a computer file. The computer program used for statistical applications was Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS—PC+). The statistical technique used to examine the hypothetical causal structure, which is summarized in Figure l, is path analysis. This statistical technique is not constructed to prove the validity of the causal assumptions as depicted in any given model. It is simply designed to estimate the strengths of the different causal connections in the model. Blau and Duncan (1967) explain '_.' ‘- :EI'VLJ-IH‘ .I I - r ' * r A ‘7 _ -. In. suods rFIu' -- -:— bf: 9“: b“ \I. -L ' 1.2 . I". 'r ' eshalvaajnl l :" ailjdnn 76 the purpose of using. path analysis by indicating that, "Path analysis is not a method for discovering causal laws but a procedure for giving a quantitative interpretation to the manifestations of a known or assumed causal system as it operates in a particular population" (p. 172) . Based on the previous review of literature on self-esteem and family socioeconomic background, as well as on the literature review on educational and occupational attainment, we selected four variables for data analysis which are treated as prior causes of self- esteem (X6). These variables, stated in causal order, are: 1. educational attainment (X2); 2. occupational achievement level (X3); 3. occupational self-direction (X4); and 4. possibility for upward mobility (X5). We also consider the first three variables as mediating variables between socioeconomic status of origin (X1) and self-esteem (X6). In order to acquire the general information of how these previous variables are related, a zero-order correlation matrix and some descriptive statistics for all variables in the causal model are presented in Table 8 in the next chapter. The level of rejection for the hypotheses, as stated, was set at 0.05. The standardized regression coefficient (beta weight) for the variables in the model were estimated by the previously mentioned computer program, Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS-PC+). Since this computer program converts the variables in the equation - - . -.'=..r'- i‘:'I:(ILI:.IDO 77 into standardized form, the path coefficients are simply equal to the beta weights (Bohrnstedt & Knoke, 1982:420). Thus the finding of path coefficients from the computer program mentioned above will be used as a tool to show how strong the causal relationship is among variables in the causal model. These strengths of the causal relationships between the variables as revealed in the path coefficients will also be used to test the following twelve hypotheses, so as to sustain or negate them within the limits of this study: Hla: The higher‘ the employee's socioeconomic background, the higher will be his/her educational attainment. Hlb: The higher the employee's socioeconomic background, the higher will be his/her occupational achievement level. H1c:The higher the employee's socioeconomic background, the more he/she will be self-directed at work. Hku The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the greater will be his/her occupational achievement level. H2bzfflie higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the more he/she will be self—directed at work. H2c:The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the greater the perceived possibility for his/her upward mobility. H2d The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. H3a:The higher the level of an employee‘s occupational achievement, the more he/she will be self-directed at work. ..:-:-ne:u'.'.=ucf'ar3 e:- ".1. z 5'."'- r.--= F-ssau 9d 0313 I“! - , - ‘ I! l ":_:'e‘-::?. (:11 as 08 :thda i I ' : l- 5 78 H3b:The higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the higher the perceived possibilities for his/her upward mobility. H3c:The higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. H4a: The more the employee is self—directed at work, the higher will be his/her self—esteem. H4b: The higher the employee's opportunities for upward mobility, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. Based upon the assumption that nonwork-related variables, such as age and career stage, may influence the relationship hypothesized above, the interaction of age and career stage with the independent variables above was analyzed using multiple regression. Multiple regressions were used to test the following four hypotheses within the limits of this study: H5a: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of educational attainment on self-esteem. H5b: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of occupational achievement level on self-esteem. H5c: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of the perceived possibility for upward mobility on self—esteem. H5d: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of occupational self—direction on self-esteem. ' '1}! 1: I63 .:.l' .I.-. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS This chapter will provide an overview of the statistical procedures used to analyze the data. In addition, this chapter will summarize the study results from the survey questionnaire. The main premise of this quantitative research was that socioeconomic status of family of origin does not directly affect employees' self-esteem; rather, it is proposed that socioeconomic status is 'indirectly' related to self-esteem by the effect it has on the individual's opportunities for attaining a high level of education, the effect of these <><><><><>< mmpwmr—I II II II II II n Figure 3--Path model. 85 the product-moment correlation of .346 between SES and occupational achievement level, as being caused by this mediating variable. Path coefficients for the direct paths from SES and educational attainment to self-direction (X4) were negative and very small, p41 = -.0633 and p42 = —.0136. Thus it is apparent that socioeconomic status and education did not directly influence self—direction, but indirectly influenced self-direction through occupational achievement level, which had a direct path to self- direction (p43 '= .241). This indirect relation would also explain the product-moment correlation of .126 between educational attainment and self-direction as: T education———9 T occupational achievement——-> T self- direction. It is also quite obvious that the direct path from educational attainment to self-esteem was very small and negative, p62 = '—.0245, and statistically insignificant (t = —.484). The only effect that educational attainment may exert upon self—esteem was indirectly through occupational achievement which contributed to self-direction, which in turn influenced self-esteem. Tb estimate the amount of indirect causal impact of education attainment on self-esteem, we nmltiply the three causal paths, p32 X p43 x p64 = .652 x .241 x .507 = .08. This indirect effect was indeed very small but positive. Our finding goes along with previous findings by Bachman ,,_.¥-45 _ " I- ‘1‘“. §.r_‘ -:. , , .-- 4. Jud \nri.|'.'s.ib-'-}I-..2 urneulinr -_-I.:~.s-~'.'_. .-.'on Mb noiisaub. ‘ _‘ , . I _. 'l' ": :-. -'I:"_ "'[E':' ' , l- ' "_- ' II 'I I. l l.'-”inl Vi.:.)"'.li'bfl1 86 and O'Malley (1977:373), Mortimer and Lorence (1979bz318), Kohn and Schooler (1983:169). It is quite noteworthy that when we regress self-esteem on SES, it shows the effect of SES on self-esteem was weak (p61 = -.174) and the t-value (—1.71) was not significant at the .05 level. This result supports our previously proposed theoretical expectation, that SES influences self—esteem indirectly through mediating variables. The absence of direct significant effects between SES and self-esteem was consistent with prior research. For example, Kohn and Schooler (1983:186) indicated that social—class position affects men's psychological functioning indirectly, through their opportunities to exercise occupational self-direction. Moreover, our finding supports research by Bachman and O'Malley (1977) and Luck and Heiss (1972) in which a negative relationship between socioeconomic status and self-esteem was found. Our path diagram indicates a negative effect of educational attainment on possibility for upward mobility (p52 = -.131). The absence of a relationship between these two variables may be due to the subjective nature of our measurement of upward mobility, or it could be that the impact of educational attainment on upward mobility was indirect, through the opportunities that it allowed for someone to have a job where the occupational hierarchy was not limited or restricted. While occupational achievement level as a causal variable for self—esteem ‘eirnoa r!- Jnr~iflinptc : I“ 87 showed a very small, negative coefficient (p -.062) in our case, some previous researchers have substantiated, to the contrary, a positive relationship between occupational level and self-esteem (Luck & Heiss, 1972; Bachman & O'Malley, 1977; Tharenou & Harker, 1982; Kasl & French, 1962; Jacques & Chason, 1977). Also the path from perceived upward mobility to self-esteem was insignificant (p65 = .002). It is important to consider Faunce's (1982) critique that "it is often assumed the differences in occupational status are necessarily associated with differences in self-esteem without any specification of the mechanisms which condition the extent of this association" (p. 166). Thus, in contrast to the above researchers, who concluded that there is a positive relationship between occupational achievement and self—esteem, without any specification about the nature of this relationship, our research shows that occupational achievement level affects self—esteem indirectly via a self-direction mechanism. This finding supports Kohn and Schooler's (1983) view that "The psychological impact of social-stratification position (and its components, education and occupational position) is attributable, in very substantial degree, to occupational self—direction" (p. 187). Thus, Figure 3 reveals a strong path coefficient from self-direction to self-esteem (p64 = .510), which is consistent with previous research conducted by Kohn and Schooler. .(Soo. - aaq) ' ~' ‘~ WW ' '»""n‘ i .' I t-upijhz; (£391) aha-11.51 .--.! .-.m. o.) .Ier. an PI .1 . - .. — ,5 . - ...:- I, .- -- :2?" 35d: lino: -}'.L -H . ' -; . - - "' “ N - w - in HP '5 aujnju a'wn.. i in r . - . . . 