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THE EFFECTS OF PARTICIPATION IN A COMMUNITY CHILDREN’S CHOIR ON
PARTICIPANTS’ IDENTITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY

By

Melissa Mae Mills

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fiilfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Music Education

2008

ABSTRACT

THE EFFECTS OF PARTICIPATION IN A COMMUNITY CHILDREN’S CHOIR ON
PARTICIPANTS’ IDENTITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY

By

Melissa Mae Mills

The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the effects of participation in a
community children’s choir on the identities of choir participants. Questions include: (1)
How are participants’ personal identities shaped by their participation, (2) How are
participants’ musical identities shaped by their participation, and (3) What role do
participants’ relationships with peers and the conductor play in shaping the participants’
identities?

Participants included six choir members, ages 12 to 14, who participated in two
focus group interviews. Individual follow-up interviews were held with three of these
choir members and their parents, one adult former children’s choir member, and the
choir’s conductor. Data collection also consisted of 9 hours of rehearsal observations, a
choir background questionnaire, and observation fieldnotes. Analysis involved coding of
interview transcriptions and field notes, and identification of emerging themes. Member
checks as well as a peer review of the data coding established trustworthiness of the
analysis.

Results are divided into three categories: personal identity, musical identity, and
collective identity. Regarding personal identity, involvement in the children’s choir
enhances choristers’ self-concept, self-esteem, and self-efficacy. Choristers hold fast to

the ideals of the children’s choir, a constant during a time of great change in their lives.

Their self-concept is enhanced in the areas of commitment, self-discipline, social skills,
respect, confidence, and leadership. In contrast to school, where they experience harsh
peer judgment, children’s choir is a safe place where the Choristers feel unconditional
peer acceptance. They are especially sensitive to being treated with fairness. Their self-
efficacy increases as they master difficult repertoire and become proficient singers.
Regarding musical identity development, choir participation enhances the
choristers’ musical self-concept and musical self-esteem. They attribute most of their
improved musical abilities to choir participation. The choristers’ frequent comparisions
between children’s choir and other ensembles helps them further differentiate their
emerging self-concepts, although they may not fully comprehend choir’s role in their
musical development. Finally, the children’s choir has a family-like collective identity
that exerts a powerful influence on the participants. In this choir family, choir members

and the conductor have specific roles to fulfill.

Cepyright by
MELISSA MAE MILLS
2008

DEDICATION

This dissertation is dedicated to my dear husband, Peter, for his love and
encouragement; to my parents, Scott and Eva Isaacson, for their love and concern and for
everything they have done and continue to do for me; to my husband’s parents, David
and Judie Mills, for always asking how the dissertation was coming; to the rest of my
wonderful family, for providing all the love and reassurance anyone could ever want; and
most importantly, to my Heavenly Father, for His “blessings unmeasured,” including the

opportunity to earn this degree.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am immensely grateful for the opportunities and experiences that I have had
during my years at Michigan State University. I particularly appreciate my Committee’s
investment of time and energy in assisting with this dissertation, and for their kindness
and support. Thank you to: Dr. Sandra Snow, my Committee chair, for her thoughtful
analysis and insightful responses to my work, for inspiring me to be a more student-
centered choral conductor-teacher, and for her kindness and friendship; to Dr. Mitchell
Robinson, for his similarly thoughtful analysis, thought-provoking questions, and
encouragement; to Dr. Cynthia Taggart, for her superb editing talents and for her
contagious enthusiasm for research; and to Dr. David Rayl, for his genuine concern for
the success and well-being of students and for his inspiring choral literature classes.

I am gratefiil to Dr. John Kratus for his assistance with several other research
projects and presentations, and to the other music education faculty members and
doctoral students who have made these years at MSU educational and enjoyable. In
addition, I appreciate the fellowships and research support that I received from the
College of Arts and Letters, the College of Music, and the Graduate School.

Special thanks also belong to Dr. Paul Broomhead, for first encouraging me to
pursue this degree; to my dear friend Kierstin, and fellow doctoral candidates Leslie,
Michelle, and Karin, for being along for the ride; to the Draut family (David, Sue,
Tiffany, Ben, Michael, Mindy, Becky, Joseph, and little (big!) Jared) for their friendship,
kindness, and many good laughs; and finally, my Sincere thanks to all those who
participated in this study. I appreciate their willingness to share their time and stories

with me.

vi

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. xi
LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... xii
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1
Rationale for the Study .............................................................................................. 5
Definition of Terms .................................................................................................... 7
Community Music ........................................................................................... 7
Terms Related to Identity ............................................................................... 11
Identity Development: Psychological Perspectives ................................................. l 8
Freud and Ego-Psychology ............................................................................ 20
Loevinger's Stages of Ego Development ....................................................... 24
Piaget's Theories of Cognitive Development and Moral Judgment .............. 29
Erikson's Psychosocial Stages of Identity Formation .................................... 35
Marcia and Identity Achievement .................................................................. 40
Summary ........................................................................................................ 42
Identity Construction: Sociological and Social Psychological Perspectives ........... 42
The "Looking Glass Self" and Symbolic Interactionism ............................... 45
Social Comparison Theory ............................................................................ 48
Social Identity Theory .................................................................................... 49
Self-Categorization Theory ............................................................................ 52
Social Influence and Conversion Theory ....................................................... 55
Summary ........................................................................................................ 62
Theoretical Perspectives on Identity and Music ...................................................... 63
Interactionism and Music ............................................................................... 64
Occupational Identities in Music ................................................................... 65
Musical Self-Socialization ............................................................................. 66
Summary ........................................................................................................ 67
Pilot Study ................................................................................................................ 68
Purpose and Problems .................................................................................... 68
Methodology .................................................................................................. 69
Participants ..................................................................................................... 70
Analysis and Results ...................................................................................... 73
Discussion and Suggestions for Future Research .......................................... 83
Purpose and Problems .............................................................................................. 85
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED RESEARCH ............................................................................. 87
Introduction .............................................................................................................. 87
The Effect of Participation in Music on Personal Identity ...................................... 88
Self-Efficacy .................................................................................................. 89
vii

Self-Esteem ................................................................................................... 89

Self-Concept .................................................................................................. 92
The Effect of Participation in Music on Musical Identity ....................................... 93
The School Environment ............................................................................... 94
The Home Environment ................................................................................ 98
Achievement Motivations in Music ............................................................. 101
Musical Self-Concept and Musical Self-Esteem ......................................... 105
Summary ...................................................................................................... 107
Research with Community Children's Choirs ........................................................ 109
Summary ................................................................................................................ 112
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY .......................................................................................................... 1 15
Design and Human Subjects Approval .................................................................. 115
Relationship of Dissertation to Pilot Study ............................................................ 117
Researcher Lens ..................................................................................................... 1 18
Participant Selection and Rapport .......................................................................... 121
Procedure and Data Collection .............................................................................. 124
Limitations of the Study ......................................................................................... 127
Trustworthiness and Analysis ................................................................................ 128
CHAPTER IV
PARTICIPANTS ............................................................................................................. 1 3 3
The Northridge Children's Choir ........................................................................... 137
Participants ............................................................................................................. l 39
CHAPTER V
"SO MANY LIFE LESSONS": EFFECTS OF CHOIR INVOLVEMENT ON
PERSONAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT ................................................................... 153
Self-Concept .......................................................................................................... 1 54
Commitment ................................................................................................ 1 55
Self-Discipline ............................................................................................. 1 76
Interpersonal Skills ...................................................................................... 183
Confidence ................................................................................................... 1 87
Leadership .................................................................................................... 188
Awareness of Choir Influence on Self-Concept .......................................... 190
Self-Esteem ............................................................................................................ 193
Mentoring and Choir Achievements ............................................................ 193
The Social Environment: School Versus Children's Choir .......................... 194
Vocal Part Assignment ................................................................................ 203
Favoritism .................................................................................................... 204
Self-Efficacy .......................................................................................................... 207
Summary ................................................................................................................ 21 1
viii

 

CHAPTER VI
"IT'S LIKE BEING A PRO, YOU KNOW?": EFFECTS OF CHOIR INVOLVEMENT

ON MUSICAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT ............................................................... 213
Musical Self-Concept ............................................................................................. 213
Musical Skills ............................................................................................... 214
Being a Musician ......................................................................................... 222
The Musical Learning Environment: School Versus Children's Choir ....... 238
Musical Self-Esteem .............................................................................................. 253
Summary ................................................................................................................ 256
CHAPTER VII
“WE'RE ALL IN THIS TOGETHER”: COLLECTIVE IDENTITY AND GROUP
DYNAMICS .................................................................................................................... 258
Collective Identity .................................................................................................. 258
Roles in Choir ........................................................................................................ 261
Sibling Roles ................................................................................................ 262
Parental Roles .............................................................................................. 263
Summary ................................................................................................................ 269
CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS FOR MUSIC EDUCATION, AND
COURSES OF FUTURE RESEARCH ........................................................................... 270
Summary ................................................................................................................ 270
Conclusions and Implications for Music Education .............................................. 273
Courses of Future Research ................................................................................... 290
APPENDIX A .................................................................................................................. 295
STUDY INFORMATION LETTER
APPENDIX B .................................................................................................................. 296
STUDENT ASSENT FORM
APPENDIX C .................................................................................................................. 298
PARENT CONSENT FORM
APPENDIX D .................................................................................................................. 300
POTENTIAL INTERVIEW QUESTIONS FOR STUDENT PARTICIPANTS
APPENDIX E .................................................................................................................. 304
PARTICIPANT QUESTIONNAIRE
APPENDIX F ................................................................................................................... 305
INTERVIEW SUMMARY FORM
APPENDD( G .................................................................................................................. 306

COMPLETED INTERVIEW SUMMARY FORM

ix

 

 

APPENDIX H .................................................................................................................. 308
INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPT EXCERPT

APPENDIX J ................................................................................................................... 3 10
INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPT EXCERPT WITH CODES

APPENDDC K .................................................................................................................. 312
EXCERPT FROM LIST OF PRELIMINARY CODES AND THEMES

APPENDIX L .................................................................................................................. 3 15
CONCEPT MAPS OF FINAL CODES AND THEMES

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 317

x

 

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Definition of Terms ............................................................................................. 19

Table 2. Loevinger's Stages of Ego Development ............................................................. 25

xi

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure l. Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Model: Contexts of Development ........................ 95

xii

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

“Now let’s see...the wrinkle in the forehead is about...thr's Iong”
thought the rather defiant 10-year old girl as she covertly sketched an
impeccably detailed caricature of the conductor who was at the front of the
room. “Now for the hair...” But it was too late. From the front of the room
came a stern command: “Put the pen down.” The rehearsal came to a
screeching halt. Silence descended upon the room as all eyes turned
toward the errant singer. The girl’s face turned a bright crimson color and
she squirmed in her seat as the conductor stared her into submission.
Reluctantly the pen went back into the choir folder...but with a growing
resentment for the tedious rehearsals and frustration that her mental
diversion tactic was momentarily restricted. The frazzled conductor was
grateful that at least the girl wasn’t tearing her folder into tiny bits and
throwing it into the hair of the singers in front of her anymore. That had
been an especially enjoyable tactic of the girl in earlier years. The moment
the conductor turned his attention to the 2"d sopranos, the pen resumed its
activity.

Over weeks, months, and years, other creative works flew from the
girl’s pen during rehearsals: fairy lands overflowing with princesses in

sparkling gowns, trailing ivy, luscious flowers, and gleaming golden

curving gates. The girl’s 10-year old imagination spilled onto the blue 20-
cent 2-pocket choir folder until not an inch of empty space remained. “Can

I have a copy of that when you’re done?” a neighbor whispered eagerly.

It was Christmas time, and at the annual children’s choir concert in
the enormous gilded Catholic cathedral it was standing room only.
However, there was one 14-year old participant for whom the concert was
less than meaningful: “Let’s see. Only 15 more songs to go...okay, now
14...down to 10...come on!” As she sang, she counted down—finger by
finger, on her hands—the number of songs left until she could sit down
and be done with it. While she was singing all she could think about was
how her back hurt, her feet hurt, and how her hands were getting red and
puffy from standing still so long. The concert progressed and neared its
conclusion: “Finally! We’re to the sing-a-Iongs at the end! Only 4 more to
go!” she told herself.

At the end of the concert, the crowd gave the choir a standing
ovation. The singer felt stirrings of pride and happiness that her parents
and everyone else had enjoyed the concert so much, but wondered what it
was about the singing that meant so much to everyone. It didn’t mean that
much to her. It certainly hadn’t been her choice to be in choir that year.
Only her parents’ promise of a new computer kept her in the choir...or was
there more to it than that? “Alright,” she admitted to herself, “A Little

Flower” really was a beautiful song to sing. And “A Little Holy Boy" was

kind-of cool, too, with its calypso beat and the soaring descant. And wasn’t
it neat to sing the clashing-and-resolving 2nds in the haunting “Alleluia”?
On that piece, the choir sang six parts, a cappella, and sang it in tune. That

was something to be proud of. Maybe choir wasn’t that bad...

The conductor whisked into the room and alighted onto the podium.
Her auburn hair framed a petite face with large, sparkling grey-blue eyes.
Her mile-wide smile immediately captivated the group of approximately one
hundred choristers assembled for a two-week Choral Music Experience
(CME) at beautiful Queen’s College in Hertfordshire, England. Who was this
effervescent person? The 16-year old veteran chorister sitting halfway back
had certainly never seen anyone like this conductor before. This was
something new.

It was obvious as rehearsal began that the conductor was interested
in more than intonation and tone quality. She wanted the students to
participate in the rehearsal in a way that the 16-year old chorister--who
used to be so bored in choir that she drew caricatures of the conductor
during class and counted down the number of pieces left to sing in the
concert—had never before experienced. Comments such as, “What is this
piece trying to say?” “What does this line mean to you?” or “What should
we do to bring out this moment in the music?” were foreign to the

chorister’s experience. The conductor asked the choir, “What is a

hemiola?” “I don’t know, but now I want to knowl” thought the chorister.

 

 

“Hmm...she’s teaching us concepts. That’s different.” Entranced, the
young woman silently slid her hand into her choir folder and withdrew a
pencil. From that moment on, the pencil transformed from a provider of
mental diversion into a tool for data collection, capturing words, phrases,
rehearsal techniques, concepts, dynamic markings, etc. The chorister’s
perspective on music education permanently changed as a result of her
experience in the choir. She never participated in a rehearsal the same way

again.

Rationale for the Study

In the previous vignette, something about the conductor’s passion for music-
making and the way that she involved everyone in the rehearsal process awakened
untravelled worlds of teaching and learning possibilities in my young 16-year old mind.
As I participated in the children’s choir at CME, the experience revolutionized the way
that I viewed music education. From that point on, the beauty of the teaching remained
with me, immortalized as the standard by which all other music teaching must be
measured. I resolved then that I would bring to others what I was then experiencing.

My fascination with the choir conductor’s role as leader, and how the conductor
created a unique world of choral music experiences for the participants only increased as
I graduated from the children’s choirs and pursued a bachelor’s degree in music
education. When I earned my degree and began teaching junior high choir, I often re-
visited and re-contextualized my experiences with children’s choirs. Why were the
instructional strategies I observed in the community children’s choir and public school
ensembles so different? Why was the choral tone so different in ensembles consisting of
students of approximately the same ages? Why did the quality of repertoire vary so
greatly between ensembles? What specific elements contributed to my enjoyment of -
different ensembles? What elements hindered my enjoyment of the choral experience?
Through asking these and many other questions, I began to recognize the far-reaching
impact of the conductors’ decisions.

In my current work with a community children’s choir, I observe a renowned
master teacher, and marvel at the ways in which she creates a specific environment, a

specific sound, and a specific children’s choir entity that is its own little world. I am

intrigued with the power that she has to craft the expectations, rehearsal dynamics,
musical product, and identity of this children’s choir organization. As I teach the
Preparatory Choir in this organization, I continue to contemplate the manner in which my
teaching affects the students. Am I providing them with the choral experience that I
determined as a 16 year-old chorister that I would provide? AS a result of singing in this
choir, are the students’ lives enriched in any particular ways? In what ways, if any, are
the singers’ emerging identities, including musical identities, influenced by this choral
experience?

I also wonder about the ways in which my choir experiences have affected who I
am today, both as a musician and as a person. Without children’s choir, would Ibe the
same person that I am today? In what ways am I different because of the experiences that
I had in choir? What were the most influential aspects of the children’s choir in my life?
Did my parents see any changes in me as a child and adolescent that they attributed to the
children’s choir? Do I look at the world any differently because of my experiences, and if
so, in what ways? And finally, what role did the conductor and my peers in each of these
choirs play in my personal and musical growth?

The purpose of this dissertation is to explore these and other questions regarding
the ways in which children’s choir members’ identities are affected by their experiences
participating in and interacting with the conductor and the other members of a
community children’s choir. I will describe participants’ experiences in the choir and
explore the ways in which choir participation influences their lives. Specifically, this
dissertation investigates the choir’s influence on the choristers’ personal and musical

identities.

Definition of Terms
Community Music

Community music is a fimdamental element of various cultures around the world
(Veblen & Olsson, 2002, p. 730). The term “community music” encompasses a wide
variety of musical experiences, from church choirs, local band and orchestras, handbell
choirs, ethnic music ensembles, and coffeehouse jazz performances to doo-wop groups,
barbershop quartets and piano studios (Veblen & Olsson, 2002, p. 730). Each ensemble
has different goals, including providing music for worship services, entertainment at
community functions, outreach services for those in prisons, hospitals, or other care
facilities, transmitting musical culture and knowledge from one generation to the next, or
setting high standards of artistic achievement. These groups are often independent non-
profit organizations, part of a larger community music program, or are affiliated with
churches and schools. Participation in these community ensembles is often voluntary,
although participants usually pay their own registration fees, purchase their own
instruments, music, and uniforms (if applicable), and provide any other necessities for
participation in the ensemble.

Youth who are interested in participating in choral music generally have three
options: school choirs, church choirs, or community children’s choirs (occasionally called
youth choirs). In the school setting, students traditionally have the option to register for
choir classes during the regular school day, although some choirs (particularly auditioned
choirs) rehearse before or after school. School choirs typically give a small number of
performances per semester, usually for friends and family, and often in a school

auditorium. School choirs can be gender-Specific or mixed, and they can be auditioned or

non-auditioned. On the other hand, church choirs typically perform much more often, as
they provide music for weekly worship services. Participation in a church choir might
include one weeknight rehearsal and an early-moming practice on the day of the services.
The range of ages in a church choir is typically quite different from that of a school choir,
involving singers barely old enough to hold the music, up to senior citizens who are
choral veterans. These church choirs often sponsor children’s or youth choirs. Church-
sponsored children’s choirs can also provide music for worship services. Both the large
mixed church choir and the church children’s choir occasionally give performances
outside of traditional worship services, but this is generally more the exception than the
rule.

The third option for young singers besides school or church choirs is to sing with
a local community children’s or youth choir. These choirs are not usually associated with
local elementary or secondary public schools, private schools, or church organizations,
although they can be affiliated with local universities as part of community music
programs. These choirs can be auditioned or non-auditioned, have only one choir or have
many levels of choirs, can be gender-specific or mixed, and may accept participants as
young as four or five years old, up through eighteen years old (and occasionally twenty-
one years old). Many community children’s choirs are non-profit organizations that
charge a fee for participation, uniforms, music, and other choir expenses such as tours or
recordings. Children’s choirs generally sing treble repertoire, which almost inevitably
results in the exclusion of young men when their voices change. Although a few boys’
choruses are structured to allow for SAB or SATB repertoire on occasion, this type of

structure is rare.

Like most community music ensembles, children’s choirs vary in purpose from
one choir to another. A new children’s choir organization with only one choir, a small
operating budget, and a small community presence may hold only one or two concerts a
semester, may charge a small participation fee, and may have only one short rehearsal per
week. In contrast, a well-established children’s choir organization may have many
different levels of choirs with their most advanced choir performing regularly throughout
the semester, may charge several hundred dollars participation fee per semester, and may
have two rehearsals per week of several hours each.

Well-established children’s choirs often seek to provide a rigorous choral music
education for the choristers as well as a polished musical product for the enrichment of
the cormnunity. For example, the Glen Ellyn Children’s Choir, one of the nation’s most
well-established choirs, provides the following mission statement:

The Glen Ellyn Children's Chorus (GECC) is a world-class organization, now in

its 42nd year, whose mission is to provide any interested child with extraordinary

choral music experiences, regardless of a child's musical background or socio-
economic circumstances. Through outstanding music education, excellence in
performance, and serving the community through song, our combined programs
annually serve approximately 1000 children from over 40 different Chicago
suburban communities.

A community-centered music education program, the Chorus curriculum uses

high quality repertoire from a wide variety of musical styles, and centers around

the belief that all children are inherently musical. The Chorus welcomes into its

programs all children who want to sing. Girls and boys with treble voices, ages 5-

 

18, develop vocal and musicianship skills which lead to informed, expressive, and
empowering performances. Through active participation in a positive
environment, they experience the joys of singing, teamwork, musical
understanding and artistic expression, which fosters self-growth and enhances
their entire lives (Glen Ellyn Children’s Chorus Website:
http:/lwwwgechildrenschorus.org/indexghp).

This mission statement reveals the choir’s comrrritrnent to providing quality
musical experiences to all children who are interested in singing, a positive environment
in which to learn, an opportunity to grow as a musician and as an individual, and a
service opportunity to enhance the lives of community members. The choir’s website
reveals that the choir is auditioned, accepts singers from ages 5-18, has three advancing
levels of choirs in addition to a “musical experiences” class for those with little or no
musical experience, charges between $750 and $975 tuition per year depending on the
choir that the participant is in, offers discounts and financial aid in certain circumstances,
and expects that choristers will pay for their uniforms. The website also stresses that
participants and their parents are responsible for other duties, such as selling a certain
number of tickets to holiday concerts, making required financial donations to the
organization, providing volunteer services when needed, and attending benefit events.
The choir has many unique performing opportunities. The Glen Ellyn Children’s Choir
has performed at Carnegie Hall, the Ravinia Festival, and with the Chicago Symphony
Orchestra, in addition to touring around the world.

Not all children’s choirs are as well established as the Glen Ellyn Children’s

Choir. Many children’s choir organizations are much smaller and require much less

10

involvement fiom the choristers and parents. Every children’s choir organization has
slightly different objectives, strengths, and weaknesses, based on the leadership and
musicianship of the conductor and those who help to manage the organization. Some
communities have several children’s choirs. In these instances, students can identify the
children’s choir that most closely matches their musical interests and desire for
involvement.

Each child’s experience in a children’s choirs is unique. Each child brings to the
choral setting a particular personal and musical identity that is influenced by his or her
experiences in the choir. This section has explored the types of choral experiences that
are available to young singers. The next section explores issues of identity that are

relevant to choral singing and to the purposes of this dissertation.

Terms Related to Identity

I hasten to declare that I will not offer a definitive explanation of [identity] in this

book. The more one writes about this subject, the more the word becomes a term

for something as unfathomable as it is all-pervasive. One can only explore it by

establishing its indispensability in various contexts (Erikson, 1968, p. 9).

In his seminal book Identity and Youth Crisis, influential psychologist Erik
Erikson (1968, p. 9) boldly states that it is difficult to define identity because identity is a
multi-faceted and complex construct. However, the difficulty of defining identity, as well
as its related concepts of self-esteem, self—concept, and self-efficacy, has not dampened
researchers’ efforts to investigate the topic. On the contrary, researchers have put much
effort into defining and investigating concepts related to identity. Before exploring any

specific identity theories, it is necessary to clarify the scope and meaning of the following

11

terms used in the research literature: identity, musical identity, self-concept, musical self-
concept, self-esteem, musical self—esteem and self-efficacy. It is necessary to clarify the
meaning of these terms because researchers have used them in different and sometimes
interchangeable ways. In recent years, there appears to be a growing acceptance of
specific definitions, but until there is a widely accepted consensus on the parameters of
each term, researchers will continue to interpret these terms in slightly different ways.

Identity is essentially an individual’s concept of himself or herself in comparison
to others. From a psychological perspective, Kroger (1996) defines identity as follows:

In some way, shape or form, identity invariably gets defined (at various stages of

the life-cycle) as a balance between that which is taken to be self and that

considered to be other. The means by which we differentiate ourselves fiom other
peeple in our lives as well as from our own organic functions constitutes the very

core of our experiences of personal identity (p. 8).

Abrams (1992) states that personal identity includes “aspects of the self which distinguish
one from other individuals, thereby establishing one’s uniqueness” (p. 74). Kroger’s and
Abrams’ definitions suggest that individuals develop a sense of their own identity by
comparing themselves to others and noting the differences.

The term musical identity refers to the ways in which individuals define
themselves as musicians. A review of music education literature reveals that a more
commonly used term for this construct is musical self-concept. However, considering
musical identity as the overarching term comprised of musical self-concept and musical
self-esteem adds a measure of clarity to the investigation and understanding of these

constructs because, as is evident in the clarification of definitions that follows, issues of

12

self-concept, whether personal or musical, share a similar definition, as do issues of self-
esteem and musical self-esteem. In this study, I consider self-concept, self-esteem, and
self-efficacy as belonging to an individual’s personal identity, and include musical self-
concept and musical self-esteem as part of an individual’s musical identity. As musical
identity is specifically investigated in this dissertation, it is necessary to make a
distinction between personal identity and musical identity, while fully acknowledging
that musical identity is certainly part of—and perhaps inseparably connected to—an

individual’s personal identity.

Personal Identity Musical Identity
Self-Concept Musical Self-Concept
Self-Esteem Musical Self-Esteem
Self-Eflicacy

Beane and Lipka (1986) define self-concept as the description that an individual
creates to describe himself or herself (p. 5). They further explain that, if a person is asked
to describe himself or herself, the answer might be “I am tall,” “I am Short,” “I am a
graduate student,” or “I am friendly.” Note that these self-descriptions are lacking in
positive or negative attributions. According to Beane and Lipka’s definition, self-concept
consists simply of an individual’s statement of his or her roles and attributes, and is
generally devoid of positive or negative judgment statements (Beane & Lipka, 1986, p.
5). Similarly, Greenberg (1970) defines self-concept as “the perception the individual has
of himself. Self-concept refers to the ways in which an individual characteristically sees

himself and feels about himself.”

13

 

Self-esteem is defined by Coopersmith (1967) as “a personal judgment of
worthiness that is expressed in the attitudes the individual holds towards himself” (p. 4).
It is an “evaluation which the individual makes and customarily maintains with regard to
himself; it expresses an attitude of approval or disapproval, and indicates the extent to
which the individual believes himself to be capable, significant, successful, and worthy”
(Coopersmith, 1967, p. 4). Self-esteern, by this definition, refers to how a person feels
about himself or herself, including his or her abilities. This is in contrast to self-concept
that generally refers to an individual’s assessment of skills or abilities.

Thus it is conceivable that an individual would regard himself as very worthy as a

student, moderately worthy as a tennis player, and totally unworthy as a musician.

His over-all appraisal of his abilities would presumably weight these areas

according to their subjective importance, enabling him to arrive at a general level

of self-esteem (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 6).

Similar to Coopersmith, Beane and Lipka (1986, p. 6) claim that self-esteem
involves individual evaluation of one’s self-concept, including a judgment on how
satisfied or dissatisfied the individual is with his or her self-concept. For example, an
individual might make a statement of self-concept such as “I am tall,” but then describe
feeling unhappy about being so tall. The second statement is a statement of self-esteem, a
positive or negative judgment of the self-concept (Beane and Lipka, 1986, p. 6).
Blascovich and Tomaka (1991) describe self-esteem as “the extent to which one prizes,
values, approves, or likes oneself. . . . It is the overall affective evaluation of one’s own
worth, value, or importance” (p. 115). Blascovich and Tomaka further explain that there

is a close relationship between self-esteem and self-concept:

14

Regardless of the exact definition or label one chooses to employ, self-esteem is
usually thought to be the evaluative component of a broader representation of self,
the self-concept, the latter being a more inclusive construct than self-esteem, one

that contains cognitive and behavioral components as well as affective ones. As a

result, cognitions about the self (contained in the self-concept) may or may not

influence self-esteem. For example, believing that one is a terrible singer may be

a part of one’s self-concept but may not bear any relation to one’s feelings of self-

worth. Feeling mildly or severely depressed because one cannot sing, however, is

a matter of self-esteem, as in the behavioral consequence of jumping off the roof

of an 18-story building to end one’s humiliation over this deficiency (Blascovich

& Tomaka,1991, p. 115).

In essence, self-concept is an assessment of personal characteristics, such as in the
example of the individual who assessed his or her singing abilities as “terrible.” The
individual’s feelings about this assessment comprise the individual’s self-esteem. For
example, this individual may not mind the belief that his singing voice is terrible, or the
individual may be embarrassed or saddened by that belief. This judgment on the self-
concept is the individual’s self-esteem.

Researchers occasionally use the term musical self-esteem interchangeably with
the term musical self-concept, or create their own terms to describe similar constructs.
Clarification and consensus on use of these terms is needed. For example, Clements
(2002), Phillips (2003) and Schubbe (2000) use the term music self-concept in referring
to an individual’s perception of his or her musical abilities, or the ways in which an

individual views himself as a musician. On the other hand, Shields’ (2001) research

15

 

investigates the concept of “musical competence/self-worth.” Shields’ concept of
“musical competence/self-worth” contains aspects of musical self-concept (the “musical
competence” aspect) as well as musical self—esteem (the “self-worth” aspect). For
researchers investigating issues of musical identity, inconsistent use of similar
terminology in different studies is confusing. For the purposes of this dissertation,
musical self-concept refers to the assessment an individual makes regarding his or her
musical skills and abilities (Clements, 2002; Phillips, 2003; Schubbe, 2000). Musical
self-esteem refers to an individual’s feelings of worth as a musician (Zimmerman, 2005).
In other words, musical self-esteem relates to how the individual feels about his musical
self-concept.

Self-eflicacy is defined as “people’s judgment of their capabilities to organize and
execute the courses of action required to attain designated types of performances.”
(Bandura, 1986, p. 391). Bandura clarifies that self-efficacy is “the conviction that one
can successfully execute the behavior required to produce the outcome” (1997, p. 79).
Simply stated, self-efficacy centers on an individual’s beliefs about the extent to which
the individual can accomplish certain tasks (McPherson & McCormick, 2006).

Varying use of the terms self-concept, self-esteem, musical self-concept, and
musical self-esteem has created a problem for music researchers when attempting to
identify the focus of a published research study. Note in the example below, that Linch’s
study is cited as focusing on self-concept:

For example, Linch (1994) and Arnchin, Kopf, and Weaver (1991) did not frnd

significant effects of music participation (chorus, band, and/or orchestra) on high

school students’ self-concepts. However, other studies offered evidence showing

16

positive correlations between participants in choir, band, or private instruction and

self-esteem (Hietolahti-Ansten & Kalliopuska, 1991; Nolin & Vander Ark, 1977;

Wood, 1973) (Shields, 2001).

