F s] ‘0 0.; RA cs:- DU L CHARACTERISTI pm GMT :HO fRATl LA. , :MIG Rm A .V _ MVEP , V MWNV} ._ .V. S: S: V V . . . . A ,_.. , A . . V _. V . V , , V , , —, V _ n Z . . . . 1 .f x j . VV . V , _ . _ _ _ 35 V V V V V , . , . . e :7? .q n _ V V . V _ _ V. , V..VVV._...._VV..... _..,:..,SV..4V$ V , .. . _ . V V . .3... . .. .9 r... .3.) Afiau & V V V V . V , , . , . , .. . . . J . . , VV . . ,7” . , V , . V . [.0 W. , V v a a ‘v c 4 . . ‘ V ... < 4. . . . ‘. V. V 7 . g f. g....o_.«_— — , _. . . . _ V . . . V . V «mm.» . 1 v #3” 7 J. , an . .ré'effi f. mm ”if 25,r C ARC .0 V ' V $.th MICHI is for "the- . . ,6“. cumm-M 4 1 5 V r4 . .3uW...¢ ‘ do. _ . awry. .1. 33¢. 3'3 Lfl' .7 .. . «95$, The: : mwmwu ! .bESII This is to certify that the thesis entitled SPATIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF INTERNAL MIGRATION T0 SAN PEDRO SULA, HONDURAS presented by CHARLES MARC CRONER has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PH.D. deg“. in GEOGRAPHY M Major professor Date fiz— 0-7639 f BINDE RS- Ill! .. ....... .gr. mung ABSTRACT SPATIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF INTERNAL MIGRATION TO SAN PEDRO SULA, HONDURAS BY Charles Marc Croner The past two decades have been a period of unpre— cedented urban growth in the Republic of Honduras. Whereas there were no urban centers of 100,000 persons in 1950, today there are two. Tegucigalpa, the national capital since 1880, is approaching the 300,000 mark while San Pedro Sula, the newly—established industrial leader of the North Coast, has a rapidly growing population of almost 130,000. Compared with urban growth rates of other Latin American nations, that of Honduras is the highest in the region. Of the two largest cities, San Pedro Sula has ex— perienced the more remarkable transformation. Having grown about six times its 21,000 population in 1950, the city has become the fastest growing community in Central America. Its recent emergence and dynamic industrial development represent a revolutionary achievement in the Honduran tropical lowlands. Perhaps more important, Charles Marc Croner this budding mecca has triggered a large—scale redistribution of human beings to what was once sparsely occupied earth space. At the official request of Honduran agencies, a one-year study of the internal migration component of population growth in San Pedro Sula was conducted. With the purpose of providing useful information to national planners and professional scholars interested in migration theory, 1. are predominantly male, occupationally unskilled, and the findings can be summarized as follows: Migrant heads of household in San Pedro Sula less than thirty years old, primary educated. By com- parison, non—migrant family heads in the city include a significantly lower proportion of females, younger, have a similar ratio attended school in relatively significantly higher level of 2. Distance plays an are slightly of unskilled members, have greater numbers, and have a educational achievement. important role in migration, as evidenced by the heavy participation of migrants from those areas closest to the city. Measurement of fifty- mile homogenous distance surfaces from San Pedro Sula reveals a fairly distinct inverse relationship between the propensity of migration and these surfaces. discernable distortion in the occurs in the western part of The most distance—decay surface the country and is due to Charles Marc Croner the absence of highway outlets to the east. Four main highway systems provide overland accessibility for roughly 99 per cent of all internal migrants. 3. More than 80 per cent of all migrant heads were born in urban places, with the majority coming from municipio capitals. About half of all migrants, including those from rural places, move indirectly or, step-wise, to the city. Although there are no significant statistical differences between place-size origins and occupational achievement (income) among migrants, there is a clear tendency for those from urban places to earn more than their rural-indirect and rural—direct counterparts, once in San Pedro Sula. 4. The decision to migrate by almost three—fourths of all migrant heads was based on prior assessments of the attributes, and limitations, of the home community, of San Pedro Sula, and of alternative destinations. Foremost con- cerns were employment and general economic conditions, and, to a lesser extent, family considerations. Friends, kin- ship, and other contacts in San Pedro Sula were important stimuli in the decision process, since clearly half of all migrants received some form of assistance upon arrival and during the first few months of residence. SPATIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF INTERNAL MIGRATION TO SAN PEDRO SULA, HONDURAS BY Charles Marc Croner A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1972 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study of internal migration to San Pedro Sula represents the combined efforts of many organizations, professional associates, and concerned citizens in both the United States and the Republic of Honduras. It is, thus, a model of cooperative intra—hemispheric social science research. It should be noted that the study itself does not represent an isolated contribution to Honduran geography and planning. Rather, it is one of many such projects aimed at providing a comprehensive research package to aid professionals in that country. Thanks largely to the vision and efforts of Dr. Clarence W. Minkel, president of the Committee on Applied Geography of the Pan American Institute of Geography and History, O.A.S., this program has achieved a high degree of success in just three years of operation. A variety of agencies deserve special recognition for their support of this research. In the United States, the Ford Foundation, through the International Studies Program at Michigan State University, and the Foreign Area Fellowship Program, of New York, awarded me the funds re— quired to conduct the research. I am grateful to the ii representatives of each of these programs, Dr. John M. Hunter and Mr. Michael Potashnik, respectively, for their assistance. In Honduras, the study was coordinated closely with the National Geographic Institute and the Housing Institute. The combined services rendered by these organi- zations and their respective representatives, Ing. Fernando Lanza and Lic. Rubén Mondragén (currently Minister of Economy and Commerce) were most important. Additional services were contributed by Lic. Carlos Raudales, Director of Census and Statistics; Arq. Mario Martin, past Director General of Public Works and Urban Affairs; and Mr. Rodney Saubers, resident chief of the Inter—American Geodetic Survey in Tegucigalpa. There are many persons in San Pedro Sula who also provided invaluable support. Among them are Ing. Juan Fernando Lopez and Lic. José Fernandez Guzman, the former and current city mayors; Crnel. Raul Flores Gomez, Politi— cal Governor of Cortés Department; Sr. Oscar Echenique Bustillo, Municipal Public Relations Director; Lic. Amanda Moreno de Mejia and Lic. Marcial Solis, Dean of the Faculty of Economic Sciences and Chairman of the Economics Depart- ment at the Centro Universitario Regional del Norte, respectively; Lic. Carlos Manuel Zerén, General Manager of La Prensa; and Dr. George Wilson, Director of the Research Division of United Fruit Company at La Lima. The interview team was comprised of Benjamin Zelaya Chavez, Carlos Collier, Ricardo Morales, Antonio Palacios, Evangelina Torres, and Olga Helen Urbina. The task of supervising and editing a disseration is tedious and time—consuming. For this, I thank Dr. Clarence W. Minkel, both academic advisor and friend. Much appreciation is also extended to Dr. Robert N. Thomas, who provided frequent consultation and the valuable ser— vice of second reader. Finally, I wish to acknowledge the support and encouragement of my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Milton Croner, and parents-in-law, Dr. and Mrs. Donald Kramer, throughout my graduate program. To my wife, Lois, I extend a special thanks for her untiring teamwork and unfaltering inspira— tion. It is to her that this work is dedicated. iv LIST OF LIST OF Chapter I. II. III. TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . INTRODUCTION Objective . . . . . . . . . . Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Migration Literature . . . . . . . . . Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . Statistical Sample . . . . . . . . . Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . Pilot Study . . . . . . . . . . . . Findings of the Study . . . . . . . THE SULA VALLEY . . . . . . . . . . . Physical Background . . . . . . Climate Soils and Hydrographic Features Vegetation . . . . . Cultural Background . . . . . . . . Pre- -Columbian Era and Discovery . Colonial Period . Independence through the Twentieth Century . . Modern Period . . . . . . . . . EVOLUTION OF SAN PEDRO SULA . . . . Founding to 1900 . . . . . . . . . . . 1900—1950 The Emergence of a City Page viii 10 11 13 14 15 17 17 18 29 31 31 35 41 44 49 50 53 57 Chapter IV. VI. VII. VIII. COLONIA "SESENTA Y UNO": A PILOT STUDY . "Sesenta y Uno" Colony . , , , , , . . , . Origins of Population and the Migration Field . . . . . . . . . . . Decision to Migrate and the Directionality of Move . . . . . . . . . The Move to the City and Intra-Urban Mobility . . . . . . . . . . Channeling Future Migrations: Government Housing Projects . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS . . . . . . . Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupational Skills . . . . . . . . . . . Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: DISTANCE AND THE PROPENSITY OF MOVEMENT Origins of Migrants . . . . . . . . Transportation Facilities . . . . . . . . Migration "Streams" . . . . . . . . . . THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: THE MOBILITY PROCESS . . . . . . . . . . Urban Place Origins . . . . . . . The Move to the City . . . . . . . . . Occupational Achievement . . . . THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: THE DECISION- MAKING PROCESS Assessing the Home Community . . . . . . . Assessing San Pedro Sula Assessing an Alternate Destination Stimuli to the Decision Environment vi Page 61 61 62 68 72 75 79 82 83 85 87 89 93 94 98 101 105 106 110 114 118 119 122 124 128 Chapter IX. BIBLIOG APPENDI A. B. Page PERSPECTIVE ON FUTURE GROWTH OF SAN PEDRO SULA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 Planning Problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 Water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Housing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 Public Health . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Prospectus on Urbanward Migration . . . . . . 137 Regional Trends . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Migration through Time . . . . . . . . . 139 Influential Factors in Migration . . . . . 141 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Characteristics of Migrants . . . . . . . . . 144 Distance in Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 The Mobility Process . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Decision-Making Behavior . . . . . . . . . . 147 RAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 CES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 INTERVIEW SCHEDULES . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 BASE MAP 10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 Table l. 10. 11. 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES Population Growth of Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula, Honduras, 1950- 1970 . . . . . . . . . . Meteorological Observations at Selected Stations in Honduras, 1967—1969 . . . . . . . . Climograph of San Pedro Sula, 1932—1961 . . . Population in Province of Honduras, 1574 . . . Population Change in Cortés Department and San Pedro Sula, 1910— 1950 . . . . . . . . . Place of Birth of Heads of Family in "Sesenta y Uno" and "Las Crucitas" Communities . . . . Directionality of Move Among the Migrant Populations of "Sesenta y Uno" and Ciudad Guayana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Incidence of Intra-City Mobility Among "Sesenta y Uno" Residents (Heads of Household) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . "Sesenta y Uno" Colony: Attitudes Toward Government Housing . . . . . . . . . . . Age Structures for Honduras, San Pedro Sula, and Migrants to San Pedro Sula (in per cent) Education Levels Within the Urban and Rural Population of Honduras, 1961 . . . . . . . . Education Levels Among Migrant and Non—Migrant Heads of Household in San Pedro Sula . . . . Sequence of Migration Among Heads of House— hold from Place of Birth to San Pedro Sula (in per cent) viii Page 23 25 52 55 63 7O 74 77 86 90 91 111 Table Page 14. T—Score Matrix for Place-Size Origins and Occupational Achievement . . . . . . . . . . . 116 15. Migrant Heads of Household: Reason for Leaving the Home Community . . . . . . . . . . 119 16. Problems Confronting the Home Community . . . . 121 17. Visits to San Pedro Sula by Migrant Family Heads Prior to Residence . . . . . . . . . 123 18. Reason for Migrating to San Pedro Sula . . . . 124 19. Reasons Direct Movers Chose not to Select an Alternate Site (such as E1 Progreso, Choloma, or La Lima) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 20. Reason for not Migrating to Tegucigalpa . . . . 127 21. Place of Residence for Migrant Family Heads at Time of Arrival in San Pedro Sula . . . . . 129 22. Assistance Rendered to Migrant Family Heads by Relatives, Friends and Other Sources during First Few Months of Residency in San Pedro Sula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 23. Arrival of Migrant Family Heads in San Pedro Sula, 1900 - Mid-1971 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 ix Map 10. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Honduras: Location Map - . . . . . . . . . . San Pedro Sula: Sampling Zones . . . . . . . Honduras: Physiographic Regions . . . . Honduras: Archaeological Sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Honduras: Covariation of "Sesenta y Uno" and "Las Crucitas" Migration Fields . . . . . . . Honduras Department Zones: Internal Migra- tion to San Pedro Sula . . . . . . . . . . Honduras Municipios: Distance and Internal Migration to San Pedro Sula . . . . . . . . . Honduras: Migration Streams from Department of Birth to San PedroSula................. Honduras Municipios: Urban Place Origins among Migrants to San Pedro Sula . . . - - - Honduras: Departamentos y Municipios . . . Page 12 19 34 67 95 97 102 107 174 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Population mobility within Latin America has reached unprecedented levels within the past two decades. The accelerated exodus of people from rural areas and small urban communities to the sprawling urban centers has been an especially remarkable trend. During the period 1950-1965, Latin America's urban population grew at an annual rate of 4.6 per cent, compared with 1.5 per cent in the rural areas.1 Rates of urban growth ranged from a high 7.6 per cent in Honduras, 6.3 per cent in Costa Rica, and 6.1 per cent in Venezuela, to a low 2.5 per cent in Argentina, 1.7 per cent in Uruguay, and 1.4 per cent in Jamaica. The region's marked increase of 58 million urban inhabitants, 1950—1965, established a total urban population of 120 million, or roughly equal that of the countryside. lRates based on data from twenty— —three republics. See John A. Hopkins, The Latin American Farmer, U. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, Washington, D. C., 1969, p. 125. In few other countries of Latin America has the move to the cities been so striking as in Honduras. In 1950, Honduras ranked within the lowest category as to percentage of total population living in localities of 100,000 inhabitants or more. Tegucigalpa, the national capital and long the dominant urban center of the nation, had fewer than 75,000 persons, and the north coast center of San Pedro Sula, with a diminutive population of 21,000, was the nation's second largest city. Within the follow- ing twenty-one years, however, both cities underwent a dramatic transformation. From 1950-1961, they nearly doubled and tripled their respective populations, as shown in Table 1. By 1971, Tegucigalpa had again nearly doubled and San Pedro Sula has grown more than sixfold from its size in 1950.2 Within the span of two decades, Honduras has wit— nessed the emergence of two major metropolitan centers (Map 1), of which San Pedro Sula represents the fastest— growing in all of Central America. This city, whose recent and unparalled growth has overwhelmingly been a function of internal migration, offers an ideal site for the exami- nation of one of Latin America's most dynamic migration systems. 2By comparison, the annual natural increase for the country was about 3.5 per cent. Crude birth and death rates, 1950-1964, are tabulated in: Direccién General de Estadistica y Censos, Secretaria de Economia y Hacienda, Honduras en cifras: 1964, Tegucigalpa, Honduras, 1965. .wMHSUQom .mmHmmHosmoE : OhmHI hme .mOHHommo h mmonm co m monmHOHCSE mmuwomnmo so HMHOH COHOMHQom: UoHHHucw .mOmcmO m MUHumHUmumm mp Hmuozmw coHoownHo .msoHHownOHm COHHMHSQOQ pwanHQSQCDQ .momH .mdudpcom .mmHmmHosmmB .AmeHI IHHHQH .memH>H> h QOHOMHQomV sammuoz oomHocmsm paw mWHHoo mp mousmamvuomoo .mpsmHowm % MHEocoom mo MHHmumHowm .mOmsoO w MOHpmemuwm op Hmumsmw COHoomHHQ paw mmmH .mMHSUcom .mgHmmHosmmB .OOHHmHUmpmm OHHMSQH .mpcwHomm % MHEocoom mp mHHmuoHowm .mOmcwo w MOHumeonm mp Hmuosmo abHoowHHom www.mw m.HH Hom.mm ~.mH OHIHGHH eHm.m0H GHN.NMN QOHHH mmH.Hm H.HHH oao.He «.mw «HelomaH Nme.wm mHo.HMH HGHH mMH.HN mmm.NH ommH mdeOmQ< ®>Humem oHsm oupmm qmm deHomQ< m>HHmHom memeonmmB Meow mmmwuocH mmomuocH oanuommH.mHmpozom .HHDm omomm ZHm nz< HmHHoHoDome mo mezomo oneHHomom H mHm1' .’ .. -T/0~ ‘ 6 7 2 LA LIMA _ II I 21 7:7 7'5 4 3 v . 2 . I —. _.:I 8 7 6 51.: .— 2:2 3 4 5 _" H2 I 7 6 V. 153 4 5 6 VI _3 2 I 8 7 _— ., . 4 5 7 5 3 '6 7 " j" '6 4 SAMPLE ZONES " No. of Interviews I I40 II 90 III 70 IV 65 V 95 VI 30 VII IO To \CHAMELECON ZONE II SAMPLE BLOCKS BARRIO BARRANDILLA INITIAL SAMPLING UNIT INCLUDED ALL NUMBER 8 BLOCKS 0 MILES 1_ I n FINAL SAMPLING UNIT Map 2 13 the city, was the least densely populated and contributed a corresponding share of ten sample households or only two per cent of the total. Sampling units consisting of city blocks were sub— sequently delimited within zones.l6 Each unit was repre- sented by eight blocks numbered consecutively to assure a uniform geographic distribution throughout zones. A random drawing of 1-8 then identified the working sampling unit of any zone. Units were further stratified according to area, a modification that facilitated the interviewing process (Zone II, Map 2). Finally, all individual house— holds within sampling units were identified by the drawing of random numbers.17 Methods The population sampled consisted of heads of house- hold residing in San Pedro Sula at the time of interview. In the case where a head of household was not present, the next closest dwelling unit with head of household present was selected. The sampling plan included those individual and collective residences within the corporate limits of the city. 16This technique is similar to the one outlined in Sampling Methods, Public Health Service Publication No. 1230 (U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare), Washington, March, 1965. l7Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics (New York: McGraw—Hill, 1960), pp. 437—440. 14 Migration and family histories were recorded by the administration of interview schedules, as illustrated in Appendix A.18 The Open-ended format utilized in a pilot study was designed to permit complete freedom of expression and offered an unlimited range of responses by the interviewee. In addition, it ultimately served to coalesce numerous responses to questions for the more close—ended or coded questionnaire format that followed. Interviews were conducted on Saturday afternoons and Sun— day mornings, due to the greater availability of heads of household at those times. Pilot Study The implementation of a pilot study, during the early stages of field work, proved pivotal to the direc— tion and organization of the major investigation. First, it offered an overall test of procedures. The technical aspects of interview timing, techniques of execution, and re-evaluation of questionnaire content were areas that merited close attention. Second, the findings from the pilot study community were in themselves suggestive of those mechanisms underlying the migration system of its parent universe. Lastly, it provided a valuable training l8Two sources found particularly helpful in ques— tionnaire design include A. N. Oppenheim's Questionnaire Design and Attitude Measurement, Basic Books, Inc., New York 1966, and Morris Rosenberg's The Logic of Survey Analysis, Basic Books, Inc., New York, 1968. 