88 Since the path in Figure 3 did not evidence a direct effect of occupational achievement level on self—esteem, we calculated the indirect effect through occupational self-direction by multiplying the two causal paths, p43 X p64 == .241 X .510 = .123. This showed that the indirect effect of occupational attainment level on self-esteem was much larger than the direct effect. Moreover, the results of the regression analysis, which have been mentioned previously, indicate a small and negative direct relationship between socioeconomic status of family of origin and self—esteem = -.174). This (1361 result sustained the basic premise of this research, namely, that socioeconomic status of family of origin did not directly affect the employees' self-esteem but did affect self—esteem through indirect effects. The path coefficients in Figure 3 indicate that the direction of the effect was as follows: SES ————————9 T educational attainment -———————9 ‘Toccupational achievement level ———————-9‘Thigher opportunities for having a self-directed job —-—————9 fthe higher the self—esteem. Considering the size of the path coefficient as an indicator for sustaining or negating the previously mentioned hypotheses, path coefficients p21, p32, p43, and p64 in Figure 3 would sustain only the following hypotheses: Hla: The liigher the employee's socioeconomic status, the higher will be his/her educational attainment. flaidw (aiaulfns noiaaougo~ odd 1o :flfuaeu adj .19voasol bns Tram: n qufllbni (Llauoivw=c “-nofflnnm need svsfl awn-.5 DEr'o --'-r-.-1"_\r-:4 nu .' ' -- H ovtjfiuesn _ -_ a r, .- - ,,.-. _ - - . _ . :.. _; '1":'.! :30 - ' _ Ii' "’.'. I re . - . " . . ‘ r_| 89 H2a: The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the greater will be his/her occupational achievement level. H3a: The higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the more likely he/she will be self-directed at work. H4a: The more the employee is self—directed at work, the higher will be his/her self- esteem. The final model is represented in Figure 4. -dm tional -ccupational -ttainment -elf- Direction p.410 p. 507 p.241 Occupational Xl Achievement -elf- level .steem X6 Figure 4——Final model. Findin s of the Interaction Effect Model Figure 5 portrays an interaction effect between career stage and variables in the model. Tables 9, 10, 11, and 12 report findings regarding interaction of the four variables with career stage in their effect on self-esteem. T-tests for the four interaction variables in Tables 9—12 were found to be as follows: interaction between educational attainment and career stage (INTRX2CS)(-.848); interaction between occupational 90 Edmnthxml Attainment X2 Occupational self-direction x4 Cbcupational Achievement Level X3 Possibility for Upward Mobility X5 Figure 5--1he Interaction Effect Mode1.* *Although the model in Figure 5 shows all of the relevant variables in the same model, because of the small sample size, the interaction of career stage and each of the other independent variables was assessed separately. These are the analyses shown in Tables 9-12. 91 Table 9—-Interaction Effect of Educational Attainment with Career Stage on Self-Esteem. Variable E SE B Beta T Sig T INTRX2CS -.10164 .11989 —.51010 -.848 .3989 RESPNDED —.14266 .20306 —.07468 -.703 .4842 CAREERST 1.74971 1.66125 .63359 1.053 .2952 (Constant) 20.52086 2.88989 7.101 .0000 Table 10--Interaction Effect of Occupational Achievement Level with Career Stage on Self-Esteem. Variable B SE B Beta T Sig T INTRX3CS 3.729450E—03 .01571 .07345 .237 .8129 OCCACHE -.01101 .02495 -.05098 —.441 .6601 CAREERST .19591 .86915 .07094 .225 .8222 (Constant) 19.03361 1.39868 13.608 .0000 Table ll--Interaction Effect of Self-Direction with Career Stage on Self-Esteem. Variable B SE B Beta T Sig T INTRX4CS 4.047640E—03 .11663 .01783 .035 .9724 SELFDIR .85352 .17700 .48147 4.822 .0000 CAREERST .06151 1.43186 .02227 .043 .9658 (Constant) 8.87212 2.08359 4.258 .0001 Table 12--Interaction Effect of Upward Mobility with Career Stage on Self-Esteem. Variable B SE B Beta T Sig T INTRXSCS —.23928 .20150 —.26317 —1.l87 .2383 MOVINGUP .11164 .38185 .03152 .292 .7707 CAREERST 1.01071 .61636 .36599 1.640 .1047 (Cbnstant) 18.07575 1.25827 14.366 .0000 ——01 aids! 1 mice-1%-! 119: .v- -'vrr.~.-Ii‘. "'1 Nah: IDVbJ ‘ ' ' rdfii 'lfi‘h' . I\r1’-'u- 1- .' K ,-_"- I” 92 achievement level and career stage (INTRX3CS)(.237); interaction between self-direction and career stage (INTRX4CS)(.O35); and interaction between upward mobility and career stage (INTRX5C8)(—l.187). All of these t-test values are below the critical value, so we fail to reject the null hypotheses for the interaction effect of the four variables, and we conclude that there was no significant effect of composite interaction variables on self-esteem. Thus, career stage, which was a composite of the two variables age and number of years in the labor force, did not moderate or influence the effect of educational attainment, occupational achievement level, self-direction, or possibility for upward nmbility on self-esteem, as was proposed in the following hypotheses, all of which are rejected: H5a: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of education on self-esteem. H5b: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of the occupational achievement level on self—esteem. H5c: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of the possibility for upward mobility on self-esteem. H5d: The older the employee and the later his/her career stage, the less the effect of occupational self-direction on self—esteem. Education, occupational achievement, and perceived possibility for upward mobility were not directly related to self-esteem in any case and taking career stage into ' ‘ 1.. .mos-Jas-i for: no solder-“av noiJssas-lnj' '.'i-rmuumco 30 109330 (“VJ '.n:i -c 941mm»: 13 asw -'-.-1'r-'-.- ..--:-...-'p. 12:11:12.3 .eud'l' '-"'J"k-' 'JOtiE-J' '.H'J "1". ='=..--- -. 23.5.). :m': artisi'asv ~ _ . , .: _ "I . ._-.|'- 3“." suntan. concwsxous. Marvin“. . fl.- . :.er ncmnsumrzaus _ :.- CHAPTER V SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, DISCUSSION, AND RECOMMENDATIONS Summary The primary purpose of this research was to determine if a significant causal relationship existed between. self-esteenl and job conditions and experience; specifically, occupational achievement level, self-direction, and perceived opportunity for upward mobility, and how these conditions moderated the effect of socioeconomic status of family of origin and educational attainment on self—esteem. Based on the assumption that career stage (age and number of years in the labor force) may incline the employee to believe that there is no hope to reach a higher status position at work or that he/she might have already reached the ultimate career goal, where education and occupational conditions and experiences would be less likely to affect self—esteem, we were also interested in testing if career stage variables influenced or moderated the effect of educational attainment, occupational achievement level, occupational self-direction, or upward mobility on self-esteem. 94 95 These hypothetical propositions were tested using a random sample from a population in two census tracts in Lansing, Michigan. Forty-five persons were selected from each tract. One tract represented a stable upper-middle class residential area, the other represented a stable working-class residential area. The head of each household was interviewed. In the interview, each subject in the target population was asked to answer questions in the questionnaire which elicited information about the following: a detailed work history; personal experience of occupational status differences, both at work and off the job; an indication of self-investment in work; how often the interviewee communicated with his/her immediate supervisor and the person above the immediate supervisor; and the interviewee's perception of the possibility for upward nmbility. Rosenberg's ten-item self-esteem scale was also used to establish the interviewee's level of self-esteem. Data gathered from the research questionnaire were analyzed statistically using the computer program, Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS-PC+). Based on the review of literature on self-esteem and family socioeconomic background, as well as on the literature review on educational and occupational attainment, which were both presented in Chapter II, we selected seven variables for the hypothetical causal ofl! n1 anoiiaorp wvwnnh o. f-‘Hw out ncijsluqoq 1991-1 .«iunnoidnsup \ "| ... .. D ’J u ». q .- IN I- ’ gvnn; u1g 5" - w ' .- .- . :Lriwclloi "(2 - .- . - . - - . _:-__: .. '-_ ‘.‘-i5 "r.“— 96 structure (see Figures 3 and 5). To examine the hypothetical causal structure, we considered variables to be treated as prior causes of self—esteem (X6). These variables, stated in causal order, are: educational attainment (X2); occupational achievement level (X3); occupational self-direction (X4); and possibility for upward mobility (X5). We also considered the first three variables as mediating variables between socioeconomic status of origin (X1) and self-esteem (X6). In addition, we hypothesized that career stage (X7)(see Figure 5) might influence and moderate the effect that educational attainment, occupational achievement level, self-direction, and upward mobility had on self—esteem. The path analysis technique was used to estimate the strength of the different causal connections in the model, and to sustain or negate the following hypotheses: Hla: The higher the employee's socioeconomic background, the higher will be his/her educational attainment. Hlb The higher the employee's socioeconomic background, the higher will be his/her occupational achievement level. ch: The higher the employee's socioeconomic background, the more he/she will be self—directed at work. H2a:The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the greater will be his/her occupational achievement level. H2b:The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the more he/she will be self—directed at work. _ _ _ ‘7 ._L - _ A l ‘7‘ = neowied aeldsiusv pnijsihsm 5h aoldslusv 001d! meojae-ilea bns ([X) nipiuo 10 an ad? oimononeoiooa 20532 39915: jnrn besiennJoqyfl -2! .n-iiibbe .fi .