In this second example, Linch’s study is cited as focusing on self-esteem:

While some studies showed the existence of positive correlations between

participation in choir, band, or formal music instruction and self-esteem (Arnchin

et al., 1991; Hietolahti-Ansten & Kalliopuska, 1991; Nolin & VanderArk, 1977;

Wig & Boyle, 1982; Wood, 1973), others failed to do so (Legette, 1993; Linch,

1994) (Costa-Giomi, 2004).

A brief analysis of the content of the articles cited in these examples sheds further
light on the problem. First, Shields (2001) states that Linch (1994) studied self-concept,
but the article abstract clearly states that the purpose of the study was “. . .to investigate
the differences in the level of self-esteem and academic achievement among high school
participants...” Second, Costa-Giomi (2004) cited each of the listed articles as
investigations of self-esteem. This is problematic because several of these studies actually
address self-concept. Third, Legette’s (1993) dissertation studied “the effect of a selected
use of music instruction on the self-concept and academic achievement of elementary
public school students,” not self-esteem, as Costa-Giomi reported. Legette used the Piers-
Harris Children’s Self-Concept Scale, reinforcing the fact that this study investigated
self-concept, not self-esteem. Also, the title of Aman et. a1 (1991), “Effects of arts
education on high school student self-concept,” is at odds with Costa-Giomi’s indication

that the study investigates self-esteem.

l7

Part of the problem may be that researchers do not define the terms self-esteem
and self-concept clearly enough, claiming to study self-concept when, in reality, they
study self-esteem, or vice versa. Researchers must clarify the meaning of these terms, use
them in a consistent way, and also cite articles carefully in order to avoid further
confusion. Any review of literature or further research on this topic should pay close
attention to any assessment measures used in the study to ensure that the study is
understood and properly cited.

To summarize, the terms identity, musical identity, self-concept, musical self-
concept, self-esteem, musical self-esteem and self-eflicacy are all related, yet each has a
distinct meaning. Researchers have often used the terms interchangeably, sometimes even
using the same term (musical self-concept in particular) to describe different constructs.
For the purposes of this dissertation and to provide a quick reference, Table 1 provides a
summary of the definitions of terms relating to identity used in this dissertation. Based on
my study of the supporting literature and my increased understanding of the differences

between specific constructs, I have written the definitions for the musical identity terms.

Identity Development: Psychological Perspectives
When psychologists discuss identity, it is generally in terms of identity
“development,” while social psychologists or sociologists refer to identity in terms of its
“construction.” Differentiation between these two perspectives is important when trying
to understand the difference between identity theories. Psychologists often view identity
development in connection with internal psychological developmental processes, while

sociologists view identity construction in connection with external or social interactions.

18

 

Table 1. Definition of Terms

 

Term

Personal Identity

Self-Concept:

Self-Esteem:

Self-Efficacy:

Musical Identity

Musical Self-Concept:

Musical Self-Esteem:

Definition

A statement of personal roles and attributes devoid of
positive or negative judgment statements (Beane & Lipka,
1986,p.5)

Individual evaluation of one’s self-concept, including a
judgment on how satisfied or dissatisfied the individual is
with his or her self-concept (Beane & Lipka, 1986, p. 6).
An individual’s beliefs about the extent to which the
individual can accomplish certain tasks (McPherson &

McCormick, 2006).

The assessment an individual makes regarding his or her
musical skills, abilities, and musicianship (Clements, 2002;
Phillips, 2003; Schubbe, 2000).

Individual evaluation of an individual’s musical self-
concept, including how satisfied or dissatisfied the
individual is with his or her musical self-concept (Shields,

2001; Zimmerman, 2005).

19

Although it is incorrect to say that these two research traditions focus exclusively on one
perspective, it is nevertheless important to note that psychologists and sociologists take
slightly different perspectives as their starting point.

Many researchers combine psychological and social perspectives, as well as
physical development perspectives, when investigating identity development. Consider
the work of noted psychologists Sigmund Freud and Jean Piaget. These two influential
psychologists included their understanding of biological processes and human physical
development in their theories of cognitive and psychological development. Sirrrilar to
stages of physical develOpment, Freud and Piaget’s theories often consisted of specific
stages or steps. Because their work had a significant influence on the development of
several key psychological theories of identity development, I will discuss several of their
most relevant theories in this section. Understanding Piaget and Freud’s relevant
psychological theories provides an important context for understanding various

psychological theories of identity development.

Freud and Ego-Psychology

Freud (1856-1939) was an Austrian-born neurologist and a psychiatrist, known
for founding the psychoanalytic school of psychology. Foremost among his theories is his
explanation of conscious versus unconscious thought, and his division of the psyche into
three parts: ego, super-ego, and id (Freud, 1923/1960). These and other psychoanalytical
concepts introduced by Freud spawned a variety of schools of psychological thought and
analysis. One of these schools, ego psychology, is of particular relevance to this
dissertation because it provided a theoretical foundation for the development of several

theories of identity, namely Erikson’s psychosocial stages of identity development, which

20

will be discussed firrther on in this review of literature. In order to better understand ego
psychology and how it influenced identity theories, a brief introduction to Freud’s view
on the conscious/unconscious and the division of the psyche is necessary.

In his pivotal book The Ego and the Id, Freud (1923/1960) begins by stating that
the foundation of psychoanalysis is the division of the mind into two sections: the
conscious mind, and the unconscious mind (p. 3). Freud’s concept of the unconscious
mind is that ideas exist before they are made conscious, but that the mind represses some
of these ideas. The unconscious mind therefore has two parts: the latent, or preconscious,
which has the potential to become known, and the unconscious, which has no possibility
of becoming known (Freud, 1923/1960, p. 5). In connection with the conscious mind,
Freud’s concept of the conscious and unconscious constituted his topographic theory.
This topographic theory would eventually be superceded by his structural or tripartite
theory (Blanck, 1994, p. 5).

Freud’s structural or tripartite theory explains that the psyche consists of three
parts: the id, the ego, and the super-ego (Blanck, 1994, p. 4). Freud (1923/1960)
conceived of mental processes as a continual tug-of-war between the ego, the super ego,
and the id. According to Freud, “the ego represents what we call reason and sanity, in
contrast to the id, which contains the passions” (1 923/ 1960, p. 15). Freud proposed that
the ego acts as a “censoring force” for dreams and other unwanted or inappropriate
thoughts. Blanck explains that one difference between the ego and the id is that the id is
part of the unconscious mind, whereas the ego and superego belong partly to the
conscious mind and partly to the unconscious mind. Blanck further adds that the ego is

involved with the following: perception, cognition, memory, motility, intentionality,

21

anticipation, judgment, and decision, and that a comprehensive list of all the areas of
involvement of the ego is not possible (Blanck, 1994, p. 5).

Repression is a recurring theme in Freud’s work. His concept of the pleasure
principle versus the reality principle clearly illustrates this theme. The pleasure principle
is Freud’s concept that the mind attempts to gain pleasure, and that it represses any
mental activity that causes pain. Conversely, the reality principle states that the mind
possesses a counter-balancing mental process whereby “what was conceived of was no
longer that which was pleasant, but that which was real” (Freud, 1923/1960, p. 15). These
two principles play out in the mind in a contest of wills between the ego and the id. The
ego is part of the id. The ego attempts to influence the natural desires of the id, to “bring
the influence of the external world to bear upon the id and its tendencies, and [the ego]
endeavours to substitute the reality principle for the pleasure principle which reigns
unrestrictedly in the id” (Freud, 1923/ 1960, p. 15).

The concept of repression surfaces again in Freud’s explanation of the super ego.
Blanck (1994) describes that for a period of twenty years between the publication of The
Interpretation of Dreams (Freud, 1900) and 1920, Freud perceived of the ego as
“synonymous with consciousness, while the id was thought to be the repository of all that
was unconscious” (p. 4). Freud’s clinical work led him to consider that the ego may have
two sections: a conscious section, and a section that is unconscious (the super ego or ideal
ego). The super-ego or ego ideal is part of the ego—as the ego is part of the id—and has
primary responsibility for repressing the Oedipus complex (Freud, 1923/1960, p. 15).
Freud coined the term Oedipus complex in reference to the plot of Sophocles’ play

Oedipus Rex. The term is used to describe his belief—as part of his psychosexual theory

22

of development—that a son feels desire for his mother and rivalry with his father
(Blanck, 1994, p. 4). Freud summarizes the relationship between the Oedipus Complex,
ego, super-ego (ego ideal), and id as follows:

The ego ideal is therefore the heir of the Oedipus complex, and thus it is also the

expression of the most powerful impulses. . .of the id. By setting up this ego ideal,

the ego has mastered the Oedipus complex and at the same time placed itself in
subjection to the id. Whereas the ego is essentially the representative of the
external world, of reality, the super-ego stands in contrast to it as the
representative of the internal world, of the id. Conflicts between the ego and ideal
will, as we are now prepared to find, ultimately reflect the contrast between what
is real and what is psychical, between the external world and the internal world

(Freud, 1923/1960, p. 26).

Freud’s ( 1923/ 1960) tripartite theory of the psyche (ego, super ego, and id) led to
tremendous interest in investigating each component of the mind. Investigations into ego
development naturally led to the creation of a school of psychology known as ego
psychology (Blanck, 1994, p. 5). Various early structural theories of ego development
were developed by Hartrnann (1956, 1958, 1964), Hartrnann, Kris, & Loewenstein (1945,
1946), Jacobsen (1964, 1968, 1971), Spitz (1957, 1959, 1965), and Mahler (1975), but as
all of these psychologists were refugees from the Holocaust in Europe, it was not until
after they immigrated to the United States that their ideas became more widely known
(Blanck, 1994, p. 7). Hartmann’s (1956, 195 8, 1964) particularly influential work focuses
on the adaptive function of the ego; Kris and Loewenstein (1945, 1946) worked with

Hartrnann to develop theories of ego and superego formation; Spitz (1945, 1957, 1959,

23

1965) studied the organization of a developing ego; J acobsen (1964, 1968, 1971)
investigated the representational world, depression, and superego formation in girls, and
Mahler (1975) studied the process through which psychological birth occurs around age
three (Blanck, 1994, p. 8).

Modern ego psychology has also become known as psychoanalytic developmental
psychology and developmental object relations theory (Blanck, 1994, p. 8). AS developed
from Freud’s basic psychoanalytic theory, current ego psychology is defined as “the
concept that drive and ego organization evolve from birth on within the medium of a
relationship with an object, the mothering person” (Blanck, 1994, p. 3). Although there
are many different perspectives on how the ego deveIOps, Loevinger’s (1977) concept of

stages of ego development remains one of the most influential perspectives.

Loevinger 's Stages of Ego Development

In the structural stage tradition of Freud and other ego-psychologists such as
Hartrnann, Loevinger (1977) proposed a sequence of milestones for ego development
(see Table 2). In explaining the stages, Loevinger is quick to emphasize that although ego
development is a developmental sequence, there are no specific ages aligned with each
stage. Loevinger argues that such alignment is not prudent because children vary so
greatly fiom each other, and that such a chart would “slip back into a classical child
psychology study of socialization” (Loevinger, 1977, p. 14). However, Loevinger does
state that the early stages are rare after childhood and that the highest stages are not
achievable in childhood and barely attainable in adolescence (Loevinger, 1977, p. 14).

Loevinger (1977, pp. 15-17) explains that in the Presocial stage, the infant does

not have an ego. The first deve10pmental task of the infant is to differentiate himself or

24

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25

herself from inanimate objects. Children who do not achieve this differentiation are
termed autistic. The Symbiotic and Impulsive stages are closely related to the Presocial
stage. In the Symbiotic stage, the infant continues in a symbiotic relationship with the
mother, but begins to differentiate his or her identity. Language development especially
helps in this process. In the Impulsive stage, children continue to develop individual
identities. They act according to their impulses, tend to live in the moment without regard
to the past or future, need others but are demanding and dependent, and they value others
based upon what the others can offer them. Children at this stage also enjoy having
consistent daily rituals. In addition, they tend to group actions into two categories: either
good or bad. In the self- protective stage, children learn to control their impulses by
foreseeing immediate consequences to their actions, whether the consequences are
positive or negative. They understand rules, but attempt to protect themselves from
punishment by avoiding getting caught misbehaving. As Loevinger (1977) explains,
“Getting caught defines an action as wrong” (p. 17).

Loevinger (1977, p. 18) further explains that in the Conformist stage, the young
child begins to identify himself as a member of a unit such as a family or peer group.
Instead of acting out of fear of being caught, the child obeys rules because he accepts
them as the family’s or the group’s rules. The child becomes more aware of conforming
to the family’s or group’s expectations, and wants to be thought of as conforming to the
rules (social desirability). Loevinger (1977) adds that Conformists develop traits such as
niceness, helpfulness, and cooperating with others. These traits are in sharp contrast to

the Self-Protective person who remains in a competitive mindset (Loevinger, 1977, p.

18).

26

The Self-Aware level is a transition level between the Conformist and
Conscientious stage (Loevinger, 1977, p. 19). During this time, self-awareness and the
ability to perceive different outcomes for situations develops. The child realizes that there
are times when he or she does not conform to social norms. The child becomes more self-
conscious. The child moves away from the conformist idea that there is a right and wrong
for every situation, and that, depending on the circumstances, there are various acceptable
courses of action. Loevinger (1977) writes that the ability to perceive alternatives or
exceptions marks an important step in moving to the next stage of deve10pment:

Perception of alternatives or exceptions paves the way for the true conceptual

complexity of the next stage. For example, at this level a person might say that

people should not have children unless they are married or unless they are old
enough. At the next stage, they are more likely to say unless they really want

children, or unless the parents really love each other (p. 19).

In the Conscientious stage, an individual begins to develop individual goals and
self-evaluate his progress, set long-term goals, and criticize his own behavior. In essence,
an adult conscience begins to emerge. On rare occasions, individuals as young as thirteen
or fourteen achieve this stage, but generally this stage is achieved in late adolescence or
early adulthood (Loevinger, 1977, p. 20). At this stage, individuals feel responsibility for
others and take control and responsibility for their own actions. In addition, “Things are
not just classed as ‘right and wrong.’ A Conscientious person thinks in terms of
polarities, but more complex and differentiated ones: trivial versus important, love versus

lust, dependent versus independent, inner life versus outward appearances” (Loevinger,

1977, p. 21).

27

Similar to the Self-aware level, the Individualistic level is essentially a transition
level between the Conscientious and Autonomous stages. During this transition, an
individual develops a need for emotional dependence and has a stronger sense of self than
‘ before: “What characterizes this level is the awareness that it is an emotional rather than a
purely pragmatic problem, that one can remain emotionally dependent on others even
when no longer physically or financially dependent” (Loevinger, 1977, p. 22). This
transition ends when the individual deve10ps coping skills for handling conflicting needs
and conflicting duties as well as the conflict between the two (Loevinger, 1977, p. 23). In
the Autonomous stage, an individual has the ability to handle difficult challenges. The
individual relies on knowledge of past experiences, individuals’ differing roles, and
others’ backgrounds when weighing decisions (Loevinger, 1977, p. 23).

Everyone does not achieve the last stage of ego development. In fact, Loevinger
describes that it is rare to achieve this level of egogdevelopment (Loevinger, 1977, p. 26).
Loevinger (1977) further states that this stage is difficult to describe. It is, however,
closely allied to Maslow’s theory of the self-actualizing person, and involves
“transcendence” of the conflicts that were handled during the Autonomous stage (p. 26).

Loevinger’s (1977) approach to identity focuses on ego development, specifically
the “changing internal structures” that influence the way in which individuals view and
interpret experiences (Kroger, 2000, p. 117). Following Freud’s structural theory,
Loevinger’s stages are also a structural theory. Kroger explains structural theory and
defines internal structures as follows:

Internal structures are thus psychological filters within the individual, which

follow a predictable, sequential pattern of development over time; each successive

28

structure enables a person to have an increasingly complex way of making sense

of his or her life experiences (Kroger, 2000, p. 17).

Kroger further adds that, although there are many different approaches to understanding
identity, each approach in the structural stage tradition acknowledges that identity
develops in stages over time as the internal or ego structures interpret and view the world
in ever-changing ways:

Movement fiom childhood through adolescence through adult identity

development is not just a matter of adding more and more information to an

already existing structure of meaning making, but rather the changing the basic

meaning-making structures themselves (Kroger, 2000, p. 17).

Loevinger’s structural stages of ego-development comprise one of the most
influential ego-centric theories to develop from Freud’s tripartite theory. Kroger (2000, p.
17) writes that work by Freud and others, including Piaget, contributed to the structural
stage approach. According to Kroger (2000), Piaget’s concept of accommodation was
particularly valuable in furthering the establishment of a structural stage approach to
development (p. 17). This next section focuses on the work of Piaget as a preface to the

introduction of Erikson’s psycho-social stages of identity development.

Piaget ’s Theories of Cognitive Development and Moral Judgment

While psychologists such as Freud (1900, 1923/1960, 1966), Hartrnann (1956,
1958, 1964), and Loevinger (1977) explored the psyche from a tripartite or structural
theory perspective and established various theories of ego development, other
psychologists such as Piaget chose to explore other aspects of psychology, including

cognitive development and the development of moral reasoning. Work by cognitive

29

psychologists such as Piaget influenced the creation of psychological theories of identity
development. In this section of the review of literature, I will discuss Piaget’s theory of
cognitive development, his description of the biology of learning, and his theory of the
development of moral judgment in children. Piaget’s developmental approach to
cognitive development and moral judgment provide valuable insights into human
development. These insights were of particular interest to early ego-psychologists
involved in creating a sequence for identity development.

Piaget (1886-1980) is perhaps most well-known for his theory of cognitive
development (Piaget, 1928/1952; 1936/1952; 1972). This theory is drawn from his
detailed observations of children. At its most basic level, this theory includes the

following beliefs (McDevitt & Ormrod, 2002, p. 111):

0 Children are active and motivated learners.
0 Children organize what they learn from their experiences.
0 Children adapt to their environment through the processes of assimilation

and accommodation.

0 Interaction with one’s physical environment is critical for cognitive
development.

0 Interaction with other people is equally critical for cognitive development.

0 The process of equilibration promotes progression toward increasingly

more complex forms of thought.
Piaget’s theory of cognitive development includes four specific stages: 1.
Sensorimotor stage (birth-2 years old), 2. Preoperational stage (years 2-7), 3. Concrete

Operational stage (years 7-11), and 4. Formal operational stage (years 11-adulthood)

30

(Piaget, 1928/1952, 1936/ 1952, 1972; McDevitt & Ormrod, 2002, p. 111). The
Sensorimotor stage is broken into six separate stages (Piaget, 1936/ 1952). An infant
passing through these stages learns primarily through reflexes and sensory perception.
The study of these reflexes and perceptions is fundamental to understanding the
formation of intelligence because “the formation of habits and even the exercise of the
reflex prepare its appearance” (Piaget, 1936/1952, p. 21). Piaget emphasizes that during
the Sensorimotor stage, assimilation and accommodation (explored more in depth at a
later point), are an essential component of the learning process. The child’s intellect
increases and the child begins to reason, but not yet in adult-like ways. Children in the
next stage, the Preoperational stage, begin to be able to foresee results of specific given
events, such as “If I put a dragon and a bear [together], which would win?” (Piaget,
1928/1952, p. 67). However, children in this stage can foresee an endless variety of
unlikely outcomes because their experiences have not yet limited their conception of a
realistic outcome of the scenario.

As the child’s thought processes develop and mature, and the child moves into the
concrete operations stage, the child learns to better determine the differences between
hypothesis and reality and can make more logical decisions. However, the child can only
make deductions based on his or her own personal conception of reality, hence the term
“concrete” operations. When children reach the formal operations stage at approximately
age 10 or 11, they are able to reason abstractly, as Piaget demonstrates in the following
example:

If we say to a child: ‘Let us admit, for example, that dogs have six heads. How

many heads will there be in a yard where there are 15 dogs?’ the child will refuse

31

to give an answer, because he will not ‘assume’ the hypothesis. We [adults] on the

contrary, even though we admit that the premises are absurd, will be perfectly

able to reason from them and conclude that there will be 90 heads in that yard.

This is because we distinguish between real or empirical necessity (dogs cannot

have six head) and formal or logical necessity (if dogs had six heads there would

necessarily be 90 heads, etc.) (Piaget, 1928/ 1952, p. 67).

Piaget’s development of these stages of cognitive growth provides valuable insight into
how judgment, reasoning, and intelligence develop. These structural stage approaches
laid the foundation for further structural stage approaches to identity.

Fosnot and Perry (2005) explain that, in the last 10-15 years of his life, Piaget
shifted his focus away from identifying the global stages of learning to understanding the
mechanics of learning. This later work became the foundation for the psychological basis
of constructivisrn. Piaget moved from identifying the types of logic that learners use (i.e.,
preoperational, concrete, or formal stages of thinking), to exploring the process learners
go through to develop new ways of thinking. Piaget returned to one of his earlier theories,
equilibration, to help describe this learning process. The equilibration process also
involved Piaget’s theory of assimilation and accommodation.

Piaget was a biologist as well as a cognitive psychologist. Much of his work in
cognitive psychology was based on his work in biology. Such was the case for his work
on the concept of equilibration. Early in his career as a biologist, he formulated the
pivotal concept of equilibration from his observation of pond snails. Piaget observed
three different types of snails: 1. Those that lived in clear, still water, 2. Those that lived

in mildly turbulent water, and 3. Those that lived in highly turbulent water. Snails in the

32

still water had long shells, and snails in the mildly and highly turbulent water had round
shells. Piaget observed that when a snail was moved from mildly turbulent water to still
water, the snails’ offspring had long shells instead of round ones. This told Piaget that the
underlying genetic structure of the snail had not changed, but rather that the snail had
undergone phenotypic (outward appearance) alterations to adapt to the environment. On
the other hand, the round-shelled snails from the very turbulent water produced round-
shelled offspring regardless of the type of water they were moved to (in fact, they
continued producing round-shelled offspring in still water for 16 years after being
moved.) In this case, the turbulence of the water was so extreme that the snails’ genetic
code actually changed (Fosnot & Perry, 2005).

Piaget claimed that the activity of the organism (moving fiom one type of water to
another, in this example) created new behaviors that disturbed the organism’s genome
and forced the evolution of new structures. He later applied this concept of biological
equilibration to cognitive equilibration as follows: When the flow of energy (or stimulus
of some kind) into a complex system (a human brain, for example) increases, an
imbalance in the organism occurs, producing a “bifurcation” point at “the edge of chaos”
(Richardson, 1998). Richardson explains that this flow of energy or “disturbance” occurs
when any previously unpredicted effect happens. For example, “finding an unexpected
obstacle in a pathway, finding an unexpected force of resistance in lifting or moving a
familiar object; or any observation not predicted by the current system” (Richardson,
1998, p. 105). At the bifurcation point, the organism restructures itself, emerging with a
new, more efficient system. The organism (or cognitive structure) essentially re-wires

itself in order to restore its overall balance of energy. Piaget claims that, without this

33

interaction with energy fiom outside sources, entropy, a slow dissolution of the order that
exists, would occur (Fosnot & Perry, 2005).

Equilibration, then, is a balancing act between two “intrinsically polar behaviors,”
which Piaget calls assimilation and accommodation. According to Piaget (1955),
assimilation involves “mental assimilation of data perceived in the environment to the
schema of action followed by the subject.” In assimilation, the subject attempts to make
sense of an experience, based on pre-existing schemas. Accommodation involves changes
of “structures of schemas of the organism or subject to environmental situations or data.”
In accommodation, the subject undergoes cognitive changes as schemas are actually
altered to assimilate information from the new experience to form cognitive equilibrium
(F osnot & Perry, 2005).

Piaget draws the conclusion that learning is both biological and psychological
(Piaget, 1977). Learning occurs when a person encounters new information that does not
fit within established schemas, and new schemas are created to accommodate the new
information: “Life, like thought (or thought, like life) is essentially active because it
constructs forms [or schemas]” (Piaget, 1955). Hearkening back to his Gestalt influences,
Piaget further adds that “Knowledge proceeds neither solely from the experience of
objects nor from an innate programming performed in the subject but from successive
constructions” (Piaget, 1977). Richardson adds that, “The process of development
consists of progressive enrichment of equilibrations” (Richardson, 1998).

From Piaget comes the idea that human development is not linear, but is a highly
complex, organic, ever-evolving non-linear system based on “successive constructions”

and “progressive enrichment.” Piaget’s cognitive development and learning theories

34

emphasize (l) the inseparable connection between biological and psychological processes
in human development, and posit that (2) development occurs in stages. These two ideas

laid the foundation for several key theories of identity development.

Erikson ’s Psychosocial Stages of Identity Development

Stemming particularly from the structural stage work of Freud, but also
influenced by the cognitive developmental theories and structural stage approach of
Piaget, is Erik Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial theory on the stages of identity
development. Erikson (1902-1994) was a German developmental psychologist and
psychoanalyst, who studied with Freud in Vienna (Kroger, 2000, p. 8). Erikson is known
for his research on identity, and for coining the term identity crisis (Erikson, 1968, p. 91).
This section presents Erikson’s concept of identity as well as a description of his stages
of identity development.

Erikson defines identity as “a configuration gradually integrating constitutional
givens, idiosyncratic libidinal needs, favored capacities, significant identifications,
effective defenses, successful subliminations, and consistent roles” (Erikson, 1969, p.
116). The complexity of this definition reflects the complexity of the concept of identity,
as discussed at the beginning of this review of literature. Erikson explains that identity is
a process in constant evolution: “At its best it is a process of increasing differentiation,
and it becomes ever more inclusive as the individual grows aware of a widening circle of
others significant to him” (Erikson, 1968, p. 23).

Erikson believed that identity is affected by many constructs. According to
Kroger (2000), these constructs include “one’s own biological characteristics; one’s own

unique psychological needs, interests, and defenses; and the cultural milieu in which one

35

 

resides” (p. 9). Biological, psychological, and cultural influences have a direct impact on
identity development. Erikson’s stages of identity development take each of these into
account. Erikson’s theory is called a psychosocial theory of identity development because
it considers social influences as an especially significant factor in identity formation.

Of these psychosocial models, Kroger (2000, p. 15) writes that, on a continuum,
psychosocial models are between structural stage and sociocultural approaches. In
addition, in psychosocial models, “identity is viewed in terms of the interaction between
internal structural characteristics and social tasks demanded by a particular society or
social reference group” (Kroger, 2000, p. 15). Although an individual may be in different
places and work with different people, the individual possesses an over-arching sense of
self that is not significantly altered in these different situations (Kroger, 2000, p. 8).
Individuals have a conscious personal identity, but they also have an unconscious desire
for personal stability of character (Kroger, 2000, p. 8).

In Erikson’s psychosocial model of identity development, he proposed that
individuals move through eight specific stages of identity development over their
lifetimes, passing through “the crisis of identity” towards the end of each stage:

The vital personality weathers [these conflicts], re-emerging from each crisis with

an increased sense of inner unity, with an increase of good judgment, and an

increase in the capacity ‘to do well’ according to his own standards and to the

standards of those who are significant to him (p. 91).

Erikson explains that each new stage of identity development presents a dramatic change
of perspective, and that the term “crisis” is not used to describe an eminent disaster, but is

used in a developmental sense, indicating a “turning point, a crucial period” (Erikson,

36

1968, p. 96). When individuals emerge from each “crisis,” they emerge with an
increasingly differentiated identity.

In his book, Identity: Youth and Crisis, Erikson (1968, p. 94) outlines the eight
stages of identity development as follows:

1. Trust vs. Mistrust

2. Autonomy vs. Shame and Doubt

3. Initiative vs. Guilt

4. Industry vs. Inferiority

5. Identity vs. Identity Confusion

6. Intimacy vs. Isolation

7. Generativity vs. Stagnation

8. Integrity vs. Despair

Erikson (1968) explains that, in the first stage, Trust vs. Mistrust, an infant learns
to trust that his basic needs will be met by his caretakers (p. 97). Feeling secure in early
attachments helps individuals make other secure attachments later in life (Kroger, 2000,
p. 10). In the second stage, Autonomy vs. Shame and Doubt, the child begins to exercise
and repress his will. Erikson (1968) elaborates on the development of will by stating that,
“A sense of self-control without loss of self-esteem is the ontogenetic source of a sense of
free will. From an unavoidable sense of loss of self-control and of parental overcontrol
comes a lasting propensity for doubt and shame” (p. 110). Kroger (2000) theorizes that,
from this second stage “comes the will to be oneself with whatever manner of confidence
the social response to this developmental task of toddlerhood has allowed” (p. 10). At

approximately age 3 or 4, the child begins to develop a sense of initiative. Erikson

37

suggests that during this Initiative vs. Guilt stage, the child’s ever-expanding imagination
and locomotor abilities, combined with the beginning of rivalries between others initiates
a sense of guilt for actions taken or untaken within the child (Erikson, 1968, p. 118). It is
during this period that the child’s conscience begins to awaken (Erikson, 1968, p. 119).
The last stage before adolescence is the Industry vs. Inferiority stage. At this point in
their development, children take pride in being able to create objects and to create them
well. However, they may feel an inner conflict: “The child may still want his mommy
more than knowledge; he may still prefer to be the baby at home rather than the big child
in school” (Erikson, 1968, p. 124).

Identity vs. Role Confusion is the primary focus of adolescence (Kroger, 2000, p.
10). During this time, adolescents reconceptualize their childhood identities, look to
others—especially peers—for examples of what to become, come to terms with physical
changes in their bodies, look for opportunities to explore potential aspects of their
emerging identity, are fearful of being ridiculed by their peers, experience self-doubt, and
“look most fervently for men and ideas to have faith in, which also means men and ideas
in whose service it would seem worth while to prove oneself trustworthy” (Erikson,
1968, p. 129). During this time of great change, adolescents often experience role
confusion. According to Kroger (2000), “Role confusion is the counterpoint of identity.
Role confusion refers to the inability to make moves toward identity-defining
commitments” (p.10). Adolescents often feel lost or confused during this stage.

Resolution to these feelings occurs in the next stage, Intimacy vs. Isolation. As
young adults, individuals often seek relationships with others. If they view these

relationships in strictly stereotypical terms, they may often feel a sense of isolation from

38

the significant other (Erikson, 1968, p. 136). Moving into middle adulthood, adults often
seek ways of making a unique contribution to their families or to society, part of the
Generativity vs. Stagnation stage. And finally, during the Integrity vs. Despair stage in
late adulthood, individuals attempt to make sense of their life and find peace in its course
(Kroger, 2000, p. 11).

To summarize, Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial model of identity formation
emphasizes both the psychological changes to internal structures as well as societal
influences:

[Identity formation] arises from the selective repudiation and mutual assimilation

of childhood identifications and their absorption into a new configuration, which,

in tum, is dependent on the process by which a society (often through
subsocieties) identifies the young individual, recognizing him as somebody who
had to become the way he is and who, being the way he is, is taken for granted

(Erikson, 1968, p. 159).