15 environment for the twenty-three graduate students, of the Centro Universitario Regional del Norte, who assisted in the administration of the questionnaire. From this group, the six most proficient received supplementary training and were organized into an interview team for the main investigation. Findings of the Study In most cases, the hypotheses upon which this study was based were found to be valid. There were, how— ever, variations discovered in the actual conditions per— taining to some of the premises. Migrant heads of household to San Pedro Sula transport certain identifiable characteristics through earth—space to the city. As a group, they are predomi— nantly male, less than thirty years old, occupationally unskilled, and primary educated. There is a fairly distinct inverse relationship between the propensity of migration and distance from San Pedro Sula. The most apparent distortion in the distance— decay surface occurs in the western part of the country, a region traversed by a sole artery of transportation that links directly to San Pedro Sula. Most migrant heads were born in small urban places. At the time of residence in San Pedro Sula, more than three—fourths had experienced some sustained urban exposure 16 in previous settings. Place—size origins do not appear to strongly distinguish occupational achievement among migrants in San Pedro Sula. A majority of migrant heads made extensive assess- ments of their home community, of San Pedro Sula, and of some alternative destination before migrating. At least half received some form of assistance upon arrival, and during the first few months of residence, from friends, kinship, and other contacts established in the city. CHAPTER II THE SULA VALLEY The growth of a city can be viewed, through time, as a result of the relationship between the environment and man. In the case of San Pedro Sula, it has been only during the past seventy years of its 435—year existence that some form of equilibrium between the two has been established. Man's activities, particularly during the twentieth century, have provided a dynamic catalyst for the recent emergence of a north coast metropolis. The setting for these man—land relationships, of which San Pedro Sula is an integral part, is the Sula valley. In this chapter, the natural and cultural forces whose inter- play have synergistically produced a city are examined. Physical Background Cast within the tropical setting of the Caribbean lowlands and endowed with rich alluvial soils, the Sula valley has provided an extensive natural resource base 19 for the nation. Only since the recent and successful 19The term "Sula" used by Honduran cartographers has Aztec origins (zula, usula, sola, sulin) meaning codornices or quail. 17 l8 utilization by man has the economic significance of the long-dormant Caribbean lowlands been visualized. The Sula valley, and its offspring metropolis of San Pedro Sula, is rapidly converting the North Coast into Honduras' most productive region. The Sula valley is located in the northwestern portion of Honduras. It is one of a series of inland- stretching alluvial coastal lowlands along the north coast of the country which collectively form a distinct physio— graphic region referred to as "La Costa" (Map 3). The valley's extension of about sixty by twenty miles (and up to forty—eight miles at its widest span) constitutes an impressive part of the coastal landscape. With the ex- ception of "La Misquitia," in the far eastern portion of the country, the Sula valley appears to be one of the foremost in size among the north coast lowlands. Struc— turally, it forms the northern extension of the Comayaguan transisthmian depression. Climate One of the important characteristics that distin— guish the Sula valley and its lowland counterparts from the rest of the nation is climate. Due to their low— elevated north coastal position and exposure to the strong influence of the trade winds, the Caribbean lowlands ex— perience the highest yearly averages of rainfall and 19 96.3,; 923% 5.5.2. m ¢O_¢m._.z_ 9522:2302 Hm moz<4304 4:m 8.3339. .6\ otahbq 4 $1.: 0 64 $402 2.50291 \.... Im\ autism! \6 \\S.m.. . 20 temperature in the country, about eighty inches and in excess of 64°F, respectively. By comparison, less precipi— tation, cooler temperatures, and pronounced wet and dry seasons characterize the extensive mountainous interior to the south. Although the Caribbean lowlands do experience comparatively higher year—round rainfall and temperatures than the rest of the nation, there is a distinct seasonal climatic change. Rainfall tends to be more prolonged and heavier during the period from June to January, while the largest accumulations occur in October and November. The short dry period from February to May also marks a con— siderable lowering of temperatures. The main intra— regional difference is a higher and more sustained rainfall in the eastern half of the zone which is capable of sup- porting year-round rainforest vegetation. In addition, seasonal differences within individual lowland valleys occur, with a tendency for those areas immediately front— ing the coast to receive substantially higher rainfall than more interior locations. Another important climatic feature of the Caribbean lowland zone is cyclonic distrubances that appear in the form of tropical hurricanes and nortes, or northers. Both phenomena have periodically presented a strong deterrant to man's development in the tropics. The hurricanes associated with Honduras follow a rather well—defined 21 track westward across the Caribbean, striking parts of the north coast between July and October. Damaging winds and flooding usually account for the extensive destruction of plantation agriculture and property, as illustrated by Hurricane Francelia in 1969. The nortes are cold winds originating in high-latitude regions and have been known to extend as far south as Nicaragua. Transporting high— velocity winds and cooling temperatures they, too, pose a considerable natural hazard to the expansive commercial activity of the north coast. Upon close inspection, the Sula valley reveals climatic patterns which distinguish it within the coastal region. As a result of its far western location along the northern littoral, the valley lies outside of the tropical monsoon rain—forest climatic zone found to the east.20 This peripheral position has resulted in a distinct seasonality of rainfall, making the Sula valley one of the less-watered parts of the coastal lowlands. A recent meteorological report indicates that the area encompassing Tela, Trujillo, the Bay Islands, and the coastlines of Colén and La Misquitia receive an annual precipitation of 20The tropical monsoon climatic type corresponds to Wladimir K5ppen's Am classification. For a broader dis— cussion on the subject see: Arthur N. Strahler, Introduction to Physical Geography, John Wiley and Sons, Inc., New York, 1966, pp. 105-109. 22 up to 152 inches,while as little as seventy-three inches fall on the coast of Cortés (and interior sectors of Atlantida and Colén).21 It also provides evidence of intra— valley differences by noting that highest annual rainfall diminishes to about fifty inches along the western portions of the Sula valley. Meteorological data, representative of the three— year period 1967-1969, tend to substantiate the Sula valley's climatic position as illustrated in Table 2. Rainfall, in particular, shows a decreasing trend from east to west along the coast (La Ceiba—Tela-Puerto Cortés) and from the coast toward the interior (Puerto Cortés—La Mesa).22 The comparatively pronounced seasonality of rainfall at the latter two stations is also reflected by both mean annual accumulations and average number of days with precipitation. Temperature differences, on the other hand, appear less distinctive along the coast, although La Mesa's high of 107.4°F in 1969 may reflect its more interior location. Winds blow generally from a N-NE direction and tend to be 21See article entitled, "Vientos alisios influyen en actual clima del pais" appearing in El Dia (Tegucigalpa), May 25, 1971. "’— 22The one anomaly toward the interior is a high rain— fall pocket at the southern end of the valley near Lake Yojoa. Here, the terrain rises abruptly to the north of the lake and a mean annual rainfall of 231 inches has been recorded (Anuario Estadistico, 1969, p. l). 23 .mmel nme .ooHHMHUmem OHstc< "wousom .mGOHHMH>®HQQo thucozs meNIm .m.: mmImIm .m.c mumw can m.Hm .m.c w.Hm .m.c prOOHo> ESEmez szz .m.c z .m.c coHpoouHU HcmcHEoo A.m.m.2v mwcHz mOImIN .m.c memNIN wmIHMIm dump psm «.mm .m.c m.mm H.>w EDEHCHE oEmHuxm moIOIm .m.c mmlmlm mmIOHIo oump paw H.SOH .w.c o.mm N.OOH EDEmeE mEoupxm N.>h .m.c m.mn o.wn HMSQCH mmmuw>< AuHcacounmmv musumnuman cHHNH nHHB SMH «MH hmH me wasp HO HOQEDQ mmmum>d .zmmzo 42oz .moz .moz EsEmes mHsuaoz memNIm mmImHIHH mmINIm mmIONIOH ouwp can H.v m.m m.m h.wH EDEmeE Hdozlvm v.mm >.mHH H.mHH o.OMH Hmsqc< cmoz Ammnoch HHmwchm mmoz mu mwunou ouucsm MHOB mnHmo ma mmaHIHmmH .mHmDozom zH monaHHm omaomqmm 9H monH<>mmmmo HHoHooqomomemz N mqmdfi 24 seasonal, with highest velocities in the latter half of the year. San Pedro Sula, about thirty miles inland and at the extreme western periphery of the valley (15° 28' N and 88° 01' W.), reflects the climatic position of that part of its region. Average monthly precipitation does not exceed two inches from February to May, climbs to between six and seven inches for the months of June, July, and October, and peaks to over seven inches in September, as shown in Table 3. With the advent of sustained periods of high evapotranspiration rates, it is not difficult to under— stand why the topic of water availability in the city becomes a central issue. Average monthly temperatures vascillate between 73.4 and 82.5°F, although maximum and minimum extremes have reached above 106° and below 50°. The key component of climate in the Sula valley is rainfall. Despite its tropical lowland position, the valley receives substantially less precipitation than its eastern counterparts. It is this one factor, above all, upon which the agricultural and emerging industrial development is most closely associated. Soils and Hydrographic Features Soils are a vital component of the coastal land- scape. The fact that they are alluvial makes the Sula valley and the remaining Caribbean lowlands one of the 7//////////////// H, _%///////////////////xnw %/ 7///////////// 26 most potentially productive soil zones in the nation. With the exception of southwestern Honduras, where volcanic ash from past eruptions was deposited along the north coast of the Gulf of Fonseca, most of the country is covered by thin, worn, and less productive rocky soils of crystalline origin. As a result of the seasonality of rainfall, the Sula valley has long received periodic deposits of alluvial materials from its riverine network. The transported alluvium has formed a relatively new soil base which is rich in organic material, plant nutrients, and minerals. With added drainage controls and the supplementation of nitrogen fertilizers where needed, these soils are ideal for intensive use. It is an interesting historical fact that these soils were once used effectively by Pre- Columbian inhabitants, but they lay relatively dormant for nearly four centuries following European settlement. The somewhat abrupt topographical disparity between the Sula valley lowland and the mountainous borders to the west and south provides a distinctive drainage pattern. Generally extending at elevations of less than 300 feet above sea level and flanked by the Merendén and Montecillos Mountains, the Sula valley provides a natural pathway for drainage to the Caribbean. Two rivers in particular, the Ulua and Chamelecén, dominate the drainage system of the valley. 27 The Rio Ulfia is the product of Honduras' largest hydrographic system. Supported by the fluvial discharge from neighboring departments of Ocotepeque, Copan, Santa Barbara, Lempira, Intibuca, La Paz, Comayagua, Francisco Morazan, Yoro, Atlantida and Cortés, the Ulfia drains an area of approximately 13,020 square miles or nearly one- 23 Fed by the Rio Jicatuyo third the national territory. from the west, the Rio Ulfia enters the Sula valley to the west of Potrerillos and is joined, following a brief eastern traverse, by the Rio Humuya (Comayagua) near Pimienta. At full strength, it meanders northward for the remaining fifty-odd miles to the Caribbean, forming common departmental boundaries between Cortés and adjoin— ing Yoro and Atlantida. During the rainy season, the river is navigable by small craft upstream to Pimienta. Paralleling the Rio Ulfia for approximately the last forty—three miles of its journey northward is the Rio Chamelecén. The latter originates in the Sierra del Gallinero portion of the Merendén Mountains, in western Copan Department. Although draining a comparatively diminutive basin of about 2,580 square miles, it turns 23Carlos Antonio Aguilar B., Texto de ensefianza de la geografia de Honduras: Estudios sociales, Tomo pr1mero, Imprenta 1a Republica, Tegucigalpa, D.C., 1969, p. 143. 28 and flows parallel with the Ulua, in the vicinity of La Lima, to make the Sula valley a vertible oasis. The river is navigable for small launches upstream to a point near Cofradia during the rainy season. Because of its location at the extreme western flank of the valley, the city of San Pedro Sula does not directly benefit from either major river.24 Rather, it must depend upon a few small seasonal rivers, of which the closest are the Rio de Piedras and the Santa Ana. Both originate beyond the western fringes of the city in the Sierra de Omoa portion (less than 5,500 feet) of the Merendén Mountains. Other small rivers to the east of the city are tapped for farming purposes and eventually join with the Chamelecén. The combination of rich alluvial soils and the merger of two extensive well—watered drainage basins pro— vides the Sula valley with an advantageous physical base. These two characteristics appear to compensate appreciably for the seasonality of rainfall, making the valley highly productive. 24San Pedro Sula is situated at an elevation of approximately 183 feet above sea level, with the western extension of the city literally ascending the base of the Merendén Mountains. 29 Vegetation With the exception of the Misquitia lowlands of northeastern Honduras and adjoining Nicaragua, high annual rainfall and an alluvial soil base have provided a fairly uniform pattern of vegetation for the low-lying north coast valleys.25 It appears that prior to settlement, and the sub- sequent alteration of the natural landscape, most of the area was covered by tropical rainforest. Similar evidence can be shown for much of the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico lowlands through the extension of broadleaf evergreen forest which penetrates as far north as Veracruz state, Mexico. The Sula valley today, with extensive clearings and some remnant forests, reflects many decades of man's use. Low—lying and leeward—facing hill slopes, particu- larly during the low—rainfall period, take on a tropical scrub-like appearance with short deciduous trees, grasses, and scattered coconut and corozo palms. Only in the galeria vegetation of the lower portions of the valley, 25The Misquitia, one of the most sparsely populated portions of Honduras' Caribbean lowlands, is an anomaly to the rainforest pattern. Although it receives more than eighty inches of rainfall per year, there are extensive areas of humid savannas characterized by open stands of tropical lowland pine and grasses. Causes are thought to be edaphic, cultural, or a combination of the two. See: James J. Parsons, "The Miskito Pine Savanna of Nicaragua and Honduras," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. XLV, No. l, 1955, pp. 36—63. 30 and possibly in a few isolated pockets of the surrounding mountainsides, is dense evergreen vegetation encountered. The once abundant dyewood, mahogany, San Juan, 2319 dg rosa, carreto, cedar, sangre d3 dragén and guayacan stands within the valley have virtually disappeared as a result of plantation and pasture replacement. Some of the natural fauna remains in the form of deer, peccary, wild turkey, monkey, alligator, tapir and an occasional jaguar in the surrounding highlands. A myriad of birds, water fowl and insects also abounds, in— cluding the quail, whitewing pigeon, dove, parrot, jilguero, zensontle, and zorzal. Man's ultimate design for utilizing the valley will undoubtedly affect the balance and perpetuation of the existing wildlife. Alteration of the landscape, particularly in terms of vegetation, has left its mark upon the Sula valley. For more than two thousand years, the sequent occupance of man has greatly modified the flora that preceded his arrival. The clearing and burning of forests or the pre- paration of land for milpa was a technique conceived by the earliest Mayan inhabitants and is still practiced by many farmers even today. EurOpean occupation introduced the hacienda, and contemporary efforts have developed plantation agriculture and grazing on a scientific basis. The original rainforest which covered much of the valley has virtually disappeared as a result of human modification. 31 Cultural Background Although the exact time of the first incursion by man into the north coastal area of Honduras remains un- known, the Sula valley has probably been the setting of different cultural forms for at least two thousand years. During this period, a variety of peoples have utilized the valley, each leaving some vestige upon the modern landscape. Throughout much of his occupation of the valley, man's numerical presence has been relatively small, and his development remained largely at the subsistence level. Dictated by the combination of culture and a hot, tropical lowland environment, man's activities through millenniums of time simply marked and failed to alter the natural setting of the valley. It has only been during the past seven decades that man has significantly challenged this relationship, giving rise to large-scale population growth in the valley. Pre-Columbian Era and Discovery Of the estimated 12 to 15 million Indians occupy— ing Mesoamerica prior to European discovery, relatively few lived in what is now Honduras. Approximately 100,000, or less than one per cent of the total pre-contact popula— tion, resided in the area corresponding to the present—day 32 nation.26 Heterogeneous and widely dispersed, they included the Chorotegas and Pipiles to the south, the Lencas to the southwest, the Jicaque, Paya, Suma and Misquito to the east, the Chorti to the west and northwest, the Matagalpas to the southeast, and a scattering of Mejicanos and north coastal Indian groups. With the added disadvantage of having not sustained any strong political organization by the time of contact, Indian resistance in this part of Central America was of slight consequence to the Conquest.27 Among these many tribes, the most advanced were the Chorti. Descendants of the Maya, they engineered a society comparable to Luxor in Egypt and Angkor Wat in Cambodia almost 600 years before the first Spanish arrivals. Situated in western Honduras, and extending as far north as the Sula valley, they established the highland city of Copan which became the centripetal force of the southern Maya culture from 200 to 900 A.D.28 Their knowledge of the domestication of maize probably made them the progeni— tor of the agricultural community in this area. 26Miguel Navarro, Nuestro pais, Publicaciones Navarro, Tegucigalpa, 1964, p. 88. 27Luis Marifias Otero, Honduras, Ediciones Cultura Hispanica, Madrid, 1963, p. 174. 28The Chorti also extended into Guatemala, with many descendants residing even today in La Union, Zacapa, Jocotan, Camotan, and Esquipulas. See: Fabian S. Ymeri, Antropo— logia, cultura autéctona de Guatemala y civilizacion Maya, Imprenta Hispania, Guatemala, 1955. 33 The extent to which the Chorti utilized the Sula valley is not fully known. They did have contact with the southern end of the valley (in the Vicinity of Lake Yojoa), the upper reaches of the Chamelecon basin, and along the banks of the Ulua, as evidenced by polychrome ceramics, golden artifacts, and other vestiges of their settlements (Map 4).29 Despite the early demise of Copén to the west, numerous small indigenous communities proliferated on the margins of the Rio Ulua as late as the sixteenth century.30 Soon after the conquest, the yilla of San Pedro Sula was to emerge as an important comarca of Spanish jurisdiction over these many remaining pueblos of the valley. During the Pre—Columbian era, the Sula valley indigenous were highly dependent upon the vagaries of nature. The extent of the annual rise and recession of the Ulua and Chamelecén riverine system was a vital factor for a productive year, particularly in the basin. While milpa agriculture was most likely endemic throughout, the basin settlements along the floodplains were certain to further benefit from the periodic deposits of alluvial 29Pedro Aplicano Mendieta, Introduction to Mayan History, March, No. 85, Imprenta Calderon, Tegucigalpa, 1971, pp. 4—5. 3O"A1 recorrer Alvarado en persona e1 valle de Sula, econtré muchos pueblos de nativos, deteniéndose a1 fin cerca de uno de ellos a orillas del Rio dg Piedras," Perfecto H. Bobadilla, Monografia del departamento de Cortés, Sociedad de Geografia e Historia de Honduras, Talleres Tipograficos Nacionales, Tegucigalpa, 1944, p. 130. 34 v mm: mm_._._z::!oo z<_oz_ z<_m!:noo-mmm ‘ 00. mm... 2 o fixBflxem but? mmtm ._‘ .I‘... .V..“...esfiiu . ‘wsx: «232%.! ‘Vjuasxfi... maafimzaas V... .4 . ...... . «8:5: ‘ ...... .....nés.‘ .‘ . Sofia... 835.531 «22.8.... ......u 8...... ..\ 5:: .5‘ tomob oCCbQ WSE-UV/s .22. .5 22d ‘ :zmmzmm Sam: 23 ‘.. . 85.5 «a: .. .. 2&8 «mutual. 5;. .5 ‘ 5282‘ ‘ 82.1 83‘ ‘35.: 2:: m3 ‘ ‘85.: 82% 22am fl\ d «82%: jn_sa..\=uzwd .......