(ax) cart! stnr-F-on firm z.‘un:.'-u.f=-n." "i.“ifl" '.-' "ii-'1‘ 1'"? 9: i' ) (r!) Trnoi;ir-::-:'-cu ..r' .-.-.'.. I .-'5 .." .'.-:-".'_: .l ' r' ' r... . '.'l' ‘-:-Ir ."JL'i-I L“:-‘ ' ‘ ' - I - | I V “I 'I ' ’.'- Ilfl 'l‘.[ 1 I l ‘ I v "4 \ Ill \ 5 l l ' 1 \ 'I' 1' , . 97 H2c:The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the greater the perceived possibility of his/her upward mobility. H2d:The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. H3a:The higher the level of an employee‘s occupational achievement, the more he/she will be self-directed at work. H3b The higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the higher the perceived possibilities for his/her upward mobility. H3m The higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. H4a: The more the employee is self-directed at work, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. H4b The higher the employee's perceived opportunities for upward mobility, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. The regression equation used to estimate the path coefficient was simply an additive one, as indicated by the following equation: y' a + blxl + b2X2 + b3X3 . . . Because we were interested in testing the interaction of career stage (number of years in labor force and age) with educational attainment, occupational achievement level, self—direction, and perceived possibility for upward mobility as a causal effect on self-esteem, a different equation was required. The equation testing for interaction effects in the multiple regression analysis assumed the following form: 98 y' = a + blx1 + b2X2 + b3X1X2 where b3X1X3 refers to the interaction term. Twelve path coefficients were calculated to ascertain the causal influence of the independent (exogenous) variables on the dependent (endogenous) variables in the model. The endogenous variable could be an exogenous variable at the same time for one or more other variables, as can be seen in Figure 3. For example, educational attainment was an endogenous variable to socioeconomic status, and also an exogenous variable for occupational achievement level, self-direction, upward mobility, and self-esteem. The ten path coefficients in the model are: P21, P31, P41, P52, P62’ P43, and P "P" is the symbol for the P53' P63' P64' 65' path coefficient, and the two subscripts refer to the effect (or the independent variable) in the first one and to the cause (or the dependent variable) in the second. The only paths with a strong additive path coefficient at the 0.05 level of significance were P21, P32, P43, and P64' The other path coefficients were too small to be statistically significant. The above mentioned four path coefficients sustained the following hypotheses, and indicated a direct effect among the variables in each of them: Hla:The higher the employee's socioeconomic background, the higher will be his/her educational attainment. i 7 7 [éIémsxe 10? if 9609}? a mi aldsftsv anon:pchn- rs azu '10" -' .T-'"r.i . ' £5.11: I-t'!‘ .. n . L" '. .u .eI-J!~.i? . -.':OI'IO'.:C-O i503 . I r -J I l ' "'.‘-I I'll ' 'I r._ I l _ ~ :' l j. . 1' h ‘. " I I \ \ 99 H2a:The higher the level of an employee's educational attainment, the greater will be his/her occupational achievement level. Hku The higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the more likely he/she will be self—directed at work. H4a: The more the employee is self-directed at work, the higher will be his/her self-esteem. The finding for these four hypotheses indicated that socioeconomic status of origin of the family had a very small indirect effect on self-esteem through the following order: socioeconomic status ——9 T educational attainment —-9 T occupational achievement level -9 T occupational self—direction -—> T self-esteem. The total indirect causal influence of socioeconomic status on self-esteem was estimated by nufltiplying the XP XP =.410X four causal paths: P21 X P 64 32 43 .652 X .241 X .516 = 0.033. In regard to the interaction effect, the result of regression analysis, as shown in Tables 5—8, indicated no significant effect of any interaction term on the dependent variable, self-esteem. Since regression analysis identified no significant interaction effect, one would conclude that the relationships between variables in the model were not affected by career stage. Although the four hypotheses (HSa - H5d) that presumably tested the interaction effect were constructed on a theoretical argument and background, the statistical analysis did not show a, significant interaction among the variables in 95121:“ 61!: “0" oil in ad Iflw :oflpld on! [Iron .M Jan: bsjsoibni neaeflJoqyd uuoi seen: 10! afllbal1 339v t h-H ijFfifi -‘1 to nig::u o .u1r~* wimonoaoo 'iiw01103 eni Hyuour; hnr!r -.F a do szv'-o Ju~wibn Ilsa. H-nr': ' 'rqu , ::ebuc I 0' l I - l ‘- \r— — 100 Figure 5 and we failed to reject the null hypotheses. We assume that the reason for such results is attributed to one or all of the following: 1. ‘There is no relationship between the variables that were created as an interaction term; 2. The relationship between the interaction term and the dependent variable (self-esteem) was too weak to be detected in a study sample of this size; 3. Although the reliability of the two-item career stage scale was relatively high (0.76), it may not have contained enough items to be an accurate measure of career stage. It is reasonable to expect. a somewhat different result with a larger sample and more precise measurement. Conclusion This research considered the relationship of socioeconomic status of familiy of origin, educational attainment, and occupational conditions and experiences, such as occupational achievement level, self—direction, and possibility for upward mobility, and how these variables influenced self—esteem. Based on the statistical findings reported in this research, it has been determined that there was no significant relationship between socioeconomic status and self—esteem. The beta weight for socioeconomic status and self—esteem was —.174, which is not significant at the 101 0.05 level. This result was consistent with the research proposition that socioeconomic status only indirectly influenced self-esteem through mediating variables, as depicted in the hypothesized causal model. Moreover, the results of the statistical findings presented in Figure 3 indicate that the path coefficient between socioeconomic background and the subsequent educational attainment was 0.410, with a probability of 0.0000, which is highly significant. Thus, the researcher concluded that there was a significant relationship between socioeconomic status of origin of family and subsequent educational attainment. This finding is a replication of findings by Blau and Duncan (1967); Duncan, Featherman, and Ihncan (1972); and Sewell and Hauser (1975), who confirmed the determinant effect of socioeconomic background on educational attainment. The most interesting finding concerning socioeconomic status, as demonstrated in Figure 3, was that socioeconomic status was only related to its subsequent variables through educational attainment. The direct path coefficients between socioeconomic status and occupational achievement level, and self—direction, are too small, with values of 0.079 and -0.063, respectively, which are not significant at the 0.05 level. Accordingly, the researcher concluded that there was no significant direct relationship between socioeconomic status and occupational achievement level, and occupational W: .._,. a: ,. \ ' l.‘ f . (I ‘1'."— l l fljiw .013.0‘naw Jnemrisjge‘jbnoiiaoubb I ["1‘ i- flojnw .0000.0 hohufnnco 102 self-direction. This finding did not support the research hypotheses, where we expected a direct path from socioeconomic background to occupational achievement because the latter was assumed to be a consequence of the former, and another direct path from socioeconomic background to occupational self-direction, assuming that socioeconomic background would produce differences in occupational values and experiences. These two theoretical propositions had their foundation on previous research; for example, in the work of Blau and IMncan (1967); Duncan, Featherman, and Duncan (1972); Eckland (1965); and Nachmias (1977), who showed the importance of socioeconomic background for occupational attainment level. Moreover, the research of Kohn and Schooler (1983) and Mortimer and Lorence (1979b) demonstrated the effect of socioeconomic background on occupational self-direction and work autonomy. These unexpected findings draw our attention to the need for further investigation in another research project, where we would have a larger sample and a more precise and objective measure of self—direction. Likewise, the fourth hypothesis (4b), which indicated that "the higher the employee's perceived opportunities for upward mobility, the higher will be his/her self—esteem," we reject, based on the statistical findings, because the path coefficient from perceived upward mobility to self-esteenl was only 0.002, which is PLAT-""1: n-:- r.---_:I_‘: ..r-.I-' - r. i"; - "'=-r<".: .[nL'IIJe‘IoeM 'r-'.'.!i .-.- :.rL'" - .. . -:' .- :rli'vtIE'I'fiESI I ; -.'- : II; : -':' ‘1" -. \i'- '1 Zi‘thI) -.r.‘-?1' I l I 'H 103 not significant at the 0.05 level. Thus, the researcher concluded that. there was no direct relationship between self—esteem and perceived possibility for upward mobility. One of the most important findings of this study was that Hypothesis 4a, where we proposed that "the more the employee is self-directed at work, the higher will be his/her self—esteem," was sustained. The statistical findings (see Figure 3) indicated that the path coefficient related to this hypothesis was 0.510, with a probability of 0.0000, which is highly significant. In addition, we failed to sustain Hypothesis 3c, where we posited that "the higher the level of an employee's occupational achievement, the higher will be his/her self-esteem.