In connection with identity formation and identity crisis, Erikson proposed that
individuals may go through an identity moratorium, in which an individual lives in a
suspended state of identity. The identity moratorium is a temporary identity that is
assumed while actively seeking another, more permanent identity. For example, when
Erikson was an adolescent, he took on work as an artist while traveling through EurOpe,
but he was actively pursuing the development of his “real” personality and life goals
outside of his artistic pursuits (Kroger, 2000, p. 13). The next section explores identity
moratorium as well as other stages of identity development from the perspective of James

Marcia.

39

Marcia and Identity Achievement

Combining Erikson’s view of identity with his own, Marcia explains that one of
the pivotal moments of identity development is the formation of an ego identity in
adolescence:

The formation of an ego identity is a major event in the development of

personality. Occurring during late adolescence, the consolidation of identity

marks the end of childhood and the beginning of adulthood. Identity formation
involves a synthesis of childhood skills, beliefs, and identifications into a more or
less coherent, unique whole that provides the young adult with both a sense of

continuity with the past and a direction for the future (Marcia, 1993, p. 3).
Similar to Erikson, Marcia (1966, 1980) proposed that adolescents go through different
phases or distinct identity “states” in their ego identity development: dzfiusion,

foreclosure, moratorium and achievement.

In identity diffusion, individuals have not yet established a particular identity. In
foreclosure, individuals take on identities based on the expectations of others (usually
parents). The moratorium period involves an identity crisis in which the person begins to
search and “try out” other identities. Erikson calls the moratorium period an “identity
moratorium.” The two terms are synonymous. Identity achievement occurs when an
individual settles into his or her chosen identity (Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2002, p.
135). Marcia (1997) reports the following as an example of how individuals in different
identity states describe their relationship with their families:

Foreclosures report their families as close, loving, and child-centered, with

encouragement to conform to family values. Diffusions see their families as

40

somewhat distant and rejecting; in particular, they see their same—sexed

parent. . .as nonaccepting and nonemulatable. Moratoriurns are ambivalent about

their parents and are engaged in push-pull oedipal battles, attempting to please

while struggling for autonomy. Achievements have families who support their
differentiation and with whom they can maintain rapprochement; the ambivalence
of the Moratorium period seems to have given way to mutuality, to a balanced

and realistic appraisal of similarities and differences, likes and dislikes (p. 99).

Erikson, Marcia, and others have considered Piaget’s stages of cognitive
development, questioning whether formal operational thinking is required for achieving
identity achievement or “resolution” (Marcia, 1997, p. 94). While Erikson hypothesized
that a relationship between formal operational thinking and identity achievement exists,
Marcia’s review of subsequent studies suggests otherwise (Marcia, 1997, p. 94). Despite
the lack of evidence of a relationship between identity achievement and formal
Operational thinking, Marcia (1997) states that there is a well-established link—due in
large part to the work of Kohlberg (1976)—between the deveIOpment of moral thought
and Piaget’s levels of cognitive development and that only one study (Cauble, 1976) does
not support the link between identity and stages of moral reasoning (p. 95).

Marcia’s work is an important addition to the work of other psychologists such as
Erikson. Marcia’s (1997) theory of identity achievement takes into consideration
cognitive development and ego psychology, and carefully considers “those personality
characteristics of the identity statuses reflecting intemalization of self-regulatory

processes” (p. 99). In addition, Marcia’s theory acknowledges the affect of family and

41

peer relationships, as well as social forces, on the identity-formation process (Marcia,

l 997).

Summary

This first major section of the review of literature explored identity formation
from a psychological perspective. This review emphasized the contributions of Freud,
Loevinger, Piaget, Erikson, and Marcia to theories of identity development. Freud’s
tripartite theory of the mind (ego, super ego, and id) and his view of the conscious and
unconscious mind laid the foundation for much of the psychological research that
followed him. Freud’s work led to the establishment of the ego—psychological school of
psychological thought, out of which came Erikson’s eight stages of identity formation,
Loevinger’s stages of ego development, and Marcia’s stages of identity achievement. In
addition, this section highlighted the significant contributions of Piaget’s structural stage
theories of cognitive development, learning, and moral judgment to the work of
developing identity formation theories. Erikson’s and Marcia’s theories incorporate both
psychological and sociological perspectives, and are therefore intermediate theories

between those of Freud and the sociological theories discussed in the next section.

Identity Construction: Sociological and Social Psychological Perspectives

Humans have an innate desire to communicate their thoughts and feelings, to be
understood by others, and to work with others towards mutual goals. Researchers have
explored these and other human interactions through a variety of social sciences,

including anthropology, economics, political science, psychology, and sociology. In

42

defining sociology, Froehlich (2007) explains that early work in sociology described the
impact of society on social groups and individuals, but that sociologists today
acknowledge that there is a “reciprocal relationship” (p. 2) between individuals and the
traditions of the society or social group of which they are a member. In other words,
individuals both produce and are a product of their environments. Subfields within
sociology cover a wide range of topics such as sociology of culture, sociology of
language, sociology of aging, sociology of education, and social psychology. As this
dissertation investigates the interactions of individuals in a group setting (a children’s
choir), research in social psychology is of particular relevance to this review of literature.

Allport (1985) explains that there is a close relationship between social
psychology and the other social sciences. Social psychology covers political and
economic science and cultural anthmpology. It is also closely related to both psychology
and sociology (Allport, 1985, p. 2). The connection between sociology and social
psychology is illustrated by the fact that first social psychology textbook was written by a
sociologist (Social Psychology by E. A. Ross, 1980), and that psychologists have written
many subsequent social psychology textbooks (Allport, 1985, p. 2).

Allport (1985) defines social psychology as “an attempt to understand and explain
how the thought, feeling, and behavior of individuals are influenced by the actual,
imagined, or implied presence of others” (p. 2). The “implied presence” refers to the
action that members of a particular group make in response to perceived group
expectations (p. 2). Although social psychology has much in common with other social
sciences, social psychology has its own theories, data, and viewpoints. While political

science, sociology, and cultural anthropology study individuals fiom political, social, or

43

cultural systems, social psychology explores the “social nature” of the individual person
(Allport, 1985, p. 2). Allport (1985) further illustrates the differences between sociology
and social psychology:

Sociology, anthropology, and political science ‘seek inclusive laws of social

structure, social change, cultural patterning.’ They wish to know the course of

society with the individual extracted. What happens when all the citizens of the

United States are gradually replaced by other citizens? The English language

continues to be spoken; the form of government is not fundamentally altered; the

cycles of economic behavior and the existence of social classes continue to be
pretty much as they were. By contrast, social psychology wishes to know how any
given member of a society is affected by all the social stimuli that surround him.

How does he learn his native language? Whence come the social and political

attitudes that he develops? What happens when he becomes a member of a group

or of a crowd? (p. 2).

This section of the review of literature explores identity primarily from within a
social-psychological framework. It summarizes the relevant contributions of William
James (1890), Charles Cooley (1902), George Mead (1934), Leon Festinger (1950,
1954), Henri Tajfel (Tajfel et a1, 1971, 1978, 1981, Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986), John
Turner (1985), and others, over the last century, to the development of theories of
identity. This review focuses specifically on self-theories, or theories that describe how
the self is influenced by social interactions and society in general. These self-theories
including the “looking glass self " symbolic interactionism, social comparison, social

identity and self-categorization theories, and conversion theory. These theories build

44

upon each other and are closely related. This review also briefly examines issues of social
influence and group identity. Exploring these theories will illustrate the social-
psychological perspective that identities are constructed through individual reflection as

well as interactions with other individuals, groups, and society at large.

The “Looking Glass Self” and Symbolic Interaction

Study of the self is one of the most prominent research themes in social
psychology. In this section I will discuss two important theories relating to how the self
develops: Cooley’s concept of the “looking-glass self” and Mead’s symbolic interaction
theory. Much of Cooley’s (1902) and Mead’s (1934) work is based on the writings of
James (1842-1910). James (1890) is widely credited for introducing the study of the self
in his chapter, Consciousness of Self, and is frequently referenced by psychologists,
sociologists, and social psychologists alike. James’ ideas influenced others such as
Cooley and Mead to consider how the self develops.

Cooley (1864-1929) defines the self by referencing the work of James: “As
Professor James says in hisadmirable discussion of the self, the words ‘me’ and ‘self’
designate ‘all the things which have the power to produce in a stream of consciousness
excitement of a certain peculiar sort’” (Cooley, 1902, p. 138). In other words, each
individual has unique opinions, emotions, desires, and feelings that combine to create a
strong inner sense of self (Cooley, 1902, p. 144). However, the sense of self does not
develop in isolation. In the preface to his landmark book, Human Nature and the Social
Order, Cooley (1902) writes,

...The Opinion I hold, and expect to explain more fully in the further course of

this book, is that man’s psychical outfit is not divisible into the social and the non-

45

social; but that he is all social in a large sense, is all a part of the common human

life (p. 12).

The sense of self is largely detemrined by our perception of how others view us.
Cooley refers to this social self as the “reflected” or “looking-glass self”: “Each to each a
looking-glass reflects the other that doth pass” (Cooley, 1902, p. 152). Cooley explains
that, when we see ourselves in a mirror, we are interested in what we see because it is our
own reflection, and we make a judgment of what we see based on what we believe is the
socially acceptable way to appear. The looking-glass concept emphasizes that we imagine
how we appear to others, we speculate on how others judge that appearance, and we feel
either pride or shame in those perceptions. In contemplating these various aspects, our
sense of self develops (Cooley, 1902, p. 152).

Social behaviorist Mead (1863-1947) added to Cooley’s theories with his belief
that, society at large—in addition to individual interactions with others—has an impact
on the developing self (Mead, 1934). This concept is one of the central tenants of Mead’s
(1934) theory of symbolic interaction. Symbolic interactionism supposes that the gestures
and language that individuals use to relate to each other can be seen as symbols. These
symbols derive meaning fi'om being perceived in the same way by multiple individuals.
Mead (1934) explains: “When, now, that gesture means this idea behind it and it arouses
that idea in the other individual, then we have a significant symbol” (p. 46).
Understanding symbols and their meaning is important according to Stryker & Statham
(1985), because these meanings affect the way in which individuals organize their

behavior (p. 320). Stryker and Statharn (1985, p. 316) explain that a gesture becomes a

46

symbol when both the giver and receiver attribute the same meaning to specific acts or
words.

When individuals anticipate responses from others and from themselves, and they
make adjustments in response to those anticipations, they are responding to significant
symbols and are engaging in a “role-taking process.” On the development of meaning for
significant symbols, Stryker & Statham (1985) firrther add that “the meaning of objects to
which we are responsive are products of the social interaction in which significant
symbols are formed and used. Since these meanings are social products, mind too is a
social product” (p. 317). Stated another way, the way in which objects gain meaning is
inherently social; objects or symbols gain meaning through interactions with others.
These social interactions stimulate cognitive processes.

Initially, Mead (1934) termed this theory social behaviorism, but it later became
known as symbolic interaction theory (Froehlich, 2007, p. 87). Mead’s theory of
symbolic interactionism and Cooley’s theory of the looking-glass self later combined into
a theory called interactionism (Froehlich, 2007, p. 87). Interactionism is one of the major
self-theories in both sociology and social psychology. Strongly influenced by Mead,
interactionism holds that, in order to understand an individual, both individual and group
behaviors should be explored (Froehlich, 2007, p. 87). Interactionism stresses that
individuals are influenced by the responses of others, that self-concept affects behavior,
that social interactions involve taking the role of others and anticipating the meaning and
actions of others, and that an individual’s perception of reality is defined through
interpersonal interactions, and is therefore “negotiable” depending on an individual’s

perception of those interactions (Stryker & Stratham, 1985, p. 321).

47

With its emphasis on exploring interactions with individuals and groups,
interactionism is closely related to social cognition. Worchel, Cooper, and Goethals
(1991, p. 38) explain that social cognition is “a process of making sense of people”
through 1. Making attributions about the reasons why individuals act in a certain way,
and 2. Attempting to understand an individual’s actions based on knowledge about that
individual and group that he or she belongs to. In the next section on the work of
Festinger and social comparison theory, individual and group behaviors, as well as the

concept of reality, are addressed more in-depth.

Social Comparison Theory

The Sage Handbook of Social Psychology devotes an entire section of its review
of social psychology developments over the last century to “The Era of Leon Festinger”
(Goethals, 2003, p. 9). A student of perhaps the most influential social psychologist Kurt
Lewin, Festinger was also an influential social psychologist. In 1950, F estinger wrote a
paper describing his theory of informal social communication, which postulates that
members of groups feel pressure to form a consensus of Opinion so that the group can
move forward towards achieving its goals (Goethals, 2003, p. 8). In this paper, Festinger
hypothesized on sources of pressure to communicate with others, including the emotional
state of individuals, and group pressures towards uniformity (Festinger, 1950, p. 16).

Out of the theory of informal social communication grew an even more influential
theory, social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954). In building this theory, F estinger
proposed many hypotheses of how individuals react to others’ opinions. When an
individual discovers that he or she disagrees with another individual, there are at least

three courses of action to consider. The individual can change his or her opinion, attempt

48

to change the other individual’s opinion, or disregard the other’s opinion (Jones, 1985, p.
68). Social comparison theory suggests that an individual’s evaluation of his or her own
abilities and opinions comes through comparing abilities and opinions to a perceived
social reality. Social comparison theory differs from Festinger’s theory of informal social
communication by focusing on the ways in which individuals compare opinions and
abilities to others with similar opinions and abilities. In contrast, the theory of informal
social communication focuses primarily on achieving group uniformity to achieve group
goals (Goethals, 2003, p. 10).

Social comparison theory is one of the main theories in social psychology. It
influenced the deve10pment of many theories, especially social identity theory and self-
categorization theory. All three of these theories explore the ways in which an
individual’s sense of identity deve10ps. Among other ideas, these theories investigate 1.
The role of others on an individual’s opinions and attitudes, 2. The ways in which
individuals categorize themselves based on their perceived role in society, and 3. How
social reality affects an individual’s actions and identity. These theories are often called
“role theories” because of their focus on the roles that individuals assume in different
situations and at different times of their lives. Kelly (1955) explains that a role-player
acts according to what he or she thinks should be done, based on his or her perception of
the socially acceptable way to behave (p. 177). “Role” theories are some of the basic

theories in sociological and social psychological research.

Social Identity Theory
Similar to Festinger, Tajfel (Tajfel et a1, 1971, 1978, 1981) and Tajfel and Turner

(1979, 1986) explored identity in terms of social context. In his book, Human Groups

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and Social Categories (1981), Taj fel explains that the foundation for his work in social
identity was Festinger’s concept that individuals work towards positive self—evaluations.
Tajfel suggests that Festinger’s social comparison theory is directly linked to his work in
social identity, social categorization, and “psychological group distinctiveness” (Tajfel,
1981, p. 254). Goethels (2003) echoes Tajfel’s comments that social identity theory and
social comparison theory are closely related: “Social identity theory focuses on how we
evaluate the groups to which we belong. Social comparison focuses on how we evaluate
ourselves as individuals within certain groups” (p. 16).

Social identity theory developed through a series of studies by Tajfel during the
1960’s and 1970’s (Goethals, 2003, p. 15). These studies investigated social
categorization, ethnocentrism, and intergroup relations. In these foundational studies,
researchers divided participants into two groups and asked the participants to give awards
to members of both groups. Study results showed that the participants strongly favored
their own group, the “in-group” when giving awards, and minimized the awards for the
“out-group.” This was true to such an extent that participants preferred to give less total
rewards if it meant that the “out- group” received less than the “in-group.” For example,
the in-group preferred to give seven points to an in-group member and one point to an
out-group member than 19 points to an in-group member and 25 points to an out-group
member (Goethals, 2003, p. 15).

Tajfel defines social identity as “that part of an individual’s self-concept which
derives from his knowledge of his membership in a social group (or groups) together with
the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel, 1981, p. 255).

Dominic Abrams (1992), one of the foremost researchers in social identity, succinctly

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states that social identity is “self-conception as a group member” (p. 58). Social identity
theory proposes that individuals naturally categorize themselves and others into “in-
groups” and “out-groups.” In other words, social identity theory holds that individuals
develop their sense of self through their identification as members of a group, particularly
in the comparisons that they make with others, as a member of the group:
Social identity theory posits that one’s social identity is clarified through social
comparisons between ingroups and outgroups. Individuals’ desire for positive
self-evaluation provides a motivational basis for differentiation between social
groups. . . . Thus, to the extent that the ingroup is perceived as both different and
better than the outgroup. . .one’s social identity is enhanced (Abrams, 1992, p. 59).
Social identity theory has much in common with symbolic interactionism.
According to Deaux (2000, p. 2), both theories are based upon the idea that social context
affects identity construction. Individuals strive to find acceptance within the social
settings and groups that they are a part of: “By comparing the in-group and an out-group,
in-group members should be able to portray their group more positively, or as somehow
‘better off’ than the out-group” (Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves, 2002, p. 137). Tarrant,
North, and Hargreaves (2002) further explain that when individuals categorize
themselves as members of an “in-group,” a new sense of self—a “social identity”—
begins to emerge and guide behavior (p. 137). This comparison and categorization helps
individuals develop a positive identity and a higher self-esteem (Taj fel, 1978; Abrams &
Hogg, 1988).

In summarizing social identity theory, Goethels (2003) states that first of all,

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People are motivated to maintain a positive self-evaluation and want to view their
individual achievements and personal qualities as favorably as they can, and they
similarly want to see the groups that they belong to in the most positive possible
light (p. 16).
Second, individuals strive to find common ground among members of their same group,
minimizing the differences between individuals, both for the in- group and the out-group.
Conversely, people tend to magnify the differences between members of different groups.
Third, “. . .People tend to maximize their social identity by doing all that they can, not
only to view their own group positively, but also to view members of other groups
relatively negatively” (Goethels, 2003, p. 16). The result is strong in-group favoritism

(Goethels, 2003, p. 16).

Self-Categorization Theory

Self-categorization theory grew out of, and is interconnected with social identity
theory to such an extent, that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish the two theories from
each other (Tajfel, 1981; Turner, 1982; 1985; I999). Hogg (1992) describes that it is
more the emphasis rather than the content that separates self-categorization theory from
social identity theory. Self-categorization theory focuses more on the cognitive processes
involved when individuals categorize themselves, and focuses more on intragroup rather
than macrosocial intergroup interactions (Hogg, 1992, p. 93).

Hogg (1992) notes that social identity theory and self-categorization theory are
often linked together “as representing an intergroup or social categorization approach” (p.
89). In essence, self-categorization is part of the process of developing a social identity.

Turner (1982, p. 16) describes that according to Tajfel (1972), social categorization refers

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to making categorizations of the social world into separate “classes” or “categories.”
Social identity, on the other hand, is a process of

...locating oneself, or another person, within a system of social categorizations. . .

. It will also sometimes be used to indicate the process whereby an individual

intemalizes some form of social categorization so that it becomes a component of

the self-concept, whether long-lasting or ephemeral (Turner, 1982).

There is an important distinction between social identity/self-categorization and
personal identity. Hogg (1992) defines personal identity as “one’s conception of self as
unique and distinct from all other humans, and/or in terms of unique interpersonal
relationships” (p. 90). Social identity refers to “one’s conception of self in terms of the
defining features of a self-inclusive social category that renders self stereotypically
‘interchangeable’ with other ingroup members and stereotypically distinct from outgroup
members” (Hogg, 1992, p. 90). Social identity or self-categorization develops as an
individual categorizes the world into groups—in-group and out-group—and identifies
oneself as an in-group member (Deaux, 2000 p. 17). On the other hand, personal identity,
the “neglected twin in the identity family” (Deaux, 2000, p. 17), consists of an
individual’s unique qualities and characteristics, including physical characteristics,
personality, and experience. From a social-psychological perspective, researchers have
investigated social identity theory and self-categorization theories extensively, but
personal identity has not been studied as in-depth (Deaux, 2000, p. 17).

Tajfel explains that, “seen from this intergroup perspective of social identity,
social categorization can therefore be considered as a system of orientation which helps

to create and define the individual’s place in society” (Taj fel, 1981, p. 25 5). Abrams

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(1992) states that, while social identity theory “is concerned with the specific
implications for intergroup behavior and incorporates the assumption that individuals
seek positive self-esteem through intergroup social comparisons,” self-categorization
theory focuses more on the self-concept and the cognitive processes involved in self-
categorization (p. 58).

Abrams (1992) explains that, in social identity theory, the self-concept consists of
a variety of images an individual has of himself or herself. These images are on a
continuum ranging from personal self-images, such as “I am cheerful,” “I like bright
colors,” “I have a good relationship with my boss,” to more social self-images, such as “I
support the Reds,” “I am a physicist,” or “I am an American” (p. 59). Any categorization
(i.e., personality type, gender, race, profession) that an individual finds especially
relevant to his or her life is termed salient. The concept of salience emerged as part of
social identity theory, and later became a central tenant of social-categorization theory
(Abrams, 1992, p. 61). Abrams describes that, when personal identity is salient,
individuals are less likely to give in to peer pressure. If forced to make a decision, they
will either outwardly conform to the group while maintaining their individual opinions,
or they will ignore the group (Abrams, 1992, p. 74). Stated another way, “When personal
social identity is salient one acts as a group member, whereas when personal identity is
salient one does not” (Abrams, 1992, p. 59).

Social comparison theory, social identity theory, and social categorization theory
are three of the most influential theories of how individual identity is constructed.
Although they are closely related, each theory explains human interactions from a

slightly different perspective. These theories suggest that interacting with others is a

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motivating factor towards self-differentiation, and at the heart of personal identity

development.

Social Influence and Conversion Theory

From its very inception social psychology has thus been dominated by a

conformity bias. Social psychologists have clung tenaciously to the idea that they

must explain the undeniable fact that most people, to varying degrees, submit to
the pressures of society. The obviousness of this idea was so overwhelming, it
seems, that they failed to notice to what extent we each, in our own sphere of
action, keep social pressures at arm’s length and endeavor to modify the opinions,

interests, or decisions of the collectivity to which we belong (Moscovici, 1985, p.

352)

Intergroup behavior is not the only aspect of relevance to an investigation of
group membership. Another aspect of group membership that is of particular relevance to
this dissertation is the concept of social influence. Social influence is related to the self-
theories discussed in previous sections. According to Martin and Hewstone (2003), social
influence “refers to the ways in which the opinions and attitudes of one person affect the
opinions and attitudes of another person” (p. 347). Although this definition refers to
influence between two individuals, social influence is most often studied in the context of
group interactions. Studies of social influence focus on processes of control and change,
which include conformity, obedience to authority, and innovation (Martin & Hewstone,
2003, p. 347). In this section, I will explain these processes and briefly discuss how group

identities are established and some of the ways that group members respond to pressures

to conform.

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In their chapter on social influence processes of control and change, Martin and
Hewstone (2003) explain that there are two forms of social influence within groups:
maintaining group norms (social control) and changing group norms (social change).
Social control is usually achieved through conformity, or “the processes through which
an individual accepts (or complies with) the group’s view” (p. 347). When social control
occurs through the actions of a majority of individuals compelling another individual to
conform, it is called majority influence. When a group conforms to the requests of an
authority figure, this form of social control is called obedience. When social change
occurs (usually through the efforts of a minority of individuals in the group), it is called
minority influence. Majority groups are generally considered to have more power than
minority groups, and they stress conformity when conflicts arise. Minority groups are
generally considered to have less power than majority groups, and when conflicts arise,
they present innovative solutions to the problems. In addition, majority groups are
considered “normative,” while minority groups are considered “antinormative” or
“deviant” (Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 347).

In a well-known study on conformity, Asch (1951) asked participants to find
matches between a given line and one of several other given lines. Eight other '
participants who had instructions to unifonnly make specific erroneous matches
surrounded each participant. On certain matches, when the primary participant made his
match recommendation, the other participants responded in unanimous disagreement.
Results of the study showed that many primary participants conformed to the group

opinion, even though the match was clearly incorrect. This study showed that individuals

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are willing to go against their own opinions and logic in the face of peer pressure (Asch,
1951,p.177)

Taking this concept to an extreme, Milgrarn contrived a study to investigate how
far individuals would go to show obedience to authority, particularly when that obedience
apparently caused significant pain to others. Milgram’s study was a direct response to the
trial of Adolf Eichmann, following World War II. On trial for war atrocities (including
the masterminding of the Nazi’s “final solution”), Eichmann defended his actions by
claiming that he was simply following war-time orders, that he personally had nothing
against Jews and therefore should not be held accountable for his actions. The question in
Milgram’s mind was, if Eichmann truly was acting only out of loyalty to his group, is it
possible that anyone is capable of committing such unthinkable crimes for loyalty’s sake?
(Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 349).

In Milgram’s study, a naive participant administered electric shocks to another
participant every time that participant made a mistake on a certain task. With each
mistake, the electric shocks supposedly increased. The naive participant was not aware
that the other participant, the receiver, was not actually receiving the shocks. The receiver
acted as though the shocks were increasingly painful, in some cases screaming and
stating that the shocks were hurting his heart. If the naive participant hesitated,
researchers intervened to pressure the participant to continue, using language such as
“The experiment requires you to go on.” Results showed that 65 percent of the naive
participants were willing to administer shocks up to a level that would have been lethal.
The main explanation for these behaviors was that the naive participants were acting in

an agentic state, in which “the person sees him-or herself as an agent for another person,

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carrying out orders but not being responsible for them—a shift in perceived responsibility
that Eichmann and other perpetrators of extreme acts have invoked to explain their
behavior” (Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 350).

Ach’s and Milgrim’s studies show some of the reasons why individuals conform
to group pressures or are willing to obey authority figures. Although Milgram’s study is
an extreme example, it illustrates the principle that authority figures typically have the
dominant power in a relationship with their subordinates, and that those under their
authority may feel significant amounts of pressure to obey. In addition to social influence
pressures, such as conformity or obedience to authority, researchers have studied how
minority groups respond to pressure. Minority groups often challenge the majority group
to consider different or innovative perspectives. Moscovici (1985) studied majority and
minority influence extensively, and proposed a theory called conversion theory to explain
these interactions (Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 351)

Conversion theory is based on the premise that “all forms of influence, whether
from a majority or a minority, result in conflict, and that individuals are motivated to
reduce that conflict” (Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 351). Individuals reduce conflict in
different ways, depending on whether they are in the majority or minority group. From
the perspective of a majority group,

...individuals engage in a comparison process whereby they concentrate attention

on other’s opinions and conform to those opinions. Since identification with a

majority is desirable, people conform to the majority position without examining

the content of the majority’s message in detail. The outcome of majority influence

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is public compliance with the majority position with little or no private or indirect

attitude change (Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 353).

Moscovici (1985) explains that, when an individual feels pressure from the
majority to conform on an issue, if he disagrees, he contemplates the reasons why he does
not agree. This comparison process between his opinions and the opinions of the group
Often ends with the individual conforming to the group opinion. This usually occurs
because the individual does not have sufficient power to exert pressure on the majority,
and he feels the need to conform so that the group can move forward. When a minority
challenges an individual’s Opinions or attitudes, something different occurs. The
individual goes through a process of validation in which he again compares his opinion
with that of the minority, but at the end of this contemplation, the individual is more
likely to give the matter more serious contemplation, and may even privately agree with
the minority view although he publicly rejects it (Moscovici, 1985, p. 394).

Martin and Hewstone (2003) explain the same principle as follows: while social
comparison works to resolve conflict in the case of majority influence, it does not work in
the case of minority influence. Individuals are unlikely to feel pressure to join the
minority group because they view the minority group as undesirable. However, the
minority’s insistence on their message causes those in the majority to carefully consider
the message. Those in the majority may even privately accept the message while publicly
rejecting the minority group (Martin & Hewstone, 2003, p. 353). Conversion occurs
when an individual’s opinions or attitudes change as a result of careful thought and
consideration. Conversion cannot happen under duress; it is the individual’s conscious

choice to accept new ideas or attitudes (Moscovici, 1985, p. 394).

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Other perspectives of group behaviors have been the topic of many studies in
sociology and social psychology. Group identity has been studied in terms of “group
belief’ (Bar-Ta], 1990), “collective self-esteem” (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992), and
“collective behavior” (Hogg & Abrams, 1988). Worchel (1998) explains that groups have
just as strong a desire to develop a group identity as individuals have to establish their
own sense of identity. In addition, Worchel et. a1 (2000) comments that “Groups become
known by their ‘character’ which is relatively enduring and outlives the individual
members” (p. 21). Individuals work to maintain the “labels” given to the group, or they
might rebel against the label while maintaining their group membership.

In a related discipline, researchers in the field of sports psychology have
investigated the ways in which individuals respond to the pressures of belonging to sports
teams (Holt & Hogg, 2002; Nicholls & Polrnan, 2007; Nicholls, Holt, Polrnan, & James,
2005). In a study investigating stressors and coping mechanisms of adolescent rugby
players, Nicholls and Polman (2007) discovered that most (approximately 73%) of all the
adolescent’s rugby-related stress came from only a limited number of stressors. These
stressors (in order of most frequent) included making a physical mistake, criticism from
the coach, making a mental mistake, physical injury, and watching others succeed in the
sport. In a study by Holt & Hogg (2002), communication from the coach was a
- significant source of stress among soccer players.

Coping strategies fall into three basic categories. The first two categories,
problem-focused and emotion-focused coping were developed by Lazarus (1999).
Nicholls & Polman (2007) explain that problem-focused coping centers on changing the

environment through problem solving, goal setting, and increased efforts. Emotion-

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focused coping centers on handling stressful emotions through relaxation, acceptance,
and wishful thinking (Nicholls & Polman, 2007). Anshel (1996) and Krohne (1993)
identified a third type of coping strategy, avoidance. Kowalski and Crocker (2001) found
that the three types of coping strategies identified can be applied to adolescents in sports
activities.

Based on Kowalski and Crocker’s (2001) assessment, Nicholls and Polman
(2007) investigated rugby player’s stressors and coping techniques and found that 1. The
rugby players coped with stressors in a variety of different ways, and that 2. The players
most effectively coped with stress when they employed a variety of coping techniques.
The most prevalent forms of coping included taking advice, increasing effort, and
blocking. Blocking involves “attempts by the participants to shut out thoughts or
mentally withdraw from stress they were experiencing” (Nicholls & Polman, 2007).