\ «25:8 35 material. A successful harvest anywhere in the valley was an event dependent ultimately upon rainfall conditions. Indigenous settlement in the Sula valley suggests an interesting environmental corollary to that of the Yucatan peninsula. Although human resources and achieve- ments varied appreciably between the two, neither location, a hot, tropical, sultry lowland setting, was a deterrent to human activity. On the contrary, considering the tools at his disposal, in each site man established himself with a high degree of success long before Old World encroachment. The discovery of the north coast of Honduras occurred on August 11, 1502, when Columbus, on his fourth trip to the New World, landed at Punta Castilla in the Bay of Trujillo. While the event itself was of little or no consequence to the native populace, the subsequent occupa— tion of the coast and most of Mesoamerica, initiated a period of profound cultural impact on the New World way of life. By virtue of a resident Indian pOpulation and a favorable port location to the north, the Sula valley was among the first to experience the effects of this intrusion. Colonial Period The scramble for the middle part of Mesoamerica actually commenced about eleven years after Columbus' historic voyage. Pedrarias Davila, as first Governor and Captain General of Castilla de Oro (Panama), laid claim to 36 the north coast area extending from Gracias a Dios to the Gulf of Darién as early as 1513.31 In 1519, the Gulf of Chorotega (Fonseca) was discovered on the Pacific coast and, in 1524, Gil Gonzalez Davila circuited the north coast of Honduras to establish San Gil de Buena Vista (near Livingston, Guatemala), the first settlement in the newly discovered lands.32 Meanwhile, the Spanish drive from the north toward Guatemala and Honduras began under the direction of Hernan Cortés in Mexico. In pursuit of "riches" and with the orders to "conquer and populate," Pedro de Alvarado de— parted Mexico City November 13, 1523, with a cortage of "300 soldiers (among them 120 musketeers), 135 horses, 4 canon, powder, over 200 Tascatecas and Cholutecas, and 100 "33 Whereas Alvarado moved overland, Mexican carriers. Cristébal de Olid (also commissioned by Cortés) left for the new lands, in the following year, by sea. Conspiring with Diego de Velasquez, Governor of Cuba and political enemy of Cortés, Olid landed at Villa de Triunfo de la 1 Otero, op. cit., p. 182. 2At some point along his trip, he encountered a storm which took the lives of many of his horses aboard ship. They were discarded overboard at a point subsequently named Puerto Caballos and later called Puerto Cortés. 3Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Verdadera y notable relacién del descubrimiento y conquista de la Nueva Espafia Guatemala, Tomo III, Vol. 73, Centro Editorial "José de Pineda Ibarra," Guatemala, 1964, pp. 162-163. 37 Cruz, near present-day Tela, on May 11, 1524.34 It was, however, a short—lived rebellion, as Olid was killed the following year by the combined forces of his own men, Francisco de las Casas and Gil Gonzalez Davila, at the town of Naco (in Santa Barbara). Cortés departed for the new land in October, 1524, to put down Olid's conspiracy and, upon reaching Puerto Caballos, founded the yilla Natividad de Nuestra Sefiora. He "saw it to be a good harbor and supposed Indians to be living near."35 On May 18, 1525, the first populated center of Honduras was founded at Trujillo by order of Francisco de las Casas. The nearly two decades of argument over possession of Honduras ended shortly thereafter when the Audencia of Santo Domingo appointed Diego Lépez de Salcedo the governor of the territory. The Colonial period made its initial mark upon the Sula valley under the leadership of Pedro de Alvarado. Having left Guatemala in February, 1536, with eighty soldiers and about 3,000 Indians, he entered Honduras through Ocotepeque and pacified the region of Buena . . . 3 Esperanza (near Qu1mlstan). 6 Shortly afterward, he moved 34Villa de Triunfo de la Cruz was the first site in Honduras to be named by the Spaniards. 35Diaz, op. cit., p. 1296. 36Navarro, op. cit., p. 117. 38 into the Sula valley. The principal resistance was provided by the cacique Cicumba ". . . who ruled extensive and popu— lous territories along the lower stretches of the Rio de Ulua and who had many warriors at his command . . . . In a brief but decisive campaign Alvarado took his great for- "37 Cicumba's tress by launching a daring attack from canoes. demise gave the Spaniards uncontested control of the Sula valley. On June 27, 1536, Alvarado founded the Villa de San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos. Eighteen days later, he made repartimiento general of all Indian towns declared within the jurisdiction of the village.38 In all, there were 137 repartimientos distinguished, most of which had previously pertained to the town of Gracias a Dios. He also divided the two towns of San Pedro and Puerto Caballos, outlined the population of the comarca, and gave lots to his friends.39 At the time of Alvarado's death, in 1541, Honduras had been pacified and the Conquest stabilized. Five cities, Trujillo, Choluteca, Gracias, Comayagua, and San Pedro Sula, had been founded, and the first camino real (ordered by 37Robert S. Chamberlain, The Conquest and Coloniza— tion of Honduras, 1502-1550, New York: Octagon Books, 1966, pp. 34 & 57. 38The repartimento was a division and allotment of the land and its Indian occupants among the Spaniards. 39 Bobadilla, op. cit., p. 130. 39 Alvarado) was opened between Puerto Caballos and San Pedro Sula.40 Throughout the remaining part of the Colonial period, the Spaniards consolidated their position in the valley through the encomienda system and the rapid deple- tion of the Indian population.41 Due to harsh social forms, ravages of previous battles, malnutrition, disease, and piracy, the number of Indians were greatly reduced long before the turn of the century.42 Accepting Lopez de Velasco's estimates for 1571—1574, the population for thirty Indian towns or 700 tributarios corresponding to San Pedro Sula fell between 1,960 and 2,310.43 In other 4 0"El primer camino real fue el que don Pedro de Alvarado mandé abrir entre Puerto Caballos y San Pedro Sula, concluido en diez dias, y que 'podian transitario, sin embargo, dos recuas de mulas, una de ida y otra de vuelta' Otero, op. cit., p. 203. 41A system not unlike that employed by the Aztecs in which the Spaniards exacted tribute from their Indian subjects. 42 " . .it is estimated that the approximate pre- Conquest population of 12 to 15 million in Mesoamerica was reduced to about 2. 5 million after the first century of Spanish occupation. Even by 1550, one of the most frequent complaints of the encomenderos of New Spain was the great decrease in tribute due to deaths among their Indians. The population of most highland villages had been more than halved and many lowland settlements had disappeared com— pletely." Robert C. West and John P. Augelli, Middle America, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966, p. 267. 43Juan Lépez de Velasco, Geografia y descripcion universal de las Indias desde el afio 1571 al de 1574, Establecimiento Tipografico de la Fortanet, Madrid, 1894, p. 306. 40 areas, the early and rapid decline of the Indian induced development of the new Iberian cattle culture, particularly in the Comayagua, Choluteca and Olancho regions.44 Although mineral production in colonial Honduras never reached the dimensions of that in Mexico, Coldmbia or Peru, there were two periods of mineral activity that had consequence for the Sula valley. There was an initial period of placer mining in the riverine network of the Caribbean Coast and adjacent valleys between 1530 and 1560, and there was the subsequent discovery and exploitation of major deposits of gold and silver in the mountainous in— terior to the south from 1570 to near the close of the Colonial era.45 Mining in the first period gave impetus to San Pedro's commercial function in its official capacity as gold registry. The latter development, coupled with the prolific indigo industry of San Salvador during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, undoubtedly increased the importance of the Sula valley as a pathway to the in— terior and exit to the Old World. 44Carl L. Johannessen, Savannas of Interior Hon— duras, Ibero—Americana, No. 46, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1963, p. 27. 45 durante e1 periodo colonial,’ September 14, 1971, p. 14. Robert C. West, "La economia minera de Honduras ' La Prensa, San Pedro Sula, 41 Independence Through the Twentieth Century At the time of independence in 1821, it was apparent that the vast mountainous interior of the Province of Hon— duras had emerged as an economic and political focus for the Spanish settlers. Mineral deposits, grassy intermontane valleys well-suited to grazing, and a generally healthy environment combined to attract man's activities to the south of the Sula valley and North Coast region. From the backdrop of mineral exploitation and large cattle estancias, two centers emerged in a political rivalry which helped ultimately to polarize the North Coast region from the interior. Valladolid de Comayagua, the initial capital of the province for more than 300 years, eventually lost its position of national leadership to Tegucigalpa. The latter, founded in 1579 as Real de Minas, raised to the Villa de San Miguel y Heredia in 1762, and established as a city (of about 6,000 inhabitants) after independence in 1821, was declared the capital of Honduras on October 30, 1880. It emerged in its new capacity during a troubled period of civil wars and disorder that began with the rupture of the Federation of Central American States in 1838 and was to last well into the twentieth century. In terms of an already distant regional relation— ship, the shift of the national capital from Comayagua to 42 Tegucigalpa served to further partition the interior from the North Coast. The Sula valley to the north developed a style of life independent of that to the south. English and Dutch piracy was a common phenomenon along the Caribbean Coast throughout much of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and was probably the foremost preoccupation of settlers in the coastal area. The pueblo of Lemoa (or Marcayo) along the course of the Rio Ulfia, for example, was sacked and destroyed by more than 200 zambos and "a considerable number of English" in 1704.46 In 1775, the Spaniards con— structed the fort of San Fernando de Omoa about nine miles west of Puerto Caballos. Other forts, such as Castillo San Felipe and Bacalar, in Guatemala and southeastern Mexico, respectively, were erected to consolidate the Spanish line of defense along the coast. Finally, follow— ing more than two centuries of English harassment, a treaty was signed in 1859 recognizing the official sovereignty of Honduras over the Islas de Bahia. In 1861, the archipelago was incorporated as Honduran territory.47 With the exception of small population concentra- tions at San Pedro Sula and Puerto Caballos (changed to Puerto Cortés in 1869), settlement in the valley was 46Bonilla, op. cit., p. 97. 7Navarro, op. cit., p. 37. 43 confined to a scattering of caserios and aldeas along the path to the interior. Cattle production, wood cutting, and periodic gold washing were the principal occupations of the Sula valley inhabitants. On a visit to this part of the country around 1853, E. George Squire, the man originally contracted to construct the interoceanic rail— road, recorded the following description of the valley: The great plain of Sula, which may be said to commence at Yojoa, is a distinguishing feature of this depart- ment. It is not only of great extent, but of unbounded capacity. The early accounts of the country represent it to have been densely populated by the aborigines. It is now mostly covered by a heavy forest, relieved only by a few narrow patches of cultivated grounds in the vicinity of the townSImnich are scattered along the camino real. This forest abounds in valuable woods, and from it a greater part of the mahogany exported from Honduras has been derived. The Chamelicén and Ulfia are the natural channels through which the maho—48 gany has been, and still is, carried to the sea—side. The fact that the valley was forested in this period may provide added support for the idea that pre— contact populations here were not large. On the other hand, the recycling of the forest may have conceivably occurred in the 300 years following the reduction of the Indians. In either case, the valley probably contained 6—10,000 persons, or a figure nearly comparable to that of its original population, prior to the turn of the cen- tury. 48E. George Squire, Notes on Central America; Particularly the States of Honduras and El Salvador, New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1855, p. 149. 44 The relative social and economic dormancy long characterizing the Sula valley and some of its north coastal counterparts was to soon change with the introduction of the banana. "As early as 1860, a few Honduran planters on the Caribbean coast were cultivating bananas on a small scale and selling them to freighters that stopped at the old ports of Omoa and Trujillo. By 1896, bananas accounted for nearly a quarter of the value of Honduran exports."49 These initial successes were the first indication of im— pending large—scale changes in the man—land relationships of the North Coast. Modern Period Having occupied a somewhat peripheral and inconse- quential position during the Pre—Columbian, Colonial, and post-Colonial periods, the North Coast has evolved, in the short span of seven decades, as the nation's fastest- growing region of social and economic activity. The uncontested leadership in both respects has been that of the Sula valley. Without question, the United Fruit Company consti— tuted the single-most important catalyst for the Sula valley's newly—discovered role. As early as 1912, the Company established a foothold on the North Coast with two 49West and Augelli, op. cit., p. 424. 45 subsidiaries, the Tela and Trujillo Railroad Companies. In the following two decades, the Company acquired vast territorial concessions and rose to "a $242,000,000 banana empire when it bought its chief competitor, the Cuyamel Fruit Company [Omoa and La Lima] in December, 1929."50 By 1930, the population of Cortés Department (incorporating much of the Sula valley) had nearly tripled from 23,559 in 1910, and the Republic of Honduras had become a major banana producer of the world.51 The significance of United's achievements in the Sula valley, regardless of the company's much criticized business ethics during this early period of operation, cannot be dismissed. United Fruit represented not only a pioneer in tropical agriculture but led the way for man's successful accommodation to a previously limiting environ- ment. Malaria control, soil and plant diseases, flooding and winds, and even widespread fires due to drought, were among the array of natural obstacles eventually surmounted.52 50Charles David Kepner, Jr., and Jay Henry Soothill, The Banana Empire, New York: Vanguard Press, Inc., 1935, p. 131. 51The Standard Fruit and Steamship Company's hold— ings in the Aguan River valley and near La Ceiba, although on a smaller scale than the United, also contributed to Honduran banana supremacy during this period. 52On the Caribbean side of Guatemala, malaria rates among banana personnel were reduced from a high 21.9 per cent, in 1929, to 0.3 per cent, in 1955. On the Pacific side, they declined from 15.3 per cent, in 1938, to 0.2 per cent in 1955. Also, the admissions of infected personnel in Costa Rica dropped by 88 per cent at Quepos, 98 per cent at Golfito, and 99 per cent at Limén, between 1945 and 46 It proved the contention that man—land relationships in the tropics are intimately associated with "culture."53 The fruit companies focused their attention on still another area of development, that of transporation. The Honduran government, hopeful of one-day having a unified land—transportation system had granted ". generous concessions in return for the promise of railroad 54 development to the interior." Although almost 1,000 1955. Stacy May and Galo Plaza, The United Fruit Company in Latin America, Washington, D.C.: National Planning Association, 1958, p. 188. Among the many plant and soil diseases eventually brought under control, Sigatoka and Panama disease had probably the most devastating record. Carlos Evers, "Breve resefia histérica del centro de investi- gaciones cientificas tropicales en La Lima," La Prensa, San Pedro Sula, May 20, 1971, pp. 12-13. "In 1924 the effect of drought was so severe on some of the plantations of Honduras that much damage was reported to have been by fires started among the parched leaves." Hugh H. Bennett, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. XVI, No. 2, June, 1926, p. 72. 53Despite these achievements, a popular theme of social scientists was that human development in the tropics is dictated by environment. "To sum up, it is not sur- prising that hot, wet, regions should have populations which are generally small and in poor health and that the level of civilization should be low, for there man is at— tacked by terrible foes, and, if he survives their attacks, the conditions of his existance remain precarious." Pierre Gourou, The Tropical World, London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1953, p. 12. See also, Ellsworth Huntington, Main— springs of Civilization, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1945, and M. F. A. Montagu, An Introduction to Physical Anthropolog , Springfield: Charles C. Thomas, 1945. 54Kepner and Soothill, op. cit., p. 141. 47 miles of track were laid and port improvements were under— taken, it is significant that the resulting design did not serve national interests. Rather, it further polarized the North Coast from the interior in that: . . . only the North Coast benefitted from the rail— road and port facilities, thus developing a strong, economically independent base for industrial and trade relations with its own region and with foreign markets. Tegucigalpa not only was not integrated into this rela— tively powerful economic force, but also lacked a strong enough agricultural base in its hinterland to give impulse to its economic development. The only economic activity of major importance was government activity. 5 The division between the North Coast and interior has become even more evident during the past twenty years as a result of the industrial leadership assumed by San Pedro Sula and its environs. In the wake of the banana boom, industrial diversification spawned an unprecedented era of human mobility and activity in the Sula valley. With the aspiration to improve their economic position and quality of life, thousands of people have flowed steadily into the valley and, in particular, to San Pedro Sula. While the population of Cortés Department mushroomed 55Mario E. Martin, "Urban Systems in Central America: A Survey of Factors Influencing Size and Func: tion of Cities," Unpublished Master's thesis, Yale University, Department of City Planning, New Haven, May, 1966, p. 40. 48 to nearly 275,000 in 1970, the growth of San Pedro Sula has been nothing short of phenomenal, having increased from 21,139 in 1950, to approximately 130,000 in mid-1971.56 56Interview with Ing. Juan Fernando Lépez, Mayor of San Pedro Sula, San Pedro Sula, May 19, 1971. CHAPTER III EVOLUTION OF SAN PEDRO SULA Despite the rich soils, the year-round flow of the Ulfia and Chamelecén, and the prolific assortment of animal and vegetative life, the tropical setting of the Sula valley did not sustain any large population centers prior to European contact. Other than the neighboring highland metropolis of Copan, about forty—five miles to the west of the valley, settlements tended to be small with an average estimated occupancy of between sixty-five and 100 inhabi- tants.57 It was not until four centuries after Spanish dis— covery that noticeable changes in population growth occurred. As a result of a banana boom in the early 1900's, many people from throughout the nation began to move to the 57This estimate is based upon several factors: 1) There was no major resistance to the conquest and settle— ment of the Sula valley, 2) there were no recorded large centers of indigenous population, and 3) at the time of repartimiento ggneral (1536), many pueblos were already difficult to identify as a result of depopulation or ex- tinction. Lastly, assuming all 700 tributarios in 1574 to be located in the valley and applying a reduction ratio of 3—4:l, some ninety-odd pueblos prior to discovery would have had roughly an average of 65-100 occupants and con- stituted a population of between 5,850-9,000. 49 50 Sula valley and North Coast. By mid—century, the rural population of the valley had grown to remarkable propor— tions, and in 1954 a debilitating labor strike on the banana plantations triggered the first large-scale migra— tion of people to San Pedro Sula. Subsequently, the city attracted thousands of migrants as a result of industrial growth and, in less than twenty years, garnered the uncon- tested social and economic leadership of the North Coast and, possibly, the nation. Founding to 1900 The genesis of San Pedro Sula dates from June 27, 1536. Don Pedro de Alvarado, Governor and Captain General of Guatemala, founded the "Villa de San Pedro del Puerto de Caballos," at a site distinguished by a large mggrg— 92932 tree and in the vicinity of the indigenous popula— tion of Tholoma.58 It was initiated as a Spanish center and contained only twenty vecinos (persons), most of whom had encomiendas of Indians. Despite the diminutive size and population growth that was to characterize San Pedro Sula until the twen— tieth century, the city developed an early regional character. The inhospitality of the environment at Puerto Caballos and the early need for a royal gold registry 58Bobadilla, op. cit., p. 130. 