“ The path coefficient was -0.062, which is not significant at the 0.05 level. Thus, the researcher concluded that there was no direct relationship between self—esteem and the target population's occupational achievement level. This finding, which shows that occupational achievement level affects self-esteem only indirectly through self—direction, confirmed Faunce's (1982) propositions, which suggested that research attention should be shifted from looking at the direct association between occupational status and self-esteem to specifying the mechanisms (indirect relationships) which contributed to this association. It also confirmed Kohn and Schooler's (1983) finding that the impact of 13190: Jun}: “filiueflowq Iul '— 104 occupational position on men's psychological functioning was attributable to occupational self-direction. As a corollary, the findings of this study and their theoretical base contribute to the literatures of social psychology, and occupational and organizational sociology, which advocate that work conditions and experiences tend to affect rather then reflect employees' self-esteem by attesting the importance of the effect of work conditions on the employees' psychological functioning. Moreover, in contrast to the authors of Work in America, and research by Harvey (1975) and Crites (1976), who assumed without any specification, that work is necessarily a major determinant of employees' self-esteem, the firuiings of this study specify how work influences self-esteem by emphasizing the importance of work conditions (not work per se), such as occupational self-direction, which condition the effect of work on self-esteem. This finding supports Faunce's (1989) proposition which challenged the common assumption that work necessarily affects self-esteem. There are two distinct points of difference between this study and Kohn and Schooler's (1983) researdi. One is that the sample used for this study was much smaller than the national sample used by Kohn and Schooler (1983), who interviewed 3,100 men. The other difference is that Kohn and Schooler (1983) used the two components of self-conception (self-confidence and self-deprecation) bne: asbnafioqxo bus anoldtbnoa not an: 0:! yd mseiee-irea 'aeeyolqme 3291391 nedd 19:13.: :99 anoijibnoo #10:» :IO $993139 m-‘J ‘ao ernnjvoqni an: 9:11:80!!! .Iy.- noiiDnu” lfi'-.E;_-oi'-.v"'v\._aq ".--:s\_'-.'.[qn'.-.;- 911:! no _r_1_i___:-_.__-_c_;Zi lo worthy: -:~.'. :=- inn-- (us-“c.1570” ‘ _' l .-. .--"'"_-'1-: --I I -. ._ ' _ " L _'--=: ."'-: \BOF'J! 'iIr- — ...—....— '.'l r I r r ' s I l l 'i '- - ..... . . I - J ' It'- 105 separately to measure self-esteem, whereas in this study the measure was applied as a whole without separating the two components. Despite these two differences, the findings of this study replicate the major findings of Kohn and Schooler (1983), which emphasized the importance of occupational self-direction for employees' self-esteem. Discussion Before we discuss the findings, it is important to refer to some of the limitations of this study. First, the measure we used to consider the perceived possibility of upward mobility was clearly subjective 1J1 nature. A measure of actual upward mobility may reveal a different result in terms of its effects on self—esteem, and the effect of educational attainment and occupational achievement level on upward mobility. Second, the constructed measure for self-direction is also subjective in nature. An objective measure of self-direction, such as assessing the nature of the target population's job, is necessary for further research to ensure that the same pattern of results between self-direction and self—esteem is obtained. A point worthy of mention is the consistency between our findings and those of Kohn and Schooler (1983), who used an objective measure for self-direction, adding to the credibility of our construct. 106 Third, although the study sample represents a sufficiently broad range of socioeconomic status of origin and present occupational achievement level (see Tables 2 and 4), it is recommended that further research efforts include a larger sample. Fourth, although the regression analysis did not evidence a significant effect of career stage on relations between our independent and dependent variables, a more precise measurement of career stage and a larger sample may lead to a significant interaction effect between the interaction term and self-esteem. The finding that occupational self-direction was the only variable highly associated with self-esteem indicates the importance of self-direction at work. The large path coefficient, = 0.510, indicates the importance of P64 work conditions which facilitate the exercise of occupational self-direction on fostering self-esteem. Self—direction may have this effect because it provides opportunities for perceiving one's self as responsible, competent, and capable of dealing with challenging circumstances. This finding provides strong support for Mortimer and Lorence's (1979b) finding which suggested the importance of work autonomy for adult psychological development; for Kohn and Schooler's (1983) finding that occupational self-direction had a substantial impact upon adult psychological functioning; and for the research of Tharenou (1979), who found that jobs providing autonomy, meiosxq 107 challenge, and skill were positively associated with global and work-specific self-esteem and competence. However, the path from socioeconomic background (X1) to occupational self-direction (see Figure 3, P41) did not support Kohn and Schooler's (1983) finding that social-class position affected a person's opportunities to exercise occupational self-direction (p. 186). Nor did this path support the work of Mortimer and Lorence (l979b), who found a direct path from family income to work autonomy. There are two reasons why socioeconomic background may have had less effect on self-direction than the findings reported by Kohn and Schooler (1983). One reason is that two different socioeconomic background measures were used; i.e., Kohn and Schooler employed Hollingshead's (1958) "Index of Social Position," whereas this study used Duncan's "Socioeconomic Index." The second reason is that the theoretical model employed in this study mainly represents the status attainment model with addition of self—esteem as the outcome variable and self—direction as an intervening variable. This differs from Kohn and Schooler's (1983) study, which used non-status attainment related variables such as social orientation and parents' values. One or both of these reasons may have caused the conflicting results between the two studies. Likewise, the negative and insignificant path from educational attainment (X2) to occupational 108 self-direction (P42) was incongruent with findings of Kohn and Schooler (1983), who argued that "education provides the intellectual flexibility and breadth of perspective that are essential for self-directed values and orientations" (p. 30). Also, our finding did not support Mortimer and Lorence's (l979b) finding that there was a positive path fronI educational attainment tC) work autonomy. It is possible that lack of congruency in these results occurred because of the fact that, in some jobs, employees with a higher level of education may perform a job which In! its nature requires high supervision and close instructions. This Inight have been the case for subjects in the target population of this study who had a higher level of education, although our data do not permit a test of this explanation. Although the statistical results did not support our initial theory of the positive effect of socioeconomic background and educational attainment on occupational self—direction, as stated in Hypotheses ch and H2b, this result does not imply that there was not any kind of relationship, only that there was no direct effect or relationship. On the other hand, our finding indicated that socioeconomic background and educational attainment influenced self-direction indirectly, in the following way: T socioeconomic status-——9 ’reducational attainment ——9 T occupational achievement level-——9 T occupational self-direction. {9.7:}. , ». ‘_ . 1:..- . ’.‘... 99981.n1.uejngzunno.1e.uana Jiflt|nl¢lanngllh 34:33” V aJIuasI ;. '_ r:- 'qr-‘e 109 Recommendations As a result of the literature review and the conclusions reached in this research, the following recommendations are offered. Recommendations Resulting from the Literature Review 1. Since upward mobility is assumed to be a very salient goal in the work setting, additional research exploring how upward mobility affects employees' self-esteem should be conducted. 2. Since researchers in the area of social psychology have used two aspects of self-perception (self—concept and self—esteem) interchangeably, and since the two aspects are interrelated, researchers should differentiate between the use of the terms "self—concept" and "self—esteem." Self—concept of ability in the occupational role (such as seeing oneself as a good sociologist or psychologist) is, for example, a different variable from self—esteem and might have a different relationship with variables in the model used in this study. Global self-esteenl is a general assessment of self, self-concept of ability is an assessment of performance in a specific role, and general self-concept is purely descriptive. Self—concept of ability in a specific role may influence global self—esteem but we also, then, need to examine the determinants of self-concept of role-specific ability. Research .s '. _, 1 .2’1' -I'-:' n.; 1509 Snell-'3 .'III_ “'04 L‘fiilOIgXO .-r._II'-,.' .' ZEN-1!??- r\ 110 concerning the differences in the sources of self—esteem" and self-concept“ should be conducted. 3. In addition to measuring global self—esteem, researchers should also consider measuring specific task self-esteem. Such a measure would assess specific experiences and feelings of competence pertaining to the work setting. Recommendations Resulting from the Findings and Conclusions of This Study 1. Although our" sample represented 21 sufficiently broad range of socioeconomic status of origin and present occupational achievement level, it is recommended that this study be replicated with a larger sample. 2. This study should be duplicated with a nmre objective and precise measure of upward mobility. 3. Since this study showed that the socioeconomic background had less effect on self-direction than reported by Kohn and Schooler (1983), who used Hollingshead's "Index <3f Social Position“ to measure socioeconomic background, it is recommended that this study be replicated comparing various socioeconomic background measures and various measures of self—direction. This may reveal a different result in the effect of socioeconomic background on self—direction. 