One factor that determines an adolescents’ response to criticism or discipline is
perception of parental intent (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994; Padilla-Walker & Carlo, 2004).
Grusec and Goodnow found that children determine the appropriateness of parental
actions by deciding, 1. How well the parent’s response fits the child’s misdeed, 2. If the
parent’s actions are consistent and expected, 3. If the child believes the parent’s actions
are well-intentioned, and 4. How well the parent’s actions fit with the child’s mood and
developmental status. Padilla-Walker and Carlo (2004) continued Grusec and Goodnow’s
line of research into adolescent constructions of the appropriateness of parent responses.
Their research confirmed Grusec and Goodnow’s findings and emphasized that
adolescents’ temperament and mood, as well as the context in which discipline is given,

contribute to adolescents’ responses to parental discipline. Their research also confirmed

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that adolescents’ perceptions of parental intent were related to their ratings of the
appropriateness of the parent’s actions (Padilla-Walker & Carlo, 2004)

This section has discussed how groups have their own identities and they exert
certain pressures on their members. Members of groups make decisions as to the extent to
which they believe in and adhere to the principles and guidelines of their group.
Individuals also decide whether to ignore, conform, or resist pressures to conform to
majority influence. They develop specific coping mechanisms to handle criticism and
base their response in a large degree on their perception of the critic’s intent. Recognizing
one’s own opinions regarding group membership is an important part of identity
construction. Recognizing group dynamics and social influence is also important to

understanding human behaviors.

Summary

While psychologists are primarily concerned with internal cognitive processes
that shape an individual’s sense of self, sociologists and social psychologists focus on the
impact of social interactions on the developing self. The work of James, Cooley, and
Mead laid the foundation for much of the research on identity in social psychology.
Cooley’s concept of the “looking-glass self” and Mead’s symbolic interaction theory
were two of the earliest theories that emphasized the importance of others in identity
construction. Festinger’s influential theory of social comparison opened the doors to
firrther research into the ways in which individuals seek for self-affirmation through
comparison with like others. Building on Festinger’s theory, Taj fel and Turner’s theories
of social identity and self-categorization focused more closely on the comparisons that

individuals make of the groups to which they belong. Taj fel and Turner’s research also

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showed that as individuals categorize themselves and make comparisons between
themselves, in-group members, and out-group members, an individual’s self-esteem is
enhanced and identity is further developed. Finally, social influence processes and
conversion theory provide an additional insight into the reasons why individuals behave
in certain ways towards authority and peer pressure, and how group membership affects

individuals differently.

Theoretical Perspectives on Identity and Music

Researchers have explored the connection between identity and music fiom a
variety of psychological, sociological, and social psychological perspectives. Important
contributions of particular relevance to this dissertation include Stephen Paul’s discussion
of connections between the sociology of education and music education; Brian Roberts
and Paul Woodford’s theories of music teacher identity in undergraduate music majors;
and Hildegard Froehlich’s many applications of a variety of sociology perspectives—
especially interactionism—to teaching music. Interestingly, relatively few researchers
address the connection between identity and music in adolescents or children. Most
research instead focuses on music teacher identity construction (Colwell & Richardson,
2002). While current research on musical self-socializations acknowledges the effects of
a rapidly changing world on the musical choices and behaviors of adolescents, there is
still a need for more research on the ways in which child and adolescent identities are

affected by musical experiences.

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Interactionism and Music

In her book, Sociology for Music Teachers, Froehlich (2007) states that there are
three basic sociological approaches to studying music teaching and learning: 1. A macro
view, 2. A micro view, and 3. The interactionist view. In a macro view of music,
researchers study the “cultural, ethical, and musical norms and values of different ethnic
groups or socioeconomic classes in society” from a mostly theoretical perspective. In a
micro view, researchers study music learning and teaching from the individual’s
perspective (Froehlich, 2007, p. 47). As an interactionist, Froehlich’s adheres to the
“basic assumption is that individuals learn and are influenced by the values and practices
of multiple subcultures and that such influences are central to understanding and
researching music in formal education” (McCarthy, 2002).

In their chapter, “The sociology of education and connections to music education
researc ” in the New Handbook of Research on Music Teaching and Learning, Paul and
Ballantine (2002) also discuss interaction theory and its connection to music education.
They explain that two theories, labeling theory and exchange theory, grew out of
interaction theory and have implications for identity construction:

For instance, if a student is constantly told that he or she has real musical talent or

that he or she should forget the idea of learning an instrument because he or she is

tone deaf, the student may accept the definitions and act accordingly. In other
words, students incorporate the labels given by others—parents, teachers, peers—
into their self-concept and act to some extent as they are expected to according to

the label (Paul & Ballantine, 2002, p. 569).

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Paul agrees with Froehlich’s assessment that relatively little research has been done that
specifically connects theories of sociology with that of music education, but states that in

the past ten years, the amount of research connecting these topics has increased (Paul &

Ballantine, 2000, p. 572).

Occupational Identities in Music

Froehlich’s research is concerned with occupational identities in music
(Froehlich, 2007). She defines occupational identities or “occupational socialization” as
“learning to adjust to the hierarchy of decision-making power in any workforce” (2007 ,
p. 21). In other words, occupational socialization refers to how individuals perceive their
roles in the workplace, and how these perceptions change over time. In a thorough review
of early identity research on musicians in her book, Sociology for Music Teachers:
Perspectives for Practice, F roehlich (2007) concluded that issues of alienation at work,
teacher burnout, and the “power of institutions on each member’s personal and artistic
liberties” (p. 9) were the most frequently researched topics. Froehlich added to this
research with her own research on music teacher identity development.

F roehlich (2007 ) writes that many music educators identify more with
professional performers than with classroom teachers. This assertion is supported by the
research of L’Roy (1983) and Roberts (1991a, 1991b, 1993), who found that music
education majors tended to identify more with performers than with music educators.
Roberts’ theories on music teacher development are based primarily on interactionist
theories. Along with Froehlich, Roberts explored how music teacher identity develops
within a social context (Paul, 2002, p. 575). Also on the tOpic of music teacher identity,

White’s (1964, 1967) studies found that, like music education students, music teachers

65

identified more with professional performers than with music educators. Froehlich draws
attention to the small number of music teachers who participate in general education
organizations, in contrast to the high number of music teachers involved in organizations
such as the American Choral Director’s Association or American Band Director’s

Association.

Musical Self-Socialization

Adolescents live in an increasingly technologically advanced world. This
technology allows music to be downloaded and distributed instantly over the intemet and
stored and played on lightweight devices such as I-pods. Because I-pods and other
devices can store so many songs, an individual can carry an entire personal library of
music with him or her at all times. In addition, a wide variety of music is available at all
hours of the day on television stations, the intemet, and radio. Staggering amounts of a
variety of music are available to individuals, in a variety of formats, practically
instantaneously. This fairly new development in technology is part of an increasingly
noticeable phenomenon known as musical self-socialization.

Musical self-socialization occurs as individuals make choices about their music
listening selections, or their music participation, and these choices contribute to an
individual’s social identity. Mueller writes that an individual’s musical taste and a
culture’s musical practices help to define an individual’s social and cultural identity
(2002, p. 595). Mueller (2002) states that musical self-socialization has been studied in

terms of being a part of a particular youth culture (Mueller, 1996), being a fan of a

musical artist or group (Rhein, 2000), or participating in a band or orchestra (Schaeffer,

 

1996). This self-selected participation in musical experiences is musical self-
socialization:
Young people choose socializing environments and cultural codes that ascribe
social meaning to aesthetic objects such as music videos; they socialize
themselves by their choice of membership in cultures, by their efforts to become
familiar with the chosen cultural codes, and by shaping these cultures and
contributing to their cultural production (Mueller, 2002, p. 594).
By choosing to participate or associate with certain types of music, adolescents place
themselves in certain social groups. They identify with these groups, and these

associations become part of their identity construction process (Mueller, 2002, p. 594).

Summary

This section has explored the connection between identity and music from several
viewpoints. First Paul (2000, Paul & Ballantine, 2002) and Froehlich’s (2007) work
provided insights into interactionism as applied to music education. Second, Froehlich
and Roberts’ research viewed music teacher identity in undergraduate music majors
through an interactionist framework. Third, a description of musical self-socializations
acknowledged the influences of media and modern society on adolescents’ musical
choices and musical participation, and how these choices affect adolescents’ identity
construction. This research highlights the continuing need for further research on the
ways in which children and adolescent identities are affected by participation in musical
activities. The pilot study that preceded this dissertation, and this dissertation, are

designed to add to the extant research in this area.

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Pilot Study

Purpose and Problems
In the fall of 2005, I conducted a pilot study to launch my investigation into the

effects of participation in a children’s choir on the student participants. The purpose of
the pilot study was to conduct a broad exploration of student perceptions of their
experiences in a community children’s choir, allowing the students to direct the
conversation to a large extent. I interviewed the conductor and four students (one 14—year
old male and three 15-year old females) in a prominent Midwestern children’s choir
organization. I also observed approximately 18 hours of rehearsals and took field notes
during the observations. The primary focus of the study was to allow the students an
opportunity to raise issues of interest and of importance to them regarding their
experience in the children’s choir. Research questions included: (1) What do students
believe they gain from their participation, and (2) What aspects of their participation are
meaningful, frustrating or interesting to them? Sub-questions included:

1. What is the best thing about being in this choir?

2. How does being in this choir influence your life?

3. How do your choir fiiendships influence your life?

4. If you could change something about the choir, what would that be?

5. How long do you intend to stay in the choir, and why?

6. Have you had any meaningful experiences in the choir?

7. What makes a rehearsal good? What makes a rehearsal bad?

8. What are the qualities of a good conductor and a bad conductor?

9. If you could create the perfect conductor, what would he/she be like?

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Methodology

Based on rehearsal observation, and with the assistance of the choir’s conductor, I
selected four student participants (one 14-year old male and three 15-year old females)
fi’om a select performing choir in a prominent Midwestern children’s choir organization
(involving students ages 7-18). Selection was based on perceived depth of reflective
thinking, observation of strong verbal skills, and candidates’ years of experience in the
ensemble. Participants’ years of experience in the choir ranged from five to seven years.
All three female participants were ninth- graders. The only male participant was an
eighth-grader. The names of the participants and their choir director were changed to
protect their identity. Participants reviewed a list of potential interview questions given to
them one week prior to their interview.

Each of the students participated in one individual interview lasting
approximately 30 minutes and a group interview lasting approximately 45 minutes.
Interviews were held in two locations at the Community Music School (CMS): a small
practice room and a large ensemble rehearsal room. The conductor participated in one
hour-long interview in her office at the CMS. Although I gave participants a list of
questions prior to the interviews, their responses often sparked new questions, moving
each interview in a unique direction. I recorded all interviews on a Radio Shack© brand
CTR-73 AC/Battery cassette recorder and then transcribed them. To ensure
trustworthiness, member-checks allowed the participants to review transcripts of their
interviews and change or edit any of their responses. In addition, a doctoral student in

music education completed a peer-review of the coding and analysis of data.

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Participants
Hope was a tall, blond-haired, home-schooler who played basketball on her
home-school team. She went to public school for a few classes each day, including choir.
She wore her school basketball t-shirt, jeans, and flip-flops to the interview. She was one
of the leaders in the alto section, and described her role in choir as that of a mentor to the
younger students. Her personality reflected this; she was soft-spoken and had a quiet,
kind, and gentle character.
I try to be a leader, but I don 't want to be “shove it down your throat. ” I’m a
loving person. Someone like Allison is the major leader of the soprano section, so
if she gets to [sing] higher than me, that ’s okay. It’s a lot of give and take, and I
just try to stay low-key, but I want to give the impression that I’m a loving person
that you can talk to, but not forceful or anything (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).
When asked why she participated in the children’s choir, Hope responded that the choir
provided enriching performance opportunities:
Hope: I just, I loved the experience of it. When I was in fourth grade and I was
accepted into the touring choir, and that year we were going to the Detroit
Symphony and I remember standing on stage, and I thought, “I’m going to keep
doing this.” It was just such an amazing feeling to be up there and have people
clap for you and being so little. I was just kind-of in a daze the whole weekend.
And the next year we went to the Symposium (the 6th World Symposium of
Choral Music in Australia) and we represented our country. And there was no
way I was going to leave the choir.

MM: What a neat experience. What was that like?

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Hope: I can’t even describe it. It just, over the years, last year, singing in

Carnegie Hall and standing up there, standing on the same stage as the greats, and

I’m only 13 or 14 at the time. . .(Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).

In contrast to Hope’s subdued personality, Bianca was demonstrative and
energetic. She explained that participating in choir came naturally to her because of her
lifetime of involvement in music:

My whole life is pretty much music. My dad owns a music store down-town, so I

was raised on bluegrass and folk music, and I got into choir, and I kind-of got the

classical aspect into it. And I have a lot of friends who are into rap and all that,
so I got into that, and now I’m kind of into punk and alternative, so my whole life

has all been completely music (Interview, Bianca, April 1, 2006).

Despite clothing and body language that projected a “tough-girl” attitude, Bianca stated
strong feelings of appreciation for her experiences in the children’s choir and the
opportunities that choir participation has given her.

I love it. I ’m forever trying to teach my friends who aren’t in this choir, okay, I ’m

going to teach you this song and I 'll teach you the harmony. My best friend is in

choir, not in my group, though. We were in it for seven years together. . . . We
used to do little gigs together, in downtown. And we ’d sing choir songs, and
people would be so amazed that we could do these harmonies (Interview, Bianca,

April 1, 2006).

Theresa, the soprano section leader, described herself as a faith-filled person who
loves children and who has been involved in music her entire life. Like Hope, Theresa

acutely felt the pressures and responsibilities of leadership. She described her role as a

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mentor to the younger students and exhibited a sincere desire for their well-being and
success. Although she was dedicated to the choir, she still found time to socialize, even in
the rehearsal.

Theresa: Well, we talk before and after choir, and sometimes during choir

(sheepishly, and somewhat apologetic yet mischievously).

MM: (Laughing) What do you do? Talk to me about that.

Theresa: (Getting more animated in her facial expressions and gestures). [Mrs.

Talbot’s] five people this way, so I go, “Bora, Bora!” (loud whisper calling her

friends’ name) like that and then [Bora] looks at me and I tell her something in a

really loud whisper, and I’m really surprised Mrs. Talbot hasn’t caught on to that

yet.

MM: Really!

Theresa: Yeah. I’ll be like, “I got new shoes,” and we both are the same exact

size and we exchange clothes and shoes and everything, and I had to show her my

new shoes, so I was like, “Bora! New shoes!” and she’s like, “Those are cool!”

MM: You’re probably pretty smart about when you do those things.

Theresa: Ql_1 yeah. When she turns her back, “Whew!” (Voice indicating it’s a

free-for-all time for conversation) (Interview, Theresa, April 1, 2006).

Walter was a l4-year old eighth-grader who had been in the children’s choir for 5
years, played saxophone and tuba in band at school, and who went to school early on
Tuesdays for Jazz Band. On Wednesday nights he took jazz and partnering dance classes.

I heard about the choir from my parents who heard about it from my neighbors,

who had a daughter that went to the summer camp, which used to be around

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campus at [the university], which is now here. When I was in third grade, we

were in the hot tub and my parents were like, “Do you want to go to this summer

camp? " to my sister and I, and I was like, “Sure, I think it sounds fun. ” So that ’s

how me and my sister got in it, and it was really fun. So then I auditioned for the

Intermediate Choir, and so I was in the Intermediate Chair for a year, and then I

went to the camp again that summer because it was so much fim, and the last four

years I ’ve been in the Northridge Children ’s Choir (Interview, Walter, April 15,

2006).

Walter often downloaded his choir practice CDs to his I-pod so that he could
listen to them throughout the day. Although Walter appeared to be the average male teen
(shaggy blondish-brown hair, jeans, t-shirt), his depth of commitment to the choir, his
strong sense of personal identity, and his level of reflective drinking seemed atypical of
young men his age.

MM: What’s the best thing about being in this choir?

Walter: The best thing is definitely the singing, of course, because I love singing

and when I look back, I know so much about not just singing notes, singing

words, but I’ve really learned a lot about literature, because we get a lot of
commissioned pieces for us that are really good texts, so I’ve learned a lot about

really interesting lyrics (Interview, Walter, April 15, 2006).

Analysis and Results
After transcribing each interview, I analyzed each sentence, looking for the
essence of each statement, labeling each comment with codes such as “FRIENDS,”

“FAIRNESS,” or “OWNERSHIP.” In reading all the comments of a particular code and

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analyzing them for any similarities or emerging themes, I identified what seemed to me
to be the most salient codes. Out of this analysis, larger themes emerged. This analysis
revealed six prominent themes: the ideal conductor, the ideal rehearsal, fiiends, benefits
of choir participation, relationship between conductor and singers, and ownership. Some
of these themes, such as the ideal conductor, the ideal rehearsal, and benefits of choir
participation I had determined a priori, because many of the research questions
specifically addressed these subjects. However, the categories of friends, ownership, and
the relationship between conductor and singers developed into salient themes during the
course of the interviews.

By far, the most animated feelings were present when students discussed two
categories: friendship, and benefits of choir participation. Emotions ran deep; two
students cried as they described their feelings of gratitude for choir and the fiiendships
that they have developed there. Student responses in each category were generally in
agreement, with the exception of the ideal rehearsal category, in which student opinions
were strongly divided. While some students preferred the conductor to stop rehearsal
frequently in order to “pick the pieces apart,” others hoped that the conductor would
allow them to sing the pieces through and have nothing to say at the end of the singing.
Such discrepancies among the participants about rehearsal-technique preferences pose an
interesting challenge for the choral conductor striving to engage all students in
meaningful practice. As the results of the pilot study were instrumental in the design of
this dissertation, a summary of some of the prominent findings, as well as a few of the

most important comments by the participants, are included below.

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Role of Choir Friends

When asked what the best thing about being in choir was, three of the four
students discussed some aspect of peer relationships. For many of the choir members,
choir fiiendships transcend the choral rehearsal and become part of daily life:

Some of my best friends are from choir. We ’11 talk on instant messenger daily and

we have bonding time before and after choir. We '11 have little inside jokes.

Everyone is friends with everyone, basically (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).
Choir fiiendships also build a sense of teamwork: “IfI mess up, someone ’s always there
to help me along. If I forget a word, the person right next to me has it ” (Interview, Hope,
April 1, 2006).

One reason that Hope values the choir is because it provides an opportunity for
emotional support. Other students expressed similar feelings. Bianca responded that the
best thing about being in choir was safety and a sense of family:

I could be having the worst day of my life. Just last week my dad went into the

hospital for heart stufl...and I come to chair and I get hugs fiom all these people I

love and my worries just fade. And I ’m safe for that two hours I ’m there singing

(Interview, Bianca, April 1, 2006).

Benefits of Choir Participation

There were five categories of perceived benefits in participating in a children’s
choir: musical, extra-musical, personal, parents, and friends. In the “musical” category,
students felt that choir improved their overall musicianship and that their training would

transfer to other instruments and other choral experiences:

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I learn musicianship here. I learn how to feel music. I learn how to read music. At
school they don ’t teach you that because they ’re like, ”Oh, as long as you ’re not
talking in class, I ’11 pass you, " and you can act like you know music. But here,

Mrs. Talbot isn ’t going to let you just sit back and pretend like you understand

this stufl (Interview, Bianca, April 1, 2006).

Theresa added,

[Choir] has trained me in the way that I should be singing, and if I wasn ’t in this

choir, I don ’t even think I would be a soprano at all, because I wouldn’t be

singing anything in head voice for sure. I wouldn ’t know how (Interview, Theresa,

April 1, 2006).

In the “extra-musical” category, students reported increased levels of
determination, discipline, social skills, listening skills, better grades, better concentration,
and improved eye contact:

I have noticed that the more I concentrate in choir, the more I concentrate in

everything else. And so I ’m always paying attention to my teachers when

everyone else in my group is looking around and picking their nails or something.

I ’ve had teachers thank me for paying attention, ‘cause I ’m one of the few that

actually listens (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).

Walter expressed gratitude for musical benefits as well as the opportunity to develop a
unique personality:

I ’ve learned so much. It’s made me a better saxophone player, it ’5 made me a

better musician, it ’s made me a better person, and if I wasn ’t in it, I would just be

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like every other kid, talking on the computer after school every day, watching T. V.

every day (Interview, Walter, April 15, 2006).

Hope also appreciated the personal benefits from participating in choir: “To start
out with, [participation in choir] was my parent '5 choice. I was only in third grade, and
now I’m considering majoring in music. This is a big part of my life ” (Interview, Hope,
April 1, 2006).

In addition to the musical, extra-musical, and personal benefits described,
students appreciated the choir’s influence on their relationships with parents and friends.
Students described how their choir participation made their parents proud of them, and
how this made the students happy: “My 'mom is always catching me singing in my room
with the [practice] cd or something, and she ’11 just be smiling at me, and I can ’t replace
those moments. " (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).

In the “friendship” category, Bianca explained how her friends created a safe
environment for her in choir, a respite from the social challenges at school. This safe
environment is an important part of Bianca’s life:

Everybody [at school] was trying to be something they weren ’t, including me. And

the one thing that was consistent was choir. . . . At choir you don 't have the

whole cliques like you do in middle school. You come in and everybody ’3 friends

with everybody. . . . So I ’d come to choir and everybody would be cool and I

guess I kind-of felt safe at choir (Interview, Bianca, April 1, 2006).

Mrs. Talbot encourages kindness in rehearsal: “Our students know that I will be

extremely unhappy if I see anyone making fun of another child. We are a family, and we

work as a family ” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, April 21, 2006).

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Relationship Between the Conductor and Singers

All students offered significant words of appreciation for Mrs. Talbot. She holds a
unique position of influence in her students’ lives: “She ’3 made an efi’ort to be kind to
myself and my family, and I 've personally enjoyed that--the smiles and the winks-just the
little things " (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006). During the approximately 18 hours of '
rehearsals I observed, Mrs. Talbot taught with kindness, graciousness, and dynamic
musical leadership. She showed respect for the students’ contributions and questions, and
asked them meaningful questions intended to increase their level of self-awareness and
musicianship.

Despite what appeared to be a positive environment, the students commented that
each had felt anxious or embarrassed at times in rehearsal. These feelings related to the
students sensitivity on issues of fairness, particularly regarding individualized criticism.
Hope expressed feelings of embarrassment but also acceptance of personal criticism:
“Many times she ’11 not so much criticize, but correct me on something. And while
sometimes it was a little more public than I would have liked, it made me work harder so
that it didn 't happen again ” (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006). Theresa suggested: “I
guess not point out a particular person [when something needs correcting], but say, ‘One
of you three ’ because unless you ’re standing right in front of them I don ’t think you ’re
going to be able to tell for sure ” (Interview, Theresa, April 1, 2006).

Theresa’s and Hope’s comments draw attention to the issue of fairness in
rehearsal. The students were sensitive to being treated as equals, and not being singled
out for their musical mistakes. Theresa seemed to have an especially strong sensitivity to

being corrected in public, as well as a significant amount of self-confidence, like many

78

students her age: “Sometimes she ’11 tell me, ‘You ’reflat, ’ or ‘You ’re out of tune, ’ which
I’m not, because I go and I take it to my voice teacher and I say, ‘Am I out of tune? ’ and
she will say, ‘No (Interview, Theresa, April 1, 2006). Despite a conductor’s best
efforts, being perceived as “fair” is challenging. Many students naturally critique the
conductor. Problems may arise when students’ perceptions and the teacher’s perception
of an issue are different. Results of this study indicate that teachers should be more
sensitive to students’ perceptions of fairness, and take care to validate correct student
opinions whenever possible so as to alleviate student concerns that the teacher makes

inaccurate assessments.

The Ideal Conductor

What is the ideal conductor like? Hope’s answer was, ”Mrs. Talbot cloned "
(Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006). The students described four characteristics of a good
conductor: 1. Connection to the students/motivational skills, 2. Providing honest
feedback, 3. Having high expectations, and 4. Strong musical abilities.
1. Connection to the students/motivational skills

Walter explained, ”I think that to be a good conductor you really have to interact
with your choir. . . . Mrs. Talbot, she goes through our rows, she gives us examples, and
she encourages us ” (Interview, Walter, April 15, 2006). Hope agreed that the ideal
conductor does not act in isolation: ”It ’s not the conductor and the choristers. It 's us as a
group. And so when a conductor is like, ‘I am by myselfi and then I have my choristers, ’
it wouldn 't be as good " (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).

2. Honest feedback

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The students were strongly opposed to being given meaningless praise. As Hope
describes, “A good conductor is when, amuse) I think if you sing one note right, they
don ’t gush over it. You really have to work for a good compliment " (Interview, Hope,
April 1, 2006). Bianca described a bad conductor as one who,
Sugar-coats things and [isn ’t] really as motivated to keep a good choir. As much
as the choristers have to be determined, the conductor does too. You can ’t put all
of the work on the choristers and just expect them to be good (Interview, Bianca,
April 1, 2006).
The conductor’s influence on the students’ attitudes towards praise was obvious. Mrs.
Talbot explained:
We talk about the fact that, “How many of you are given a star or a smiley face or
a big pat on the back, and you know that you didn’t do the work, and you know
that it’s not your best? ” I teach them the word “patronize . . . I tell them, “You
shouldn ’t accept that. I will never, ever compliment you unless it ’s genuine. ”
They know they can believe me (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, April 21 , 2006).
3. High expectations and self-discipline
“[A good conductor is] someone who has goals in mind and isn ’t afraid to
achieve those goals " (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006). All of the students commented
that they appreciated the fact that Mrs. Talbot had high expectations for them in terms of
their musical achievement and in terms of their behavior: I
And in this choir we not only work on notes and dynamics...we work on what
it means to us, like how we need to express it. We work on expression, like how

your face should be looking and we also talk a lot about excellence and the fact

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that excellence is not striving for just “good enough " (Interview, Theresa, April
1,2006)
Mrs. Talbot described some of her musical goals for the choir as follows:
Musically, there are two things that we strive for. One, first and most important,
that they be musical. I just don ’t think that one can have a choral experience
without being musical and I hear too many choirs that are “notey, ” do not
understand the concept of phrasing, and have no idea what the text is saying,
what needs to be done to pull through a phrase so that the text has meaning. So
when our students begin in September and they ’re given their literature, the first
thing we do--it ’3 like teaching backwards-~we learn the music musically. We don ’t
learn the notes first and then the text. It’s the gestalt. They have to be musical;
they have to sing in good tone. I find that when they ’re first leaning music, they
forget and go back to that very spread tone. That’s the thing we have to remind
them of consistently is that very good tone. And I think that once you are able to
sing with good tone and musically, so many of the other things fall into place
(Interview, Mrs. Talbot, April 21, 2006).
About these high expectations, Hope commented, “Mrs. Talbot isn ’t going to let you just
sit back and pretend like you understand this stufl” (Interview, Hope, April 1, 2006).
While these high expectations were sometimes presented in ways that the students did not
like, they nevertheless appreciated the high expectations.
4. Musical abilities
Theresa explained that the ideal conductor has solid musical abilities: “[Mrs.

Talbot will] find really little stufl that most people wouldn 't even hear but she can hear.

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And I like the fact that she does that, too, ‘cause it helps us to become better” (Interview,
Theresa, April 1, 2006). Theresa’s comment could be viewed as in conflict with her
previous statements about the conductor not knowing exactly who was singing
incorrectly. This comment illustrates the fact that Theresa accepts and appreciates the
critiques in general, but she has difficulty accepting them when they are directed
specifically at her. She further added, ”All the black things on the page are important, but
going deeper than that makes a better conductor, a good conductor ” (Interview, Theresa,
April 1, 2006). Although the students demonstrated some understanding of the role of the
conductor, Theresa’s comment about “going deeper” than “the black things on the page”
sounded as though she were simply repeating, with little understanding, something Mrs.
Talbot said in rehearsal. I sensed that all of the participants would probably struggle if

asked to clarify what “going deeper” meant.

Ownership

Choir gives students an opportunity to develop leadership skills and self-
discipline. This contributes to a strong sense of ownership and pride in the ensemble.
When asked if they would recommend choir to their friends, Walter was protective of the
choir’s high expectations: “I don ’t know if [my friends] would have such good
experiences as I’ve had because—I don ’t know how to say it—they don ’t really take
things as serious. I’m really dedicated to this ” (Interview, Walter, April 15, 2006). Hope
had similar feelings: “Not too many of my friends have the discipline to do the choir. . . .
You really have to commit yourself to being in this choir” (Interview, Hope, April 1,
2006). The students described high expectations for themselves and others, and

fi'ustration when they let themselves or others down: “T here are some people who lack

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discipline and they ’11 make stupid mistakes over and over. Then we ’11 have to stop
because that part was wrong, and that is time-consuming and annoying ” (Interview,
Hope, April 1, 2006).
These students were willing to be part of the solution, however. Theresa described
a strong commitment to giving her best in rehearsal:
If we just slide by a performance, then it ’s bad pretty much. We always have to
give our best at every rehearsal in order to give our best in performance. How
you sing in rehearsal is how you ’re going to sing in performance (Interview,
Theresa, April 1, 2006).
Hope, Theresa, and Bianca also shared feelings of responsibility for mentoring the
younger singers. Bianca explained:
In my eyes, I ’m a leader in the choir, and I think in other people ’s too. And I
really like helping little kids learn. I love helping them figure out, “Oh, this is
what I want to do. ” And so I do want to stay in [the chair] for that, keep my

leadership, and help them (Interview, Bianca, April 1, 2006).

Discussion and Suggestions for Future Research

One of the primary research questions was to determine the extent that the
students valued and understood their experiences in the choir. While the results of this
study were not intended to be fully generalizable, similarities in situation may allow
choral educators to make limited applications to their own teaching experiences. Results
from the study showed that the students were keenly aware of their responsibilities,
opportunities, and personal contributions to the choir. The consensus among all student

participants was that choir was an educational and meaningful part of their lives. The

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students explained how choir friendships and the conductor influenced their lives in
valuable ways. They demonstrated a rudimentary but nevertheless impressive
understanding (considering their young ages) of the choral art and their role within this
context. They provided insights into preferences for rehearsal structure and conductor
personality. They also demonstrated gratitude for a high-achieving choir, which gave
them the opportunity to develop leadership and self-discipline skills. In general, their
depth of understanding and their ability to communicate this understanding exceeded my
expectations.

Results showed that students not only understood the musical and extrarnusical
rewards and demands of choir participation, but also that they appreciated honest
assessment of their performance and new challenges in these areas. Results also showed
that the conductor’s personality, praise, and criticism had a significant influence on
students’ attitudes and work ethics. Each theme presented in the results section could be
the subject of a separate qualitative study. In particular, it may be interesting to explore
the issue of “fairness.” The students seemed especially sensitive to being “unfairly”
accused of making musical mistakes. They believed, at times, that Mrs. Talbot made
incorrect decisions and that they could have made more accurate decisions. Other topics
for study might be the students’ perceptions of the stresses and rewards of leadership, or
their understanding of the conductor’s role. It may be interesting to explore the extent to
which the conductor influences students’ feelings of ownership and self-discipline. From
this study, educators might particularly note the appreciation that students expressed for
musical challenges. These challenges provided opportunities to develop musical and

leadership abilities outside of the school setting.