51 within the valley, provided an important commercial and administrative function for San Pedro Sula as early as the mid—sixteenth century. Moreover, the geographical loca— tion of this town astride the pathway to the provincial capital (Comayagua) and interior gave it immediate acces- sibility to trade and travel. San Pedro Sula, in 1574, ranked fourth among the six largest Spanish towns in the Province of Honduras, as shown in Table 4. By 1582, twenty—six indigenous towns remained within the comarca, including Llamatepec, Chinda, Talpetate, Petoa, Espoloncal, Santiago, Tehuma, Trinixol, Ticamay, Quelequele, Tibombo, Zuzumba, Chapoa, Laysla de Vtila, Chumba, Xoxon, Colupa, Yoroc, and Ximia, many of which were located along the margins of the Rio Ulua.59 Parish records provide some insight into subsequent developments. Fray Fernando de Cadifiano conducted a pas— toral visit to the North Coast in 1789 and indicated that San Pedro Sula continued as a small town,with the entire parish totalling 357 persons.60 Based upon the combined 2,800 Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians censused in the area corresponding to Cortés Department and most of Santa Barbara, in 1801, the population of San Pedro Sula was 5 91bid., p. 131. 60Jaime Brufau (Bishop of San Pedro Sula) "Apuntes para la historia de la catedral de San Pedro Sula," Lg Prensa, San Pedro Sula, February 20, 1971. 52 TABLE 4 POPULATION IN PROVINCE OF HONDURAS, 1574 Indian Popu- Number of Population Spaniards lation in Indios the Comarca Tributarios Valladolid (Comayagua) 100 56 2,600 Trujillo 100 24 600 San Pedro Sula 50 30 700 Gracias A D108 50 61 3,000 Olancho 7 (San Jorge de) 40 ' 10’000 Puerto Caballos 20* 0 0 *Houses of merchants and negroes. Source: Juan Lépez de Velasco, pp. 306—313. believed to have grown to approximately 500 inhabitants by the turn of the nineteenth century.61 Following the era of Independence, two events focused national attention upon the North Coast. First, work on the much heralded interoceanic railroad was begun from Puerto Cortés to the interior and, second, there was a flourish of private enterprise in lowland banana culti— vation. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, 6lIbid., p. 8. 53 about fifty miles of national railway track were laid, while in the same period bananas accounted for more than 22 per cent of the total value of Honduran exports.62 The immediate effect on San Pedro Sula was that the city's position was improved as a result of rail connection, and the era of private banana enterprise stimulated commercial activity in the area. In 1888, San Pedro Sula was a center of 1,714 residents, and by 1893, it became one of two districts for the newly created Cortés Department.63 Relatively small, isolated and inconsequential on a national scale, the city of San Pedro Sula was to soon reflect the mixed fortunes of a multi—million dollar banana bonanza in the twentieth century. 1900-1950 The introduction of North American banana planta— tion agriculture on the North Coast of Honduras had great impact on the nation. In terms of the national economy, the value of banana exports grew so rapidly at the outset that by the early 1930's they accounted for 70—80 per cent 62Kepner and Soothill, op. cit., pp. 96-104. 63An early consequence of banana cultivation was the creation of Colon, Cortés, and Atlantida departments in 1891, 1893, and 1902, respectively. Navarro, 0p. cit., p. 44. 54 of total exports. On the regional level, banana produc— tion began to transform the dormant north coastal valleys into a zone of social and economic activity. By 1930, the North Coast departments of Atlantida, Colén, Cortés, and Yoro, which had contained less than 10 per cent of the national population in 1900, supported approximately one— fifth of the total Honduran populace.64 Population movement to Cortés Department received special impetus as a result of the extensive banana hold— ings within the Ulfia-Chamelecén river basin. The number of people in Cortés increased more than fivefold during the period 1910—1950, as shown in Table 5. By comparison, the growth of San Pedro Sula was much more deliberate. Yet, despite its small size, the city maintained a numeri- cal leadership within the emerging North Coast urban hierarchy at the end of the period. The decreasing proportion of San Pedro Sula's con— tribution to departmental growth, 1910-1950, reflects the strong attraction of the cultivation zone and a correspond— ing growth of smaller commercial and trade centers. Within the broader statistics, however, the city and banana gampg appear to have engaged in a "give and take" relationship 64Jeffry Royle Gibson, "A Demographic Analysis of Urbanization: Evolution of a System of Cities in Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica," Latin American Studies Cen— ter, Dissertation Series No. 20, Cornell University, Ithaca, September, 1970, pp. 69 and 186. 55 TABLE 5 POPULATION CHANGE IN CORTES DEPARTMENT AND SAN PEDRO SULA, 1910-1950 San Pedro mists... Dept. 1910 23,559 --— 25 1913 --- 7,820 -- 1930 58,273 13,130 22.5 1940 87,269 17,500 20 1950 125,728 21,139 17 Source: Compiled from Censuses 1930-1961. based upon the vagaries of the industry. For example, the decade following peak production in 1931 was one of declin— ing output. The world depression, the first labor revolt in 1932, and a sustained period of Sigatoka and Panama disease contributed to sharp decreases in the number of workers and level of production for the duration of the decade.65 The resulting unemployment, however, produced a period of substantial growth for San Pedro Sula. Conversely, the net decrease of city population from 22,116 in 1945 to 65Kepner and Soothill, op. cit., p. 137; May and Plaza, op. cit., p. 384. 56 21,139 in 1950 can be attributed to subsequent reclamation of the cultivation zone (i.e., new opportunities in the countryside).66 The symbiotic relationship between the city of San Pedro Sula and the banana industry had another important dimension, namely, that the large accretion of people in the cultivated areas constituted a migratory body of poten— tially massive proportions by the mid-twentieth century. Similarly, in Turrialba Cantén, Costa Rica, the banana bonanza reached its highest proportions between 1926 and 1948 and led, subsequently, to urban growth: Thus, while Turrialba Cantén and the Central District both had their most rapid population growth during the banana boom, expansion in the town continued at a high rate. The town had a gain of approximately 162 per cent between 1926 and 1948, as compared to that of 107 per cent in the Central District and 103 per cent in Turrialba Cantén between 1926 and 1950. By 1948, nearly onerhalf of the people in the Central District were living in Turrialba as compared with a little over one-third in 1926.67 As if by some historical design, the relationship between the banana zone and San Pedro Sula underwent a similar transformation on a much larger scale shortly after mid—century. The change occurred when the potential 6 N San Pedro Sula: Plangpara e1 ano 2,000. Cervan— tes Asociados, México, D. F., September, 1964, p. 13. 67Carroll J. Schwartz and Paul C. Morrison, "Ori- gins of Population, Turrialba, Costa Rica, 1948," The Journal of Geography, Vol. LXII, No. 8, No. V, 1963, p. 355. 57 migratory farm force was triggered into motion, and the common destination for many became San Pedro Sula. The Emergence of a City Since 1950, San Pedro Sula has been transformed into a city of substantial proportions. With a population in excess of 100,000 in 1970, it possibly represented the fastest-growing center of its size category in all of Latin America. In addition, it has assumed national importance as a result of industrial development. In less than twenty years, San Pedro Sula has emerged as the un- disputed leader of social and economic activity on the North Coast of Honduras. The events which led to the large—scale movement of people to San Pedro Sula were initiated by developments on the banana plantations. In 1954, the United Fruit Company experienced its most severe and "crippling strike" among farm labor.68 One year later, the company lost the entire crop in the Ulfia valley and sustained extensive 68"From April to July, 1954, a new force disturbed the Honduran scene, one that could no longer be ignored-- the labor movement. Carias and Gélvez had shackled labor as an incentive to private enterprise. The fruits of that disastrous policy were evident in the crippling strike of 1954. The fact that foreign companies were involved, UFCO in particular, added the explosive issue of nationalism, especially when those companies resorted to strike break— ing tactics long since outmoded in the United States." Mario Rodriguez, Central America, Englewood Cliffs: Pren— tice—Hall, Inc., 1965, p. 136. 58 damage to facilities as a result of flooding.69 Due mainly to these setbacks and the accompanying rise of nationalism, the United Fruit Company consequently consolidated part of its holdings. "In the 1950—55 period, the company disposed of 65,000 acres, most of which was donated to the Honduran ..70 government. As production declined, the migratory force was inevitably triggered: The immigration proceeding from the rural zones had resulted in part from the unemployment of the striking 12,000 employee heads of family that were working up to 1954 in banana cultivation in the rural zones sur- rounding San Pedro Sula. About 70,000 inhabitants sought a new source of work and as their most impor— tant recourse headed for the city of San Pedro Sula. Other families from the rural sector, with the incen— tive to improve their economic conditions and the attraction7gf city services, also emigrated toward San Pedro. Despite the decrease in banana production, the in- flux of people to the Sula valley, and in particular San Pedro Sula, continued at a high rate. In addition to transforming the tropical lowlands into a more livable environment, the banana boom had stimulated the commercial production of livestock, sugar cane and foodstuff, the growth of market towns and transportation centers, and the beginnings of light industry. By 1961 the population of 69May and Plaza, op. cit., pp. 151 and 158. 7OIbid., p. 152. 7lCervantes Asociados, op. cit., p. 14. 59 Cortés Department had nearly doubled to 200,099, and San Pedro Sula had grown nearly threefold to 58,632.72 The single most important cause of the rapid popu- lation growth during the past decade has been industrial development. The city's proximity to a good port, a large labor shed upon which to draw somewhat higher— skilled workers than those of the interior, and a wide range of investment opportunities have created a favorable setting for industrial expansion. Two factors, the pre- sence of primary and fabricated metal products and the largest average employment per establishment in the coun- try, now make San Pedro Sula a more advanced industrial community than Tegucigalpa.73 Increasing industrialization may consequently lead to an even sharper alteration in the rapidly changing demographic relationship between the capital and North Coast center: The case of the second cities has more often been dynamic growth of secondary activities, since the administrative function has never had the importance it has had in the capital cities. The example of San Pedro Sula is all the more important, then, because 2Honduras, Secretaria de Economia y Hacienda, Censo nacional de Honduras-April 1961, Caracteristicas ggneralesgy educativas de la poblacién (Tegucigalpa, D.C.: Direcci6n General de Estadistica y Censos, 1964). 73Ruth I Shirey, "An Analysis of the Location of Manufacturing, Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula, Honduras," Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1970, p. 50. 60 that city has grown in pOpulation at an unusually fast rate without the economic base which has propelled population growth in the capital city. This is a case of city growth which does not conform to the traditional pattern and which may indicate a greater future poten— tial than even that of the capital city, in spite of the present difference in population.7 A mid-1971 population estimate of 130,000, reflecting a remarkably sustained high rate of growth for San Pedro Sula, tends to support this supposition. The most important single component of city growth between 1950 and 1971 has been internal migration. In fact, approximately two~thirds of the total population can be attributed to this phenomenon. This research project provides a close examination of the evolving spatial char- acteristics of internal migration to San Pedro Sula with the broad objective of more fully understanding this one component of change. 74Martin, op. cit., p. 50. CHAPTER IV COLONIA "SESENTA Y UNO": A PILOT STUDY The preliminary investigation was conducted on a sample community in San Pedro Sula. "Sesenta y Uno" is a representative part of the city and offered an appro— priate testing ground for subsequent city—wide research. On a small scale, it permitted the inspection of various major themes which apply to the migration system of this or any other rapidly developing city. The parameters of investigation include: 1) the origins of population and the migration field, 2) the decision to migrate and the directionality of move, 3) the move to the city and intra—urban mobility, and 4) the role of government housing in channeling future migrations. "Sesenta y Uno" Colony "Sesenta y Uno" colony is located within Barrio Barrandilla, in the northeastern part of the city (Map 2). The total area of the colony measures one manzana (1.73 acres),of which slightly more than fifty solars, or lots, have been partitioned and distributed as terreno donado (donated land). Although many occupants own the houses 61 62 in which they live, the land remains technically the prOp— erty of the municipio. Of the fifty heads of household sampled, forty— three or 86 per cent were migrants.75 About one—fourth of these entered San Pedro Sula prior to 1950, and nearly 50 per cent arrived during the past ten years. At the time of arrival, 60 per cent of all migrants were less than thirty years of age, and only 12.5 per cent were older than forty.76 The ratio of male to female migrants was slightly greater than two to one. In addition, most of the migrants received very little formal education prior to leaving their home community, as nearly half had never attended school and only three reported having attained sixth-grade instruction. Origins of Population and the Migration Field In recording place of birth, it was found that the departments of Cortés, Santa Barbara, Copan, Ocotepeque and to a lesser extent, Lempira, accounted for 88 per cent of all migrants in "Sesenta y Uno" colony, as illustrated in Part A, Table 6. These five departments show a high 75The term "migrant" applies to those persons born outside of San Pedro Sula. 6Migrants tend to be in a more youthful and economi— cally productive age group than the average population. The data presented here conform very closely to a similar study in neighboring San Salvador. See: Ducoff, op. cit., p. 331. 63 TABLE 6 PLACE OF BIRTH OF HEADS OF FAMILY IN "SESENTA Y UNO" AND "LAS CRUCITAS" COMMUNITIES Department of Birth Per Cent Part A. Sesenta y Uno (San Pedro Sula): Cortés 35 San Pedro Sula 14 Other centers 21 Santa Barbara 21 Copan 12 Ocotepeque 12 Lempira 8 Other departments 12 Foreign country 0 Total 100 \ (N=50) Part B. Las Crucitas (Tegucigalpa- Comayagfiela) Francisco Morazan 56 Capital 16 Other centers 40 Choluteca 8 La Paz 8 El Paraiso 7 Other departments 17 Foreign country 4 Total 100 (N=400) Source of Part B: J. Mayone Stycos, et al., p. 43. 64 degree of contiguity, as all are located in the western portion of the country. The two largest contributors are Cortés and Santa Barbara, the latter supplying as many migrants as those areas immediately surrounding San Pedro Sula. Ocotepeque, though more distant than Copan, was the source of an equal number of migrants. The effect of departmental population size on the number of resident migrants was computed by rank-order correlations. A r (Spearman's rank order correlation co— efficient) of .620, significant at the .05 level, indicates a meaningful relationship between all other departments and Cortés, based on the 1961 census. In the case of "Sesenta y Uno,‘ however, there is an extremely weak association (r = .046), resulting in acceptance of the null hypothesis. That is, the rank size of other departmental populations has no meaningful relationship with the origin of migrants residing in "Sesenta y Uno." This might be explained in that most of the migrants have been extremely mobile within the city and some residential selectivity may have resulted through time. Possible support of this idea is illustrated by the clear omission of Atléntida, an adjoining department, whose migrants ranked third in relation to population size , , 77 and fourth in percentage of those moving to Cortes, 1n 1960. 7From a dissertation draft by William K. Crowley, Department of Geography, Sonoma State College, California, October, 1970. 65 Distance (straight-line) plays an obvious role in the migration field of "Sesenta y Uno," as more than 80 per cent of all migrants have come from within approxi- mately 100 miles of the city. Theoretically, migrants should have been fairly evenly distributed around San Pedro Sula, as major arteries of access follow a cardinal design. This is not the case. Migration to the city is oriented overwhelmingly from the western part of the country. Movement within the migration field reveals a general inverse relationship between the number of migrants and distance traveled. As distance from the city increases, the number of migrants decreases. On a national scale, the distance-dacay pattern has applicability to the movement of people between San Pedro Sula and the capital: Migrants in Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula were drawn from the areas which have best access to the cities. Heaviest in-migration comes from villages and towns in proximity to the urban centers, and as distance from the two major cities increases the number of migrants decreases. Although some people from the north coast work in Tegucigalpa and some from the south coast are found in San Pedro Sula, Tegucigalpa draws the majority of its migrants from the central highlands and the south coast while San Pedro Sula draws primarily frgg the north coast and the western region of Honduras. Additional findings in the role of distance in migration to Tegucigalpa help illustrate the duality of migration fields. In the community of "Las Crucitas" 8 Shirey, op. cit., p. 108. 66 (four contiguous barrios), for example, 56 per cent of all family heads were drawn from the home department, Francisco Morazan, as shown in Part B, Table 6.79 Only the three con- tiguous departments of Choluteca, La Paz, and El Paraiso, contributed more than 5 per cent each, although all depart— ments were represented. Viewed in their spatial context (Map 5), the migra- tion fields of San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa covary in rather discernable patterns, to the point of appearing mutually exclusive. Migrants to each city reflect geo- graphically a distinct orientation within, and an indepen— dence between, their respective fields. A most interesting question yet to be answered is whether or not the inter— mediary departments of Yoro, Comayagua and Intibucé constitute a "reflecting" barrier between the two, with migrants being channeled to San Pedro Sula on the one side, 80 and to the capital on the other. It does become evident, J. Mayone Stycos, et al., Una evaluacién de fecun— didad y programas de salud y planificacién en "Las Crucitas, Tegucigalpa—Comayagfiela, Honduras, Programa Internacional de Poblacién, Universidad de Cornell, Ithaca, Julio, 1969, p. 43. The study sampled 400 heads of family. 80With the added quality of "permeability." "Pure absorbing and reflecting barriers are rare. In most cases, barriers are not absolute but are permeable, allowing part of the energy of diffusion pulse to go through, but gener— ally slowing down the intensity of the process in the local area." Spatial Diffusion, Commission on College Geography (Resource Paper No. 4), Association of American Geographers, Washington, D.C.: 1969, p. 13. 67 m 9...: 4 oo. . mus: moqu 20:55.2 Lo zo_h<_m<>oo mwHom UMUSHU MNHmmHosmme "on mpmumHE nos 50% oHp >33 .m puma AHmHumv Amvumv 0.00H be h.NH N Hmfluo II NH HGOEQOHH>CO Hoppom N.MH II mHoonom II mH mOHHHcsuuommo Hounmm m.om mm mcoHuonpHmcoo >HHEmm m.mm Hv MHOB Ho mCOmmmm *smcmwmno UMUSHU «mHDm oupmm com "on OHMHmHE 50m UHU hag .¢ unmm noncommmm HMHOB Ho w mcoHumooo HZHHHDoVanDHo 02H =ozo H Hezmmmm= mo moneHHomom azamon mma ozosH m>oz mo HHanoneommHa h mqmfifi 71 about the absence of family and the superiority of San Pedro Sula over Tegucigalpa. Near-equal deterrants were expressed as distance (especially when combining "lack of funds") and having never known the capital city. Guayana migrants, however, rejected the state capital (Ciudad Bolivar) because of the lack of work, absence of family, and distance of the move. In the case of the Venezuelan national capital, 350 miles to the north, migrants reflected less agreement, as attested by the extensive distribution of responses. For some reason, family considerations de- creased from Guayana to Caracas. Not one "Sesenta y Uno" migrant expressed having been diverted away from Tegucigalpa due to the possible lack of work or housing shortage. Perhaps the response "this city is better" has component parts which could have been probed in greater detail. The fact that 20 per cent of all responses from the same group were "don't know the city" indicates that a substantial proportion of migrants had no idea of choosing for or against the capital. The conditions which account for spatial selec- tivity or directionality of internal migration in Honduras offer a wide area of investigation. Underlying the move— ment of people from western Honduras to San Pedro Sula, however, appears to be the diffusion of ideas regarding work and urban opportunities, an infrastructure of kinship ties, and proximity. The latter may be the more 72 significant of the three in that the most direct route from the westernmost departments of the country to the capital is via the North Coast. The Move to the City and Intra-Urban Mobility The actual path followed to the city, and subse- quent relocation process within, varies among migrants. In Northeast Brazil, for example, the nordestino ". . . comes with no intention of staying and so he frequently makes the journey between his rural community and the city several times before finally settling down in one or the other. He commonly migrates to 850 Paulo three or four times, each stay lasting from short periods of time to many years."85 Still in other areas, "migration seems to take place in a series of steps according to city—size. A flow of migrants from rural areas goes to small or middle-sized cities, and from these cities to the larger urban areas."8 For 63 per cent of the migrant family heads in 87 "Sesenta y Uno," the path to the city was direct. They 85Juarez Rubens Brandao Lopes, "Aspects of the Adjustment of Rural Migrants to Urban—Industrial Conditions in Sao Paulo Brazil," in Hauser, op. cit., p. 239. 