4. It is recommended that this study be replicated using :1 self—investment measure as a component of an interaction term with each of the independent variables 31115.an aides: H.130! ascend! I done . 9:13 0.1 pninlsdzaq saneieqmoo 30 nautical but . 9511.130. m APPEND IX C“ ”IV! ‘III-- -I .‘I I . \---. ._ 1 . APPEND IX A Questionnaire 112 M.S.U. Occupational Survey Hello, my name is . I am working on.a survey being done by the Department of Sociology at Michigan State. The survey is part of a study of occupations in which people all over the United States will be interviewed. You are one of the people here in Lansing who have been selected to be interviewed. The procedure for selecting people is a scientific one designed to produce a representative sample so we really need your cooperation. It will not take much of your time. Your answers will be strictly confidential and, in fact, your name won't even be put on the answer sheet. l. First of all, we would like some information about your job and work ex- perience. What is your present job? (GET SPECIFIC JOB TITLE) a. (Job Title) b. What do you do on that job? What are some of your duties? c. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) d. How long have you been in that job? (GET YEAR AT WHICH CONTINUOUS EMPLOYMENT ON THIS JOB BEGAN) (Year) 2. Now beginning with the job you had just before your present one. we would like to know what jobs you have had since leaving school. We would like to know about changes in employers as well as changes in jobs for the same employer. What was the full-time job you had just before the one you have now? a. lJob Title) 113 b. What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? c. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) d. During what years were you in that job? (Years) What jobs did you have before that one? (CONTINUE WITH OCCUPATIONAL HISTORY UNTIL FIRST FULL-TIME JOB AFTER LEAVING SCHOOL 15 REACHED. NOTE ANY PERIODS OF ONE YEAR OR LONGER OUT OF THE LABOR FORCE AS A RESULT OF UNEMPLOYMENT. ILLNESS, RETURN TO SCHOOL, MILITARY SERVICE, ETC.) a. (Job Title) b. What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? c. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) d. During what years were you on that job? (Years) ***** (Job Title) 0. What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? mam ...—0—6— '13:: - n: ..w zen»: HM! [u ““0 A — ass-'5 b. d. 114 (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) During what years were you on that job? (Years) ***** (Job Title) What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) During what years were you on that job? (Years) ***** (Job Title) What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) During what years were you on that job? (Years) 115 a. (Job Title) b. What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? c. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) d. During what years were you on that job? (Years) ***** (Job Title) b. What did you do on that job? What were some of your duties? c. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) d. During what years were you on that job? (Years) Now we would like to find out a little about the jobs of members of your family. What was your father's occupation at the time you left high school? a. (Job Title) b. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) S. C. 116 Was that the kind of job he had most of his life? (CIRCLE ONE) (l) Yes (Go to Question 5) (2) No IF NO: What kind of job did he have most of the time? (Job Title) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) Was your mother employed at the time you left high school? (CIRCLE ONE) (l) Yes IF YES: a. What kind of job did she have? (Job Title) b. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) IF NO: Was she ever employed full-time? (1) Yes a. What kind of job did she have most of the time she was employed? . (Job Title) b. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) (2) No (GO TO QUESTION 6) ngH r': ‘--: 12".“! eve-0 :m Ml! MI, #9 “”'- - ..— 117 Are you: married? (GO TO 6A) single? (GO TO 7) divorced? (GO TO SB) Widowed? (GO TO 68) 6A - MARRIED MALE INTERVIEWEES a. Is your wife employed? (l) Yes (1) What kind of job does she have? (Job Title) (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) (3) Is that the kind of job she has most of the time? Yes (GO TO b.) No What kind of job does she have most of the time? b. What kind of job did your father-in-law have most of his life? (1) (ao'b' Ti t—)le '—“'__ (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) FEMALE [NTERVIEWEES a. What kind of job does your husband have? (1) (Job Title) (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) 118 (3) Is that the kind of job he has most of the time? Yes (GO TO b.) No What kind of job does he have most of the time? I (Job Title) b. What kind of job did your father—in-law have most of his life? (1) (Job TTETEI' “T"""““""““—‘———““—‘" (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) 63 - DIVORCED OR WIDOWED iALE INTERVIEWEES a. Was your wife employed? (1) Yes (1) What kind of job did she have? (Job Title) (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) (3) Is that the kind of job she had most of the time? Yes (GO TO b.) No What kind of job did she have most of the time? (2) N0 (DO TO b-) I33B—T?ET37———-———‘—‘——'———“‘ b. What kind of job did your father-in-law haye most of his life? (1) (Job Title) (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) 95‘.“ am To flaw '.wsr. -cr"-n: - ---1.'r.‘ wot bib dot ‘0 Null-1W .6 (I) . .. ..-- __._. ...- ...... J . - - - trim. - ." '. 3;'-'?_' "-'3="-.."-!?"3‘:'\} (is) 119 FEMALE INTERVIEWEES a. What kind of job did your husband have? (1) . (Job Title) (I) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) (3) Is that the kind of job he had most of the time? I Yes (GO TO b.) No What kind of job did he have most of the time? (Job Title) b. What kind of job did your father—in-law have most of his life? (1) (Job Title) (2) (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) 7. How about the other members of your family? 00 you have any (ASK ABOUT EACH RELATIVE BELOW) who are employed full time? (IF YES) a. What kind of job does he (she) work at most of the time? (Job Title) b. (ACHIEVEMENT LEVEL PROBE) A. Brothers who are employed? (l) Yes (2) ”0 (6° To M Job Title Probe B. (l) (2) (3) (4) (5) 120 Sisters who are employed? (l) (2) Yes No (60 TO C.) Job Title Brothers-in-law who are employed? (1) (2) Yes No (GO TO D.) Sisters-in-law who are employed? (1) (2) Yes No (GO TO QUESTION 8) Probe 8. 9. l0. ll. 121 Now I would like to have you think about the five people with whom you talk most often while you are at work. I don’t want to know their names, but I would like to know their occupations. What jobs do they have? (I) (2) (3) (4) (5) Me Probe During a typical gay_on the job how often do you talk to your immediate supervisor?“ (READ AND CIRCLE ANSWER) (u (2.) (a) (4)- 5 or 6 times a day or more. around 3 or 4 times a day. once or twice a day. less than once a day. During a typital week on the job how often do you talk to persons above your immediate supervisor? (READ AND CIRCLE ANSWER) il) (2) (3) (4) 5 or 6 times a week or more. around 3 or 4 times a week. once or twice a week. less than once a week. Now please think about the five people outside your family with whom you most often get together socially during evenings or weekends. a. What are their jobs? If any are not employed, I would like to know that, too. 122 (IF ANY ARE NOT EMPLOYED, WRITE IN "NE") Job Title Probe (l) (2) (3) (4) (5) b. Do you work with any of these five people? (I) Yes (2) No (GO TO C.) (IF YES) Which ones? (WRITE IN NUMBERS FROM lla) (Numbers) ___________.___.___._______—______J c. Are any of these five people your neighbors? (I) Yes (2) No (GO TO 12.) (IF YES) Which ones? (WRITE IN NUMBERS FROM lla) (Numbers) 123 l2. Are there any (other) neighbors you talk to very often? (l) Yes (2) No (60 TO 13.) (IF YES) What are their jobs? .Job Title l3. How many years have you lived in this house (apartment)? (WRITE IN NUMBER OF YEARS) 14. How many years all together have you lived in the Lansing area? (WRITE IN NUMBER OF YEARS) l5. We were talking before about the jobs of various members of your family. Aside from your wife (husband) and children, do any of those relatives we were talking about live in the Lansing area? (ASK ABOUT BROTHERS. SISTERS, BROTHERS-IN-LAW, SISTERS-IN-LAW AND FATHERS-IN-LAW) (1) Yes (2) No (GO TO l6.) (IF YES) Which ones?. (WRITE IN RELATIONSHIP AND OCCUPATION ON NEXT PAGE.) 124 b. How often do you see (him, her)? Would you say it was (READ) (l) 5 or 6 times a month or more (2) around 3 or 4 times a month (3) once or twice a month (4) less than once a month (WRITE IN CODE NUMBER INDICATING FREQUENCY BELOW) Relationship Occupation Freouency 16. In general, how often do you talk to people whom you regard as having high status jobs? (ACCEPTABLE SYNONYMS FOR HIGH STATUS JOBS ARE "HIGH PRESTIGE JOBS" OR “JOBS GIVEN HIGH STANDING IN THE COMMUNITY"). Would you say it was? (READ RESPONSE CODE AND CIRCLE ANSWER) (l) 5 or 6 times a month or more (2) around 3 or 4 times a month (3) once or twice a month (4) less than once a month l7. 18. 19. 