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Results of this pilot study indicated that further research on sociological aspects of
choir involvement is appropriate. It was apparent that choir friendships had a significant
positive influence on members and were one reason why students chose to continue
participating in the ensemble. Participants also expressed that their relationship with the
conductor had a significant influence on their lives, in both musical and extrarnusical
ways. In light of these results, researchers might specifically investigate the ways in
which choir participation specifically influences participants’ personal and musical

identity.

Purpose and Problems

The purpose of this dissertation is to better understand the affect of participation
in a community children’s choir on participants’ identities, in particular the influence of
choir relationships on the identity-construction process. Research questions include 1.
How does participation in a community children’s choir influence a participant’s musical
identity, 2. How does participation in a community children’s choir influence a
participant’s personal identity, and 3. How do participant’s interactions with other choir
members and the conductor influence the participant’s musical and personal identities?
Specific questions include:
Musical Identitv:
1. In what ways does participation in the children’s choir shape the way that

the participants think of their musical abilities or talents?
2. What musical “role” do participants perceive that they have in the choir, and do

they agree with this label?

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3. What does it mean to the participants to be a “musician”?

 

Personal Identity:

1. In what ways does participation in the choir affect the participants’ personal
identities?

2. In what ways does being a member of the choir affect the participants’

relationships with family members?

3. In what ways does being a member of the choir affect the participants’ peer
relationships, both in casual settings and at school?

Choir InterJactions

I. In what ways do social interactions in the choir influence participants’ musical
and personal identities?

2. In what ways does the choir conductor explicitly or implicitly shape the choir
participants’ musical and personal identities?

3. In what ways does the choir conductor promote a collective choir identity?

4. In what ways are participants’ musical and personal identities influenced by the
collective choir identity?
The purpose of these questions is to identify ways in which participants’ identities

are influenced by their participation in the children’s choir. The questions especially

focus on the ways in which participants’ identities are affected by their choir experiences

and by their interactions with the conductor and their peers.

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CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF RELATED RESEARCH

Introduction

Much of the research involving music and identity uses the term “self-concept”
when referring to the ways in which an individual perceives himself or herself. This
research falls into two distinct categories: musical self-concept (“Who I am as a
musician”), and how music influences general self concept (“Who I am as a person due to
my musical involvement”). In their book, Musical Identities, MacDonald, Hargreaves,
and Miell (2002, p. 2) label these categories as identities in music and music in identities.
Identities in music refers to “those aspects of musical identities that are socially defined
within given cultural roles and musical categories” (p. 2). Research on identities in music
explores the ways in which individuals view or do not view themselves as musicians, and
also investigates the influence of school and family situations on musical self-concept
(MacDonald, Hargreaves, & Miell, 2002, p. 2).

Research on music in identities seeks to better understand the impact of music on
general identity deve10pment, including self-concept. MacDonald, Hargreaves, and Miell
(2002) describe how research in this category often views music as part of a “complex,
hierarchical network of inter-related constructs; some of these are overarching,
superordinate constructs incorporating others which exist at a more subordinate level” (p.
2). Music has an influence on part of this “complex, hierarchical network” that is an

individual’s identity. In this section, I will present the prominent themes and main

87

findings of this research, using MacDonald, Hargreaves, and Miell’s (2002) conceptual
organization of the topic as a basis for my review of literature. The first part of this
review focuses on the effect of participation in music on personal identity construction.
The second section focuses on the efiect of participation in music on musical identity
construction. Each of these two sections begins with a summary of the relevant
theoretical perspectives, and progresses into the prominent themes and main findings
fi’om related research. After discussing the related research on music and identity, I will
review related research on community children’s choirs and discuss options for future

research agendas regarding identity.

The Effect of Participation in Music on Personal Identity

After an overview of some of the important theoretical perspectives on identity
formation and music, this section reviews literature on the effect of music participation
on self-efficacy, self-esteem, and self-concept. Research connecting these three
constructs and music participation is somewhat inconclusive and difficult to generalize,
due primarily to the variety of study designs involving participants with widely differing
ages, socioeconomic status, mental health status, etc. For example, several studies found
music to have a positive effect on self-esteem, while other studies arrived at the opposite
conclusion. While the research presented in this section indicates that participating in
music may have a strong effect on a student’s identity, more replication studies are

needed to validate these findings.

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Self-Efi‘icacy

Relatively few studies address the effect of music participation on self-efficacy
(Nielsen, 2004; Randles, 2006; and in particular, McCormick & McPherson, 1999, 2000,
2003, 2006). Self-efficacy refers to an individual’s beliefs about the extent to which the
individual can accomplish certain tasks (McPherson & McCormick, 2006). Randles
(2006) investigated the relationship between high school students’ self-efficacy and their
compositional experiences, and found that students’ self-efficacy ratings improved during
12-weeks of student composition experiences. Randles’ (2006) work suggests that music
participation has a strong effect on musical self-efficacy. In related research, McCormick
and McPherson (2003) studied 332 instrumentalists’ self-efficacy as related to their
performance on performance examinations. Subjects filled out a survey regarding their
self-efficacy immediately before their performances. Results showed a strong relationship
between self-efficacy and performance ratings. In fact, self-efficacy was the best
predictor, among other variables, of performance ratings. A follow-up replication study
by McCormick and McPherson (2006) using structural equation modeling confirmed
these results. There is a growing interest and need for more research such as that done by
McPherson and McCormick (1999, 2000, 2003, 2006) that focuses on the relationship

between self-efficacy and musical development and achievement.

Self-Esteem

In contrast to the low number of studies connecting self-efficacy and music
participation, many researchers have addressed the effect of music participation on self-
esteem (Adams, 1988; Beck, 1993; Bragg, 1980; Clendenon-Wallen, 1991; Costa-Giomi,

2004; Epps, 1991; Hietolahti-Ansten & Kalliopuska, 1991; Jenlik, 1993; Kivland, 1986;

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Linch, 1993; Lukitsch, 1987; McKeon, 1988; Mitchel & Farell, 1973; Nolin &
VanderArk, 1977; Oden-Peace, 1989; Thiam, 2006; Trusty & Olivia, 1994; Vaughn,
1989; Wood 1973; Zimmerman, 2001). Much of this research focuses on exploring ways
to improve the self-esteem of at—risk, depressed, or otherwise disadvantaged populations.
Other research in this area focuses specifically on the effect of participation in school
music ensembles on students’ self-esteem. Much of the research in this area is in
dissertation form, rather than in refereed periodicals.

Researchers discovered that self-esteem is positively influenced by participation
in arts activities (Trusty & Olivia, 1994), a musical production (Bragg, 1980), an
integrated arts program (McKeon, 1988), or by hearing personalized self-esteem building
songs (Adams, 1988). Jenlik (1993) investigated the results of participating in a musical
ensemble on the self-esteem of at-risk elementary students. Results showed that the
musical experiences contributed to a higher self-esteem among the participants, but that
negative home and community influences severely hindered self-esteem growth. In a
1991 study, Epps concluded that group song-writing activities may increase the self-
esteem of adolescent substance abusers. Mitchel and Farell (1973) studied the effect of
music on the self-esteem and on-task behavior of disadvantaged boys in an all-black
elementary school. Although the results were not statistically significant, music
participation appeared to be related to increases in on-task behavior and improved self-
esteem. In clinical settings, music was found to increase the self-esteem of adolescents
who had been sexually abused (Clendenon-Wallen, 1991) or who displayed disorderly

behavior (Kivland, 1986).

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Costa-Giomi (2004) conducted a three-year longitudinal study in which she
investigated the effects of three years of piano instruction on children’s academic
achievement, school performance, and self-esteem. One hundred and seventeen fourth-
grade students in public schools in Canada participated in the study. Participants had no
previous formal music training. Participants in the experimental group were given an
acoustic piano and lessons, at no cost to them, while the control group did not receive any
formal music instruction. Participants took a variety of tests of self-esteem, academic
achievement, cognitive abilities, musical abilities, and motor proficiency, both at the
beginning and throughout the study. Results showed that the experimental group’s self-
esteem and grades in school increased, but that their standardized test scores in math and
language were unaffected by the treatment.

In contrast to the work of Costa-Giomi (2004) and others, several researchers
discovered that participation in certain types of music-making situations had either no
effect on or relationship with self-esteem. Beck (1993) investigated the effects of
participation in a men’s chorus on the self-esteem of depressed adult males and found
that the experience did not increase the participant’s self-esteem. In a study of the effects
of participating in a school band on the self-esteem of at-risk elementary students,
Zimmerman (2001) reported that the band experience did not have a statistically
significant influence on the students’ self-esteem. Vaughn (1989) found that there was no
effect of music in an anxiety management program on participants’ self-esteem.

In addition to these studies, Linch’s (1993) study of academic achievement and
self-esteem among high school participants in instrumental music, non-participants, and

students who stopped participating in music, found that participation in music was not

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related to self-esteem. In a different study, seventh and eighth grade students who were
taught with a “positive self-concept teaching approac ” in a musical performance group,
showed decreased self-esteem over the course of the study, but their self-concept ratings
increased (Lukitch, 1987). Oden-Peace (1989) discovered that there was no relationship
between self-esteem and music preference in adolescents in an inpatient psychiatric
facility. Thiam (2006) asked students to fill out a survey describing their perceptions of
the effect of participation in the school band on self-esteem and other constructs. Results
indicated that 79.3 percent of students felt more motivated to work hard in other classes
after joining the band, and that 78.9 percent of students felt they had more confidence

overall, because of their band performances.

Self-Concept

In addition to the effect of music participation on self-efficacy and self-esteem,
researchers have explored the effect of music participation on self-concept (Amchin, et.
a1, 1991; Ford, 1981; Freeman, 2000; Greenberg, 1970; Legette, 1993; Palos-Tuley,
2003; Wolfe, 2000). In general, results of research on self-concept are inconclusive. For
example, Ford (1981) found that self-concept had no relationship to music learning on a
specific musical learning task in elementary school children. On the other hand,
Greenberg (1970) found that elementary students who participated in a school choir
improved their self-concept in a variety of constructs, including music self-concept.

Palos-Tuley (2003) undertook “an examination of the relationship between fine
arts experiences and creative thinking, academic self-concept, and academic achievement
of Hispanic students in grades 3, 4, and 5 in selected south Texas schools” and found that

participating in the fine arts had a positive and significant influence on these selected

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variables. Palos-Tuley (2003) firrther reported that there were “significant

interactions. . .between method of instruction, gender, and creativity and originality.” In
contrast to the work of Palos-Tuley, results of Freeman’s (2000) dissertation, which also
involved studying the effects of creative drama activities on third and fourth grade
children, found no difference in children’s self-concept in creative drama activities versus
music activities.

From these studies, it appears that, regardless of the format (drama or music),
participation in the fine arts increases elementary students’ self-concepts. Legette (1993)
might disagree with this conclusion, however. In Legette’s (1993) study of fourth-grade
students’ participation in an 8-month long Yamaha Music in Education program, Legette
found no significant impact on students’ self-concept, as measured by the Piers-Harris
Children’s Self-Concept Scale. In another study, Wolfe (2000) studied the self-concept of
four at-risk females in a community youth choir. Wolfe writes that, “behavior and self-
concept changes occurred [due to participation in the choir] but could not be attributed
specifically to choir involvement.” Further research is needed to identify the variables
that had a significant influence on studies of self-concept, and to provide applications of

this research to practice.

The Effect of Participation in Music on Musical Identity
While the previous section of this literature review explored influences on
personal identity deve10pment, this section focuses on musical identity development.
Identities in music or musical identities are largely influenced by social and cultural

“roles” or expectations placed upon composers, performers, and listeners. Hargreaves,

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Miell, and MacDonald (2002) write that “the ways in which humans view themselves in
relation to these culturally defined roles are at the heart of our concept of identities in
music,” and that “’identities in music’ are based on social categories and cultural musical
practices” (p. 13). They further explain that identities in music can be general (e. g., singer
versus instrumentalist, or conductor versus composer) and also specific (e.g., solo
classical singer versus jazz saxophone player, or band conductor versus 12-tone
composer). The specific areas of identity as indicated in the example above, include
instruments and genres (Hargreaves, Miell, & MacDonald, 2002, p. 14).

These musical identities are shaped over time, by a variety of different factors, including

school and home environments, as well as self-perceptions.

The School Environment

Lamont (2002) studied the effect of the school environment on identities in music.
Lamont bases much of her research on Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological model of the
contexts of deve10pment. Bronfenbrenner’s model (see Fig. 1) emphasizes that
everything happens in context, whether on a micro-level such as at a school or
neighborhood, or in a macrosystem of beliefs (e.g., a specific culture’s beliefs about the
importance of music education). Lamont explains that children’s identity is influenced by
each of these contexts.

Within these contexts explained by Bronfenbrenner, children’s self understanding
and self-other understanding develop (Lamont, 2002, p. 41). Self understanding refers to
the ways individuals describe themselves, and self-other understanding refers to the ways
in which individuals understand and relate to others. These constructs develop in parallel

until the age of 7, at which point children show “increases in comparative judgments, and

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Fig. 1. Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model: contexts of development.

Micro-
Systems
Meso-
Systems
Exo-
Systems

Macro-
Systems

 

greater emphasis on social and psychological attributes” (Lamont, 2002, p. 43). As they
develop, children’s self-understandings become less focused on inward characteristics
and more focused on externally observable traits. A significant developmental change
also occurs in adolescence, during which time there is a reduction in young adults’
“activity-related characteristics, and an increase in psychological comparisons” (Lamont,
2002, p. 43). Lamont concludes that as children grow older, and identities become more
Specialized, social comparisons become paramount to identity development.
In terms of musical identity development, Lamont explains that, around the age of

7 years, children begin to develop a “differentiated identity” and that a specific musical
identity can begin to emerge. Before this time, “. . .Clrildren’s identities should be based

on CXternal and observable activities and experiences, and being a member of a group

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involved in music will be an important part of a musical identity” (Lamont, 2002, p. 43).
Lamont further adds that,

Moving through middle childhood, peer group comparisons will become

increasingly important in children’s musical identities, whilst attitudes and

feelings towards music will come to dominate adolescent’s musical identities. The
contexts of children’s deve10pment should also play a role in shaping their

musical identities (Lamont, 2002, p. 43).

Lamont’s research suggests that providing students with a variety of group music
experiences—even before the age of seven—may help students develop stronger
individual musical identities. For this reason, music classes at the elementary school level
(particularly in the lower grades) are essential. These classes give students the
opportunity for peer group comparisons, in addition to increasing their music aptitude.
Early identification of students’ interests and/or abilities may also assist parents and
teachers in providing more meaningful instruction.

Lamont (2002) conducted a series of studies investigating the influence of school
context, particularly the role of peer group comparisons, on student’s developing musical
identities. She investigated the extent and type of music participation of students in
primary schools in England and Wales. She asked the participants to respond to questions
about their musical identities. Results of the study showed that, contrary to expectations,
peer comparisons played a much larger role in the musical identity development of
children than expected. This was particularly observable in schools that provided

Significant differences in music-making opportunities:

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In contexts where there are more children (and adults) engaged in musical
activities, those children who are not involved may feel the difference fiom the
others becoming more marked, and this negative group comparison leads them to
developing a more negative musical identity. In primary schools, conversely,
where less extra—curricular music-making is taking place, children may be able to
retain a more positive musical identity, due to a more positive group comparison
(Lamont, 2002, p. 49).

Further research on adolescent identification with music by Lamont and Tarrant
(2001) reinforced these results. Succinctly stated, “The school environment has a clear
influence on children’s self-descriptions as musicians; in more overtly musical contexts,
more children have a negative musical identity. . . . whilst in less overtly musical settings
more children have a positive musical identity” (Tarrant, 2002, p. 54). This firrther
research also confirmed that girls are more likely than boys to claim a musical identity
and to participate in music. In addition, the home environment and liking the music
teacher had a strong influence on students’ identification with their school music
programs and on their musical identities (Lamont & Tarrant, 2001)..

Lamont and Tarrant (2001) also studied the transition of students frOm primary to
secondary schools and its effect on musical identity. Through the analysis of student
responses, researchers found that: l. The number of children identifying themselves as
trained musicians fell from 15% to 5% between the ages of 10 and 14, 2. Girls were more
likely than boys to describe themselves as musicians, and they were also more likely to
be enrolled in private music lessons, 3. Approximately 2/ 3 of students identifying

themselves as musicians participated in extracurricular music activities, while only 4% of

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students identifying themselves as non-musicians were involved with these activities, 4.
The home environment had little influence on students’ identification of themselves as
musicians or non-musicians, and 5. Children with positive musical identities had a more
positive attitude towards school music classes than those with less-positive musical
identities.

Lamont and Tarrant next looked at the data to determine if the transition from
primary to secondary schools had any impact on their findings (Lamont, 2002). They
found that students’ positive ratings of both school and music participation decreased
with age, although children’s musical identities did not change with age or type of school
(primary or secondary). They also found that a more positive musical identity is
“associated with greater identification with class music lessons, yet we cannot establish
any causality” (Lamont, 2002, p. 52). Their conclusion is that participation in musical
activities and gender are the two most important factors in developing a positive musical
identity.

To summarize, Lamont’s (2001 , Tarrant & Lamont, 2002) work on the
importance of peer relationships in music-making should be seen as an essential aspect of
adolescent’s identity formation. According to Lamont, peer relationships provide
significant musical and extrarnusical benefits for students. Belonging to a musical
ensemble provides students with opportunities for peer comparisons, which are an

essential aspect of individual and social identity development.

The Home Environment
In addition to the school environment, researchers have looked at identities in

music as influenced by the home environment (Borthwick & Davidson, 2002). Borthwick

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and Davidson base their research on script theory (Byng-Hall, 1995). Script theory offers
a way of understanding family relations. Script theory explains that every family has
patterns of belief and ways of relating to each other that are often passed down from one
generation to the next. The transmission of these expectations and beliefs has been
termed a transgenerational plot. Script theory includes “the family’s attitudes, taboos,
expectations, myths, secrets, legacies and loaded issues with which children grow up, and
represent the ‘given’ aspect of upbringing” (Borthwick & Davidson, 2002, p. 60). In
script theory, each family member takes on a specific “role” or identity, interacting with
other family members who likewise have their individual “roles.” These roles are often
imposed upon children by parental expectations. Teachers, peers, and birth order of
siblings also contribute to identity development in script theory.

Borthwick and Davidson (2002) conducted a qualitative study of 12 families in
which at least one child participated in music lessons. Interviews with all members of all
participating families revealed that parents with positive past experiences in music sought
to replicate those musical experiences for their children. Surprisingly, some parents with
negative previous experiences (such as being overwhelmed during individual playing
tests) placed their children in similar musical circumstances because they believed that
the overall experience was worthwhile. In a family in which one parent was a musician
and the other parent had little or no musical experience, the non-musician parent often
championed music lessons the most, seeing musical ability as a desirable quality and
something that the children should not “miss out” on experiencing (Borthwick &

Davidson, 2002).

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Results also showed that the children received mixed messages from their parents
on the importance of music. Throughout their childhood and adolescence, parents often
emphasize the importance of music lessons and encourage participation in extracurricular
musical organizations; yet, if the child expresses an interest in pursuing music as a career,
the parents resist, telling the child that music is “nice as a hobby, but just a hobby, and
nothing else” (Borthwick & Davidson, 2002, p. 65). According to some of the parents in
the study, a musical career was undesirable and discouraged. Parents also gave mixed
messages on the value of different musical genres. As an example, one child reported that
her parents encouraged her to listen to “pop” music so that she could relate to her peers,
but that only classical music was played in her home (Borthwick & Davidson, 2002).

Borthwick and Davidson (2002, p. 67) describe how, in many of the families,
parent-child coalitions existed between a musician parent and a selected child. In these
coalitions, the musical parent had a strong “musician identification” with the child, and
placed high expectations on the child. These coalitions especially developed when the
child studied the same instrument as the parent. These coalitions sometimes placed strain
on other family relationships. Family relationships were also strained when the parent
had dual roles as parent and music teacher (Borthwick & Davidson, 2002).

Other results showed that all parents in two-child families labeled the oldest child
as musically talented and considered the second. child to have inferior musical abilities.
Despite these beliefs, some parents in the study pressure the second child to follow in the
musical footsteps of the first child, creating sibling rivalries and putting strain on all
family relations. In families with three children, parents tended to treat each child as an

individual. In these families, the children developed their own niches, so sibling rivalry

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was not as significant a problem as in two-sibship families (Borthwick & Davidson,

2002)

Achievement Motivations

Much of the research discussed up to this point has focused on the effect of
external forces (school, families, society) on the development of musical identities. Other
researchers have explored the internal landscape of the musician’s identity, including the
role of self-perceptions on musical identity development (O’Neill, 2002) and the identity
of professional musicians (Davidson, 2002; Froehlich, 2007). As one of the most prolific
contributors to research into the role of children’s self-perceptions in musical
development, O’Neill’s research focuses on developmental theories of identity, including
the effects of positive or negative self-perceptions about musical abilities, and
achievement motivation in music (O’Neill, 1994, 1997b, 1999; O’Neill & McPherson,
2001; O’Neill & Sloboda, 1997).

Dweck (1986; Dweck & Leggett, 1988) prOposed a socio—cognitive model of
achievement motivation that has been fi'equently cited. In Dweck’s model, children’s
motivational patterns, whether mastery-oriented or helpless, influence their behavior in
predictable ways. For example, children who exhibit “helpless” motivational patterns will
not take on challenging tasks, will have low persistence, and will resign when failure
becomes a strong possibility. On the other hand, children with “mastery—oriented”
motivational patterns remain optimistic, even when facing failure, and have high levels of
persistence after a failure. Dweck notes that some of the brightest children possess
“helpless” motivational behaviors. Dweck (1999) further adds that the perceptions

children have of their abilities can predict their goals and their behaviors. Music teachers

lOl

can use this knowledge to 1. Better understand children’s musical behaviors and
perspectives, 2. Try to redirect “helpless” students to more productive ways of
thinking/behaving, and 3. Help students build positive perceptions of themselves as
musicians so that positive goals and behaviors are established.

O’Neill and Sloboda’s (1997) research on children’s perceptions of their musical
ability to perform musical tests, confirmed Dweck’s results. In their study, O’Neill and
Sloboda found that “children who reported low confidence in their ability following
failure on a music test experienced more performance deterioration (helpless behavior)
than children who reported high post-failure confidence and displayed mastery-oriented
behavior” (O’Neill, 2002, p. 81). They comment, “Interestingly, measures of children’s
actual ability to perform the test prior to failure did not predict their confidence levels
following failure nor their subsequent behavior” (O’Neill, 2002, p. 81). In a follow-up
longitudinal study, O’Neill (1997b) found that students with “helpless” motivational
behaviors were less successful in instrumental lessons over time than those with “mastery
oriented” behaviors. One reason for this may be that “helpless” students have
performance-oriented goals, and may therefore take negative peer judgnents more
seriously than “mastery oriented” students. “Mastery students” may be learning-oriented
and therefore less susceptible than “helpless” students to having their confidence shaken
by negative peer judgnents or other short-term failures.

O’Neill’s research (O’Neill, 1994, 1997b, 1999; O’Neill & McPherson, 2001;
O’Neill & Sloboda, 1997) points to the fact that musical identities are strongly influenced
by an individual’s achievement motivation. While there are many different achievement

motivation theories, Attribution Theory is one of the most frequently cited theories in

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music education research (Asmus, 1985, 1986; Austin, 1991, 1998; Austin & Vispoel,
1998; Chandler, et. a1, 1988; Legette, 1998; Schmidt 1995, 2005; Weiner, 1974, 1979).
Austin and Vispoel provide a particularly rich literature review of attribution theory in
their article, “How American Adolescents Interpret Success and Failure in Classroom
Music: Relationships Among Attributional Beliefs, Self-Concept, and Achievement”
(1998). Attribution Theory states that students will attribute success or failure to one or
more of the following: ability, task difficulty, luck, or effort. Attribution Theory also
describes how ability and effort are often perceived as internal and stable characteristics,
while task difficulty and luck are perceived as external and unstable characteristics
(Weiner, 1974, 1979).

Asmus (1986) studied elementary and secondary students’ achievement
motivation in relation to music, and found that 80% of the reasons students cited for
success or failure in music were due to internal constructs (ability or effort) as opposed to
external constructs (task difficulty and luck). Asmus also found that success was more
likely to be attributed to internal constructs, while failure was more likely to be attributed
to external constructs. As students get older, they are more likely to attribute successes
and failures to internal reasons (Asmus, 1986).

Legette (1998) used Asmus’ Music Attribution Orientation Scale to identify
student motivation and achievement in relation to Attribution Theory, and similarly found
that students cited ability and effort as the source of their successes and failures in music.
As in Asmus’ studies, Legette found that gender, school level, and school system had
sigrificant affects on the students’ responses. Schmidt (1995, 2005) and Austin (1988)

also studied Attribution Theory in relationship to music education. Austin (1988) found

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that the format of music festivals (rated versus non-rated) had no effect on either
students’ achievement motivation or musical self-concept. However, the musical self-
concept of all participants in the study increased during the study.

In other studies related to theories of motivation, researchers have explored the
motivation for, meaning of, and attitudes towards student participation in music (Hylton,
1981; Sweet, 2003; Wayman, 2005). Hylton (1981) investigated students’ perceptions of
the meaning of hi gh-school choir. Wayman (2005) investigated middle-school students’
perceptions of the meaning of general music class.

Sweet (2003) studied middle school students’ motivation for participating in
choir. Current and former members of Sweet’s middle school choir responded to surveys
and participated in interviews desigred to determine the factors that influence sixth and
seventh gade students to enroll or not enroll in choir. Results showed that environmental
factors such as family influence, peers, the choir teacher, class activities, and other class
options influenced the students’ decisions. Other personal factors that influenced the
students’ decisions included their enjoyment of singing and whether or not they wanted
to pursue music in the future (Sweet, 2003, p. 146).

Duke and Henniger (1998), Mota (1999), Pogonowski (1985), and Schmidt
(1995) studied the attitudes of students towards classroom music. Schmidt investigated
attributions of success, gade level, and gender as factors in choral students’ perceptions
of teacher feedback, and relations among motivation and performance achievement in
secondary instrumental music students. Among other results, Schmidt found that
attributions of success and failure were consistent over gade levels and that student

“ratings of performance and effort were most strongly correlated with self-concept and

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intrinsic motivation” (Schmidt, 2005). Mota (1999) reports that children’s motivation to
participate generally declines as students get older. Pogonowski (1985) reports that
attitudes towards music are related to gade level, socioeconomic status, and gender, that
musical attitudes and musical aptitude are not related, and that student attitudes towards
classroom music are not influenced by participation in extracunicular musical activities.
Student motivation for participating in musical activities was studied by Austin
(1988), Austin and Vispoel (1998), Rutowski (1994), Sandene (2007), and Stauffer and
Saunders (1992). Sandene (1997) found that motivation is related to self-esteem in the
instrumental classroom setting. Research on understanding students’ motivation for,
meaning of, and attitudes towards student participation in music is important because it

gives educators a broader perspective of how music participation affects students’ lives.

Musical Self-Concept and Musical Self-Esteem

Research in self-perception and musical identity includes the concepts of entity
theory and incremental theory. O’Neill (2002, p. 80) defines entity theory as “a belief that
one’s ability is innate and fixed,” and incremental theory as “a belief that one’s ability
can improve through effort.” These self-theories provide a framework for the
development of individual music self-concept (a student’s perception of his or her
musical abilities) and music self-esteem (how a student feels about his or her musical
abilities). As illustrated in the research on Attribution Theory, these self-theories can
evolve over time.

Specifically regarding music self-concept, Phillips (2003) investigated the
relationship between music attitudes of middle school students, music at home, and self-

concept in music. Other factors in the analysis included students’ socioeconomic status,

105

gade level, and gender. Students responded to three surveys, including a Music Attitude
Scale, Music Backgound Inventory, and the Self-Concept in Music Scale (Svengalis,
1978). Phillips found that “low SES level, poor home musical environment and low self-
concept in music impact[ed] music attitudes negatively.” Phillips suggests that music
educators should encourage low SES students to participate in music, create unique
musical opportunities for boys, and “encourage increased self-concept in music for girls
in an effort to offset the downward trends in students’ music attitudes during the middle
school years” (Phillips, 2003).

In support of Phillips’ research, Clements (2002) found that high musical self-
concept and a positive attitude towards music resulted in geater participation in choral
ensembles. Schubbe (2000) adds that high self-concept of musical ability contributes to
students’ emotional well-being. Laycock (1992) found a high correlation between
musical self-concept, musical experiences, and the characteristics of students’ original
musical compositions.

Regarding musical self-esteem, Zimmerman (2005) explored the effect of self-
recording, self-listening, and self-evaluation of instrumental lessons on music self esteem
and motivation. Subjects filled out four surveys: Arts Self-Perception Inventory
(V ispoel, 1992), Magritude of Motivation (Asmus, 1987b), Motivating Factors (Asmus,
1986b), and Music Self-Perception Inventory-Adolescent Form (Vispoel, 1993b).
Zimmerman found that the interventions improved self-esteem of musical ability
(Zimmerman, 2005).

Jacobs (1997) found that students are able to assess their ability level in music,

and that this perception is related to students’ general level of self-esteem. Shields (2001)

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studied self-perception of musical competence/ self worth with at-risk urban adolescents
in depth. In her study, students in the treatment goups participated in either choir or
percussion classes while students in the control goups did not participate in any school
music instruction. All participants took surveys desigred to assess their self-perception of
musical competence. Results of the study showed that “musical participation in students’
lives was domain-specific, related to global self-worth, but not synonymous with it”
(Shields, 2001).

The research on music self-esteem and music self-concept indicates that these
constructs evolve over time, and are influenced by the environment as well as classroom
instruction (Austin, 1990; Laycock, 1992; Zimmerman, 2005). Research also indicates
that students’ perceptions of their abilities often become self-fulfilling prophecies. In
light of these findings, increasing students’ music self-esteem and music self-concept
should be an important goal for music educators. Repeated experiences in music
(Laycock, 1992) as well as specific instructional strategies (Zimmerman, 2005) have

been shown to increase students’ musical self-esteem and musical self-concept.

Summary

Participating in music influences students in both musical and non-musical ways.
This chapter illustrates the numerous ways in which self-concept and musical self-
concept have received attention from researchers. The research presented in this review
indicates that participating in music may have an effect on a student’s identity, especially
in terms of self-esteem and self-concept, but more research is needed to establish more
generalizable conclusions. Perhaps these contradicting results are due to unique variables

in each study, including teacher styles/personalities, individual students’ personalities,

107

classroom dynamics, type of musical instrument used in the study, socioeconomic level
of participants, and differences in participant’s musical backgounds and/or culture.

Studies on self-esteem and music involvement are valuable, even though they
may not be generalizable, because they offer insights into how certain students in certain
settings responded. As more research is done, a clearer picture as to how the research
studies relate to each other may begin to emerge. It may be that the variables listed above
have a sigrificant impact on self-esteem, and should be isolated and studied more in-
deptlr. Future research might replicate studies with strong, sigrificant findings (see Costa-
Giomi, 2004), changing certain variables, such as those listed at the beginning of this
paragaph. Replication studies might help identify reasons for discrepant results, or at the
very least, strengthen the previous findings.