6Arriaga, op. cit., p. 242. 87 It was found that ". . . 93 per cent of the migrant family heads living in Guatemala City moved directly to the capital from their place of birth." See Robert N. Thomas, "Internal Migration to Guatemala City, Guatemala, Central America," Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University, 1968, p. 81. 73 proceeded, or were brought at a young age, to San Pedro Sula from their place of birth.88 Twenty—three per cent of the migrants, however, had moved once prior to their arrival, while the remaining 14 per cent had recorded from three to five moves. Upon their arrival in San Pedro Sula, half of the migrant heads received some form of family assistance. About two out of every five migrants were unaided, while a very small proportion claimed help through friends. The apparent high incidence of intra—urban mobil— ity among migrants, subsequent to arrival, is a phenomenon common to most large cities.89 Of the forty—three migrant family heads in "Sesenta y Uno," only nine had moved from their home community directly to this community, while the remaining thirty—four accounted for a total of ninety— eight intra—city moves, as illustrated in Table 8. In moving throughout the city, migrants lived in twenty—one of the thirty-eight urban residential zones. Excluding the sample community, zones of greatest attrac— tion, representing ten and eight moves, respectively, included Barrios Medina and Las Acacias, each situated 8More than half of all the migrants sampled were born in small rural centers (aldeas and caserios). A sur— vey of migrants in Barrios Medina, Concepcion and Cabanas of San Pedro Sula revealed similar results. Preliminary findings submitted by Charles H. Teller, International Population Program, Cornell University, April, 1971. 9Flinn, op. cit., p. 86. 74 TABLE 8 INCIDENCE OF INTRA-CITY MOBILITY AMONG "SESENTA Y UNO" RESIDENTS (HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD) Total Number of Intra- City Moves Non—M1grants M1grants l (or direct) l 9 2 2 14 3 l 11 4 2 8 5 —— 1 6 l -— Total 7 43 (M=2.5) (M=2.6) within the circunvalacién (beltway) and bordering the national railroad. Three additional zones, Concepcién, El Centro and Rio de Piedras, ranked next highest, repre- senting six moves each. The latter zone is the only one situated outside of the circunvalacién and adjoins it im~ mediately to the west. The process of relocation within the urban environment is, for the large majority, a shared experience. All family heads who had moved more than once within the city were questioned as to the reasons precipi- tating each preceding change of residence. Family 75 considerations, proximity to place of work, and low rents accounted for more than 85 per cent of all intra—urban movements prior to the selection of "Sesenta y Uno." The principal attraction to the latter site was the availabil- ity of municipal land.90 Twenty—eight migrant heads of family, as well as all of those born in the city, cited the "terrendo donado" and "opportunity for gggg propio" (home ownership) motives as causal. In contrast to pre- ceding intra—city moves, only seven migrants came to "Sesenta y Uno" for family considerations while fewer still were motivated by reasons of work and low rents. Channeling Future Migrations: Government Housing Projects The policy of donating municipal land has provided only a temporary solution in the plan to establish a more permanent population. "Sesenta y Uno" residents do not own the land and, like numerous other sectors of the city, the colony lacks sufficient water, electricity, drainage and sanitation facilities, and paved streets. The absence of property ownership and basic urban amenities may prove to be the motivating agents for subsequent migration. 0Family histories indicate that the "Sesenta y Uno" community came into existence during the late 1950's as a result of municipal sponsorship. The municipio even transported three family heads, who had been without hous- ing and living in the streets of another barrio, to the colony. 76 In relation to planning strategy, the Honduran Institute of Housing (INVA) wanted to know how many heads of family would be willing to move to government housing projects and under what conditions. These housing units would be built in satellite centers outside, and indepen— dent of, San Pedro Sula. It is an important concept not only from the perspective of attracting an already dis- advantaged sector of the urban community away from the city but also in that it might serve to alter the estab- lished "streams" leading from the countryside to the metropolitan area. Each head of household in "Sesenta y Uno" was asked, "If the Institute of Housing (INVA) were to con— struct houses in Chameleoén, La Lima, Choloma, Progreso or Puerto Cortés, would you prefer to live in one of these sites rather than in your current place of residence (San Pedro Sula)?" As illustrated in Table 9, the concensus of opinion was to move. Of the fifty household heads surveyed, thirty—one (62 per cent) were in favor of moving, fifteen were opposed, and four were undecided. The distribution of responses conforms almost exactly to the number of respondents, since there were only two cases in which more than one response was offered. Although more non—migrants preferred to stay rather than leave, the statistical relationship 77 TABLE 9 "SESENTA Y UNO" COLONY: ATTITUDES TOWARD GOVERNMENT HOUSING Total Respondents Would Move . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Would not Move . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Undecided . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Total: 50 Distribution of Responses Total N —_' 4' on M1grants llgrants Responses Would Move: H H PHHIHN) N uam '._| For better conditions For legal ownership If cheaper (or ability to pay) Don't like it here Family reasons Insufficient work here Opportunity to farm Total U) OOI—‘O I—‘ OI—' IA HI—‘NN (A) 003 L4) L») Would Not Move: Own this house Well adapted here Family reasons Reasons of work Retired No reason Total Ib-OOI—‘OUUO N NI—‘I—‘NI—‘U’l m NI—‘NNst'l H H Undecided: 0 4 4 Total Responses: 54 78 between the two populations is uncertain due to the small number of non—migrants. As a group, about 76 per cent of the "would move" responses centered upon the absence of adequate living conditions in "Sesenta y Uno" and the desire for legal ownership. These two conditions may already be responsible for a high rate of population turnover in the community, as evidenced by the fact that the average occupancy period among migrants is less than five years. For INVA purposes, it is useful to know that community concern is not focused on reasons of work and family considerations, two motives found basic to preceding migrations. "Non—movers" viewed house ownership and adaptation to the colony as among the foremost reasons for staying. Since the average period of residency for non—migrants is slightly more than ten years, it is not surprising to find the largest number of their responses in this category. Viewed only from the narrow perspective of "Sesenta y Uno," it is difficult to hypothesize the effect of hous- ing projects on urbanward migrants or those currently swelling the disadvantaged sectors of the city. On the basis of observations in this community, however, low—cost housing projects offering adequate living and ownership provisions would have immediate occupants. 79 Conclusion High rates of population growth in San Pedro Sula during the past two decades, have distinguished this city as Central America's most rapidly expanding center.91 Internal migration has been the catalyst for the recent and explosive demographic growth. In the sample community of "Sesenta y Uno," migrants constituted forty—three of the fifty heads of household sampled. Approximately three-fourths of all migrants came to San Pedro Sula after 1950, almost 90 per cent were less than forty years of age upon arrival, and male migrants outnumbered females by two to one. Nearly 50 per cent of all migrants have never attended school. Based on this survey, it was found that 88 per cent of all migrants were born in the five departments of Cortés, Santa Barbara, Copan, Ocotepeque and Lempira, in the northwestern and western parts of the country. Dis— tance, and a distinct directional orientation in movement, have produced a well-defined spatial pattern of human migration to San Pedro Sula. A comparison of internal population movements to San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa 1It is projected that the city will contain 370,000 inhabitants, or approximately three times its current population, within the next twenty—nine years. Cervantes Asociados, op. cit., pp. 54-55. 80 revealed that migration fields for the two cities approxi— mate independence. "Sesenta y Uno" migrants left their home community mainly for reasons of work and family considerations, con— forming closely to their reasons for selecting San Pedro Sula. Migrants rejected moving to the national capital because of kinship ties, the opinion that San Pedro Sula was "better," lack of familiarity with Tegucigalpa, and distance. Sixty-three per cent of all migrant heads of family moved directly to San Pedro Sula from their place of birth. Half of all migrants received some form of family assistance upon their arrival in the city. Once in the city the migrant may have difficulty making a more permanent adjustment, as evidenced by a high incidence of intra—urban mobility. Family considerations, proximity to work, and low rents represent more than 85 per cent of all responses given for intra-city movement, prior to the selection of "Sesenta y Uno." The availability of municipal land, or terreno donado, constituted the principal attraction to "Sesenta y Uno." Paradoxically, the presentation of land without the accompanying basic urban amenities and provisions for property ownership underlies the present dissatisfaction with the project. The majority of migrants favor moving 81 again and consider future INVA housing projects, outside . . . . 92 of the Clty, a p0551ble target for such migration. 92Contingent upon any success in the plan to channel migrants to INVA housing will be the cost and terms of payment at which the living units are offered. CHAPTER V THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: POPULATION CHARACTERISTICS The migration system of any rapidly growing metro— polis is comprised of component parts having "some common functional connections."93 As illustrated by the small migratory body within the community of "Sesenta y Uno," spatial selectivity among human beings, whether charac— terized by physical or behavioral traits, is a shared ex— perience. The field investigation, projected at the city— wide level (500 heads of household), examined those spatial relationships incorporated within the San Pedro Sula migration system. Specifically, inquiry focused upon the descriptive characteristics of migrants (Chapter V), the role of distance in migration (Chapter VI), the mobility process (Chapter VII), and the decision-making behavior of the migrant population (Chapter VIII). The descriptive characteristics of migrants pro— vide an important point of departure for the study in that, collectively, migrants tend to transport certain 3Peter Haggett, Locational Analysis in Human Geography, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966, p. 17. 82 83 identifiable characteristics to the city. Here it is hypothesized that migrant heads to San Pedro Sula are for the most part female, less than thirty years of age, unskilled and primary educated. These relationships are additionally tested between migrants and non—migrant groups. Sex In Honduras, there are slightly more females than males in the total population, as indicated by a national 94 With the exception of sex ratio of approximately 99.2. the department of Lempira, urban sex ratios throughout the republic are uniformly lower than the national average reflecting the strong attraction of urban areas upon the female population. San Pedro Sula, for example, has a sex ratio of 90.4, illustrating the high proportion of females within the population structure (particularly after age nine). Although there are more women than men in San Pedro Sula, they do not form a majority among migrant heads of households. Of the 417 migrant heads sampled, 255 or about 61 per cent were males. These figures, although not in exact conformance with those of the pilot study, do corroborate the fact that male migrant heads of family appear to outnumber their female counterparts. 94Computed from the National Census, 1961. 84 Of the eighty—three non-migrant heads of household interviewed, sixty—two or approximately 75 per cent were found to be male. The difference in sexes within migrant and non—migrant populations is reflected by sex ratios of approximately 157 and 295, respectively. Subsequently, both groups were tested for their statistical compatibility. Stated in null hypothesis form, one would not expect to find a significant difference between sex and migratory status. A 2x2 contingency table relating male—female to migrant--non-migrant was constructed and the Chi Square formula, where f -f 2 x2 _ Z ( o t) 7 f t (f0 = an observed frequency; ft = a theoretical, or expected, frequency. Morris Hamburg, Statistical Analysis for Decision Making, New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1970, p. 417). was applied. A value of 5.500 with one degree of freedom, tested at the .05 level, was significant resulting in the rejection of the null hypothesis. The principal difference between the two groups is that non—migrant heads of household are comprised of a significantly lower proportion of females. This suggests that females took a more diminutive role in city life during the earlier frontier period of development (before 1955). By comparison, females form a more substantial 85 part of the migrant pOpulation, reflecting their increas— ing role in urbanward movement. The possibility that female migrants represent still higher proportions is not unlikely. Many women ultimately find resident occupations within an urban house- hold, a mechanism known to be operable in other cities and masking their numerical superiority. 5% One of the more discernable characteristics of urban migration is the youthfulness at which people dis- place to the city. The examination of migrant age struc— tures in San Pedro Sula shows, as hypothesized, that the majority, or 60.9 per cent, were less than thirty years old upon arrival. Perhaps more enlightening, however, is the markedly high frequency of migrants in the working ages of 15-29, as illustrated in Table 10. Compared with national and city levels, migrants to San Pedro Sula are generally older and at more active working ages. The smaller group of migrant heads in the youngest age bracket includes largely those involuntarily displaced to the city by kinship and those exposed to urbanized life at an early age. In addition, the proportion of persons sixty—five years and older is considerably smaller for migrants than for Hondurans generally or the resident urban population of San Pedro Sula. 86 TABLE 10 AGE STRUCTURES FOR HONDURAS, SAN PEDRO SULA, AND MIGRANTS TO SAN PEDRO SULA (IN PER CENT) Migrants to Age Hondurasa San Pedro Sulab San Pedro Sula (Heads of Household)C 0—14 47.7 41.6 22.0 15-29 25.1 29.3 38.9 30—39 11.0 12.0 19.8 40+ 16.2 17.1 19.3 aNational Census, 1961. bDireccién General de Estadistica y Censos, Censo de poblacién y Vivienda Ciudad de San Pedro Sula, Abril, 1961, Tegucigalpa, Honduras, 1965. c . . . Age at time of migration. Although female migrants tend to be slightly older than their male counterparts, age structures are not statistically different. Mean age at arrival for males is approximately twenty—two, while the average woman migrant enters the city at nearly age twenty—four. The tendency for migrants to form a large economically active group is conspicuous. Of the migrant heads of household arriving in San Pedro Sula, for example, 77.1 per cent are within the most economically productive ages of 15—64. Based on this figure alone, it is not surprising that one 87 of the most prevalent reasons for migrating is to partake of the economic opportunities available in the city. The high rate of population movement to the city during the past two decades probably reflects, in part, that jobs are readily available or that migrants compete well for employ- ment. Occupational Skills The supposition that migrants to San Pedro Sula are occupationally unskilled is based principally upon the fact that some 65-70 per cent of the national population resides in rural areas. As recently as 1961, the percent— age of rural population was 76.8 and in the preceding decades undoubtedly attained still higher proportions. The rapid rate of urbanization in Honduras appears to be drawing substantially upon the sizeable rural ranks. If this is the case, it might be anticipated that migrants have less developed urban occupational skills than their city counterparts. Analysis of the occupational structure of migrants to San Pedro Sula reveals that the ratio of unskilled to skilled migrants is more than three to one. The unskilled include nearly two-thirds of all women (working at home as 2E3 d3 gasa, or housewife), those employed in streetside or ambulatory petty commerce, construction, personal ser— vices, and transportation services. Skilled migrants are 88 predominantly artisans in the shoe and leather, tailoring, carpentry, and masonry industries. Many are also employed in local manufacturing concerns producing pipe and tube casting, electrical installations, paints, plastics, mechanical apparatus, glass and ceramics, textiles, tobacco products, beer, etc. Professions represented include law, medicine, education, accounting, government, and business management. The occupational structure of non-migrants does not differ significantly from that of migrants. With the ex— ception of a relatively lower proportion of non-migrant household heads in personal services, transportation, and the technical professions, occupational patterns for both groups reflect much conformity. Chi Square values testing migratory status and occupational skills lend confirmation to the similarities within the two groups in that no signi- ficant differences were found between the populations. The results of this examination show that while there are more migrants occupationally unskilled than skilled in the city, there exists a corresponding pattern among non—migrants. That is, migrants appear to be as occupationally equipped as non—migrants for skilled posi- tions. There may be several reasons why migrants to San Pedro Sula are not occupationally disadvantaged in relation to non—migrants. First, many migrants resided in an urban 89 setting either at the municipio or departmental level prior to the move to this location. The relatively high proportion of professionals, for example, reflects above— average education levels, training, and urban experiences. Second, many migrants were former employees of the banana companies and probably acquired basic occupational skills that could be applied in the urban environment. Finally, the corresponding large pool of unskilled workers among non-migrants probably reflects the recency of industrial growth within the city, i.e., an absence of skilled em— ployment generations. Education The final part of the hypothesis states that urban— ward migrants can be expected to be primary educated. It is believed that their educational preparation, though generally less than that received by non-migrants, is 95 The reasons for this higher than rural non—migrants. are two—fold in that urban educational facilities and Opportunities are normally the best available, and urban— ward migrants tend to have some educational background even if it includes only grades one through three. Urban-rural 95Dale W. Adams, "Rural Migration and Agricultural Development in Colombia," Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 17, 1969, pp. 527-539. 