125 How often do you talk to people whose occupational status is any g1:- ferent from yours - either higher or lower? Would you say it was: (READ RESPONSE CODE AND CIRCLE ANSWER) (l) S or 6 times a month or more (2) around 3 or 4 times a month (3) once or twice a month (4) 'less than once a month Here is a card with a scale from I to 10 on it,( The scale represents the range in the extent to which success or failure at work affect how we feel about ourselves. It is not a measure of hgw_we feel about our- selves. It is, instead, a measure of how much our work affects how we feel about ourselves. For some people, success at work is the only thing that counts, while for others it doesn't make any difference at all. A person for whom work is the most important thing in life and who would have to be successful at work in order to think well of himself would be at the extreme left end of this scale. (POINT) The other end (POINT) of the scale would represent a person who regards other things as being more important than work and who does not need to succeed at work in order to feel that he is a success. Is the meaning of the scale clear? (IF YES, GO TO a. IF NO, REPEAT INSTRUCTIONS) a. What point on this scale (MOVE FINGER BACK AND FORTH ALONG SCALE) shows the importance of work to how you feel about yourself? b. At what point would you say you were five years ago? c. How do you think you will feel five years from now? ’(NOTE: IF INTERVIEWEE WAS NOT EMPLOYED FIVE YEARS AGO, WRITE "NA" IN b. IF INTERVIEWEE DOES NOT INTENO TO BE EMPLOYED FIVE YEARS FROM NOW, WRITE “NA" IN c.) Now we would like to know where you think some of your friends would fall on this scale. You may not know exactly, of course, but we would like to know how you think they might answer. You gave me the occupations of five people outside your family with whom you most often get together 126 socially during evenings or weekends. (TURN BACK TO QUESTION ll.) What point on the scale do you think shows the importance of work for how your friend who is a (READ OCCUPATION OF PERSONS LISTED FIRST IN QUESTION ll.) would feel about himself or herself? (WRITE IN OCCUPATION AND SCALE NUMBER. REPEAT FOR EACH OF THE FIVE PERSONS LISTED) How about your friend who is a ... Job Title Scale Number (I) (2) (3) (4) (5) We would also like to know how you think some of your relatives might answer this question. (IF EVER MARRIED, ASK a. IF SINGLE, GO TO b.) How about your wife (husband)? What point on the scale do you think shows the importance of work for how she (he) feels (felt) about herself (himself)? (NOTE: IF SPOUSE IS 0R WAS NOT EMPLOYED, SAY "IF SHE [HE] WERE EMPLOYED, HOW DO YOU GUESS SHE [HE] WOULD ANSWER [WOULD HAVE ANSWERED1?) (WRITE IN SCALE SCORE) Spouse Scale Score (IF INTERVIEWEE HAS RELATIVES OUTSIDE IMMEDIATE FAMILY LIVING IN LANSING AREA - SEE QUESTION l5 - ASK b. IF NOT, GO TO c.) b. You said you had some relatives living in the Lansing area. (TURN BACK TO QUESTION l5.) What point on the scale do you think shows the importance of work for how your (READ RELATIONSHIP AND, IF NECESSARY, OCCUPATION) would feel about himself (herself)? 127 (WRITE IN RELATIONSHIP, OCCUPATION AND SCALE SCORE FOR RELATIVE LISTED FIRST IN QUESTION l5. REPEAT FOR EACH RELATIVE LISTED.) How about your... Relationship Occupation Scale Score How do you think your father would have answered this question around the time you were leaving high school? What point on the scale would you guess shows the importance of work for how he felt about himself? (WRITE IN SCALE SCORE) Father's Scale Score 2i. If two people were more or less alike in most ways but were at opposite ends of that scale, which one do you think you would like best? (READ AND CIRCLE) (l) a person for whom work is most important for feelings about themselves. (2) a person for whom other things are most important for feelings about themselves ' I I h” 5m; slug "dingo: lg I -——.———.———-——-——..- ———. —- —. —— ———.—-————————_————n—— l . _ ._ ~.——_. . .. — _ ..- .. ..-—._—_ 128 22. How much difference do you think their views about work would make in your liking of these two people? Would you say they would be: (READ AND CIRCLE) (1) very important (2) somewhat important (3) not very important (4) not at all important Now we have a few more questions about your experiences at work. 23. Are there others where you work who have more or less the same job as yours? (I) Yes (2) No (GO TO b.) (IF YES) Is it easy to tell whether or not you are doing a better or worse job than they do? That is, is it easy or hard to compare your work and the work of others? (CIRCLE RESPONSE) (l) Easy (2) Hard b. Are there differences in how well people do your job or is everyone's performance about the same? (CIRCLE RESPONSE) (l) Differences (2) About the same 24. How often are evaluations of how well you do your job made by the person who supervises your work? Would you say that happens: (READ AND CIRCLE) (1) Very often (2) Often (3) Sometimes (4) Seldom (5 V Very seldom 129 25. How about the people you work with? How often do you compare or evaluate each other's work? Would you say that happens: (READ AND CIRCLE) (l) Very often (2) Often (3) Sometimes (4) Seldom ' (5) Very seldom 26. Do you think your supervisor uses the right criteria or the right basis when he evaluates your work? That is, does he evaluate you on the right things? (CIRCLE RESPONSE) (I) Yes (GO TO 27) (2) No (IF NO) What criteria or basis should he use? What criteria or basis does he use? How hard would it be to get him to use the right criteria? Would you say it would be: (READ AND CIRCLE) (l) Very hard to do (2) Hard to do (3) Somewhat hard to do 130 27. How about the people you work with? Do they use the right criteria or the right basis when they evaluate your work? (CIRCLE RESPONSE) (l) Yes (60 TO 28) (2) No (IF NO) a. What is wrong with the criteria or basis they use? b. How hard would it be to get them to use the right criteria? Would you say it would be: (READ AND CIRCLE) (1) Very hard to do (2) Hard to do (3) Somewhat hard to do 28. Would you describe your job as a competitive one? That is, would you say it was: (READ AND CIRCLE) (l) Very competitive (2) Somewhat competitive (3) Not very competitive (4) Not at all competitive 29. Do you plan to stay in the job you have now until you retire? (CIRCLE RESPONSE) (l) Yes (GO TO 30) (2) No (IF NO) What job do you plan to change to? (job title) b. Why do you want to make this change? 131 30. Would you say the job you have now is the best job you ever had? (CIRCLE RESPONSE) (I) Yes (GO TO 31) (2) No (IF NO) ~ What.job was better? (Job Title) What made it better? l L—_—_——_—_——_—_——_—_—. 3l. What would have to happen for you to feel that you were more successful at work? PROBE: Anything else? 32. How hard would you say it would be for you to get promoted or to move up in the organization where you work? Would you say it would be: (READ AND CIRCLE) a. 1. Very hard to do 2. Hard to do 3. Somewhat hard to do b. What would the next step up be? (Job Title) (NOTE: FOR PERSONS ALREADY AT TOP OF ORGANIZATION, ASK, “IS THERE ANYTHING THAT WOULD REPRESENT A STEP UP TO YOU?") 132 c. How certain do you feel about your chances of moving up? Would you say you were: (READ AND CIRCLE) (l) Very certain (2) Certain (3) Somewhat certain (4) Uncértain, (5) Very'unCertain d. How important is it to you to move up? Would you say it was: (READ AND CIRCLE) (1) Very important (2) Somewhat important (3) Slightly important (4) Not at all important 33. In general would you say you have already achieved most of the goals you set for yourself in your work life or are there still things you feel it is important for you to accomplish? How satisfied are you with what you have accomplished? Would you say you were: (READ AND CIRCLE) (l) Very satisfied (2) Satisfied (3) Dissatisfied (4) Very dissatisfied 34. Now we would like to know how much you agree or disagree with some state— ments about work. Please try to think about your responses as though you were giving them to yourself rather than to me or to anyone else. (Instruction “A") Here is a card with numbered responses ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. I will read the statement and you tell me which number on the card represents your response. While all of the statements are somewhat similar, each contains some- thing different. Please think about the statements carefully before responding. (PUT CHECKS IN SPACES) 133 (Instruction "§f) Here is the list of statements. The columns following each statement contain responses ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. While all of the statements are some- what similar, each contains something different. Please read the statéments carefully and put a check mark in the column indi- cating how much you agree or disagree with the statement. NOTE: ALTERNATE INSTRUCTION "A" AND INSTRUCTION "B" PROCEDURE. USE "A" PROCEDURE IN FIRST INTERVIEW, ”B" PROCEDURE IN SECOND INTERVIEW, AND 50 ON. CIRCLE BELOW WHICH PROCEDURE USED. (1) Instruction "A" (2) Instruction "B" 134 l f 2 3 4 5 ..q Neither Strongly' Agree nor Strongly Agree. - Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree The major satisfaction in my life comes from my job. When I am through work at the end of the day, I hardly ever think about whether I did a good or a bad job. Doing my job well increases my‘feeling of self esteem. I sometimes feel uncomfortable when talking to people whose jobs carry more prestige than mine. I am very much involved personally in my work. The type of work I do is important to me when I think about how successful I am in life. The most important things that happen to me involve my job. I think members of my family feel proud when they tell people what I do for a living. I live, eat and breathe my job. When I do my work well, it gives me a feeling of accomplishment. Most things in life are more important than work. I sometimes feel ashamed to tell people what kind of work I do. I feel a great sense of personal satisfaction when I do my job well. n. The not I would be happy to have my children do the kind of work_I do. I'm really a perfection- ist about my work. When I make a mistake or do something badly at work, it sometimes bothers me for days. To me, my work is only a small part of what I do. If I could not do my job well, I would feel that I was a failure as a person. When I perfonn my job well, it contributes to my personal growth and development. I feel depressed when I .a.| at something connected with my job. following statements do necessarily refer to work. (I) (4) (5) I feel that I am a person of worth, at least on an equal basis with others. I feel that I have a number of good qualities All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. I am able to do things as well as most other people. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. I take a positive attitude toward myself. 