The research on music’s influence on self-concept is inconclusive. This could
mainly be due to the fact that there are relatively few studies on this particular topic in
music education. In music education, further research is necessary to determine the ways
in which music affects or does not affect self-concept. Most of the existing research
focuses on children’s developing self-concept. Future research might explore the effect of
music on adolescent or adult self-concept, or further explore children’s self-concept in
settings such as musical ensembles in schools, churches, and the community. To the
extent that this dissertation focuses on the ways in which children’s identities (including
self-efficacy, self—concept and self-esteem) are affected by their participation in a

children’s choir, research on identity is furthered through this dissertation.

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Research with Community Children’s Choirs

There are typically three types of choral ensembles in which young singers may
participate: school choirs, church choirs, and community choral ensembles. While a
sigrificant amount of research has been done with students in school choral ensembles,
much less research has been done with church and community children’s choirs, and
most research is only available in dissertations (Granum, 2000; Howle, 1999; Potter,
2005). The absence of refereed journal articles on children’s choirs is surprising,
considering the gowth in the number of community children’s choirs in the last 30 years,
and the large number of students currently participating in these extracurricular musical
activities (Daugherty & Hedden, 2006; Farrior, 1993; Sewell, 1990).

Most published articles about young singers investigate singing in the context of
school or church choirs, not community children’s choirs (Howard, Barlow, Szyrnanski,
& Welch, 2000; Moore & Killian, 2000; Silvey, 2005; Tepe, et a1. 2002; Trehub &
Adachi, 1998). Unpublished research on children’s singing is broad in scope, ranging
from exploring the transfer of learned melodic and rhythmic patterns into choral
performance in elementary school choirs (Chivington, 1991), assessing the effect of male
vocal modeling on singing skill-development in church choirs (Odom, 1991), use of
sequential patterns in children’s Southern Baptist choir rehearsals (Tipton, 1996),
teaching and learning strategies in a gospel youth choir (Simpson, 2001), investigating
influences on curriculum (Messer, 1988), to two DMA scholarly papers on children’s
choir repertoire (Broeker, 1996; Herbert, 2006).

History, organizational structure, and current trends specifically in community

children’s choirs have been topics for dissertation research. As one of the earliest and

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strongest leaders in this movement, Helen Kemp’s unique contributions to children’s
choir pedagogy have been of geat interest to researchers (Farrior, 1993). Potter (2005)
compared the ideas of four of the most influential children’s choir directors: Jean
Ashworth Battle, Helen Kemp, Henry Leek, and Doreen Rao. Granum (2000)
investigated the musical, societal, and education reasons for the founding of selected
children’s choirs, as well as factors that contribute to the choirs’ success. Howle (1999)
completed a survey of seven community children’s choirs in Florida, investigating their
organizational patterns and conductors’ philosophies and practices. In a recently
published article in the Bulletin for the Council of Research in Music Education,
Daugherty and Hedden (2006) investigated the audition processes of 292 community-
based children’s choirs.

Several studies have gone beyond organizational structures of children’s choirs
and investigated the choral conductor’s perspectives, theories, pedagogy, and conducting
techniques (Boume, 1990; Dolloff, 1994; Durrant, 2005; Granum, 2000; Howle, 1999;
Kerley, 1995; Krause, 1983; Tagg, 1997). In a qualitative case study, Tagg (1997)
investigated the perspective of an elementary vocal music teacher. Results of interviews
and observations revealed insights into the job’s rewards and demands, as well as insights
into how the American children’s choir movement affected the teacher’s perspective on
education. Dolloff (1994) used a case study method to investigate the leadership,
curricular approach, and musicality of noted children’s choir conductor Doreen Rao.
Kerley (1995) also used case studies when looking at the decision-making process,
leadership style and behavior, and musicality of two master children’s choir conductors.

Boume (1990) identified specific instructional techniques used by selected directors of

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children’s choirs in Georgia, Illinois, Maryland, Tennessee, and Texas, in both school
and community settings. Krause (1983) studied the effect of conducting stance and
motion to affect children’s vocal production and musicality.

The student perspective on choral singing in school and community choirs has
received increased attention in recent years (Bridges, 1996; Durrant 2005; Miller, 1993;
Mizener, 1993; Silvey, 2005; Smith, 2000). In the school choir setting, Mizener (1993)
studied the attitudes of elementary music students toward choir participation (current and
out-of-school singing experiences) and found that, while most students showed a positive
attitude towards singing, less than half were interested in participating in a choir. Miller
(1993) also studied the perspective of students in school choirs, investigating the effect of
the middle school student/choral teacher interaction on the enrollment decisions of
prospective choral singers. In a recent study, Silvey (2005) investigated the perspectives
of three high school choral students as they learned to sing Benjamin Britten’s “Rejoice
in the Lamb.” Silvey found that students progessed through three knowledge levels
during the learning process: 1. Impression, or propositional knowledge, 2. Construction,
or procedural knowledge, and 3. Understanding, or acquaintance knowledge. Results also
showed that students tended to focus on technical achievement in rehearsal, and students
experienced different levels of meaning based on their personal history, effort, and
Openness.

Durrant’s study (2005) is one of the few studies that focus on the participant’s
perspective in a community choir. Durrant (2005) used a qualitative approach to
investigate the perceptions of adult singers and conductors in Finland and Sweden. One

of the purposes was to investigate the effects of the interaction between conductor and

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singers on the ensemble. Results of analysis of interviews with conductors and singers, as
well as extensive observation of rehearsals and concerts revealed that 1. The conductor’s
musical and interpersonal skills were crucial to motivating the singers, 2. Singers’
identity is linked to social as well as musical experiences.

Two studies investigated the perceptions of students in community children’s
choirs. In a study of 14 children’s choirs, Smith (2000) found that children approach
choral study differently than do adults and that children may have a more holistic view of
the choral experience than do adults. In a case study of the Alabama Boychoir, Bridges
(1996) explored students’ musical and extra-musical experiences in terms of content as
well as their motivation to participate. In this study, approximately 80 formal interviews
with choir members, alumni, choir staff, and parents helped establish a well-balanced
perspective of the choir. Choir members reported that the most meaningful aspects of
participation included being competent and working hard, performing, being recogrized
through the choir organization, forwarding the choir’s reputation in the community,
having structure and rules to follow, social events, and singing. Bridges found that the
choral director was largely responsible for creating and maintaining a structured

environment that fostered excellence.

Summary
Research such as that done by Bridges (1996), provides a deep and meaningful
look into the student perspective. Further insight into students’ perceptions of specific
constructs, such as their role in the ensemble, the role of the conductor, and the effect of

specific rehearsal techniques, is needed. From a sociological perspective, issues such as

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social comparison, social identity, self-categorization, intergoup comparisons, and social
influence processes have not been studied in combination with community children’s
choirs. Studies that address these important issues can assist educators in understanding
better the importance of social context in developing students’ identities. This
information helps educators to provide the most beneficial and engaging environment for
their students.

This chapter presented related research on the effect of participation in music on
personal identity and on musical identity, as well as research with children’s choir
organizations. Particularly relevant research includes Lamont’s (2001, Tarrant & Lamont,
2002) research on music participation in the school enviromnent, emphasizing the
importance of peer relationships in music-making and in adolescent identity formation. In
addition, Borthwick and Davidson (2002) investigations illustrated the ways in which
identities in music are influenced by the home environment. Asmus (1986) and others
explored students attributions for success or failure in music, as well as factors
contributing to musical self-concept and musical self-esteem. The section on the effect of
participation in music on personal identity investigated music’s effect on self-efficacy,
self-esteem, and self-concept and found that while much good research exists, more
research is needed to conclusively state music’s effect on certain aspects of personal
identity. This chapter concluded with a brief review of research with community
children’s choirs, illustrating the need for firrther research with this form of goup music-
making.

This dissertation is designed to further the research that has already been done on

music and identity. Specifically, it investigates both personal and musical identity

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development in relationship to participation in music, specifically a children’s choir
organization. In this dissertation, sociological issues such as social comparison, social
identity, self-categorization, intergoup comparison, and social influence are lenses

through which the students’ children’s choir experiences are analyzed.

ll4

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Desigr

Yin (2003) defines “case study” as an “empirical inquiry that investigates a
contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries
between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident.” In other words, a case study
offers the researcher a specific strategy for studying a phenomenon. It is a commonly-
used data-collection strategy for qualitative research. Case studies are increasingly
recogrized as a rigorous, empirical, and valuable research tool. The gowing acceptance
of case study research is evidenced by the fact that several textbooks have been published
on case study methodology in recent years (Stake, 1995, 2006; Merriam, 1998; Yin,
2003). These textbooks address a wide variety of issues related to case study desi gr,
including data collection, analysis, and interpretation. In his book, The Art of Case Study
Research, Stake (1995) identifies at least five distinct types of case study desigrs:
naturalistic, holistic, phenomenological, biogaphic, and ethnogaphic. This dissertation
is an ethnogaphic case study.

Goetz and LeCompte (1983) state that, “The purpose of educational ethnogaphy
is to provide rich, descriptive data on the context, activities, and beliefs of participants in
educational settings.” Ethnogaphic research uses qualitative research techniques to
investigate and analyze a specific goup or culture’s behavior, beliefs, or language

(Creswell, 2002, p. 58). The qualitative research techniques Creswell mentions include

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case studies. Under Creswell’s definition, an ethnogaphic case study could be done with
a goup as small as two, or even with only one person.

Central to the concept of ethnogaphic research is its focus on describing the lived
experience of the participants. For this reason, the term “ethnogaphic research” is
occasionally erroneously considered to be synonymous with the term “qualitative
research.” Yin (2003) clarifies that “Some qualitative research follows ethnogaphic
methods and seeks to satisfy two conditions: 1. The use of close-up, detailed observation
of the natural world by the investigator, and 2. The attempt to avoid prior commitment to
any theoretical model. Ethnogaphic research does not necessarily produce case studies,
though, and case studies are not necessarily done using ethnogaphic methods” (Yin,
2003). To summarize, qualitative researchers use ethnogaphic methods when they 1.
Attempt to give detailed observations of the natural world in which the phenomenon
exists, and 2. When they go into these observations without any pre-conceived theoretical
guides. Specific ethnogaphic research tools include interviews, observations, and
analysis of documents. This study employs the following ethnogaphic data collection
techniques: participant observations, field notes, individual and focus goup interviews.
Specific data sources include transcripts of all interviews, extensive field notes of
rehearsal and interview observations, a written participant questionnaire, my journal
entries, and digital audio recordings of all interviews.

In my work teaching the Preparatory Choir of the Northridge Children’s Choir
(N CC) (the choir name has been changed), I often talked to the choir’s conductor, Mrs.
Talbot (pseudonym), about my desire to do my dissertation research with her choirs. Mrs.

Talbot was always enthusiastic about this prospect. She allowed me to conduct a pilot

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study with students of her advanced choir. In preparation for the dissertation, Mrs. Talbot
and I discussed the desigr of the study, participant selection procedures, data collection
procedures, the time involved for interviews, the approximate dates during which I would
conduct the research, and the consent and assent forms for all participants. I obtained
written permission from Mrs. Talbot and a Community Music School supervisor to
conduct research at that facility. Following this, I applied for and received permission
fi'om the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at Michigan State University to conduct this

research.

Relationship of Dissertation to Pilot Study

The desigr of this dissertation reflects the results of the pilot study. In the pilot
study, I purposely prepared only a small set of questions prior to the interviews, intending
for the students to respond to each question and then direct the course of the conversation
in whatever direction they desired. The purpose in doing so was to ascertain what aspects
of their choir participation were most interesting or meaningful to them. During the pilot
study, the most animated feelings were present when students discussed choir fiiendships
and the benefits of choir participation. Two of the students became visibly emotional—to
the point of tears—when describing the effect that choir has had on their lives. During the
interviews, I perceived that singing in the choir, as well as participant interactions with
peers and the conductor, had a unique influence on the choir members’ musical and
personal identities. This dissertation specifically investigates choir’s influence on the
students’ musical and personal identities, in particular focusing on the influence of choir

relationships in the identity-building process.

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Research questions for the dissertation reflect the results of the pilot study. For
example, most of the dissertation research questions begin with “In what ways does choir
participation influence...” followed by a specific construct. These constructs surfaced
during pilot study interviews as having relevance to students’ musical or personal
identities druing pilot study interviews. As a further example, several participants in the
pilot study explained that singing in the choir helped them develop self-discipline. The
following dissertation research question relies on those assertions, yet allows for further
exploration: “In what ways does participation in the choir affect the participants’ personal
identities?” Each question in the dissertation is purposely written in a similar manner,
acknowledging the results of the pilot study by implying a connection between the

construct and choir participation.

Researcher Lens

From the age of six until I was eighteen, I sang in children’s choirs. After that
time, I assisted for five years with the preparatory choirs in three different children’s
choir organizations, including the Northridge Children’s Choir. During the Spring of
2006, I began observing rehearsals of the advanced choir of the Northridge Children’s
Choir, and started working as an accompanist and assistant conductor of the NCC’s
Preparatory Choir the following Fall (2006). In Spring 2007, I worked as co-conductor of
the choir. The 2007-2008 school year is my second year of working with the Preparatory
Choir, and I am currently the sole conductor of that ensemble. In addition to my current
work with the Preparatory Choir, for the pilot study I observed approximately 18 hours of

the advanced choir rehearsals, I substitute-taught the Intermediate Choir once, and I have

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participated in numerous combined choir dress rehearsals and performances. During the
past two years of my associations with the NCC, I have participated in many rehearsal
planning meetings and informal conversations with Mrs. Talbot. We have selected
literature together, discussed student needs, shared methodological approaches, and
handled routine choir business matters.

When we co-conducted the Preparatory Choir, I frequently invited Mrs. Talbot to
give comments on my teaching during the class itself. I valued her expertise as a choral
conductor and welcomed her insights into rehearsal pedagogy. The singers knew that
Mrs. Talbot’s role in the class was more than just an accompanist; they knew that she was
welcome at any time to jump into the rehearsal with comments or suggestions, which she
frequently did. After choir rehearsals, Mrs. Talbot and I often spent a few moments going
over the rehearsal, discussing what went well, what did not go well, and our approach for
the next class.

From the time I participated at the Choral Music Experience in England when I
was sixteen years old, until today, rehearsal pedagogy and the influence of a conductor’s
personality and style on the ensemble has fascinated me. When I observe rehearsals,
including NCC rehearsals, my thoughts are often drawn to the ways in which the
conductor influences the choir, and how this leadership is perceived and received. I enjoy
ruminating on how a conductor’s unspoken expectations manifest themselves in choir
members’ work ethics. A conductor has a geat deal of power that I have seen used to
inspire and also to demean others. This belief means that I tend to be particularly curious
about the motivations for a conductor’s actions. I often question whether the conductor’s

actions stem from a desire to help the ensemble or a desire to improve the conductor’s

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reputation or sense of self-worth. I also wonder how much of the conductor’s actions are
motivated by more of a desire to have the choir firlfill their personal musical needs than
to serve music education purposes. Having sung in at least one choir in which this was
the case, I tend to care deeply about the students’ experiences and want to defend their
desires to be treated as individuals--human beings with feelings--not solely as the
conductor’s musical instrument. In contemplating the ways in which the participants
receive a conductor’s actions, I often consider the extent to which students perceive the
conductor’s true intentions and motivations, and I wonder what those intentions and
motivations are as well.

My interest in the ways in which conductors use their influence led me to develop
the research questions for this study. As I contemplated the focus of the study, I realized
that what I was most interested in studying was the impact that the conductor’s decisions,
personality, and leadership style had on the students. I was also strongly interested in
exploring how the experience itself of singing in the choir affected the students. Although
I could have chosen one specific construct such as participants’ self-esteem to study, I
purposely allowed the focus to remain more general and include a variety of aspects of
identity, including collective identity, self-concept, self-esteem, self-efficacy, musical
self—concept, and musical self-esteem. The research questions focus on the ways that
individual identities are affected, both musically and in general, by interactions with the
conductor and peers in the children’s choir setting.

In relation to data collection, these feelings may contribute to researcher bias in at
least two ways. First, my own experiences with children’s choir conductors may make

me more likely than others to perceive the conductor’s actions and intentions as self-

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promoting, self-protecting, or progam-promoting. Second, because I have long been
interested in issues of leadership and power, I may perceive that the conductor has more
influence than actually exists. In discussing with the students the ways in which the
conductor influences their lives, understanding the context in which interactions occur is
paramount. Understanding the student perspective, including the students’ attitudes and
beliefs is essential in order to accurately analyze interactions between the conductor and
students. Carefirl triangulation of data and peer review of the analysis will alleviate these

issues.

Participant Selection and Rapport

Because I have been associated with the Preparatory Choir for two years, the
faces and names of many of the intermediate and advanced choir members are familiar to
me. While observing the students in their rehearsals and performances, talking to them in
the hallways, and working with several of them individually in their volunteer mentor
activities with the Preparatory Choir, I have developed an awareness of many of the
singers’ personalities, skills, and talents. Several students who participated in the pilot
study are currently members of the advanced choir. In addition to learning about the
students, I have watched the students’ parents observing rehearsals and have occasionally
talked to these parents at rehearsals or concerts. These interactions allow me an “insider”
perspective on the organization and the lives of many of the participants and their
parents. With this “insider perspective” comes an awareness of the students and families
that have been affiliated with the choir over many years, including a sense of the web of

choir fiiendships that exist.

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The “insider perspective” was paramount in participant selection. Because many
of the students were familiar to me, I came into the observations with some pre-existing
ideas of the personalities of some of the students in the classroom and an idea of the
kinds of interview responses that they might provide. In selecting participants, I was not
necessarily looking for participants who shared similar views. In fact, the opposite was
true. My goal was to select participants who seemed to have a unique and strong sense of
self and an interesting perspective to contribute to the study. During seven hours of
rehearsals of the advanced choir, I observed the students while referring to a choir seating
chart prepared for me by one of the choir members who was also my accompanist in the
Preparatory Choir. A choir roster including birtlrdates given to me by the Community
Music School secretary helped me identify the ages of the students. In order to provide
for future data collection that would likely reflect higher levels of reflective thinking
abilities, I specifically observed singers who were age 12 or older.

I scanned the choir for students who exhibited varying degees of responsiveness
in the rehearsal setting. I closely observed and noted students’ body language, facial
expressions, behavior, and dress. I carefully observed the habits of the students as they
arrived to choir, during rehearsal and breaks, and as they left rehearsal. Students who
seemed to be alert and strong-willed enough to express their ideas caught my attention. I
also attempted to select participants based on a wide range of years of experience in the
choir, and I also considered gender.

It would have been easy to select a focus goup of six positive, enthusiastic
choristers, but I wanted to hear a variety of perspectives, so I made a conscious effort to

identify and select a few students who did not seem entirely engaged in the rehearsals, in

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addition to students who seemed completely engaged and those who appeared somewhat
engaged in the rehearsals. This was a challenging task, because at first glance, all the
students seemed to participate wholeheartedly in the rehearsals. My initial impression
when observing the rehearsal was that all the students appeared to sit tall in their chairs,
hold their music up, sing with expressive faces, and take notes when Mrs. Talbot spoke to
them. It was only on closer observation that subtle differences between the students
emerged. For example, a telling look between students or a sense of when a few stolen
moments of slouching posture might go unnoticed were some behaviors that I noticed.

After several hours of such careful and guided observation, I felt that I began to
have a sense of the dedication level of various students in the choir. It was helpful to me
to somewhat informally label students as I observed them. I made notes such as “rebel,”
“seasoned professional,” and “overachiever” next to the students’ names in my notebook.
From these observations, as well as my prior knowledge and experience with many of the
students, I was able to identify a small goup of potential study participants.

At the end of one of the choir’s weekly rehearsals, Mrs. Talbot introduced me to
the choir and allowed me to introduce the reason for my visits and to distribute a letter
indicating that I may contact the students to invite them to participate in the study
(Appendix A). I obtained a list of choir members’ home phone numbers from the CMS
secretary. The day after I distributed the letters, I contacted the parents of the potential
study participants. In speaking with the parents, I again succinctly described the purpose
of the study as well as the time commitment involved (approximately two hours) for the
focus goup participants. In addition, I explained that I would invite several students and

their parents to participate in follow-up interviews. If the parents indicated an interest in

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participating in the study, I either e-mailed or personally delivered copies of the required
Human Subjects assent and consent forms (Appendix B, C) to them for them to review
with their child. In addition, I gave the choir member participants a list of potential goup
interview questions (Appendix D). Participants returned the completed consent forms at
the focus goup interviews. Initially, all six potential participants expressed immediate
interest in participating in the study. However, one participant’s parent withdrew her
from the study a few hours after accepting, citing that the participant was attending a
school dance on the day of the interview, and needed to keep a hair-styling appointment
during the time the interview was scheduled. Another student eagerly ageed to be the
sixth participant when I called to extend the invitation.

In order to gain additional perspectives on children’s choir participation, I invited
one adult college student, a former member of the children’s choir, to participate in an
interview. Mrs. Talbot also consented to participate in an interview. The purpose of these
adult interviews was to provide further triangulation of data and to increase the

trustworthiness of the data analysis.

Procedure and Data Collection
Following the participant selection procedures described above, I held two hour-
long focus goup interviews with the current choir member participants. The interviews
took place in the afternoon on Saturday, December 8th and December 15th, 2008, in the
music education gaduate student office at the Music Building on campus. I used an
Olympus DS—40 digital voice recorder to record the focus goup interviews, and an

Olympus DS-2 digital voice recorder for the remaining individual interviews. At the

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second focus goup interview, the current choir member participants filled out a one-page
Participant Questionnaire (Appendix E) that asked for basic information such as their
age, gade level, hobbies, and reasons for participating in the children’s choir.

For the focus goup interviews, all participants met in the foyer of the Music
Building. Because the interview was held after a three-hour dress rehearsal for one of the
choir’s Christmas concerts, and because it was lunchtime, I provided pizzas for everyone
to eat while we waited for all the participants to arrive. As soon as all the participants
arrived, we took the remaining pizzas and went downstairs to the gaduate student office,
where I let the students into the room and pointed them in the direction of the small
rectangular table around which the participants should sit. I allowed the students to seat
themselves around the table in any order they preferred. I placed the rerrraining pizza in
the middle of the table, and the students continued to eat as I began my instructions. The
digital voice recorder was also in the middle of the table.

After welcoming the students and thanking them for their willingress to
participate, I held a “practice run” with the digital voice recorder, in which each student
read a short statement, “My name is (stating their pseudonym) and this is a test of the
voice recorder.” They giggled and laughed at each other and at themselves as they read
the words and passed the statement to the next participant. We then listened to the
recording to make sure that each student’s voice was loud enough to be heard. Rules for
the interview included an admonition to speak one at a time, to state their pseudonym
each time they made a comment, to respect everyone’s opinions, and to be courageous
enough to express their feelings and opinions. For the second focus goup interview, one

of the participants was sick and could not attend, so only five students participated.

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After the second focus goup interview, I reflected on how the interviews had
progessed in general, the depth of reflective thinking in the comments made, the
attitudes and personalities of the participants, and the amount and type of follow-up
questions that I had for certain participants. Based on these reflections, I selected three
students for further interviews. In the focus goup interviews, these three students had
expressed themselves confidently and clearly. Their responses illustrated depth of
reflective thinking and a diversity of opinions and attitudes. I called the parents of these
three students on the phone and invited both the student and the parents to participate in
follow-up interviews. Comments fi'om the focus goup interviews became the starting
point for the individual interviews. I asked individuals to clarify the meaning or intent of
their comments, or asked their opinions on the comments of others. After that, I referred
to my original list of questions and asked the questions that I believed the participant
would have the most insight into.

These interviews took place between January 11th and January 19’“, 2008, were
scheduled according to the families’ convenience, and were held in the participants’
homes. The interview with the adult former children’s choir member was held in the
music education gaduate student office in the Music Building on February 12, 2008.
Mrs. Talbot also participated in an interview in her office at the Community Music
School on January 29th, 2008.

During all the interviews for the study (including the focus goup interviews), I
took field notes, carefirlly describing the environment, participant appearances and
behaviors, and any other inforrrration that seemed pertinent. After each interview, I filled

out interview summary forms (Miles & Huberrnan, 1994, p. 53; Kruse, 2007, p. 199)

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(Appendices F and G) to help clarify the salient issues arising in each interview. As stated
previously, another source of data collection included rehearsal observations and one
concert observation. The first seven hours of rehearsal observations focused primarily on
participant selection. After the interviews, I returned to observe approximately two hours
of rehearsals in order to further observe the participants in the rehearsal setting. A
secondary purpose for these observations was to increase my focus on rehearsal
pedagogy and the effects of this rehearsal pedagogy on the students’ behaviors. These
visits coincided with the beginning of the coding phase of the analysis, so a third and
final purpose of these later observations was to observe the rehearsals with the codes and
emerging themes in mind. Throughout the study, I also kept a journal with my own

reflections on the study.

Limitations of the Study

Because this is a qualitative study, the results are not meant to be fully or
completely generalizable to other teaching situations. The results may be of particular
interest to community children’s choir conductors, who may find that certain results of
the study may be applicable—in a limited way—to their own situations. Conductors of
school choirs may find similarities between their own classroom environment and the
children’s choir environment that may allow them to apply the findings to their own class
settings. In particular, school choir conductors may be drawn to the discussion on the
conductor’s influence and may find application of the findings to their own situation.

However, it should be noted that two factors that may influence the results of the

study. First, all of the student participants knew that I was an instructor for the

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Preparatory Choir and recogrized me from my many visits to the advanced choirs, where
I was often invited to give feedback. Despite my efforts to explain both verbally and in
writing that the participants’ responses would be completely confidential, they may still
have believed that their identity could be made known. This might have caused the
participants to change or limit their responses to those they thought would be most
appropriate, thereby affecting the accuracy of the results and analysis. During the analysis
phase, I paid careful attention to triangulation of the data in order to minimize this effect.
Second, this study is based on the participants’ self-observations, which may not
always be accurate. However, the purpose of the study is to present the participants’
perceptions, not necessarily evidence (through cause-and-effect experimental desigrs) of
how participation in the choir has affected their lives. Any limited application of the
results of this study should take this issue into account, and not assume that a student’s

perception of benefits represents an actual gain.

Trustworthiness and Analysis

The analysis phase of a qualitative study requires a different approach from the
analysis of a quantitative study. While reliability (“the extent to which a research fact or
finding can be repeated”) and validity (“the extent to which a research fact or finding is
what it is claimed to be”) are essential for surveys and experiments, reliability and
validity are “problematic” in case study research in at least two ways (Bassey, 1999, pp.
74-75). First, the purposeful selection of unique case study subjects invalidates any
attempt to secure external validity (generalizability). Second, case studies often do not

have cause-and-effect relationships; they are often descriptive or “theory-seeking,” so

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internal validity can not be ascertained in the traditional sense (Bassey, 1999, p. 75).

Qualitative studies aim for a measure of the study’s overall integity through

“trustworthiness,” a term first used by Lincoln and Guba (1985, p. 300).

Bassey gives eight recommendations for establishing trustworthiness. They

include the following:

Prolonged engagement with data sources.

Persistent observation of emerging issues.

Checking raw data with sources (member checks).

Providing sufficient triangulation of raw data.

Testing the working hypothesis, evaluation, or emerging story against
analytical statements.

Inviting a friend to critically review the findings (peer review).
Providing a detailed account of the research, in enough detail to establish

confidence in the findings and an adequate audit trail (Bassey, 1999, p.

75).

To ensure trustworthiness, I adhered closely to Bassey’s (1999)

recommendations. Over the course of both the pilot study and dissertation, I observed in

excess of 30 hours of choir rehearsals, and for this study I spent approximately 10 hours

interviewing participants, thus providing “prolonged engagement with data sources.”

During data collection, I often focused my attention on identifying “observing emergent

issues.” Member-checks allowed the participants approximately one week to review

transcripts of their interviews and change or edit any of their responses. The variety of

perspectives in this study (children’s choir members, their parents, a former choir

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member, the choir’s conductor, and my own observations) provided for triangulation of
the data.

For this study, data collection consisted of observations, field notes, interviews, a
written questionnaire, and journal entries. For the observations, I followed Creswell’s
(1998, p. 125) recommendation to observe characteristics of the informant, the physical
setting, particular events and activities, and my own reactions. During my hours of choir
rehearsal observations, I took detailed notes on the students’ interactions with each other
before, during, and after rehearsals. I also observed student responses to Mrs. Talbot’s
instruction. I observed the pedagogical organization of the rehearsal, as well as the
routines and demonstrations of expected student behavior. As a rule, I did not participate
in the rehearsals, although at the first observation Mrs. Talbot invited my feedback as she
worked to improve the choir’s diction. I took careful field notes during these
observations, recording my observations in a spiral-bound notebook in order to avoid the
intrusion of keyboard typing sounds in the rehearsal.

During the interviews, after asking a question and listening to the answers, I often
posed further questions relating to the participants’ answers. In this way, although the
interview questions were planned, there was flexibility in the actual interview that
allowed participants to explore some questions more thoroughly than others, according to
the participants’ interest in the topic. Questions for the individual interviews included
pre-detennined questions (Appendix D) as well as questions that developed as I
transcribed and reflected upon the goup interviews.

As a final data source, I kept a journal in which I recorded my thoughts and

impressions during data collection and coding. J anesick (2004) states that journal writing

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is an appropriate data source to provide a “data set of the researcher’s reflections on the
research act” (p. 143). J anesick (2004) adds that, “The notion of a comprehensive
reflective journal to address the researcher’s self is critical in qualitative work because of
the fact that the researcher is the research instrument” (p.144).

While reviewing all transcriptions, interview summary forms, field notes, and
journal entries, I analyzed and coded the data (Appendices H and J). Miles and Huberman
(1994) define codes as “tags or labels for assigring units of meaning to the. . .information
compiled during a study” (p. 56). These codes are given to “chunks” of information such
as words, paragaphs, phrases, or sentences that are connected in content or meaning.
Based on Miles and Hubennan’s description of an inductive approach to analysis, I
derived the codes used during analysis. This is in contrast to the a priori approach, in
which the researcher creates a list of codes before the fieldwork begins. The strength of
the inductive approach is that it provides more empirically derived codes than codes
identified a priori (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p. 58).