90 educational comparisons for all Hondurans age ten and above are illustrated in Table 11. TABLE 11 EDUCATION LEVELS WITHIN THE URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION OF HONDURAS, 1961 Education Urban Rural Level P t— Absolute Percentage Absolute ezgzn Without Education 72,288 24.2 569,734 61.9 Primary 175,435 58.8 325,863 35.5 Secondary 37,472 12.5 6,730 0.7 University 4,323 1.4 443 * Unknown 9,377 3.1 17,623 1.9 Total 298,895 100.0 920,393 100.0 *Less than 0.05 Source: National Census, 1961. In an examination of educational levels recorded for migrants to San Pedro Sula, it was found that only ninety—nine heads of household, or 23.7 per cent of the group, had not received any formal training. In fact, migrants compared well with their urban counterparts nationally in 1961. Whether or not migrants achieve a similar equity when compared with the educational levels of non-migrants 91 in the same city is an equally important consideration. The range of educational status for members of both groups is shown in Table 12. Chi Square tests were used to test the null hypothesis that no significant differences existed between education levels and migratory status. A Chi Square value of 27.046 at the .05 level revealed that the groups were significantly different, resulting in rejec- tion of the null hypothesis. TABLE 12 EDUCATION LEVELS AMONG MIGRANT AND NON-MIGRANT HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD IN SAN PEDRO SULA Education Migrants Non-Migrants Level Absolute Percentage Absolute Percentage Without Education 99 23.7 5 6.0 Primary Grades 1—3 130 31.1 16 19.2 Grades 4-6 120 28.8 36 43.5 Secondary 61 14.6 24 28.9 University 7 1.8 2 2.4 Total 417 100.0 83 100.0 Major differences between the groups suggest that non—migrants have a greater incidence of schooling and achieve higher levels of education. As suspected, grades one to three represent the leading levels of achievement 92 for migrants. The fact that 45.2 per cent of all migrant heads placed in levels four and above probably reflects urban backgrounds before entering San Pedro Sula. Certain general characteristics can be attributed to the migrant pOpulation of San Pedro Sula. AS»a group, they are predominantly male, less than thirty years of age, occupationally unskilled and primary educated. CHAPTER VI THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: DISTANCE AND THE PROPENSITY OF MOVEMENT The hypothesis examined in this chapter proposes that the number of migrants to San Pedro Sula is inversely related to distance from that center. That is, the migra— tion field for the city tends to reflect a gravity environ- ment in which the volume of migration decreases as distance from the urban center increases. A comparison of the "Sesenta y Uno" and "Las Crucitas" migration fields (Map 5, p. 67) suggests this type of spatial allignment for migrants of the respective communities in San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa. The role of distance in migration to San Pedro Sula is considered in three component parts. First, it is believed that most of the migrants are from neighboring departments and municipios; second, that some distortion in the distance—decay factor can be accounted for by proxi- mity to transportation facilities; and third, that a small number of well—defined migration "streams" can be identi— fied, due to the paucity of highway infrastructure. 93 94 Origins of Migrants The migration field of San Pedro Sula is represented by heads of family born in each of the eighteen departments of the nation. Individual department contributions range from a high of 19 per cent of all migrants, from Santa Barbara, to a low of less than one per cent from Islas de la Bahia and Gracias a Dios. There are, in addition, international migrants who represent three per cent, or 672, of the total family heads in the city. Of these, 53 per cent come from El Salvador. Other nationalities in the sample include a sizeable group of former Palestinian Arabs and representatives of the United States, Mexico, Guatemala, Italy, Colombia, and India. Internal migration to San Pedro Sula, by depart— mental zones, is illustrated in Map 6. The three zones are delimited on the basis of general proximity to the urban center. Since Santa Barbara, Comayagua, Yoro and Atlantida share common departmental boundaries with Cortés, they represent Zone I, which accounts for 52 per cent of all migrant heads. The six departments in Zone II, from Copan to Francisco Morazan, are of fairly equal proximity to the city and generate about 35 per cent of all migrants. Zone III, the most distant, incorporates the remaining seven departments but contributes only 13 per cent of San Pedro Sula's migrants. In view of the fact that these 95 8 mm: A“ n 3 2 0d. . mum—2 w H .. . .... mm mm .. .0. mm N... 58 88.. 23. oh 840,2 ..... .. . 4.9 a :2 0.4 1:: 8 292%; .Ezmmpz. 40 .... MEN 3 83: 5&2: wmzoN hzmzhzfiiuo mSb . 1:: 5 3 2:2 96 zones contain 33, 39, and 28 per cent of the national population (1961), respectively, the proposed effect of distance on migration appears tenable. Within zones, population movement from individual departments to San Pedro Sula varies considerably. Santa Barbara and outlying areas of Cortés completely dominate within Zone I, providing a combined 72 per cent of zonal migrants. Similary, Copan and Francisco Morazén provide 39 and 22 per cent, respectively, of Zone II movers. Of Zone III migrants, 70 per cent are fairly evenly distri— buted among Olancho, Choluteca and Valle. An important disclosure of variation within migration zones is emerg- ing directional allignment, a factor also found operable in the migration field of "Sesenta y Uno." More precise measurement of the distance-decay mechanism in migration to San Pedro Sula is presented in Map 7. Uniform or straight—line distance surfaces have been superimposed on population origins at the municipio level. Intervals of fifty miles were selected on the basis of accessibility to the city (immediate to remote), and the contribution of all migrant zones were tallied. Migrants from Zones I-IV account for 40, 35, 20, and 5 per cent of all migrants, respectively. The fairly large- scale participation of departmental capitals in the migration field is apparent and may temper the role of 97 n ma: «53685 @ 23w 2qu cum 0 oo. mun: s. 58 881 2% B 22.—<12: 855232 mHu8HDEDU 00H H H H I H m w ow ANO 00H m m. m. m H OH m ms va 00H I I m.H m.H m m m as Axv USN m 8803 w OCH 8 N m N m SH OH om m>amesaso OOH h m O H O OH m OO s¥xANv OOH m N m N OH NH NH wv xxflwv OOH v I I m O OH mH «m xAxv umH Hmumuom Apcocmfi .OU [Ewuv mHMHHmdo Iuomv ...mww. Hm... mwmmmo -Mwmw. 23 a... Illomwmmo mm“. 35 2.3.5 m.o . onpom Ibummoo . . . 2 H onpmm wme ®>oz H B cmm cam IGOMHm msoHumchmoo QHommmbom m0 mamwmwmmsw OOH I I I I H I I OO HNO OOH O. I I I m. H I OO HOV OOH I I I I I I I OOH Axe III HHO OOH + I H I N H H OO m>mwmwmmsw OOH H I H I I I H OO HNO OOH H I H H N H I OO HOV OOH I I I I I H I OO HxO III HHO OOH H H + H N N + NO m>mwmwmmsw OOH N N I m. m. N I OO HNO OOH H I I H N N H OO HOV OOH m.H I m.H I I O I HO Hxv III HHH OOH H H H I N O O OO m>mwmwm%sw OOH H O I I m.H O O.H OO HNO OOH H m. N I N O m.N OO HOV OOH I I I I O O O HO HxO OHM 113 For migrant family heads who did not move directly to San Pedro Sula, a total of seven possible choices at which to locate were coded. In order of appearance within the Table, they include caserios and aldeas or rural places (1), municipio capitals (2), department capitals (3), prior residence in San Pedro Sula (4), Tegucigalpa (5), another country (6), and the Tela Railroad Company complex in and around La Lima and El Progreso (7). Slightly more than 97 per cent of all migrant family heads who took a more circuitous route to the city are traced in six moves. The data in Table 13 illustrate some significant patterns of human spatial mobility. Foremost is that a substantial proportion of rural migrant family heads did not move directly to San Pedro Sula. Nearly one—half may have resided in some form of urban community before enter- ing the city. In contrast to their urban counterparts, rural migrants had little previous association with Tegucigalpa and no experience living outside of the nation. Although some rural family heads have resided in department capitals and San Pedro Sula at one time or another, most of this group was attracted to municipio capitals and rural places during the first two moves. Migrant heads from small urban places, however, had relatively strong attraction to department capitals and Tegucigalpa. As a group, they were highly mobile during moves one and two 114 and had the least proportion of migrants in the city prior to move four. Those born in department capitals were the most direct movers to San Pedro Sula. As might be expected, they were comparatively least attracted to rural places and more exposed to foreign countries. Somewhat of a surprise is the relatively high participation of this group in the Tela Railroad Company complex, particularly in the first move. The explanation may be that their occupational or educational skills were better developed and enabled them to secure the higher paying positions with the company. Their next logical move, in terms of proximity, would have been San Pedro Sula. The overall mobility pattern suggests that nearly 50 per cent of all migrant heads had moved more than once before arriving in San Pedro Sula. Possibly fewer than three—fifths of those born in the countryside arrive at San Pedro Sula having had no urban experience. The fact that many migrants tend to move toward larger communities from place of birth also suggests that spatial movement and rank-order size of cities are associated. Occupational Achievement A most interesting area of inquiry in internal migration concerns the occupational achievement of migrant family heads once within the larger urban setting. The 115 premise examined here, that the former residency of migrants in urban places had facilitated occupational assimilation into San Pedro Sula, illustrates possibly the most impor— tant terminal effect of place—size origins in migration. As a basis for analysis, income distributions were examined among the following three groups: rural migrants who moved directly to the city, rural migrants who had urban experience prior to San Pedro Sula, and those migrants who arrived directly from urban places. To assure a more balanced representation, all monthly incomes exceeding 200 dollars (400 Lempiras), pertaining to approximately 10 per cent of the migrant population, were discarded. A mean monthly income of forty-seven dollars was subsequently derived for the remaining migrants, with the three groups earning an average of about 38, 43.50, and 49.50 dollars respectively. Although mean monthly incomes reflect what appear to be significant ranges, the disparity in size of the groups was also substantial as a result of the high number of migrants from urban place origins. To determine the probability of group income differences occurring by chance alone, cross analysis was performed with "t" tests in which, X — X t = #— 0 o /_l+_2 “1 n2 (§1 and X2 = means of sample populations: = OXl—XZ or standard error of the difference between two means. Hamburg, op. cit., p. 332.) The resulting t matrix, where rural migrants who moved directly to the city are represented as X, rural migrants with urban experience as Y, and migrants from urban origins as Z, is presented in Table 14. In convert— ing these scores to their appropriate values, it was found that they did not differ statistically at the .05 level to warrant acceptance of the test hypothesis. That is, TABLE 14 T SCORE MATRIX FOR PLACE-SIZE ORIGINS AND OCCUPATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT Rural Rural Urban Direct Indirect (Z) (X) (Y) Rural Direct (X) — .49 1.62 - - .64 Rural Indirect (Y) Urban (Z) _ Probabilities (chances in 100) of derived values: XY=62, XZ=ll, and YZ=54. 117 place-size origins do not appear to distinguish occupa— tional achievement among migrants.99 Migrant groups do, however, reflect certain ten— dencies toward income allignment. The greatest margin of difference occurs between rural direct movers and urban migrants, while the least spread is evidenced between the former group and rural indirect movers. It may be con— cluded that there is a slight correlation between migrant occupational achievement (income) and size of generating center. Analysis of urban place origins, the moveuto the city, and occupational assimilation among migrant heads of household to San Pedro Sula provides some important conclusions. Concerning place of birth, migrants come predominantly from small urban centers. Not all rural migrants move directly to the city. Rather, nearly half acquire some urban experience along the way. Finally, there is a tendency for migrants from urban place origins to earn the highest incomes, once within San Pedro Sula. 99These findings conform to the results of a recent study which compares occupational mobility among migrants with place—size origins. "Size of community of birth does not appear, therefore, to discriminate very well between migrants who are more successful occupation- ally and those who are less successful." Bock and Iutaka, op. cit., p. 349. CHAPTER VIII THE MIGRATION SYSTEM OF SAN PEDRO SULA: THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS The final area of inquiry focuses upon the decision-making behavior of migrants. It is becoming in- creasingly apparent that explanation of migration systems can no longer depend solely upon gravity models and push- pull hypotheses. There is also increasing support for the idea that the decision-making process in migration behavior is rational.100 As an expansion upon this theme, it is hypothesized that the decision to migrate to San Pedro Sula, by the majority of migrant family heads, was rational and well thought out. The examination centers upon the four premises that migrants, prior to moving, were cognizant of the social and economic limitations, and attributes, of 1) their home community, 2) San Pedro Sula, and 3) an alternate destination, and that 4) friends, kinship, or contacts established in San Pedro Sula were important stimuli affecting the migrants' decision to move to the city. 100Julian Wolpert, op. cit., p. 159. 118 119 Assessing the Home Community During the interview process, each migrant was asked about his displacement from, and the problems within, his home community. The questions, "Why did you leave your place of birth?" and "What problems existed in that community?" were designed to permit subjective assessment of the pre-migration environment. In reply to the first question, each of the 402 internal migrant heads of household was permitted a maxi— mum of three reasons, and a total of 561 responses were offered to this question. The distribution of major response patterns, or those items garnering more than 5 per cent of all responses, follows in Table 15. TABLE 15 MIGRANT HEADS OF HOUSEHOLD: REASON FOR LEAVING THE HOME COMMUNITY Reason % of Total Response Transported at an early age 32 Lack of work 27 Family considerations 17 Lack of educational facilities 7 Hope to improve one's life 7 Low salary 6 Other 4 Total 100 120 The responses Show, first, that approximately one—third of the migratory force could not have made an assessment of their home community. The decision to migrate, having been made by other family members, was an involuntary one for this group. The majority of responses, however, re— flect a variety of motives underlying migration. Not surprisingly, the lack of work and family considerations are the major areas of concern. The former, when coupled with low salaries, emerges as the most important category. Compared with city life, economic conditions in much of the countryside and in many of the small urban places are relatively poor. Kinship ties play a significant role in urbanward migration, probably as a result of fairly exten- sive and unstructured family relationships among much of the populace. The inclusion of educational opportunities and the desire to improve one's life reflect two specific limitations of many of the home community environments. Migrant responses to the second question suggest a degree of similarity between reasons for leaving and problems confronting the home community (Table 16). The significance of economic conditions in the home communi— ties once again emerges. A 1ack of work, no opportunity for improvement, and poverty are three items that account for almost two—thirds of the responses to problems. Many of those who cited that no problems existed in the home area, in actuality, feel that way. This group makes 121 TABLE 16 PROBLEMS CONFRONTING THE HOME COMMUNITY Problem % of Total Responses Lack of Work 39 None 23 No place to improve 11 Poverty 9 Family 8 Other 10 Total 100 frequent return visits to the home community and family, thereby indicating that they are not alienated from the home community. Family events may perform a dual role in the decision environment. Many migrants have family ties in the city, which often serve as an attraction. On the other hand, the structure of extended families and loose relationships at home appear to generate certain problems resulting in a member's out—migration: The general impression from both sets of responses is that most migrants do make some meaningful assessment of existing conditions in the home community prior to leaving. Economic constraints and, to a lesser extent, 122 family concerns are the foremost considerations in the pre-migration environment. Assessing San Pedro Sula A second part of the interview process examined the premise that migrants were cognizant of the limitations and attributes of San Pedro Sula, prior to their permanent move to the city. The assumption is that selection of the city was not a random choice but, rather, one based on knowledge of the urban setting. The methodology is similar to that of the first part. Each migrant head was questioned about prior visits to the city and reasons underlying his selection. Specifically, the questions asked were, "How many times did you visit San Pedro Sula before establish— ing your first residence there?" and "Why did you migrate to San Pedro Sula?" Responses to the former are illustrated in Table 17. It appears that roughly three-fifths of the migrant population had established some familiarity with the city before establishing permanent residence there. While 8 per cent had at least visited the city on one occasion, 16 per cent had made the trip from two to five times and 34 per cent had been there a minimum of five times. It is interesting that nearly two-fifths or 39 per cent of the migrants came "sight unseen." This group probably includes those migrants who were displaced involuntarily at an early 123 TABLE 17 VISITS TO SAN PEDRO SULA BY MIGRANT FAMILY HEADS PRIOR TO RESIDENCE Number of Visits % of Migrants 0 39 l 8 2—5 or "a few" 16 >5 or "many" 34 Unrecorded or unknown 3 Total 100 age and numerous others who migrated in response to informa- tion disseminated about city life. Migrants expressed few doubts as to why they had chosen San Pedro Sula. The following distribution of reasons has been tabulated from 681 recorded responses (Table 18). Aside from those who were brought to San Pedro Sula, migrant family heads were overwhelmingly drawn to the city by opportunity and employment. The division between the two is somewhat tenuous as the former conveys the totality of city life and inclusion of the latter. Nevertheless, these items have considerable importance, since they had more than likely been perceived by many on a previous trial basis (visits before residence). Family 124 TABLE 18 REASON FOR MIGRATING TO SAN PEDRO SULA Reason % of Total Response Better opportunities 32 Work available 29 Family considerations 16 Brought at an early age 15 Educational facilities 6 Other 2 Total 100 considerations and the availability of educational facili- ties round-out nearly all of the remaining responses. In View of the responses given, there appears to exist a high degree of rationality among migrants regard— ing the decision—making process. Assessing an Alternate Destination A third part of the interviews focused on still another dimension of the decision environment. It is pro- posed that migrant family heads to San Pedro Sula were equally cognizant of the limitations and attributes of an alternate destination. That is, the move to San Pedro Sula resulted in part from an assessment of other sites. 