135 Strongly' Agree Agree 3 Neither Agree nor Disagree Disagree Strongly Disagree (7) (8) (9) l0) On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. I wish'l could have more respect for myself. I certainly feel useless at times. At times I think I am no good at all. 136 Strongly' Agree Agree 3 Neither 'Agree nor Disagree ' 4 5 Strongly Disagree Disagree 137 Now, to finish up, we need a little more information about you. 35. How old were you on your last birthday? (WRITE IN YEARS) (years) 36. How many years of school did you have? (CIRCLE) 6 7 B 9 IO ll l2 l 2 3 4 M.A. Ph.D. 37. Have you had any additional job training? (I) Yes. (2) No (co T0 38) How long did it last? 38. How many years of school did your father have? (CIRCLE) 6 7 8 9 10 ll l2 l 2 3 4 . M.A. Ph.D. 39. Do you have any children? (CIRCLE ONE) (1) Yes (2) No (GO TO 40) (IF YES) What are their ages? (RECORD BELOW) Which ones, if any, are still in school? (IF IN SCHOOL) What year are they in school? (RECORD BELOW) Which ones, if any, are employed full-time — not just during school vacation? (IF EMPLOYED FULL-TIME) What is their job? (RECORD JOB TITLE BELOW) Age Year in School (or) Job Title 138 40. Do you belong to any clubs or organizations? 00 you belong to any like these? (GIVE CLUBS AND ORGANIZATIONS CARD) (CHECK BELOW ANY BELONGED TO AND THEN ASK FOLLOWING QUESTIONS REGARDING EACH ORGANI- ZATION MENTIONED.) a. How often do you attend the regular meetings? 00 you attend: (WRITE IN CODE NUMBER BELOW) (I) All of them (2) Most of them (3) Some of them (4) None of them b. Are you now or have you ever been an officer in the organization? (IF YES, PUT CHECK MARK IN SPACE) Organizations Belong Attendance Office Church and church related Social or Fraternal -_ Union Professional - pm... -— ...-......ood -— Civic School related -- 41. Approximately what was your individual gross income last year? (Annual Income) 42. Approximately what was your total family income last year? (Annual Income) 139 (NOTE: IF REFUSAL, ASK) Would you mind telling me if your individual gross income was above or below $18,000 (IN C.T. 31.02) $11,000 (IN C.T. 20)? (CIRCLE ONE) ‘ (1) Above (2) Below How about your total family income? Was it above or below $18,000 (IN C.T. 31.02) $11,000 (IN C.T. 20)? (CIRCLE ONE) (1) Above (2) Below Thank you for your cooperation. Are there any comments you would like to make or information you would care to add? I think we have all the infonnation we need for the study but, in case we need to contact you again, could I have your telephone number please? (Telephone Number) 140 Interviewer Response Sheet (PLEASE COMPLETE THIS FORM IMMEDIATELY AFTER INTERVIEW) 1. Length of interview in minutes 2. Comments regarding interview (was interviewee cooperative; any questions where wording seemed awkward or inappropriate; any questions which inter- viewee had trouble understanding, etc.) 3. Conditions of interview (Anyone else present? Any interruptions? etc.) 4. Address where interview took place: 5. Other addresses tried and reasons for failure to conduct interview Addresses Reasons not interviewed 6. Sex of interviewee 1. Male 2. Female 7. Race of interviewee 1. White 2. Black Other r I > , L ‘ I - I :_. - _ I . 's.: . ' m' 30w" q min-aw “lei-i bun-nu n Pun-u .... at... ‘-"w , AIWM (WW ”I! Mn'u- m' '5. --—o. bllflpuh ' v- -. ”.... .-,_. APPENDIX B Socioeconomic Index for Occupations in the Detailed Classification of the Bureau of the Census: 1950 .dsatii 141 Socioeconomic Index for Occupations in the Detailed Classification of the Bureau of the Census: 1950* Sacio- Socio- Occupolionr, by Maior economic Occupations, by Major economic Occupclion Group lndu Occupolion Group Indu Professional, technical, and kindred workers Oplomolrisls 79 Accounlonls and oudilors 73 Osloopalhs _ 96 Actors and oclresses 60 Personnel and labor-ralahons workers 84 Airplane pilols and novigalors 79 Ph°""°‘“" 32 Archilocls 90 Pholographers 5O Arllsls and or! “och.“ 67 Physicians and surgeons 92 :thu 52 Radio operators 69 I A lhors 76 Recreolion and group workers , 67 Cl: misls 79 Religious workers 56 ChTro roclors 75 Social and wollora workers, exccpl group 64 Clsr Pmen 52 Social scianiisls Bl Collsgyo presidenls, professors, Sporls inslruclors and ofllcicls 64 and insiruclors (n. e. c.) 84 Surveyors ‘8 Dancers and dancing leochors 45 how-'2‘ (n. °‘ (‘l‘ 72 Donlisls 96 Technlcrans, medical and denial 48 Designers 73 Technicians, lasting 53 Diulicians and nulrilionisls 39 Tethnlcions (n. o. c.) 62 Drolisman 67 Therapists and hoolors (n. e. c.) 58 Edilors and reporlers 32 v°'°'i"_°"°m _ 73 Engineers lechnical 85 Professional, lochmcal, Aoronairlicol 37 and kindred workers (n. o. c.) 65 Chorfiwl :3 Farmers and {arm managers Civi Eloclricol 34 Farmers (owners and lenonls) l4 lnduslrial 86 Form managers 36 M°‘h°"i‘°l :: Managers, officials, and proprietors, oxc. farm 1 l ' I and m lollur his 2:? l: lngcu ' o g 85 Buyers and doparlmenl heads, sloro 72 Inmg Bu ers and shi ers larm roducls 33 No! elsewhere classified 87 Y PP . P . 3‘ Conduclors, railroad 58 Enlcrlmners (n. o. c.) . 33 Credit men 74 Form- and homo-management advuors “0°,an and floor managers, slora 5° F°’"l°“ °"d ‘°“’°"°"°"”l‘ 4B lnspeclors, public odminislraiion 63 FUMTOI dlffllm’ and “"‘bul‘M" 59 Federal public adminislralion and poslal service 72 lawyers and iudges 93 State public cdminislrolion 54 librarians 60 local public odminisirolion 56 Musicians and music leathers 52 Managers and superintendents, building 32 Naiurol scienlisls (n. o. c.) 80 Officers, pilots, pursers, and engineers, ship 54 Nurses, prolessionul 46 Officials and odminislrolors (n. e. c.), Nurses, sludonl prolessionnl 5) public administration 66 Federal public adminislraiion and poslal service 84 Slalo public adminislrolion 66 local public odminislralion 54 Officials. lodge, sociely, union, etc. 58 Poslmoslers 60 *SOURCE: Otis D. Duncan, "A Socioeconomic Index for All Occupations." In Albert J. Reiss, Jr. (ed.), Occupations and Social Status, pp. 109—138. New York: The Free Press, 1961. Occupations, by Maior Occupalion Group Purchasing agents and buyers (n. e. c.) . Managers, oflicials, and proprietors (n. e. c.)—salaried Construction Manufacturing Transportation Telecommunications, and utilities and sanitary services Wholesale trade Retail trade Food- and dairy-products stores, and milk retailing General merchandise and five- and ten-cent stares v Apparel and accessories stores Furniture, home furnishings, and equipment stores Motor vehicles and accessories retailing Gasoline service stations Eating and drinking places - Hardware, form implement, and building material, retail Other retail trade ' Banking and other finance Insurance and real estate Business services _ Automobile repair services and garages Miscellaneous repair services Personal services All other industries (incl. not reported) Managers, officials, and proprietors (n. e. c.)—self-employed Construction Manufacturing Transportation Telecommunications and utilities and sanitary services Wholesale trade Retail trade Food- and dairy~producls stores, and milk retailing General merchandise and five-and-ten-cent stores Apparel and accessories stores Furniture, home turnishings, and equipment slates Socio- economic Index 77 68 60 79 7t 76 7O 56 50 68 69 68 65 31 39 64 59 85 84 80 47 53 50 62 48 5| 6t 43 44 59 43 33 47 65 59 142 Occupations, by Moior Occupation Group Motor vehicles and accessories retailing Gasoline service stations Eating and drinking places Hardware, farm implement, and building material, retail Other retail trade Banking and other finance insurance and real estate Business services Automobile repair services and garages Miscellaneous repair services Personal services All other industries (incl. not reported) Clerical and kindred workers Agents (n. e. c.) Attendants and assistants, library Attendants, physician's and dentist's ofllce Baggagemen, transportation Bank tellers Bookkeepers Cashiers Collectors, bill and account Dispatchers and starters, vehicle Express messengers and railway mail clerks Mail-carriers Messengers and office boys Oflice-machine operators Shipping and receiving clerks Stenagraphers, typisls, and secretaries Telegraph messengers Telegraph operators Telephone operators Ticket, station, and express agents Clerical and kindred workers (n. e. c.) Sales Workers Advertising agents and salesmen Auctioneers Demonstrators ‘Hucksters and peddlers insurance agents and brokers Newsboys Real-estate agents and brokers Socio- economl: Index 70 33 37 6t 49 85 76 67 36 34 4t 49 68 44 38 25 52 5t 44 39 40 67 53 28 45 —22 6| 22 47 45 60 66 4O 35 66 27 62 A1 143 Soda. Occupations, by Maior economic Occupation Craup Index Stock and bond salesmen 7:) Solomon and sales clerks in. e. c.) 47 Manufacturing 65 Wholesale trade 61 Retail trade 39 Other industries (incl. not reported) 50 'Craftsmen, foreman, and kindred workers Bakers 22 Blacksmiths i6 Boilermakers 33 Bookbinders 39 Brickmasons, slanemasons, and tile-setters 27 Cabinetmakers 23 Carpenters 19 Cement and concrete finishers ' 19 Compositars and typesetlers 52 Cranemen, derrickmen, and haistmen 21 Decorators and window-dressers 40 Electricians 44 Eiectrotypers and stereotypers 55 Engravers, except photoengravers 47 Excavating. grading, and road-machinery operators 24 foremen (n. e. c.) 49 Construction 40 Manufacturing 53 Metal industries 54 Machinery, including electrical 60 Transportation equipment 66 Other durable goods 4i Textiles, textile products, and apparel 39 Other nondurable goods (incl. not specified mfg.) 53 Railroads and railway express service 36 Transportation, except railroad 45 Telecommunications, and utilities and sanitary services 56 Other industries (incl. not reported) 44 Forgemen and hammermen 23 Furriers 39 Glaziers 26 Heat treaters, annealers, and iemperers 22 inspectors, scoters, and graders, log and lumber 23 Occupations, by Maior Occupation Group inspectors (n. e. c.) Construction Railroads and railway express service Transport, exc. r.r., communication, and other public utit. Other industries (incl. not reported) Socio- economic Index 41 46 41 45 38 fewelers, watchmakers, goldsmiths, and silversmiths 36 Job-setters, metal linemen and servicemen, telegraph, telephone, and power locomotive engineers Locomotive firemen loam tlxers Machinists Mechanics and repairmen Airplane Automobile' Ottice machine (Radio and television vRaiiroad and car shop Not elsewhere classified