In reflecting upon and analyzing the essence of each “chunk” of data, I underlined
and labeled each with a code such as “singing high,” “auditions” or “confidence.” As I
identified each code, I typed the name of the code and the page number of the transcript
on which the code could be found, on a List of Preliminary Codes and Themes (Appendix
K). While doing the coding, preliminary themes suggested themselves quite early on in
the process. For example, it was a natural step to goup issues such as musical self-
concept, musical self-esteem, and musical self-efficacy under the theme of “MUSICAL
IDENTITY.” Therefore, a review of the List of Preliminary Codes indicates an initial

gouping of codes into potential themes. When on occasion a comment or phrase seemed

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to belong to two or more themes, I placed the phrase in each place where it seemed to
belong. As the coding progessed, I gained a sense of emerging issues and themes. For
example, I noticed how one aspect of one of the preliminary themes, Choir Friends
Versus School Friends, seemed to gow in salience over the course of the interviews,
ultimately needing to be made into its own theme. As a next step, I reviewed all the
preliminary codes to identify the codes that seemed most salient, codes that seemed to
point towards central emerging themes. I read all the comments of a particular code and
analyzed them for any similarities or emerging themes. Concept maps helped me
conceptualize and prioritize the emerging codes and themes (Appendix L).

In doing this analysis, I acknowledge that my unique researcher lens determines
to some extent the themes that seem most salient. To increase the trustworthiness of the
analysis, a music education faculty member and a doctoral student in music education
completed a peer-review of the coding and analysis of data. I frequently reminded myself
to test my sense of emerging themes against the data. In addition, all the procedures
outlined in this section are desigred to increase the trustworthiness of the study. In this
section, I have attempted to provide as much detail as possible in order to provide the
reader with a sufficient level of confidence in both the desi gr and analysis of the data

collected.

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CHAPTER IV

PARTICIPANTS

At 6:25 pm. on a cool Tuesday evening in October, choristers from
the Northridge Children’s Choir trickle into the white-walled large ensemble
room in the basement of the Community Music School. Some enter silently,
walking quickly to their assigned chair in the four half-moon-shaped rows
of neatly organized black posture chairs. Others enter the room and stop--
scanning the crowd for their posse of friendsuthen skip or run exuberantly
towards their group. Squeals of delight emanate from various corners of
the room as friends reconnect and begin to disseminate the latest news.
The approximately 55 choristers, ages 11 to 17, congregate in large and
small groups around the room, some standing, some sitting. A few diligent
choristers use the minutes before rehearsal to unpack their black zippered
and monogrammed NCC choir bags to retrieve their music, pencils, and
filled water bottles, while others squeeze every precious second out Of the
socializing time. Jeans and t-shirts are the clothing of choice among these
teens and pre-teens, although some choristers wear their green
monogrammed choir polo shirts. A buzzing excitement fills the room and
increases as more choristers enter and greet their choir friends.

The conductor, Mrs. Talbot, busies herself at the front of the room,

answering questions from parents and choristers and arranging paperwork

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on the piano. Mrs. Williamston, a respected and competent pianist and
musician, arrives and settles into her well-deserved second-in-command
post at the piano. At 6:31 pm. after wrapping up the choir business, Mrs.
Talbot sings a straight tone, signaling the start of rehearsal. Quickly
breaking up their social rings and scattering to their seats with lightning
speed, the choristers join in singing the held tone for approximately 20
seconds until everyone is in their assigned seat and all eyes focus intently
on Mrs. Talbot.

“Even make the warm-up beautiful. Up and over...here we go...come
on Julie... ‘A’ major, please...bite that apple! ” Wann-ups begin with a
series of gentle five-note descending vocalizes on different vowels. “Think
that first note, you don’t get three tries! Good job!” Without needing a
reminder from Mrs. Talbot, every chorister sits up straight during the warm-
ups and subsequent rehearsal, with their backs off of the chairs and their
hands resting on their laps or holding their music. The choristers curve
their lips around each vowel, finessing the sound into a unified whole. As
warm-ups begin, their faces and entire demeanors change from that of
casual teenagers into trained choristers. Throughout the warm-ups, with
eyebrows lifted, soft-palates raised, and eyes bright, the singers become
one in body language as well as tone. “If it’s gonna be cheesy, use
Velveeta!” Mrs. Talbot declares, as the choir finesses the tone in a

concluding vocalize.

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Mrs. Talbot exudes confidence and decisiveness as she begins to
rehearse the first piece of the day. The first word of the piece barely
sounds before Mrs. Talbot stops conducting. “What is your first sound?
‘5.” With determined looks on their faces, the singers begin again, this
time singing the word “You’ll” with obviously increased vowel unity and
more attention to the conducting gesture. As they sing, Mrs. Talbot listens
and watches the singers intently. Stopping to address a particular
chorister, she notes, “You need to drop your jaw more, ” and to another,
“You ’re another jaw holder. ”

Mrs. Talbot peppers the rehearsal with humorous comments. At one
point she encourages the choristers to shape their lips and mouth properly
around a certain vowel by exclaiming,

I do not see your teeth! I still have fish lips, but look at the rabbit

teeth. Everybody look at me and do what I'm doing (modeling

appropriate lip/mouth shape). Your parents spend millions of dollars
on your orthodontial Show it off?
Another time she jokes, “I hear lots of Pac-Man® singing (singing note to
note, not phrase to phrase). People will think they’re at Pinball Pete ’sl "
When the choir sings with too dark of a tone, she smiles and says, “We do
not want you to sing fat and 40, we want you to sing long and lean!” The
choristers smile or laugh in reaction to these comments and then

immediately work to correct the problem.

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The choristers are surprisingly focused throughout the rehearsal.
Almost no talking or whispering between choristers occurs, except during
quick transition times between pieces. In addition, the choristers sit up
straight for most of the rehearsal. They slouch during transition times, but
most of them bounce back up as soon as it is time to begin singing. When
Mrs. Talbot gives them a direction such as “stronger ‘t’ here,” heads and
shoulders immediately drop almost in perfect unison as most of the
choristers look for the spot in the music and, using their laps as desks,
scribble a marking onto the music. The heads then lift one by one, and Mrs.
Talbot commences rehearsing.

This amount of classroom order, unity, and willing participation
allows Mrs. Talbot to immediately spot choristers who are not paying
attention. When this occurs, she calls the errant chorister by name:
“Jordan! Page six! Jordan!” or she simply mentions the chorister’s name,
and the chorister snaps back to attention. The choristers seem to know
that their complete focus is required.

Towards the end of rehearsal, Mrs. Talbot speaks about the meaning
of dedication and the rewards of hard work: “How much pride do we have
in belonging to a group with such high standards? Would you rather be in a
group that’s more fun to be in and we play our saxophone out of tune?”
She also encourages the choristers to develop a personal connection to
the music: “I want you to get inside the music. One way to do this is to... ”

The choristers to rise to the challenges Mrs. Talbot places before them,

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whether it is singing with more energy, getting more “inside” the music,
shaping a phrase with more beauty, or taking pride in accomplishing
difficult musical goals.

After two hours of intense mental and physical focus that would
have exhausted singers twice their age and capability, the choristers
emerge from rehearsal with obvious fatigue, but with smiles on their faces.
The feeling in the room is one of accomplishment and pride. The choristers
eagerly find their parents who are waiting either along the back walls of the
room, or directly outside the ensemble room door. Some begin to recount
details of the rehearsal, while others wait to ask Mrs. Talbot questions. Still
others quietly slip their coats on, pick up their drained water bottles, and
with a feeling of a job well done, yet more work ahead of them at the next

rehearsal, head back out into the darkening fall evening.

The Northridge Children’s Choir
Founded in 1993, the non-profit Northridge Children’s Choir’s stated purpose is,
T a teach the love of singing with energy and joy, to instill the love of choral .
singing, to make a commitment to others in fellowship, to reach the highest
standards of vocal proficiency and performance and to feel exaltation and pride
when beauty is created (Northridge Children’s Choir website).
Approximately 150 choristers participate in the NCC in three different choirs: the
Preparatory Choir (ages 7-9), the Intermediate Choir (ages 9-14), and the “top” or most

advanced choir, bearing the name of the organization, the Northridge Children’s Choir

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(ages 10-17). A review of the 2007-2008 Concert Season brochure (N CC brochure, n.d.)
indicated eleven major performances during the school year for the NCC. Some of these
performances were with different major orchestras or university ensembles, while other
performances involved only the NCC and the training choirs in local holiday or spring
performances.

Entry into the choir is by audition only. Auditions are held twice a year, during
the summer and in between fall and winter semesters. In the auditions, choristers must
match pitch and echo back a variety of short musical phrases (Mrs. Talbot terms this
“melodic memory”). Mrs. Talbot explained that although choristers technically must pass
through an audition to be admitted into the choir, only approximately ten individuals
failed these auditions over the past 15 years. The Preparatory Choir rehearses for 45
minutes once a week, while the Intermediate Choir rehearses for an hour and fifteen
minutes once a week. The NCC rehearses every Tuesday evening for two hours, as well
as a three-hour rehearsal every other Saturday morning. Participants are not required to
participate in their school ensembles as a condition of their acceptance into the NCC.

Tuition ranges from $140/semester for the Preparatory Choir, to $200/semester
for the NCC. In addition, choristers either rent or purchase their own choir uniforms and
practice CDs. Music is loaned to the choristers and returned at the end of the semester.
The choir is well-organized, featuring a governing board supported by parents and led by
a choir manager who works closely with Mrs. Talbot to handle most of the administrative
tasks. The governing board offers several need-based tuition scholarships every year, and
in the 2007-2008 choir season, provided over $8,000 in travel assistance monies for

choristers and their parents for a choir tour.

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Participants
Participants in the study included six current members of the NCC (Ciafara, Jade,
Mia, Charlie, Ingrid, and Nova), Mrs. Talbot, and one former member of the choir,
Christine. Ciafara, Mia, and Nova participated along with their parents in additional one-
on-one interviews several weeks after the two focus group interviews. The choir

members selected their own pseudonyms.

Ciafara (Sigh-uh-far-uh)

14-year old Ciafara captures my attention almost immediately upon arriving at the
children’s choir rehearsal. Amidst a sea of light-haired cherubic-faced children sits
teenage Ciafara, the uncontested social captain of the choir, her presence on the‘back row
inaudibly but loudly announced by her black t-shirt, shaggy red and brown streaked hair,
and overall “too cool” body language. A “mover and a shaker " (Interview, Ciafara’s
Mother, January 16, 2008) as her mother describes her, Ciafara exudes a natural charisma
and sparkling personality that draws others to her. “I ’ve always been pretty much
outgoing, " (Interview, Ciafara, January 16, 2008) Ciafara unabashedly admits. She
describes herself as “hyper, talkative, outgoing, kinda annoying...I like people ”
(Participant Questionnaire, Ciafara, December 15, 2007). On the Participant
Questionnarie, Ciafara states that her reason for participating in choir over the past seven
years is “The Rush!!! "

Ciafara quickly points out that she is different from some of the choir members in
that choir is not a consuming aspect of her identity: “I do love [chair] a lot, and I ’m glad
I ’ve done it, but it ’s not what makes me who I am. . . . For some people, they love coming

to rehearsals, and I ’m like, ‘whatever’” (Interview, Ciafara, January 16, 2008). Fast-

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talking and quick-witted, Ciafara compares her circle of choir friends with others in the
choir: “There are a lit of people that are like, ‘CHOIR, CHOIR, CHOIR!’ (excited, sing-
songy tone of voice) and we ’re the people who are like (holding hands up in front of self

I},

as if to calm down an excited puppy) ‘choir, choir, choir (Interview, Ciafara, January
16, 2008). Although Ciafara attempts to distance herself from those who have a
consuming interest in choir participation, she readily acknowledges that choir provides
meaningful experiences for her: “I think that in a few years, my overall looking back on it
I will be like, ‘What a great experience!’ ‘cause we got to do cool stufl and travel around
and have CDs " (Interview, Ciafara, January 16, 2008). Committed to choir and to music-
making in general, yet possessing an independent and strong-willed spirit, Ciafara
dominated much of the focus group interviews.

Built in the 1930’s, Ciafara’s home has rich hardwood floors, a real wood-burning
stove, and each room is painted a different warm color. The house looks much bigger on
the inside than fi'om the outside. The house has high ceilings and lots of bright open
windows. Many bookcases filled with colorful books line the room, and beautiful
Japanese wall-hangings cover the walls. Ciafara’s mother talks a million miles an hour,
begging my forgiveness for the crumbs on the counter as she swiftly wipes them up. The
interview with Ciafara’s mother takes place in a sunroom that the family added to the
back of the original kitchen. Ciafara’s mother sits on a tweedy couch along with their
enormous 20-pound black cat while I sit in an oversized chair next to the couch. During

the interview, their new poodle “Moose” playfully attacks the cat unceasingly and the cat

hisses and rolls over to spat at the energized puppy. Ciafara’s mother’s short spunky

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hairdo, outgoing talkative personality, snappy black turtleneck, and fashionable jeans

gives her an aura of authority and importance.

Jade

While most of the choristers in the ensemble are putting tremendous amounts of
energy into their facial expressions, 15-year old Jade’s face remains expressionless for
most of the rehearsal. Is she enjoying rehearsal? Is she connecting to the music? What is
she thinking? Why, despite Mrs. Talbot’s frequent comments to the ensemble about facial
expressions, and her two years of experience in the children’s choir, does her face show
no indication of her emotions, either positive or negative? In contrast to Ciafara, Jade is
one of the last choristers that I notice in the choir. Reserved, calm, and demure, Jade
offers quite a contrast in personality to that of captain Ciafara lounging a few seats to her
left on the back row. Jade’s long, sleek strawberry blond hair, ivory complexion, striking
features, calm nature, and somewhat stately persona make it seem as though she could
have easily stepped out of an 18th century royal family portrait. Jade describes herself as
“smart, artistic, fimny, easy to get along with, creative, and compassionate” (Participant
Questionnaire, Jade, December 15, 2007).

During “down” times between pieces, Jade does not immediately engage in
conversations and laughter like most of the choristers around her. She seems to want to
remain inconspicuous. She sits quietly, occasionally participating in a few sentences-
worth of conversation with a neighbor. She smiles readily enough when interested in a
neighbor’s comments, but appears uninterested in the rehearsal.

In conversation with the focus group, Jade emerges as a quiet, thoughtful

individual with insightful opinions. About the facial expressions, she remarks, “ Well, I

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love how there 's people in the choir who have really good facial expressions like Trevor.
He ’s adorable. Anyways, I taml try so hard ” (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8,
2007). Jade participates in the children’s choir “...because I love to sing, and my
relationships in the choir” (Participant Questionnaire, Jade, December 15, 2007).

In the focus group interviews, Jade readily agrees with many of the other
participants’ comments, although she does not choose to voice her own opinion very
often. When she does decide to speak out, her comments illuminate a strong sense of self
and of personal boundaries: “1 mean, I feel safe in this chair, but if Mrs. Talbot were to

I),

ask me to sing by myself . . I would say ‘No (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8,

2007). Jade’s comments are sometimes negative towards the choir experience.
This year I didn 't really want to be in it but I decided it was such cool
opportunities that we had with Carmina Burana and stufl like that and so I told
my mom I ’d be in it first semester and she paid for the whole year, so I have to be
in next semester too. I really don ’t want to be. Anyways sorry to be so negative
(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Jade acknowledges her negative attitude and expresses a desire to change it:
I often have a bad attitude or negative attitude about something going on and I ’m
like, ‘I don ’t want to go to chair today... ’ And then [a friend in the chair] is just

like, ‘It 's okay! ' That ’s all they have to say and I 'm just like, ‘Wow, why don ’t I

think like that? ’ (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Mia
During the dress rehearsal for a NCC Christmas concert in 2006, Mia ascends the

stage steps to the back row, following two girls in the Intermediate Choir who are

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obviously several years older than she is. As the two girls find their places, they lean in
towards each other and begin to talk. Mia leans towards them and unhesitatingly gives
them a stern “ssh. ” From my perspective sitting with the Preparatory Choir in the
audience, I found it remarkable that these girls who stood at least a foot taller than her
and probably were two or three years older than thin and petite Mia, did not appear to
intimidate her at all.

Outgoing and bright-eyed, with shoulder-length straight blonde hair, a fair
complexion, fi'eckles, and braces, Mia exudes a cheerful “overachiever” attitude. One of
the oldest in her 8'” grade class, 14-year old Mia describes herself as “hyper, talkative, ”
and a “musical person ” (Participant Questionnaire, Mia, December 15, 2007). In NCC
rehearsals, Mia is a model chorister, sitting up straight, eyes focused on Mrs. Talbot,
pencil ready to jot down Mrs. Talbot’s every instruction. Mia finds opportunities to help
the younger choristers around her whenever they need help finding their place in the
music or help singing a certain part.

I first met Mia when she was a mentor (student assistant) for the Preparatory
Choir during the 2006-2007 school year. In Mia’s volunteer work with the choir, she
continually circled around the ensemble, encouraging individuals to sit with better
posture, use better diction, improve their facial expressions, etc. She also served as a
vocal model for the choristers, demonstrating the “NCC Sound” as Mrs. Talbot calls it.

Mia exhibits a high level of self-confidence, which, when I met with her to
interview her and her parents at the family home, I attribute partly to the nurturing
influence of her two supportive parents. Mia’s father welcomes me into their home and

quickly ushers me through their side door, through the kitchen, and down a step into their

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dining/living room area. Mia, Mia’s parents, and I sit around their enormous rectangular
wooden dining table. The table is covered with an equally enormous world map, over
which a plastic tablecloth is carefully cut and taped to fit the table. Mia’s mother informs
me that their son is homeschooled, hence the science-room nature of their eating/living
area. A gigantic fish tank filled with overgrown coral and a few tropical fish fills a large
portion of one side of the room. Stacks of geography and science books sit in piles
around the room. On the wall above the kitchen table, a clock features specialty bird calls
on the hour and shows pictures of birds instead of numerals. A cello is nestled cozily
between stacks of geography books and a canister of bird feathers and nick-knacks. The
home is alive with learning.

Mia: I guess Ijust like feeling that I actually know what I’m doing. ‘Cause in

choir, that’s really one of the only places where I know what I’m doing. ‘Cause

sometimes school activities, I don’t really know what I’m doing.

Melissa Mills (MM): You’ve found your place.

Mia: Yeah! And I know how to sing and I know what I’m doing there and I know

how to read music and I like helping people. I just feel like I know what I’m

doing, and it’s nice (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008)
Mia looks forward to choir for the performance opportunities and fun times with her
choir fi'iends:

MM: What do you like best about choir?

Mia: The fi’iends and the opportunities. I mean, not every kid gets to be in a TV

special or sing in the Kennedy Center (Interview, Mia, January 29, 2008).

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Charlie

Tender—hearted yet friendly and outgoing, Charlie is one of only five unchanged-
voice male choristers in the 55-member NCC. Of these five choristers, only two are age
12 or older. The fact that 12-year old Charlie currently works with me as a mentor in the
Preparatory Choir, combined with the fact that he is male made his selection as a
participant a fairly straightforward process. I wanted to hear a male perspective in
addition to the overwhelming majority of female voices that I suspected might dominate
much of the focus group interviews. I thought that his prior experiences working with me
in the Preparatory Choir might make him comfortable enough and give him the
confidence necessary to speak his mind in the interviews.

One of the youngest in a long succession of siblings who sang in the NCC,
blonde-haired, good-natured, optimistic Charlie brings a breath of fresh air to whatever
situation he finds himself in. Charlie’s family’s long-standing involvement in the choir
influences Charlie’s interest in the choir. He participates because “I really really like it
and because my brother was in it” (Participant Questionnaire, Charlie, December 15,
2007). Charlie describes himself as “Friendly. I make friends easily. I like animals a lot. I
am smart (most of the time) ” (Participant Questionnaire, Charlie, December 15, 2007). In
his work mentoring the Preparatory Choir, he gives all of his effort to focusing on
individual choristers and offering them specific guidance. When asked to speak or sing in
front of the group, Charlie’s eager desire to please and be a good example causes him to
stumble over his words or make singing mistakes that be normally would not make.
However, he smiles through his embarrassment and continues on, determined to do

whatever he can to enhance the chorister’s learning. I anticipated that as a study

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participant, Charlie would bring the same amount of enthusiasm and positive energy to
the discussion as he brought to rehearsal. I also hoped that his soft-spoken and somewhat

hesitant voice would not be squelched by the other dominant participants.

Ingrid

Ingrid is a veteran chorister. As I watch her in rehearsal, she seems to sense
exactly the moment at which she can steal a moment of slouching posture or exchange
quips with a neighbor. She seems to instinctively know when Mrs. Talbot expects
everyone to be on their best singing behavior and when she can get away with less-than
ideal posture, hunching over her music or leaning back on her chair with her legs
stretched out in front of her. She exhibits the ability to shift from being seemingly
unengaged to engaged in a matter of milliseconds. “She’s a professional,” I thought. In
reviewing her Participant Questionnaire, my suspicions about her veteran status were
confirmed: Ingrid has been in the children’s choir for seven years. In addition, Ingrid
takes lessons on piano and clarinet, and packs the rest of her schedule with skiing,
golfing, and soccer. She describes herself as “nice, cool, outgoing around her friends,
musical, shy sometimes, sorta funny. " A major part of Ingrid’s motivation to sing in the
choir is “because Ciafara is there/my friends. I love to sing” (Participant Questionnaire,
Ingrid, December 15, 2007).

Fourteen-year old Ingrid does not exude the “all or nothing for choir” attitude of
Mia or Charlie, nor the apparent indifference of Jade. Although she is quick to relax in
rehearsal, she seems to genuinely care about the ensemble, and she seems aware of her

potential leadership role as one of the older choir members, but she does not aspire to be

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perceived as anything that she is not. She simply does what Mrs. Talbot asks her to do,

and makes the most of any other moments to do what _sh_e wants to do.

The focus group interviews reveal the silly, teasing side that Ingrid indicates she

possesses. During the interviews, she frequently interrupts the conversation with off-topic

comments designed to make others laugh, or responds to questions by breaking into song:

Nova

MM: Why do you belong to the children's choir?

Ingrid: I love to sing! (Said in a whimsical, sing-songy voice) (Interview, Focus
Group #1, December 8, 2007).

MM: What does it mean to be a musician?

Ciafara: ...You have to feel the music...

Ingrid: HELL the power! “You are the music in me!” (Breaking into song with
Ciafara, followed by laughter from everyone) (Interview, Focus Group #1 ,

December 8, 2007).

Nova is an outgoing, almost overly-cheery, goal-oriented individual. She lives in

a rural, farmland area, quite a distance from the Community Music Building, but makes

the trips to rehearsal with enthusiasm because she sees participating in the choir as a

starting point for an exciting career as a choral music educator.

MM: How long does it take you to get to choir?
Nova: It depends on the weather. When it’s the wintertime, it might take about a
hour. If it’s normally a summer day, it’s 45 minutes.

MM: Obviously there’s something there that’s making it worth the drive.

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Nova: Oh yeah! See, my goal is to become a choir teacher, and I’d do anything to
get there so that I can do what I love. Ever since I was younger in elementary
school, that was my favorite class. I was dying for that class to come. I was like,

“Is choir coming, is choir coming? When is it coming?” And they go, “Oh, you

have it next quarter!” and it’s like, “N 0!” And then when I got into middle school,

I’m in it every single day. First hour. . .love it! (Interview, Nova, January 1 1,

2008)

Taller than most choristers her age, with a warm, deep alto speaking voice and f
shoulder-length wavy blondish-brown hair, Nova possesses self-confidence, poise, and a
depth of reflective thinking about herself and her goals that is unusual for someone only
fourteen years old. . .and she knows it.

MM: So has being in the choir affected you at home in any way?

Nova: Well, it’s definitely affected the way I think and my. . .relationships at

school, because [my friends] always want to hang out and they go, “Hey, you

wanna go to the movies?” and it’s like, “No, I’m doing choir.” And they go,

“Oh.” But all my friends are also supportive about it because they want me to

succeed also and whatever I learn about music —since they’re all in band—I go to

them, tellin’ them what they could do to improve their band, so it’s been
definitely a little hard on that because I _dg want to go out, but I definitely think
this is more important. I tell myself, “Yes, I do want to go out,” but when I’m in
my thirties, I’m gonna be like, “I am s9 glad I did not go out and just lollygag”

and just stuck with my goal.

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MM: I don’t think many people are as motivated as you or have as clear of goals
as you do at your age.

Nova: I’m just mature (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

Driving deep into the farmlands and over a bridge, I turned in to the driveway of a
small white 2-story farmhouse. I parked the car and walked around the back of the house,
up a few stairs, turning right, and knocked on the door in fi'ont of me. Nova, her mother,
and the family cat enthusiastically greeted me. “You’re not allergic, are you? ” Nova’s
mother asked. They quickly invited me in and I stepped through their small country
kitchen into their equally cozy dining room that was almost entirely filled by their round
dining table. Nova and her mother are two peas in a pod. They look similar and speak
similarly, even quoting each other at times. Nova’s mother holds firmly rooted beliefs
about treating others with respect, kindness, and forgiveness, which she passes on to her
daughter. Nova’s mother is grateful to Mrs. Talbot for attempting to instill similar values

in the choristers of the NCC.

Christine

A participant in the NCC for over eight years, straight dark-haired and petite
Christine brings a wealth of insight into her reflections on her choir experience. Now as a
22 year-old college student getting a Bachelor of Arts in music and also a Bachelor of
Arts in general management from the business college, Christine enjoys the opportunity
to talk about children's choir. Even though she has been out of the choir for several years,

she still follows the choir activities with interest.

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Christine: I'm still interested in how the children's choir is doing, which not

everybody in children's choir i_s like that ‘cause they've moved on to their own

thing, but I'm still interested in what their accomplishments are, and how the kids

are liking it.

MM: Have you been to any of their concerts?

Christine: Not every semester, but I have seen them. I sat in on at least one

rehearsal not too long ago just to see what was going on. That's kind of fun.

There's still a place for it in my heart (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).
Christine participated in the university women’s chamber ensemble for several years, and
comments that the children’s choir provided her with not only a solid musical training but
also a desire to continue participating in choral singing once she left the children’s choir.
Christine is levelheaded, respectful, fiiendly, and fun-seeking. She laughs often. She
speaks forthrightly about her choir experiences, using her years of experience in the choir

and the ensuing years to add a touch of wisdom and insight to her recollections.

Mrs. Talbot

”She ’s not a woman, she ’s not a girl, she ’s definitely a main lady. " (Interview,

Nova, January 11, 2008).

In the children's choir office, the walls are covered with pictures of the Northridge
Children’s Choir performing at various prestigious venues around the United States. One
entire wall of the large, spacious rectangular office is taken up with filing cabinets
containing the choir's music library. One corner of the room is filled with clothing racks
upon which hang choir uniforms. A large rectangular table in the middle of the room

holds stacks of octavos, a poster-size collage of pictures from the choir’s recent taping of

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a television special, and an oversize choir attendance sheet. As I enter the office, Mrs.
Talbot explains that she needed to print off the interview questions I sent her because she
had spent some time over the weekend preparing answers to each question.

With a short blondish-gray hairdo and petite stature, Mrs. Talbot is ladylike,
dynamic, and confident. Comfortable in her black pants, a light green shirt, and a loose-
fitting black jacket, she fits the stereotypical look of a classy, artistic individual. Sitting
across from each other at the table, and with questions and answers in hand, Mrs. Talbot
and I begin our discussion. She Speaks carefully and thoughtfully, occasionally referring
to her typed notes about her reasons for teaching the children’s choir:

Well, I thought about the many, many, many reasons you do, and in my case,

there are jobs and careers, but we also have callings and vocations and missions.

In being able to teach a children 's choir and help children understand [2.6%

through song and singing together, that has been my calling, my vision, my

vocation, and my career, and my job, so it's all wrapped into one (Interview, Mrs.

Talbot, January 29, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot’s biography (N CC website) reveals her broad influence as a choral
conductor. The recipient of many prestigious arts awards, Mrs. Talbot’s choirs have
earned Grammy Awards and performed for many prestigious events, including the 6th
World Symposium on Choral Music, numerous American Choral Director Association
conventions, and world premiers of pieces by prominent composers. Mrs. Talbot earned a
Bachelor of Music Education from Indiana University and a Master of Arts from
Michigan State University. She worked as an associate professor of choral music at the

University of Michigan-Flint, taught elementary music for two years, and taught High

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School for 12 years before she founded the Northridge Children’s Choir. Mrs. Talbot
currently serves as a choral conductor and clinician for various honor choirs and
workshops across the United States and internationally. She edits a series of choral music
especially for children’s choirs and her choir frequently commissions new works from a
variety of composers.
Mrs. Talbot attributes much of her success to her early mentors:
I had really great mentors in elementary and high school. There's a group of
women--the School Sisters of St. Francis in Milwaukee, Wisconsinuand they have
a college in Milwaukee--and that ’s Alverno College--and when I was a child, the
entire music wing of course was for music majors, but it was also sort-of like a
community music school. That's where kids went to take lessons. So I was very
lucky to live within walking distance of Alverno College. They instilled in me a
love of quality: quality of performance, quality of literature, high standards, and
an understanding that it's our responsibility to make the world a more beautiful
place through song, so that has always been my mission, that is always what I
wanted to do (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).
Mrs. Talbot has high expectations for the choristers, and she makes sure that they
understand these expectations.
I don 't care what is the discipline, I don ’t care if it's soccer or if it's tennis or if it's
basketball or if it's chair or if it's learning piano. Learning is hard work. And the
fun part is when the "Aha! ” light comes on when after that work you master
something. Just diddlin ’ and stufl does not bring a sense of mastery, a sense of "I

did that!" (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

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CHAPTER V

"SO MANY LIFE LESSONS”: EFFECTS OF CHOIR INVOLVEMENT ON
PERSONAL IDENTITY

The three major research questions for this study are: 1. How does participation in
a community children’s choir influence a participant’s musical identity, 2. How does
participation in a community children’s choir influence a participant’s personal identity,
and 3. How do participant’s interactions with other choir members and the conductor
influence the participant’s musical and personal identities? In the interviews, the
participants share a wealth of stories and comments that reveal a strong and lasting
impact of children’s choir in their lives. Results of this study indicate that choir
participation affects individuals’ personal identities in multiple ways, as Christine
describes in this interview excerpt:

MM: What do you think that you gained from singing in the children's choir?

Christine: Well, I wouldn't be in the music school here today for sure if it hadn’t

been for children's choir, so in that way I guess it kind of shaped my whole path

in life (little laugh) to keep being involved in music. I really liked being part of an

ensemble. Maybe because of the children's choir I still like being in ensembles

 

better than being a solo singer.... wait, what was the question?

MM: What have you gained from singing in the children's choir?

Christine: Just that collective atmosphere. I was thinking about this on the way
over here. & many life lessons (laughing) I learned in the children's choir. Mrs.

Talbot was huge on being really committed to the choir. You were only allowed

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two absences the whole semester. To be gr_ti_r_n_§, to be egfly is to be on time, that

kind of thing. And even being m while you're in a rehearsal and being still

while you're on stage or even those kind of things that she teaches you because of
professionalism. It really transfers to other parts of your life, not to mention hard
work and seeing the rewards of putting hours and hours into something. And then
having a good feeling when you accomplished stuff, especially being in it over the
years, it grew to the point where we were doing more and more ACDA big things
and I felt like I really saw the progression of the whole choir, that it became what

it is today (Interview, Christine, Feb. 12, 2008).