125 Two populations were distinguished for this portion of the investigation. The first group, migrants who had moved directly to the city from place of birth (50 per cent of the total group), was asked, "Why didn't you move to another center, such as El Progreso, Choloma, or La Lima?" The second group, encompassing all migrants, was presented the question "Why didn't you move to Tegucigalpa?" In responding to the open-ended format of the former, direct movers gave 203 replies or roughly the equivalent of one answer for every person. Patterns of response are shown in Table 19. TABLE 19 REASONS DIRECT MOVERS CHOSE NOT TO SELECT AN ALTERNATE SITE (SUCH AS EL PROGRESO, CHOLOMA, OR LA LIMA) Reason % of Total Responses Better opportunities and perspective in San Pedro Sula 20 Family considerations 19 Lack of work in other sites 17 No reason 16 Brought by others 13 Other 15 Total 100 126 The responses of group one do not necessarily corroborate the inclusion of a selection procedure among an overwhelming majority of direct movers. Strong family ties in the city may have precluded site assessment for nearly one—fifth of this group. A combination of those attracted by family and transported by others, along with those providing no reasons, implies that approximately one—half of all direct movers did not evaluate other sites. On the other hand, there may have occurred a higher in— cidence of evaluation than suspected. Responses to the better opportunities in San Pedro Sula and the lack of work in other sites suggests an understanding of the com— parative attributes of the city by a substantial number of respondents. If family considerations are also interpreted as being a selective characteristic of sites, as it could appear, alternate site assessments were conducted by the majority of direct movers. In either case, there is no drastic imbalance within this group. Each migrant family head was subsequently asked to respond to the question of why he chose not to select Tegucigalpa, the national capital, over San Pedro Sula. A total of 496 responses offer insights into the topic of decision behavior and are illustrated by percentile dis- tribution in Table 20. The position of the capital within the decision environment is fairly discernable. Economic considerations 127 TABLE 20 REASON FOR NOT MIGRATING TO TEGUCIGALPA Reason % of Total Responses Too expensive to live there 19 Better opportunities in San Pedro Sula 18 Family considerations 15 Was brought to San Pedro Sula at early age or migrated from 15 Tegucigalpa Don't know Tegucigalpa 11 Distance 10 Don't like Tegucigalpa 8 Other 4 Total 100 account for the largest individual group of responses. The higher cost of living in the capital and greater op- portunities in San Pedro Sula account for nearly two- fifths of all responses. Family or kinship ties persist as a secondary concern. These respondents, along with those who expressed dislike for the capital and those who recognized distance as an obstacle, gave an assortment of replies representing slightly less than three—fourths of all responses. By comparison, only about one-fourth of 128 the reSponses reflected no basis for selectivity. They include those who moved to San Pedro Sula with parents, those having migrated directly from Tegucigalpa, and those who had no familiarity with the capital. Based upon all responses, it appears that the majority of migrants to San Pedro Sula were cognizant of the limitations and attributes of alternative destinations and that this information influenced their decision. At least one—half of all direct movers and up to three-fourths of the entire migrant population, expressed some personal assessment of alternative sites. Stimuli to the Decision Environment It is believed that friends, kinship, or contacts established in San Pedro Sula were important stimuli af— fecting the migrants' decision to move to the city. Migrant family heads were asked to respond to the two questions, "At the time of arrival (residence) at San Pedro Sula, where did you live?" and "During the first few months in the city, what help did you receive from family, friends or other sources?" The distribution of responses (N=402) to question one is portrayed in Table 21. Migrants form two rather distinct groups at time of arrival, namely, those who rent and those who receive lodging from relatives, friends, and other sources. These 129 TABLE 21 PLACE OF RESIDENCE FOR MIGRANT FAMILY HEADS AT TIME OF ARRIVAL IN SAN PEDRO SULA Place % All Migrants Rented living quarters 45 With relatives 36 With friends 10 House ownership 5 Other sources 4 Total 100 groups account for 95 per cent of the total migrant popu— lation and are fairly evenly divided. The fact that 45 per cent of the arrivals must rent illustrates the need to provide low-rent housing, as most migrants initially have very limited financial re— sources. House ownership is characteristic only of the more affluent or a very small proportion of arriving migrants. Relatives, friends and other sources provide an important service for arriving migrants. Approximately 50 per cent of the latter are accommodated with lodging when entering the city. 130 Responses to the second question reveal patterns of aid sustained during the first few months of residency. Migrants offered 454 responses to the question, which are presented in Table 22. TABLE 22 ASSISTANCE RENDERED TO MIGRANT FAMILY HEADS BY RELATIVES, FRIENDS, AND OTHER SOURCES DURING FIRST FEW MONTHS OF RESIDENCY IN SAN PEDRO SULA Type of Assistance % of All Responses None 47 Food and Housing 27 Housing only 9 Monetary 7 Obtaining Work 4 Obtaining housing 3 Other forms 3 Total 100 Slightly more than half of all migrants received some form of assistance, since 47 per cent of the responses were negative. Housing, again, emerges as an integral part of services rendered. A fairly sizeable proportion of family heads may experience a comparatively easy adjustment to the initial rigors of city life, as reflected by the 131 percentage of responses pertaining to food and housing. There also appear to be certain responsibilities expected of migrants by virtue of the lesser forms of assistance they receive. These include monetary concerns and the acquisition of employment and permanent housing. For lack of a more disciplined framework to study the complex array of interacting forces in decision—making behavior, conclusions must be weighed carefully. It is clear, however, that among migrants there are varying levels of participation in the decision process. Somewhere between 50—70 per cent of all migrant heads are cognizant of certain attributes and limitations of their home community, of a desired location (San Pedro Sula), and of alternative sites, prior to migration. Their foremost concerns include the lack of economic per— spective in the home environment and the numerous oppor— tunities available in the large city. Family or kinship considerations provide an important secondary focus. Adjustment to life in San Pedro Sula is facilitated for at least half of the group. Approximately three—fifths of all family heads had first—hand familiarity with the city before moving, while one-half received some form of assistance after arrival. The majority of migrants do engage in the decision making process. There is an unmistakeable tendency for this decision to be rational and well thought out. CHAPTER IX PERSPECTIVE ON FUTURE GROWTH OF SAN PEDRO SULA The demographic outlook for San Pedro Sula appears to be one of continued high population growth. Whereas the banana boom of the early twentieth century set the stage for initial urban expansion, industrial development of the past two decades has provided a solid base for future social and economic activity. It is likely that the San Pedro Sula—Chamelecén—La Lima—Choloma complex will constitute the principal conurbation of Honduras by the year 2000. The present decade presents an important challenge to city planners in San Pedro Sula. With an anticipated near-tripling of population in the next thirty years, man— land relationships in and around the city can be expected to change radically. Included in this study has been an attempt to identify some of the possible forthcoming alterations and the continuing role of urbanward migration. Planning Problems Similar to the situation in many other rapidly growing cities of Latin America, accelerated population 132 133 increase in San Pedro Sula has placed a visible strain upon the urban community. Physical as well as human needs are increasing at geometric rates, as evidenced by marked housing shortages and inadequate urban services. As the city braces for an era of continued high population growth, various problems and planning strategies must be explored. Water The chief problem within the city is the lack of year—round water availability. Water shortages eminate from 1) the dependency of San Pedro Sula on a vagarious rainfall regime and 2) the low storage capacity of the Santa Ana and Rio de Piedras dams. Nearly all sectors of the city experience some sustained discomfort due to water deficiencies, particularly during low rainfall periods.lOl Many of the cuarterias (small one-room flats) in the south— east zones of the city, for example, were without water for as much as three months in mid—1971. Patterns of water availability throughout the urban area further reflect the fact that the inhabitants most economically destitute have the least water at their disposal. 101The "lack of water" was a near universal re- sponse from the 500 family heads when asked, "What are the foremost problems of your present community (barrio)?" 134 Current daily water needs of 36,000 cubic meters are expected to nearly quintuple, to approximately 129,500 cubic meters, by the year 2000 due to the demands of a much larger population.102 Some immediate relief may be forthcoming from an attempt to tap underground sources and improve storage facilities, but the need for long—range planning will become more acute with increasing industri— alization. Housing Another major urban problem is that of housing shortages. On a national scale, Honduras' 290,000 unit deficit constitutes one of the highest relative housing 103 In San Pedro Sula imbalances in all of Latin America. there already exists a noticeable paucity of low-cost dwelling units, as reflected by the large number of squatters and those who simply occupy the streets. For the more than 70 per cent of all migrant house— hold heads who rent, intra—urban moves are primarily a response to the availability of low-cost facilities. The desire among this group to become a propietario (owner) is nearly unanimous, but existing possibilities are minimal. 102Cervantes Asociados, op. cit., p. 55. 103See article, "Creacién de fuentes especializados de crédito" appearing in La Prensa (San Pedro Sula), February 12, 1971. 135 An immediate task is to provide low—cost housing which offers basic urban amenities. The current three-year plan of INVA (Instituto de la Vivienda or Housing Institute) to construct 550 units in the city, designed for households with monthly incomes between 61 and 125 dollars, will at best constitute only an approach to the problem.104 Public Health The field of public health may present still the greatest challenge to orderly urban development. In terms of physical space in which to expand, San Pedro Sula, un— like Tegucigalpa, has seemingly unlimited territory. However, nearly half of the total population in the city is currently cramped within Zones I and II, creating densities from 52,000 to 104,000 persons per square mile. These are the same areas that generally rank lowest in mean annual incomes and are the least endowed with basic urban services, Eiflir water, paved streets, and waste diSposal. The low quality of the municipal drinking water constitutes a major health hazard. Contaminated water is possibly endemic,owing to poor distribution and the 104The program will recieve support from the Inter— American Development Bank, with total value per unit esti— mated to vary between l,500-2,750 dollars. See articles "INVA anuncia nuevos programas de viviendas en todo el pais" appearing in La Prensa (San Pedro Sula), May 31, 1971 and "INVA extendera su radio de accién a la zona norte" appearing in Tiempo (San Pedro Sula), August 2, 1971. 136 consequences of occasional human squatting along the feeder rivers. Five-gallon jars of purified water, selling for twenty-five cents each, are available but are rarely used by the lowest income groups because of the prohibitive cost. Recent evidence from a community in Tegucigalpa reveals that 84 per cent of all children ages 5-14 have parasites.105 Low incomes, crowded living conditions, and the unreliable availability and quality of municipal water undoubtedly are associated with low nutritional standards among a sizeable part of the citizenry. Although there is little data available for San Pedro Sula, it is known that national per capita consumption of maize, rice and beans, the Honduran staples, has declined within the past decade. Annual per capita incomes have grown at a diminutive 1.5 per cent, a figure well below the 2.5 per cent stipulated as the minimum acceptable rate of growth by the "Programa Alianza para el Progreso de la América Latina en la Carta "106 Unfortunately, there loom no im- de Punta del Este. mediate solutions for the economically and nutritionally disadvantaged in the city, although initiation of compre- hensive family planning would appear to be imperative. 105Stycos, op. cit., Appendix A. 106See article, Mario Rietti, "Diagnéstico de la economia de Honduras," appearing in La Prensa (San Pedro Sula), July 30, 1971. Compared with the average for Central America, Honduran per capita incomes have dropped from 89 per cent of the regional average in 1950 to 75 per cent in 1970. 137 The key issues of water, housing, and public health signify a challenging era ahead for Honduran planners. Fundamental to any planning strategies will be an under— standing of the migration component and its anticipated role within the evolving urban community. Prospectus on Urbanward Migration Internal migration, particularly during the past two decades, has generated phenomenal rates of population growth for the city of San Pedro Sula. The fact that the city has grown nearly sixfold in twenty—one years, and I that 79.9 per cent of all heads of household are nationals born outside of the city, illustrates the profound and sudden impact of population movement upon the urban environ— ment. With increasing industrialization in and around the city, internal population movement to San Pedro Sula could attain unprecedented proportions through the next three decades. Ensuing internal migration is predicated upon several factors. These include an understanding of regional trends in internal migration, the changes occurring in the intensity of movement through time to San Pedro Sula, and other phenomena which could contribute to the growth potential of future migration. 138 Regional Trends The two most salient features characterizing recent demographic processes in Latin America have been world—high rates of population growth and the rapid increase of urban— ization. Regional natural increase rates of 2.8 per cent annually suggest a doubling of population about every twenty—five years and are undoubtedly linked to the causes of urbanward migration. The move toward the cities during the current decade may be the largest ever experienced: Of the 159 million who will be added to the population of Latin America between 1960 and 1980, only 38 million will be added in rural areas, while the urban popula- tion will have added 121 million—-a gain over 1960 of 127 per cent. This could easily mean a net out- migration from the rural population of 18.5 million in the 19605 and 22 million more in the l9705——magnitudes that would exceed the massive out-migration of the 1950-1960 decade by some 25 to 50 per cent. Higher rates of out-migration are not improbable. Implications are fairly clear for the Republic of Honduras as the national pOpulation is reproducing at an annual rate of 3.4 per cent and the nation is currently experiencing the highest rates of urban growth in all of Latin America. Considering that approximately 65—70 per cent of the Honduran populace still resides in rural areas where per capita incomes are less than 100 dollars for 107Louis J. Ducoff, "The Role of Migration in the Demographic Development of Latin America," Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly, Vol. 43, No. 4, Part II, October, 1965, p. 205. 139 85.6 per cent of all households, it appears likely that urban zones are to be confronted with an unprecedented numerical increase . Migration Through Time Of the various indices available for projecting migration, some form of historical trend analysis is probably most useful. The flow of migrants to the city is known to vary through time and is suggestive of certain causal relationships between migrants and the urban center. In its historical perspective, this association can be viewed in a more complete context and serve as a basis for prediction. The migration of family heads to San Pedro Sula during the past seven decades is illustrated in Table 23. Percentage distributions are based on a total 413 family heads and their arrival in five—year intervals (excepting 1970 to mid-1971). Three general trends are reflected by the low influx of migrants from 1900 to 1929, the discern- able increase in the years 1930 to 1949, and the high rates of urbanward migration since 1950. These three periods account for 9, 25, and 66 per cent of the total migrant pOpulation, respectively. It is not surprising to find a close relationship between historical antecedents and the volume of migration through time to San Pedro Sula. Pre—l930 migrants reflect 140 TABLE 23 ARRIVAL OF MIGRANT FAMILY HEADS IN SAN PEDRO SULA, 1900 - MID-1971 Date of Arrival Per Cent Date of Arrival Per Cent 1900 — 1904 1 1940 — 1944 5 1905 — 1909 * 1945 - 1949 8 1910 - 1914 * 1950 - 1954 12 1915 — 1919 2 1955 - 1959 13 1920 - 1924 3 1960 - 1964 14 1925 — 1929 3 1965 — 1969 19 1930 - 1934 6 1970 - Mid—1971 8 1935 - 1939 5 Total 100 *Less than one per cent. the initial impetus provided by the banana boom, 1930 — 1949 migrants mirror the vagarious nature of subsequent banana developments, while migrants in the contemporary period represent conditions ranging from early banana con- solidations to incipient industrial growth. Possibly the signal trend within the latter era is that more than one- fourth of all migrant heads have arrived within the past six and one—half years. In comparison with the preceding decade, 1955 — 1964, time rates for migration have cur- rently been reduced by 35 per cent and could be cut as much as 40 per cent by 1975. 141 The immediate outlook concerning migration propen— sity is one of steady increase. Barring unforseen circum- stances, San Pedro Sula will accommodate a record number of migrants in the present decade. Influential Factors in Migration One of the most important developments within the Honduran landscape influencing urbanward migration has been an evolving overland transportation system. The once isolated north coast ports of Tela and La Ceiba are now being linked with major arteries of travel, and the western highway from the north coast to Nueva Ocotepeque and on to the Guatemalan border is virtually paved. Whereas the travel time between San Pedro Sula and any one of these sites recently required two or more days of travel, it is only a matter of hours today. It has been only during the past decade that San Pedro Sula and Tegucigalpa have become closely joined. In 1914 the trip of about 180 miles from San Pedro to the capital took six full days and was reserved almost exclu— 108 The first day consisted of taking sively to the hardy. the railroad to Pimienta, crossing the Rio Ulua in canoes, and moving on to Santa Cruz de Yojoa by mules. In the lO8Personal interview with Dona Elena Leiva de Holst, San Pedro Sula, September 12, 1971. 142 five following days, mules were ridden to Meambar, Siguatepeque, Comayagua, Proteccién and finally to Tegucigalpa. By the 1940's the trip had been reduced to two days, requiring a ferry crossing at Lake Yojoa and overnight accommodations at Siguatepeque. Now, with the completion of the paved highway, the same journey takes less than four hours. The emerging highway infrastructure has to be con- sidered an important factor in future migration. By increasing accessibility in remote areas of the country, reducing the costs of travel, and diminishing travel time between places, paved roads will serve to increase the growth potential of internal migration. While the reasons for migrating to San Pedro Sula range from innundations in Ocotepeque, to family quarrels and to the "Soccer War" of 1969, a consensus of opinion among migrants reflects the strong attraction of the urban economy. Industry in and around the city has provided an expansive dimension for population growth. Newly created jobs and generally the highest average wages in the nation have been possibly the foremost attractions underlying recent record movements to San Pedro Sula. With the con- tinuing trend toward industrial investment, still greater magnitudes of migration will be evidenced. Based on regional trends, the propensity of move— ment through time, and the added elements of highway 143 construction and industrial development, the city of San Pedro Sula will remain a strong attraction to internal migrants. Due also to the existing population imbalance between the large rural and small urban sectors, accentua— ted by the general poverty of the former, urbanward migration in Honduras may be, as yet, only in an incipient stage. CHAPTER X CONCLUSION The Republic of Honduras has experienced extremely high rates of urbanization during the past two decades. In a nation long characterized by a large rural population and a rural way of life, urban areas have recently assumed a significant role in human activity. One of the principal attractions to the thousands of migrants has been San Pedro Sula, which has emerged as the city with perhaps the high— est growth rate in all of Latin America. The explosive population growth of San Pedro Sula has provided ideal conditions for investigation of one of the regions' most dynamic migration systems. Based on the theme "Spatial Characteristics of Internal Migration to San Pedro Sula, Honduras," the study focuses upon four main areas of inquiry in migration theory: 1) the charac— teristics of migrants, 2) the role of distance in migration, 3) the mobility process, and 4) the decision-making be- havior of migrants. Characteristics of Migrants The majority of migrant heads in San Pedro Sula are less than thirty years old upon arrival, three out of 144 145 four are unskilled, and approximately three—fourths come with at least some level of primary education. Non—migrants, by comparison, are generally younger, include a similar proportion of unskilled, have attended school in relatively greater numbers, and have attained higher levels of educa- tion. Migrant heads of household, as well as their non- migrant counterparts, are predominantly male. The propor- tion of female family heads among migrants is significantly higher, however, reflecting the strong role of women in urbanward migration. Since many migrant females seek resident occupations in urban households, their precise numerical presence is difficult to assess. Females could therefore represent a still higher proportion than males within the migrant population. Distance in Migration Analysis of migrant origins at both the department and municipio levels reveals a fairly distinct spatial allignment, with the heaviest out-migration coming from areas nearest the city. In ascending order of distance from San Pedro Sula, department zones supply 52, 35, and 13 per cent of all migrant household heads, while measured straight—line municipio zones emit 40, 35, 20, and 5 per cent of the same population. 