Millers, grain, ttour, feed, etc. Millwrights Maiden, metal Motion~picture proiectionists Opticians, and tens grinders and polishers Painters, construction and maintenance Paperhangers Pattern- and model-makers, except paper Photoengravers and tilhographers Piano and organ tuners and repairmen Plasterers ' Plumbers and steam-fitters Pressman and plate printers, printing Rollers and roll hands, metal Roofers and slaters Shoemakers and repairers, except factory $_Iationary engineers Stone-cutters and stone-carvers Structural-metal workers Tailors and tailoresses Tinsmiths, coppersmiths, and sheet-metal workers ooimakers, and die-makers and setters pholsterers Craftsmen and kindred workers in. e. c.) Members of the armed forces 28 49 58 45 10 33 25 48 19 36 36 23 27 i9 31 )2 43 39 16 10 44 64 38 25 34 49 22 15 12 47 25 34 23 33 50 22 32 18 Occupationr, by Maior Occupation Group Operatives and kindred workers Apprentices Auto mechanics Bricklayers and masons Carpenters Electricians Machinists and toolmakers Mechanics, except auto Plumbers and pipe-filters Building trades in. e. c.) Metalworking trades (n. e. c.) Printing trades Other specified trades Trade not specified Asbestos and insulation workers Attendants, auto service and parking Ilosters and powdermen loatmen, canalmen, and lock-keepers Jrakemen, railroad Bus-drivers (hainmen, rodmen, and axmen, surveying Conductors, bus and street railway Deiiverymen and routemen Dressmakers and seamstresses, except factory Dyers _ filers, grinders, and polishers, metal fruit, nut, and vegetable graders and packers, exc. factory iurnacemen, smeltermen, and pourers Heaters, metal Joundry and dry-cleaning operatives "Meat-cutters, except slaughter and packing house Mittiners Mine operatives and laborers (n. e. c.) Coal mining Crude petroleum and natural gas extraction Mining and quarrying, except fuel 'Matormen, mine, factory, logging camp, etc. 'Motormen, street, subway, and elevated railway Oilers and greasers, except auto Painters, except construction and maintenance Photographic-process workers tower-station operators ,Soilors and deck hands oowyers Spinners, textile Socio- economic index 35 25 32 31 37 41 34 33 29 33 40 31 39 32 19 11 24 42 24 25 3O 32 23 12 22 10 18 29 15 29 46 10 2 38 12 3 34 15 18 42 50 16 5 5 144 Occupations, by Maior Occupation Group Stationary firemen Switchmen, railroad Taxicab-drivers and chaufieurs Truck- and tractor-drivers Weavers, textile Welders and flame-cutters Operatives and kindred workers in. e. c.) Manufacturing - Durable goods Sawmills, planing mills, and misc. wood products Sawmills, planing mills, and mill work Miscellaneous wood products Furniture and fixtures Stone, clay, and glass products . (Hess and glass products Cement; and concrete, gypsum; and plaster products Structural clay products Pottery and related products Misc. nonmetaltic mineral and stone products Metal industries Primary metal industries Blast furnaces, steel works, and rolling mills Other primary iron and steel industries Primary nonferrous industries . Fabricated metal ind. (incl. not spec. metal) Fabricated steel products Fabricated nonferrous metal products Not specified metal industries Machinery, except electrical Agricultural machinery and tractors Ofiice and store machines and devices Miscellaneous machinery Electrical machinery, equipment, and supplies Trpnsporlation equipment ‘ Motor vehicles and motor vehicle equipment Aircraft and parts Ship and boat building and repairing Socio- economic Index 17 44 10 15 6 24 15 16 15 17 12 15 16 16 15 14 22 21 31 22 26 23 21 34 16 Railroad and misc. transportation equipment 23 Professional and photographic equipment and watches 29 Socia- Occupations, by Maior economic Occupation Group index Professional equipment and supplies 23 Photographic equipment and supplies 40 Watches, clocks, and clockwork-operated devices 28 Miscellaneous manufacturing industries 16 Nondurabte goods Food and kindred products 16 Meat products 16 Dairy products 22 Canning and preserving fruits, vegetables, and sea foods 9 Grain-mill products 14 Bakery products 15 Confectionery and related products 12 Beverage industries 19 Misc. food preparations and kindred products 11 Not specified food industries 19 Tobacco manufactures 2‘» ‘Textile mitt products ' 6 Knitting mills 21 Dyeing and finishing textiles, exc. knit goods 8 Carpets, rugs, and other floor coverings 14 Yarn, thread, and fabric mills 2 Miscellaneous textile mill products 10 Apparel and other fabricated textile products 21 Apporetand accessories 22 Miscellaneous fabricated textile products 17 Paper and allied products 19 Pulp, paper, and paperboard mills 19 Paperboard containers and boxes 17 Miscellaneous paper and pulp products 19 Printing, publishing, and allied industries 31 Chemicals and allied products 20 Synthetic fibers 9 Drugs and medicines 26 Points, varnishes, and related products 15 Miscellaneous chemicals and allied products 23 Petroleum and coal products 51 Petroleum refining 56 Miscellaneous petroleum and coal products 14 lubber products 22 leather and leather products 16 Leather: tanned, curried, and finished 10 Footwear, except rubber 9 145 Occupations, by Moior Occupation Group Leather products, except footwear Not specified manufacturing industries Nonrnanufacturing industries (incl. not reported) Construction Railroads and railway express service Transportation, except railroad Telecommunications, and utilities and sanitary services Wholesale and retail trade Business and repair services Personal services Public administration All other industries (incl. not reported) Private-household workers Housekeepers, private household living in living out laundresses, private household living in living out Private-household workers in. e. c.) living in living out Service workers, except private household Attendants, hospital and other institution Attendants, professional and personal service in. e. c.) Attendants, recreation and amusement Barbers, beauticians, and manicurists Bartenders Boording- and lodging-house keepers Bootbtacks Chamomen and cleaners Cooks, except private household Counter and fountain workers Elevator operators Firemen, fire protection Guards, watchmen, and doorkeepers Housekeepers and stewards, except private household Janitors and sextons Marshals and constables Midwives Socie- economic Index 14 16 18 18 15 23 21 17 19 11 17 20 19 10 21 12 12 12 13 26 19 17 19 3O 10 15 17 10 37 18 31 21 37 Socio- Occupationr, by Major economic Occupation Group Index Policemen and detectives 39 Government 40 Private 36 Porters 4 Practical nurses 22 Sherifls and bailiffs 34 Ushers, recreation and amusement 25 Waiters and waitresses 16 Watchmen (crOssing) and bridge-tenders 17 ServiCe workers, except private household (n. e. c.) 11 -farm laborers and foreman form farcmen 20 Form laborers, wage workers 6 Farm laborers, unpaid family workers 17 Form-service laborers, self-employed 22 laborers, except farm and mine Fishermen and oystermen 10 Garage laborers, and car-washers and greasers 8 Gardeners, except farm, and groundskeepers 11 longshoremen and stevedores 11 lumbermen, raftsmen, and wood~choppers 4 Teamsters 8 laborers (n. e. c.) Manufacturing 8 Durable goods ' Sawmills, planing mills, and misc. wood products 3 Sawmills, planing mills, and mill work 3 Miscellaneous wood products 2 Furniture and fixtures 5 Stone, clay, and glass products 7 Glass and glass products 14 Cement; and concrete, gypsum, and plaster prod. 5 Structural clay products 5 Pottery and related products 7 Misc. nonmetallic mineral and stone products 5 ~ Metal industries 7 Primary metal industries 7 Blast furnaces, steel works, and rolling mills 9 Other primary iron and steel industries 4 Primary nonferrous industries 6 Fabricated metal ind. (incl. not spec. metal) 7 Fabricated steel products 7 Fabricated nonferrous metal products 10 Not specified metal industries 9 Machinery, except electrical 11 Agricultural machinery and tractors 14 Office and store machines and devices 17 Miscellaneous machinery to Electrical machinery, equipment, and supplies 14 Transportation equipment 11 Motor vehicles and motor vehicle equipment 13 Aircraft and parts 15 Ship and boat building and repairing 2 Railroad and misc. transportation equipment 8 146 Occupations, by Maior .f°:‘;:;¢ Occupation Group Index Professional and photographic equipment, and watches 11 Professionalequipmentond supplies to Photographic equipment and supplies 16 Watches, clocks, and clockwork-operated devices —- Miscellaneous manufacturing industries 12 Nondurable goods Food and kindred products 9 Meat products 8 Dairy products Canning and preserving fruits, veget., and sea foods 6 Grain-mitt products 6 Bakery products 10 Confectionery and related products 10 Beverage industries 16 Misc. food preparations and kindred products 5 Not specified food industries 14 Tobacco manufactures 0 Textile mill products 3 Knitting mills 4 Dyeing and finishing textiles, exc. knit goods 9 Carpets, rugs and other floor coverings 14 Yarn, thread, and fabric mills 1 Miscellaneous textile-mill products 6 Apparel and other fabricated textile products 9 Apparel and accessories 11 Miscellaneous fabricated textile products 6 Paper and allied products 7 Pulp, paper, and paperboard mills 6 Paperboard containers and boxes 10 Miscellaneous paper and pulp products 8 Printing, publishing, and allied industries 23 Chemicals and allied products 8 Synthetic fibers 4 Drugs and medicines 22 Points, varnishes, and related products 8 Miscellaneous chemicals and allied products 8 Petroleum and coal products 22 Petroleum refining Miscellaneous petroleum and coal products Rubber products 1 Leather and leather products leather: tanned, curried, and finished Footwear, except rubber 1 leather products, except footwear 1 Not specified manufacturing industries Nonmonufacturing industries (incl. not reported) Construction Railroads and railway express service Transportation, except railroad Telecommunications, and utilities and N 'OUVNQNONONUO sanitary services Wholesale and retail trade Business and repair services Personal services Public administration All other industries (incl. not reported) Occupation not reported ..- OQNHONO .4 REFERENCES REFERENCES Bachman, J., and M. 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