146 The most obvious distortions in the distance—decay surface are areas of abnormally heavy out-migration in the western part of the country and the Distrito Central. Isolated due to the absence of feeder roads to the east and the recent closing of the border with El Salvador, the western departments are linked with the rest of the nation by a sole artery of transportation——a highway that passes virtually through San Pedro Sula. Tegucigalpa's high participation in the migration field appears to be mostly a function of place—size, although rapid transport has developed between the two centers and may be another factor. The role of overland transportation facilities becomes especially well defined with the mapping of migra— tion "streams." Approximately 99 per cent of all migrant family heads depend upon surface transportation, with their movement being facilitated, in large part, by four main highway systems. These include the arteries linking San Pedro Sula with Nueva Ocotepeque, Tegucigalpa, La Ceiba, and Puerto Cortés. The Mobility Process Migrant family heads come overwhelmingly from urban places. Based solely on place of birth, some 83 per cent are born in municipio or department capitals as compared to 17 per cent born in aldeas and caserios. In tracing 147 the movement of all migrant heads (and in particular rural migrants) from place of birth, it was found that 50 per cent do not move directly to the city but participate in some form of step—migration. Possibly as many as 90 per cent of all migrant heads acquire some experience in urban places prior to residence in San Pedro Sula. Testing for income differences among migrants shows that there is a tendency for persons from larger urban origins to earn the highest incomes, once in the city. That is, migrants born in urban places reflect slightly higher earnings than their rural counterparts with prior urban experience and appreciably more than rural migrants who move directly to the city. In neither case, however, is there a strong statistical distinction. Decision—Making Behavior At least half, and possibly as many as 70 per cent, of all migrant heads in San Pedro Sula appear to have made fairly extensive assessment as to "why" and "where," prior to the act of migration. Response patterns define the principal limitations of the home community as "a lack of work and no place for economic improvement" and "family considerations." Conversely, the most important perceived attributes of San Pedro Sula are "available work and op- portunity to improve" and, to a lesser extent, "family concerns." Prior to establishing residence, approximately 148 three—fifths of all family heads visited the city at least once. Migrant responses also suggest that the majority evaluated alternative sites during the selection process. Again, there is strong consistency in economic and kinship considerations. Finally, it would seem that friends, kinship, and contacts in San Pedro Sula are important stimuli to the migration decision. About half of all migrant heads were provided lodging at the time of arrival, while slightly more received some form of sustained assistance during their first few months in the city. As suggested by these conclusions, the migration system of San Pedro Sula is comprised of a variety of dimensions and a high degree of connectivity. It is hoped that this examination and interpretation offers utility to Honduran planners and added resources to professional scholars concerned with migration theory. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Adams, Richard N. 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Elena Leiva de Holtz, APPENDICES INTERVIEW SCHEDULES BASE MAP 10 APPENDIX A INTERVIEW SCHEDULES I) APPENDIX A INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR "SESENTA Y UNO" COLONY (SAMPLE COMMUNITY) Direccién de la casa: Barrio Ave. Calle No. Fecha de la entrevista I. Historia Migratoria- Jefe de la familia l. 2. 10. ll. Lugar de nacimiento: departamento municipio barrio I —‘ 7—— caserio aldea cabecera otro pais fi—" — w — InformaCion actual, fecha en que emigro de su lugar de nacimiento: edad estado civil nfimero de hijos afios de estudio ingreso por mes aho Por qué dejé su communidad natal? CdEles son los problemas enfrentados por Ud. en su communidad natal? Lugares en donde residio a1 dejar su pueblo natal antes de venir a SPS:1° 2° 3° 4° 5° Lugar Periodo de residencia ocupacién Por qué se trasladé a 1° 2° 3° 4° 50 En que ano emigré a la Ciudad? Por qué no emigré de su communidad natal directa— mente a SPS? Para aquellos quienes se trasladardn de su pueblo natal directamente a SPS: Por qué Ud. no emigré a Ciudad tal como E1 Progreso, Choloma, etc.? Por qué emigrd a SPS? Por qué no a Tegucigalpa? Cuantas veces habia estado de pasé Ud. en SPS antes de venir a establecerse por primera vez? 162 163 12. Al llegar a SPS encontro Ud. empleo? Si no, cuanto tiempo después de su llegada obtuvo empleo? Donde residio?: con relativos___amistades otro Le acompafiaron sus familiares a1 trasladaEEe a esta Ciudad? 13. Durante los primeros meses que pasd Ud. en SPS, que ayuda recibio Ud. de sus familiares, amigos, 0 del gobierno? 14. Desde su llegada en que secciones de la Ciudad ha residido Ud? Barrios y direccion: 1° 2° 3° 15. Por qué se traslado a: 1° 2° 3° 16. Por qué escogid su direccidn actual? 17. Por cuanto tiempo ha residido en esta casa? 18. Es Ud. e1 proprietario inquilino residente en plan de compra 19. A que organizaciones culturales, religiosas, deportivas o sociales pertenece Ud. y sus familiares? 20. Se encuentra Ud. mejor instalado y adaptado a1 medio de Vida SPS que en anteriores lugares de residencia? 21. A su juicio cuales son los mayores problemas en esta communidad que merecen mayor atencién? 22. Si e1 Instituto de la Vivienda- INVA— construyera casas en Chamelecon, La Lima, Choloma, Progreso 0 Puerto Cortés: Le gustaria vivir en alguna de dichas colonias en lugar de vivir en SPS? Si No Por qué? 23. Ha retornado o visitado Ud. a su pueblo natal? cuantas veces 24. Conoce Ud. alguien que haya venido a vivir por algun tiempo en SPS pero haya decidido volver a su pueblo natal? 25. Bajo que condicciones retornaria Ud. a su pueblo natal? 26. Piensa trasladarse proximamente de su actual residencia? II. Historia Familiar 27. Jefe de la Familia sexo edad estado civil ocupacion empleado permanente temporal desempleado buscando trabajo 28. 29. 30. 164 barrio dénde trabaja distancia a1 trabajo modo de transportacién econémicamente inactivo estudiante ama de case retirado ingreso promedio por mes o diariosi estemporal Esposa (dénde un hombre es jefe de la familia) edad , ocupacidn empleada permanente___temporal desempleada buscando ——— __— barrio donde trabaja distancia a1 trabajo 7——_ modo de transportacion econémicamente inactivo otra ingreso promedio por mes o‘diario si es temporal lugar de nacimiento: .departamento municipio barrio caserio aldea cabecera otro pais Familia -__ Rela— Otras Jefe Esposa H1305 tivos Personas numero de personas en la familia cuantos viven actualmente en su casa edad y sexo lugar de nacimiento afios de escuela ocupacién Cuantos hijos ha tenido su esposa? Cuantos hijos han sobrevivido el primer ano? 165 INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR CITY-WIDE STUDY (SAN PEDRO SULA) Direccién de la casa: Barrio Ave. Calle No. Descripcién de la Casa: Agua Electricidad Bafio Material de la casa De los pisos I. JEFE DE FAMILIA: Lugar de Nacimiento: a) Caserio Aldea Cabecera Barrio b) Municipio Departamento c) Otro pais Si nacié en San Pedro Sula, comience en la parte III hasta el fin.- Si nacié fuera de la Ciudad, siga adelante hasta el fin. II. MIGRACION: Solamente inmigrantes. l. Cuando emigré usted de su lugar de nacimiento (es decir, condiciones antes de su partida). a) Ano Edad Clase de Trabajo ‘ Ingreso por Mes b) Anos de Escuela i Nfimero de Hijos Estado Civil: j Soltero Unién Libre Casado j Divorciado Separado Viudo § 2. Por qué dejé su communidad natal? Poco Trabajo . . . . . . . . . . Guerra . . . . . . . . . . . . . Razones Familiares . . . . . . . Razones de Educacién Razones de Salud . . . . . . . . Razones Politicas . . . . . . . Lo Trajeron . . . . . . . . . . Sueldo Bajo . . . . . . . . . . Servicio Militar . . . . . . . . No Sabe . . . . . . . . . . . . Otra Razén (Textual) l kOmHO‘IU‘IIwaI—‘O 3. En general, cuales son los problemas enfrentados por usted en su comunidad natal? 166 TEXTUAL: NA . . . . . . . . 8 NS . . . . . . . . 9 4. Cuales son los lugares en donde residié a1 dejar su pueblo natal antes de venir a San Pedro Sula (en orden) TEXTUAL: LUGAR PERIODO RESIDENCIA .CLASE DE TRABAJO INGRESO ONU'IIbUJNH 0. Si fué directamente de su lugar natal a SPS, siga con la pregunta No. 6. NA (equis) 5. Por qué se trasladé a (vea lugares No. 4) TEXTUAL: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. NA . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 6. En que ano emigro a SPS? (Afio) Su edad cuando llegé (Edad) 7. PARA AQUELLOS QUIENES SE TRASLADARON DE SU PUEBLO NATAL DIRECTAMENTE A - sps. Por qué usted no emigré a otra Ciudad tal como el Progreso, Choloma, La Lima, etc.? TEXTUAL NA . . . . . . . . 8 NS . . . . . . . . . . 9 8. Por qué emigro a SPS? Razones de Trabajo . . . . . . . . Razones Familiares . . . . . . . . Razones de Educacién . . . . . . . Mejor Oportunidad . . . . . . . . Mejor Ambiente . . . . . . . . . . Razones de Salud . . . . . . . . . Lo Trajeron . . . . . . . . . . . Razones Politicas . . . . . . . . Servicio Militar . . . . . . . . . NS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Otra (Textual) wmdmmvbwwl-‘O 167 Por qué no escogio Tegucigalpa? Razones de distancia (lejos) . . . 0 No tenia suficiente dinero . . 1 Poco trabajo allé . . . . . .I. 2 Razones familiares . . . . . . . . . . 3 Problema de Vivienda . . . . . . . . . 4 Mejor ambiente en SPS . . . . . . . . 5 No me gusta Tegucigalpa . . . . . . . 6 No conozco Tegucigalpa . . . . . . . . 7 Alla es mas cara la Vida . . . . . . . 8 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Otra (Textual) Cuantas veces habia estado de paso usted en SPS antes de venir a establecerse por primera vez? Una . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 De 2 a 5 o 'pocas . . . . . . . . . . l Mas de 5 o muchas . . . . . . . . . 2 Ninguna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Con quién o quienes vino usted a radicarse en SPS por primera vez? Es decir, quienes vinieron a1 mismo tiempo que usted? Solo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 Con sus padres . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Con sus hermanos . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Con su esposa . . . . . . . . . 3 Con sus hijos . . . . . . . . . . 4 Con otros parientes . . . . . . . . 5 Con amigos . 6 Otra (Textual) Al llegar a SPS encontro usted empleo? Si . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 No . . . . . . . . . . . l Dependié de otros . . . . . . . . . . 2 NA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 (Si) (No) Cuanto tiempo después de su llegada obtuvo empleo? Menos de 2 semanas . . . . dos semanas hasta l mes . l — 3 meses . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 - 6 meses . 7 — 11 meses l Ano o mas Todavia sin trabajo NA . . . . . . NS . . . . . . . . wwmthNF-‘O 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 168 Al llegar a SPS, donde residié? Con parientes . . . . . . . 0 Con amistades . . . . . 1 Alquilé . . 2 Casa propia . . . . . . . . 3 En las calles . . . . . . . 4 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Durante los primeros meses que pasé usted en SPS qué ayuda recibié de sus familiares, amigos, u otras fuentes? Ayuda en dinero . . O Ayuda para conseguir trabajo. 1 Ayuda para conseguir Vivienda 2 Le dieron casa y comida . . 3 Solamente casa . . . . . . . 4 Solamente comida . . . . . . 5 Ninguna ayuda . . 6 NS 9 Otra (Textual) Cuantas veces ha retornado o visitado usted a su pueblo natal? Una (l) . . . . 0 De 2 a 5 o pocas . 1 Mas de 5 o muchas 2 Ninguna . . . . 3 I NS . . . . . . . . 9 ' En general, bajo que condiciones retornaria usted I a vivir en su pueblo natal? Trabajo garantizado Garantias propias Educacién garantizada Tranquilidad garantizada Mejores servicios Ninguna . . . NS . . Otra (Textual) kOU'IIbbJNI-‘CD Se encuentra usted mejor, igual o peor instalado y adaptado al medio de vida de SPS que en anteriores lugares de residencia? I. ;.....m.u in.“ .... . ... Mejor . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 Igual . . . . . . . . . . . . l 1 Peor . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 NS 9 169 III. IMMIGRANTES Y NO MIGRANTES (TOdOS) l7. Durante su periodo de residencia en SPS, en que direcciones de la Ciudad ha vivido usted? Barrio Tiempo l. 2. 3. 4. 5. l8. Para aquellos que han vivido en dos o mas direcciones en la Ciudad, Pregunte: Cuéles fueron las razones por las que se trasladé a (veése No. l7).—Textual: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 19. For qué escogié su direccién actual? Para comprar terreno . . . . . . 0 Para comprar casa . . . . . . . l Razones de familia . . . . . . . 2 Terreno donado . . . . . . . . . . 3 Distancia del trabajo . . . 4 Mayor tranquilidad . . . . . . . . 5 Por e1 alquiler bajo . . . . . . . 6 Por las facilidades . . . . . . . 7 Facilidad econémica . . . . . . . 8 NS . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Otra (Textual) 20. For cuanto tiempo ha residido en ésta casa? Menos de l mes . . . . . . . . . . 0 l a 2 meses . . . . . . . . . 1 3 - 5 meses . . . . . . . . . . . 2 6 — 12 meses . . . . . . 3 l — 4 afios . . . . . . . . . . . 4 5 - 10 afios . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Mas de 10 afios 6 21. Es usted Propietario de tierra y casa Propietario solamente de tierra Propietario solamente de casa Inquilino . . . . . . . . . . . . Plan de compra . . Otra (Textual) wal—‘O 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 170 A que organizaciones culturales, deportivas o sociales pertenece usted y sus familiares? Equipo de Boliche . . . . . . . . . . 0 Equipo de Futbol . . . . . . . . 1 Sociedad Religiosa . . 2 Asociaci6n de Motoristas . . . . 3 Organizaci6n Social Sindicato . . . . 4 Ninguna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Otra (Textual) A su juicio cuales son los principales problemas en esta comunidad que merecen mayor atencidn? Escasez de trabajo . . . 0 Falta de facilidades (agua y .luz) . . l Calles sin pavimento . . . . . . . 2 No es terreno propio . . . . . . . . 3 Problemas con vecinos . . . . . . . . 4 Muy cara la vida . . . . . . . . . . 5 Escasez de drenaje . . . . . . . 6 Mal ambiente para su salud . . . . . 7 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Otra (Textual) Si e1 INSTITUTO DE LA VIVIENDA, "INVA/'construyera casas en Chamelec6n, La Lima, Choloma, Progreso 0 Puerto Cortés, le gustaria vivir en alguna de dichas colonias en lugar de vivir en SPS.? Si . . . . . . . 0 No . . . . . . . l Tal vez . . . . 2 Por Qué? Textual Conoce usted alguien que haya venido a vivir por algun tiempo en SPS, pero haya decidido volver a su pueblo natal 0 de procedencia? Si, muchos . . . 0 Si, pocos . . . 1 No . . . . . . . 2 NS . . . . . . . 9 Piensa trasladarse proximamente de su actual residencia? Si . . . . . 0 No . . . . . . . 1 Depende . . . 2 Por Qué? Textual Si se traslada, adonde? Textual 171 IV. HISTORIA FAMILIAR (Todos) 27. Jefe de Familia: a) Sexo: M . . . . . 1 F . 2 b) Edad: Textual (Afios) c) Estado Civil: Soltero . . . . . . . . Casado . . . . . . . . . Uni6n Libre . . . . . . . . Divorciado . . . . . . . . Separado . . . . . . . . . Viudo . . . . . . . . . . . d) Afios de Escuela: Un Afio . . . . . . . . . . Dos . . . . . . . . . . . . Tres . . . . . . . . . . . Cuatro . . . . . . . . . . Cinco . . . . . . . . . . . Seis . . . . . . . . . . Ensefianza Secundaria . . . Universidad . . . . . . . . Ninguna . . . . . . . . . . \OU‘IIbLAJNi—‘O (”\IONU'IIbWNl—‘O mm-bNI—‘O e) Empleo: Permanente . . . . . . . . Temporal . . . . . . . . . Desempleado . . . . . . . . Estudiante . . . . . . . . Ama de Casa . . . . . . . . Retirado . . . . . . . . . NS . . . . . . . . . . . . f) Si Trabaja, Pregunte: Profesién u Oficio Textual Barrio donde Trabaja Textual Distancia del Trabajo Textual Modo de Transportaci6n Textual g) Ingreso promedio por mes o diario, si trabaja temporal: Textual h) Raza: Blanco . . . . . . . . . Indio . . . . . . . . . . Negro . . . . . . . . . . Mestizo . . . . . . . . . Asiético . . . . . . . . bWNI—‘O Qué idiomas ademas del espanol habla? 28. 29. 172 ESPOSA: a) Lugar de nacimiento (Textual) 1) Caserio Aldea Cabecera Barrio 2) Municipio Departamento 3) Otro Pais b) Edad: Textual (Afios) c) Afios de Escuela: Un Ano . . . . . . . . . 0 DOS. . . . . l Tres . 2 Cuatro . . . . . 3 Cinco . . . . . . . . . . 4 Seis . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Ensefianza Secundaria . . . 6 Universidad . . . . . . . 7 Ninguna . . . . . . . . . 8 d) Empleo: Permanente . . . . . . . . 0 Temporal . . . . . . . . . l Desempleado . . . . . . . 2 Estudiante . . . . . . . 3 Ama de Casa . . 4 Retirado . . . . . . . . . 5 NS . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 e) Si Trabaja, Pregunte: Profesi6n u Oficio Textual Barrio donde trabaja Textual Distancia del trabajo Textual Modo de transportaci6n Textual f) Ingreso promedio por mes o diario, si trabaja temporal Textual g) Raza: Blanco . . . . . . . . . . 0 Indio . . . . . . . . . . l Negro . . . . . . . . . . 2 Mestizo . . . . . . . . . 3 Asiético . . . . . . . . . 4 Qué idiomas ademas del espafiol habla? FAMILIA: a) Numero de miembros de la familia: Jefe (equis) Esposa (equis) Hijos (nfimero) 173 b) Cuantos viven actualmente en la casa? Jefe (equis) Esposa (equis) Hijos (nfimero) Parientes (numero) Otros (numero) c) Puede decirme 1a edad, sexo, lugar de nacimiento, anos de escuela que tienen todos los hijos? (Textual) E_DA_D l. _____ 2. _____ 3. ____ 4. ____ 5. ____ 6. ____ 7. ____ 8. ____ 9. _____ 10. 11. ____ 12. iErg ANOS LUGAR DE NACIMIENTO ESCOLARES d) Cuantos hijos han nacido en total? Textual (nfimero) e) Cuantos hijos han sobrevivido el primer afio? Textual (nfimero) APPEND IX B BASE MAP 10 /2H5> 174 l HONDURAS DEPARTAMENTOS Y MUNICIPIOS Map 10 O O O 175 HONDURAS - DEPARTAMENTOS Y MUNICIPIOS, ATLANTIDA 8 Dulce Nombre . 9 El Paraiso La Ceiba . 10 Florida (La Jigua) El Porvenir 11 La Uni6n Esparta l2 Nueva Arcadia Jutiaps 13 San Agustin La MaSica- 14 San Antonio San FranCisco 15 San Jer6nimo Tela 16 San José COLON 17 San Juan de Opoa .. 18 San Nicolas Trujillo 19 San Pedro Balfate 20 Santa Rita Ifl‘ma 21 Trinidad ledn , 22 Veracruz Santa Fe Santa Rosa de Aguén 05 CORTES Sonaguera (Saba) 1 San Pedro Sula Tocoa 2 Choloma COMAYAGUA 3 Omoa ____—____ 4 Pimienta Comayagua 5 Potrerillos Ajuterique 6 Puerto Cortés El Rgsario 7 San Antonio de Cortés Esquias 8 San Francisco de Yojoa HumuYa 9 San Manuel La Libertad 10 Santa Cruz de Yojoa Lamani . ll Villanueva La Trinidad Lejamani 06 CHOLUTECA Meambar l Choluteca Minas de Oro 2 Apacilagua OJOS de’Agua 3 Concepcién de Maria San Jeronimo 4 Duyure ‘ San José de Comayagua 5 El Corpus ‘ San José del Potrero 6 El Triunfo I San Sebastian 7 Marcovia Siguatepeque 8 Morolica Villa de San Antonio 9 Namasigue COPAN 10 Orocuina ____I , ll Pespire Sta.~Rosa de Copan 12 San Antonio de Flores 4 Cabanas.’ 13 San Isidro I C0n96P019n 14 San José 2 Copaanuinas 15 San Marcos de Col6n Corquin 16 Yusguare Cucuyagua Dolores O \OmvilmUT-waH \l EL PARAISO Yuscaran Alauca Danli El Paraiso Gfiinope Jacaleapa Liure Moroceli Oropoli Potrerillos San Antonio de Flores San Lucas San Matias Soledad Teupasenti Texiguat Vado Ancho Yauyupe FRANCISCO MORAZAN Distrito Central Alubaren Cedros (E1 Porvenir) Curaren Guaimaca La Libertad La Venta Leparterique Mariata Marale Nueva Armenia Ojojona Orica Reitoca Sabanagrande San Antonio Oriente San Buenaventura San Ignacio San Juan de Flores San Miguelito Santa Ana Santa Lucia Talanga Tatumbla Valle de Angeles Villa de San Francisco 176 i—l H \OWNQWDWNH O N H GRACIAS A DIOS Puerto Lempira (Policango Bonilla) Brus Laguna INTIBUCA La Esperanza Camasca Colomoncagua Concepci6n Dolores Intibucé Jesus de Otoro Magdalena Masaguara San Antonio San Isidro San Juan San Marcos de la Sierra San Miguelito Santa Lucia Yamaranguila ISLAS DE LA BAHIA Roatén Guanaja Utila José Santos Guardiola LA PAZ La Paz Aguanqueterique Cabanas Cane Chinacla Guajiquiro Lauterique Marcala Mercedes de Oriente Opatoro San Antonio del Norte San José San Juan Santa Ana Santa Elena Santa Maria Santiago Puringla Tutule Yarula @wummthH U.) LEMPIRA Gracias Belén Candelaria Colohete - San Miguel Cololaca Erandique Gualcince Guarita La Campa La Iguala Las Flores La Union La Virtud Lepaera Mapulaca Piraera San Andrés San Francisco San Juan Guarita San Rafael San Sebastian Santa Cruz Talgua Tambla Tomala Valladolid Virginia OCOTEPEQUE Nueva Ocotepeque Belén Gualcho Concepcion Dolores Merendén Fraternidad La Encarnacién La Labor Lucerna Mercedes San Fernando San Francisco San Jorge San Marcos Santa Fé Sensenti Sinuapa OLANCHO Juticalpa Campamento Catacamas Concordia Dulce Nombre ’ El Real - Santa Maria El Rosario Esquipulas del Norte Gualaco Guarizama Guata Guayape Jano La Union Mangulile Manto Salamé San Estegan San Francisco Becerra San Francisco de la Paz Silca Yocon SANTA BARBARA Santa Barbara Arada Atima Azacualpa Ceguaca Colinas Concepcion del Norte Concepcion del Sur Chinda El Nispero Gualala Ilama Macuelizo Naranjito Nueva Celilac Petoa Proteccién Quimistan San Fco. de Ojuera San Luis San Marcos San Nicolas Santa Rita Trinidad San Vicente Centenario Zacapa H \l @mflmmwaH Source: VALLE Nacaome Alianza Amapala Aramecina Caridad Coray Goascorén Langue San Lorenzo 17 F‘" 00 Hie Compiled April, 1971: 8 Homooxlowmhwmt—I YORO Yoro Arenal El Negrito El Progreso Jocon Morazan Olanchito Santa Rita Sulaco Victoria Yorito Department of Geography, Michigan State University. 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