This interview excerpt captures three of the major themes that emerged as the
choristers discussed choir’s influence on their personal identity: self-concept, self-esteem,
and self-efficacy. In this excerpt, Christine cites examples of each: 1. Self-concept: “It
kind of shaped my whole path in life,” “It really transfers to other parts of your life, " and
a long list of “life lessons” relating to behavior, attitude, commitment, etc., 2. Self-
esteem: “And then having a good feeling when you accomplished stufl” and to a lesser
extent 3. Self-efficacy: “. . .not to mention hard work and seeing the rewards of putting

hours and hours into something. "

Self-Concept
Choir influences many different aspects of self-concept. Five specific “life lesson”
codes within the self-concept theme emerge as the participants discuss their choir
experiences: 1. Commitment, 2. Self-Discipline, 3. Interpersonal Skills, 4. Confidence,

and 5. Leadership. Choir affords the participants opportunities to develop and practice

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each of these skills on a continuing basis, although they may not necessarily be aware

that they are deve10pmg these skills.

Commitment

On the pre-SAT’s, we had to write [an essay] about commitment, and I also wrote

one about what I like to do, and [chair] was a major part of it (Interview, Ciafara,

January 17, 2008).

One “life lesson” that choristers learn is what it means to be completely
committed to an organization. There are many different components of commitment. To
begin with, participation in the choir requires dedication in the amount of time required
and dedication to mental and physical discipline. In addition, choristers learn how to
prioritize and the importance of taking individual responsibility for their part in the choir.
As with any choice, there is a consequence. The choristers face many challenges by
committing to the choir, and they also receive many benefits from choir that motivate
them to continue their participation. Mrs. Talbot explains that one of her biggest
challenges is helping the participants and their parents understand what it means to be
committed to the choir: “There a_rg those few who don 't understand the challenges. For
instance, committing to practicing regularly and that this is more than a drop-offpick-up
kind of experience for them, and that is a challenge” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29,
2008). Each of these components is addressed in this section about commitment.

Ciafara’s mother compares the commitment required for choir to the commitment
required for sports teams:

My son is not musical, but he '5 very involved in sports. He ’3 very devoted to it.

And this is a team. Ciafara has realized the responsibility of working with

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others...Mrs. Talbot particularly has reinforced over the years that, “It ’s not

about you, ” that it ’s about a group of people that work together, and that ’s

important. And she has gone to choir sometimes when she has not felt well, but

she knows it ’5 important to go because she knows her contribution matters

(Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot teaches the choristers about dedication. The choristers know that their
contribution matters, that they are valued members of the ensemble, and that Mrs. Talbot
and the other choristers are counting on them to do their part. Sometimes these
expectations are stated explicitly, but more often, there is an implicit understanding of
how much they are valued. For example, as Mrs. Talbot takes roll, the choristers note the
concern in Mrs. Talbot’s voice over each missing singer. As rehearsal progresses, they
might reflect on the detail work accomplished and the difficulty of catching up on missed
rehearsals. The frequent performances of the choir make it obvious to the choristers that

their presence at each rehearsal is important to the success of the choir.

Prioritizing
Participating in the choir requires choristers to prioritize their lives. Mia’s story

about missing an important family event illustrates her level of commitment to the group:
Well, we [my family] were going to go on this really fun vacation. We were just
going to go camping. We got the date all planned with my family and my extended
family and then I realized that we had a concert that day, and I was really kind of
bummed out. I haven 't seen that extended family that we were going with in two
years and they 're really close to me and they lived in Europe and they were going

to come back on that date and I had choir concert and I was like, "Dang it! " They

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might come to that, but I wouldn’t be with them. I mean still, I 'm going to be on

stggg (emphasis added). (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

Mia’s comment, “I ’m going to be on stage,” is said not with resentment, but is
stated matter-of-factly, as though there is no other option. In other instances, choristers
choose choir over the other activity. Without question, children’s choir takes priority. It
may be interesting to explore the reasoning behind these priorities. Why are they willing
to miss such important family events or required school choir concerts for children’s
choir? How do they develop their sense of priorities? What are the influences upon this
development?

When Nova faces conflicts between school choir and children’s choir, her
priorities are clear: “I have missed a few choir concerts for rehearsals for NC C, which I
think are way more important than regular choir ” (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).
Nova refers to school choir as “regular” choir, implying that the children’s choir is
somehow more special than school choir. This “special” choir is her first priority. It
would be interesting to explore the development of Nova’s attitude towards both choirs.
Perhaps Nova’s attitude would be different if she were required by the NCC to participate
in her school choir. Similar to Nova, Christine faced a conflict between school and
another obligation, this time between choir and her school tennis meets:

Christine: Well, [I learned] time management skills too, because since choir was

such a h_ug§ commitment and dedication of your time, I had to choose with the

high school activities what can I be or not and, "Oh, I have a children's choir

concert and a tennis meet on the same night. What do I do for that, how do I

balance it?”

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MM: What did you usually do?

Christine: I remember going into choir in my tennis outfits sometimes. (Laughs).
If it was home, I would try and make it to children's choir as fast as I could after
the meet, but if it was far away, then I'd usually go to children's choir instead.
MM: What was the consequence for missing tennis?

Christine: Our coach was pretty understanding. (Chuckles). In general be was a
pretty laid back guy, so it wasn't too much of an issue there, which is lucky I

guess. (Laughs). (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).

Challenges of Commitment

Although each of the choristers demonstrates an unwavering commitment to
making choir a top priority, this decision has its consequences and challenges. These
challenges come in three general areas: family, school, and personal. As participants
discuss the consequences of their choices, a common theme is the amount of time that
choir takes away from their pursuits in these three areas. Mia’s story about missing her
farmly vacation concluded a section of the focus group interview that centered on how
participating in the choir affects the chorister’s relationships with their families. In this
longer excerpt, each of the comments fiom Ingrid, Charlie, Jade, and Ciafara refer to time
spent with family and how choir either positively or negatively affects that family time:

MM: How has being in the choir affected your relationship with your family?

Ingrid: It hasn’t changed it.

Charlie: It made our family a lot more busier because Zach, my older brother,

was in it so I think sometimes it adds a lot, especially in December for finishing

up everything, it made us a lot busier. Last year we had to be at a performance

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like every single weekend. And so that was like, “Ahh_!” (Frustrated tone of
voice). Except it was kind of firn though.

Jade: In a way I think it’s brought us closer together. Every time we perform
afterwards they’re like, “That was so good,” and we talk about the music and,
“This and this is my favorite song,” but mainly more than that it kind of doesn’t
give us enough time together because all the times we are able to spend time with
each other it’s like a practice or a performance on weekends, and my dad gets
really upset when he can’t see me for like a month because I have practices on
Saturdays and stuff.

Ingrid: I don’t know. I think mine may have actually worsened because all the
stress is pouring on me and when I get stressed out I get really grumpy and then
my dad gets really grumpy too and then we just start yelling back and forth.
Ciafara: I think for kids who have siblings, I think it’s hard on the siblings
because parents have to be really dedicated and take us on the weekends. They
have to like book their whole weekends for driving us and stuff and if me and
Josh both have something, it’s automatically gonna go to me...

Ingrid: Oh, poor Josh!

Ciafara: I know, I don’t think he cares, but I wish that I could go and see his
soccer games because he has them on Tuesdays. . .I can never see him because I’m
at choir. So I don’t think he cares or anything, but I care (Interview, Focus Group
#2, December 15, 2007).

The NCC requires many hours of rehearsal and also has many performances, so

both the choristers and their parents spend much of their time away from their families in

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these activities. Charlie does not seem to view time spent in choir activities as detracting
from the family. On the contrary, he views it as a natural and positive family tradition
that he is proud to carry on. Jade indicates that choir provides an opportunity for the
family to discuss music together. On the other hand, Jade and others draw attention to the
fact that parents make significant sacrifices of their time (and sometimes of their visiting
hours) in order for their children to participate. Ciafara notes the impact that choir
participation has on her relationship with her siblings, emphasizing the sacrifice that she
makes in missing her brother’s soccer meets. Yet even with these family challenges, the
choristers commit to participating in the choir.

The second challenge in committing to the choir is balancing school and choir
obligations. This is especially the case as the choristers move into high school where
social and academic pursuits increase in both amount and importance. This next excerpt
illustrates the choristers’ mounting dilemmas over how to accomplish everything that
they need to do. As they speak, the strain of being dedicated to choir is evident in the tone
of their voices.

Mia: Well, sometimes I don’t think I’m as dedicated to it as I used to be.

Ciafara: Yeah.

Mia: Those rehearsals are just getting longer. I think about all the homework I

have to do.

Jade: Exams and stuff.

Ingrid: I have so much work to do. So many tests.

Mia: I think about how much homework I have to do. I think about that big test

that I need to be studying for and I think about all that stuff that I need to do, and

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I’m stuck in a rehearsal and [Mrs Talbot’s] like, “Oh, you need to memorize six

songs for next week!”

Jade: Yeah!

Mia: And we’re like, “We have other things to do besides memorize music!” And

so I think I’ve gotten a little more stressed out as I’ve gotten a little older with

school and more advanced with choir. I’m just getting a little stressed out. I mean,

I love choir, but in a way I wish we could do something where it wouldn’t be so

long and we didn’t memorize as much music.

Ciafara: ...and [Mrs Talbot’s] like, “Why don’t you have this stuff memorized?”

and we’re like, “Whoa!” ‘Cause we’re in high school now.” We have a lot of

homework and we have friends and stuff and we’re stressed out all the time

(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

The pressure to succeed on mandated standardized tests may increases the
choristers’ dilemma about spending time in rehearsals. In addition to family and school
challenges, most of the choristers struggle with balancing children’s choir and their
personal lives, particularly their fiiendships. Many of the choristers find that it becomes
increasingly difficult as they enter high school to schedule enough time for activities with
fiiends.

Nova: I’m still trying to get another life. . .a fiiend life. . .trying to hook that up on

Saturdays.

Nova’s Mother: That’s a hard time because they always have slumber parties on

Friday nights, and she can’t because she has a performance.

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Nova: But the good thing about my friends is that they try working around my

schedule so we can all be together (Interview, Nova’s Mother, January 11, 2008).
On the other hand, if Nova had to make a choice between spending time with her friends,
and spending time in choir, she would choose choir:

Actually, this is sort-of sad to say, but I would actually choose choir over my

friends. I know that ’s really hard to say after I ’ve known my friends for like three

years now, but I would give up my friends for choir because choir is so much

more to me and the people that you get to meet are just amazing, like the

composers, and playing with all the symphonies, it 's definitely a once-in-a-

lifetime thing to do (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).
Mia summarizes many of the challenges of choir participation:

Not being able to do some things that I want to, like... I 've wanted to do some

things with my youth group, but choir ’s gotten in the way of that. Family

activities... sometimes choir ’s gotten in the way of...Sleepovers... my M life ’s

gotten pushed back because of choir (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

Ciafara’s mother acknowledges the choristers’ difficulty in balancing choir
responsibilities with their emerging social lives and other personal issues such as
grooming and becoming immersed in the popular culture. These personal issues grow in
importance as the choristers move into their teenage years:

And it 's hard when they 're starting to be teenage girls, too, because it cuts into

the time they could spend doing their hair or watching the next “T op Model” or

whatever that show is that they love to watch. It ’s like, “Oh, it ’5 Tuesday night

again. I have to go all the way to chair! ” (Said in a low, whiny, complaining

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voice). Once [Ciafara] gets there, it ’s very interesting. Getting her to chair, it ’3
like, “Oh, I have to go to chair tonight! I don 't want to go! ” and then I go to pick
her up, and I can’t get her in the car because she ’s chitchatting and socializing.

“How was chair? " “Oh, it was great! ” So it ’s also being a teenage girl, too. . .

Two or three years ago she looked forward to choir because her hair and her

nails weren ’t so important then. She has to get up an hour before her brother

because it takes 45 minutes to take a shower in the morning. I don ’t know how she
could get that dirty in 24 hours, but (laughter) nonetheless, I think that that 's part

of it too (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17, 2008).

Another concern is balancing choir with the choristers’ emerging interests in
pursuing other extracurricular activities. As the choristers move from elementary school
into middle school and high school, they begin to self-select for other extracurricular
activities. Choir becomes an activity that competes for their time. The teenage years are a
critical time for the choristers as they weigh their commitment to the choir with the allure
of other interesting extracurricular activities.

Mia: Sometimes [choir] can be demanding and that can be a little bit stressful,

but hey...

Ingrid: But it’s worth it.

Ciafara: Sometimes it's worth it (said quietly and under her breath).

MM: Sometimes it's worth it?

Ciafara: We have to do a lot of stuff and I really like it but sometimes it gets in

the way of things...

Ingrid: Yeah, like my ski team. I'm only able to make half the practices...

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Ciafara: Yeah, and I couldn't be in the play in the Spring because I had

conflicting concerts and stuff but I still like doing it, it just takes up a lot of your

time (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

All of the challenges of commitment to the choir, including family, school,
and personal conflicts--particularly with fiiendships and other extracurricular activities--
begs the question, “What is the choristers’ motivation for their commitment to the choir?”
In the previous interview excerpt, the choristers’ frustration at not being able to
participate in certain high school extracurricular activities rose to such a level that I
thought perhaps the choristers would claim that they were quitting choir at the end of the
year. Also, their frustration with missing family activities and sacrificing time with their
friends led me to conclude that most of the choristers in the study were ready to move on
to other activities.

Approximately one month after the focus group interview, as I interview Ciafara,
an entirely different picture of the choristers’ attitude towards choir emerges. Ciafara
opens the door to her home and smiles broadly, “Come in!” She lets me into the house
just as her mother arrives home from work. Ciafara is wearing a black t-shirt that reads,
“Make Art Not War” in huge neon-yellow letters. Her straight reddish-brown hair is
pulled back in a loose ponytail, with bobby pins holding some of it up out of her face and
the rest falling in the current fashionable disheveled style around her face. She sits down
Indian-style on the tweed couch, clutching and squishing a large grey couch pillow for
much of the interview, and practically bursts with anticipation to tell me that,

Ciafara: I'm going to stay with the choir now. . . . A bunch of us are going to.

MM: What happened?

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Ciafara: This one composer guy, he's really famous apparently. He asks us to do
this Russian piece with the Detroit Symphony next year we’re all kind of really
excited about that. . . . Pretty much all the people who were like, "Yeah, we're
going," are staying now.

MM: I was sure that you were on your way out of the choir fiom what you said
[in the last focus group interview].

Ciafara: Yeah, I guess not.

MM: You were like, "I want more time for ski team," for Ingrid.

Ciafara: Yeah, Ingrid's giving that up for choir.

MM: She's giving up ski team for choir?

Ciafara: Yeah. I was like, "Wow!" (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008).

Motivation

Performance opportunities are a motivator for staying in the choir, as evidenced
by Ciafara’s sudden announcement that she--as well as her fiiends who had decided to
leave the choir--decided to stay when they heard of exciting performance opportunities in
the following year. Jade relates that she also planned on leaving the choir the previous
year, but stayed in choir because she was excited to perform Carmina Burana with the
choir. As the choristers discuss why they enjoy performing, they do not specifically say
why these performance opportunities are so meaningful. Most of the time they refer to
most these experiences as generically “cool.” These “cool” opportunities include
performing and premiering works with the Detroit Symphony (“That was cool’ ’
(Interview, Focus Group #2, Jade, December 15, 2007)), performing at prestigious local

and national venues, choir camp, and “cool stufl” (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008)

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like traveling with the choir on tours and making CDs. They also agree that learning new
languages through the repertoire, receiving praise from admiring audiences, learning new
musical skills, and, from a practical perspective, having choir experiences to put on
college admissions applications, is a motivating factor for them:

Ciafara: I feel like I want to stay in the choir to get into good college. I know

that’s kind of shallow. ..

Jade: Me too.

Ingrid: I don't think it’s shallow at all.

Ciafara: ...but they really like that kind of credential (Interview, Focus Group #2,

December 15, 2007).

Despite the general lack of specificity when choristers name motivating factors
for staying in the choir, there is a sense as they speak that they are excited about the
prestige of performing in prominent venues; they feel a sense of accomplishment in
showing off their challenging repertoire. In reflecting on her own choir experiences,
Christine agrees that performance opportunities are a motivating factor for remaining in
the choir:

...and I loved doing the children's choir still, even when I was in the high school

choirs, because it was fun to do the extra traveling and the conferences, and the

performances that they do are a lot difl"erent than what the high school choirs do,
so I guess that's one of the main things that kept me in children 's choir (Interview,

Christine, February 12, 2008).

All the choristers in the study share strong, positive feelings about the children’s

choir. It is a “really really good experience” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Mia, December

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15, 2007), “an honor” (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008), and a “great experience”
(Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008). Three of choristers refer to choir as being a “once-
in-a-lifetime” experience.

MM: Why do you stay in choir? Why do you choose choir over some of the

other activities you could be involved in?

Mia: ‘Cause choir’s once-in-a-lifetime experience. You don't get what you

experience in choir on a regular basis (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

Choristers participate in the children’s choir for many reasons, including the
opportunities choir provides them, parent support, their choir fiiendships, having fun, and
participating in a group that performs at a high level. For most of the choristers, the
performance opportunities and their choir fiiendships are the two most important factors
that determine their desire to stay in the children’s choir:

MM: When you look back on choir in five years, what will you remember choir

for?

Mia: Do you mean events?

MM: Events or what it’s done for you.

Mia: My social life in that choir has been. ..big. I have gotten a lot of friends

from that choir and I think Kennedy Center, for what I’ve experienced now,

Kennedy Center is probably my biggest memory because that was a really really

good choir and we were like a farrrily and we cried a lot (chuckling to self)

(Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

Mia’s parents especially take pride in Mia’s participation in the children’s choir.

They enjoy pointing out to Mia the many opportunities that choir gives her. In the

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following story, Mia’s mother explains how Mia moved from hesitant participant to
willing participant as a result of her first choir performance.

The first two weeks of chair, I know were kind of a m for Mia. She didn't

know anybody and it’s hard to do things when you don 't know people and so I

remember having to convince her to keep going. I think I promised an American

Girl doll dress if she 'd hang in there or something. I think the first time she

performed there was never any question after that. It was a good thing so we are

very proud of her for doing this (Interview, Mia’s Mother, January 19, 2008).
The fact that the parents support and admire the choir’s performing Opportunities may
reinforce the choristers’ desires to continue in the choir, in order to please the parents.

And with our location next to the university, how many kids get to perform at the

Steiner Center (name has been changed) 3, 4 times a year? I mean, the Steiner

Center is just m. And the opportunity with the Detroit Symphony Orchestra

last year and Mrs. Talbot is so excited about the kids learning Russian next year.

(To Mia) How many languages do M know? (Interview, Mia’s Father, January

19,2008)

In tandem with performance opportunities, choir fiiendships draw the choristers
together. About choir fiiendships, Ciafara simply states, “Choirfiiendships are really
strong” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara, December 8, 2007). Choir friendships make
choir fun, as Charlie points out: “I just like chair. It ’sfun. You make new friends”
(Interview, Focus Group #1, Charlie, December 8, 2007). For Charlie, choir provides
convenient opportunities for him to make a variety of fiiends--in his case, especially

fiiends of the opposite gender. Because Charlie is home-schooled, he may look forward

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to the peer associations in the children’s choir more than those who routinely associate
with their peers in the public school setting.

The bulk of my friends in the neighborhood are always busy, so I go here [ to

chair]. I love to talk to all of my fiiends and all the people. I think I partially

spread out because all my fiiends were boys and now I have some friends that are
girls, and I think that's kind of cool. (Everyone laughs). I have some other variety
of friends instead of boys. They like sports and video games. Oh I think one final
thing, it's just that I have lots more fiiends now than I did before I was in the
choir. I have a lot more friends now and they are choirfiiends. I 'm lucky to have
all these friends. I think, "I can 't wait to see Dan and Steve." That's what I look
forward to next year. Oh I can 't wait. . . . I can 't wait to see Elizabeth, Dan,

Jordan, Joseph. All my friends (Interview, Focus Group #2, Charlie, December

15,2007)

Choir friends support each other by complimenting each other and being
genuinely pleased when others succeed. They are kind to each other and try to build up
each other’s confidence, as is apparent in the following interview excerpt:

Ciafara: I was so surprised when you (to Mia) were singing your solo, ‘cause I

didn’t try to label you, but I thought you had a smaller voice, and then when you

were singing it was like, “Whoa! That’s cool!”(Laughter).

Mia: I tried out a solo for “Teddy Bear Picnic,” and a lot of kids were like, “Oh

my gosh! She has a really good voice!” Nobody noticed that I had a good voice

before, or a bigger voice. . .I don’t know. A lot of kids are surprised at how big my

voice is and how good I was.

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Ciafara: Gorgeous!

Mia: Thank you! (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Choir fiiendships provide emotional support for the choristers. Mia’s mother describes
how choir friendships are a positive influence on Mia:

Choir ’s been a gggl group of friends, because last year was tLu_ly_a hard year at

school and Mia felt s_o many times like she had _n_o_ friends there and then she 'd go

to chair and she would come home .52 happy. She'd been with her good friends

(Interview, Mia’s Mother, January 19, 2008).

The choristers seem united in their desire to build each other up, regardless of age
or ability. The result of these efforts is an undeniable bond of unity among the choir
participants. Both Ciafara and Mia cheer for the success of the younger choristers (which
includes Charlie):

Ciafara: ...it was cool today because [Mrs Talbot] gave that part to the first two

rows, and I was like, “Good job guys!”

Charlie: Oh yeah! That felt awesome!

Ciafara: And everyone in the second row was like, “Yeah! Yes!”

Mia: Yeah, I mean, it’s always the back two rows in the sopranos that get [the

part]. . . . and it was really cool that they were better than us at that part and that

they got to do it, because they never get solos (Interview, Focus Group #1 ,

December 15, 2007).

In addition to making new friends and feeling the support of existing friends, one

additional reason why the choristers stay in choir is simply because they “love” it:

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“...the children 's chair was all about the love at chair. I do remember some Qretgg
tedious rehearsals, but I still remember the great pieces we did and the big trips

we took and stuff like that that was fun” (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).

“I really love choir...It's the greatest thing ever to get to, I. Interact with my

friends and, 2. I get to sing songs that are extremely hard but I love to death so

 

that’s basically my statement” (Interview, Focus Group #1 , Nova, December 8,

2007)

In a rare moment showing tender emotion, the depth of Ciafara’s feelings for
choir emerge: “Whenever I have to write an essay or something about what I do or
something that's really special to me, I always have choir to write about so it's really
easy ” (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008). A general feeling of “loving” choir
pervades choir rehearsals and much of the interviews.

Each of the choristers describes many ways in which choir provides them with
deeply meaningful experiences. They each share strong feelings of love and gratitude for
their choir experiences. Given the opportunities and rewards that come from participating
in the Northridge Children’s Choir, the sacrifices and challenges are well worth it to the
choristers. They offer their full commitment to the ensemble. In doing so, they develop
an ability to make and keep commitments even when doing so requires prioritizing and

sacrificing.

Quitting
One final commitment-related issue the choristers raise is when to end their

commitment to the choir. School conflicts and the desire to pursue other activities figure

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prominently in this decision, as Jade explains: “I have so many things I want to do that
chair ’3 holding me back from” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Jade, December 15, 2007).
School conflicts and also being “too old” was a concern for Christine:
Christine: Even my junior year of high school I had dropped out of the children's
choir and then like a few weeks later I went back to it.
MM: Why did you drop out?
Christine: Just cause I was in other high school activities like sports teams and all
the musical groups in school, so I was like, "Getting pretty old. I guess I'll put
children's choir to the side," but then I missed it ...and Mrs. Talbot had me back
(Interview, Christine, Feb. 12, 2008).
In the following excerpt, the choristers express that another reason for quitting is
realizing when their “time” in the choir has passed.
Ciafara: I really don't want to quit, but I feel like my prime time in the choir is
over, you know, like last year-- loved choir! [I] was so excited to come to every
rehearsal because I got to see Ingrid and Jessica and Rachel and stuff... and 103
guys of course. I love you guys, but, okay, but now there are a lot of little kids and
I feel like it's their time to...
Ingrid and Mia: Shine.
Ciafara: Shine, you know, and I'm just one of the old kids. But I used to love
choir. I was so pumped about it (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).
The “old” choristers look back on their experience as something exciting and
new, and they are excited for the “little kids” to discover all that the choir has to offer

them. As the choristers speak, it is evident that some of the novelty of the choir’s prestige

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is wearing thin for them, and that they are ready to pass the torch on to the rising
generation. Mia continues the conversation by explaining that in the previous year, choir
provided her with the sociality that she did not have at school, and that was one
motivating reason for staying in the choir. However, this school year is much more
socially fulfilling for Mia, so one of her primary motivations for staying in the choir is
diminishing.
Mia: Same with Ciafara. Last year I loved choir. It was a place that I could just
go to and nobody would tease me because last year was a really bad year at school
and I felt that choir was a really safe place for me, but this year it's a really good
year and I feel like I have a ton of fiiends and I'm like... I have my place in every
group, including the popular group.
Ingrid: Woo-hoo. (Laughter).
Mia: Everybody likes me at school, and I love it. And choir, I just feel like I don't
need it anymore.
Ingrid: Good point (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).
The choristers also cite increasing pressure on the older singers to sustain the ensemble as
one reason why they might leave:
Mia: Same with Ciafara. The little kids are coming in and I just feel that they
should have their time. Because [Mrs Talbot’s] always blaming the older kids...
Ingrid: She's always complementing the younger kids.
Jade: She winks at them all the time.
All: Yeah.

Ciafara: She used to wink at me. (Everyone laughs).

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Mia: I think the older kids just have had their time, and it's the younger kids' time

to make it happen (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Another reason why choristers might leave is that they do not enjoy the music, although
they may sing with facial expressions that indicate a love for the music:

Jade: Mrs. Talbot convinces a lot of people in the choir, who I don’t think really

enjoy music as much as she wants us to. She convinces them that they do. She

tries to make you think, “Oh my gosh,” good facial expressions, “They really love
the music,” but I think that that’s why some people quit.

MM: Are you saying that [the choristers] are faking [their facial expressions]?

Nova: Are you saying she’s manipulative?

Jade: I don’t know. They don’t really like it but they think they do. But then they

just get sick of it after awhile (Interview, Focus Group #1 , December 8, 2007).

In the excerpt above, the choristers express that they experience pressure to
conform to Mrs. Talbot’s expectations for facial expressions. As Jade explains, some
choristers may eventually realize that they do not “really love the music,” that their facial
expressions cannot reflect a connection to the music, and they may choose to quit
because of this. The subject of facial expressions is discussed in greater depth in chapter
6. Also discussed in greater depth in the next section is how some choristers quit because
they do not develop the self-discipline necessary to be successful in the choir.

While most of the choristers’ reasons for leaving choir center around scheduling
conflicts, feeling that their “time” in choir is over, or the pressure to sustain the ensemble,
Ciafara shares musical reasons for leaving the choir: “I ’ve taken choir and it ’s done what

it needs to do and now I’m a good singer and I ’m a good musician and I ’m not really

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learning anything else ” (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007). Being part of
such a high-achieving ensemble, it may appear to the choristers that they have reached
the limit of their learning and achievement potential, especially when they become the
oldest and most experienced of the choristers.

Mrs. Talbot encourages choristers to stay in the choir once they have committed
to it, because she knows that although some choristers may vacillate between wanting to
stay or quit, that many who choose to stay in the choir grow to value it and appreciate it
much more than they thought possible. Mrs. Talbot teaches both the choristers and their
parents what it means to demonstrate commitment. The following excerpt illustrates how
Mrs. Talbot’s encouragement to follow through on commitments leads to specific
benefits for the chorister:

[ Some choristers] say, "1 want to quit. I can 't do this. This is too hard. " We have

a chorister this year whose first response after the second week was, "I'm

quitting. " And I said to the mother, "Keep her in. Just keep her in. Tell her this:

She's allowed to quit after the Christmas concerts... after the ho_lid_ay concerts.
But sh_e made a commitment for at least a semester and that she should stay in. "
This is a young girl who is very bright and she'sfinding an outlet in which she
doesn 't feel embarrassed by being bright. She doesn't have to dumb down to fit in.
And so it's always a challenge when we have kids who say, "I want to quit, " and
you see the "Aha! ” light go on when they are able to sing throughout the year and
then follow through with many more years (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29,

2008)

Although their reasons for leaving may be compelling ones to them, all of the

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choristers express that leaving the choir will be a sad experience: “It ’s kind of like, when I
quit, I’m going to be sad for the first few Tuesdays because I ’m going to be like, “Choir,
choir. ” It ’s kind of like, I don ’t know, just a weird relationship with choir” (Interview,
Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

This section addressed how participating in choir affects the choristers’ self-
concept in terms of developing commitment skills. The choristers learn how to be part of
a team, prioritize, and face challenges with scheduling and other types of conflicts. They
describe how factors such as exciting performance opportunities and their choir
fiiendships motivate them to stay committed to the choir. They also describe reasons for
quitting. Although they cite reasons for quitting such as other extracurricular interests and
being “too old,” not having their efforts in providing the foundation of the choir’s sound
and artistry recognized more often by Mrs. Talbot seems to be one of the most salient
reasons why they leave the choir. They feel that the younger students receive more
positive reinforcement, and are therefore more valued than they are. The prestigious
performing opportunities of the choir wear thin as they long for more personal validation

of their contributions to the ensemble.

Self-Discipline
Choir requires a high level of self-discipline-—both physical and mental—~as Mia’s
mother (Mom) explains:
Mom: [The choristers] are expected to act a certain way, and they do. They fix
to the occasion. I guess we've been around school long enough we've been to a

number of school performances where kids don't seem to be able to stand still,

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they don't pay attention, and Mia is a bit of a fidgeter and you know what, she can

stand through a performance and not fidget. So I know she's learned a grggt deal.

MM: Have you seen that transfer to other areas of her life?

Mom: I think that I have seen her act more mature than her peers.

MM: And you think that's due to the children's choir?

Mom: I think so.

Mia: (J urnping into the conversation). What are you saying?

Morn: You act more mature; you act older than them sometimes. You know how

to rise to the occasion. I think a lot of that’s from choir.

Mia: Probably.

Morn: You do not act like middle school kids when you're in a group. When we

can walk through a hotel and you guys are _sflegt. (Pause). A lot of people older

can't do that. They can't resist doing certain things and you've really learned how

to have self-control (Interview, Mia’s Mother, January 19, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot cultivates behavioral self-control through her high expectations for
the choristers to “rise to the occasion” and act in a mature fashion. In rehearsal, the
choristers sit tall on the edge of their seats for much of the rehearsal. This requires
physical stamina and self-control. Choir members in the focus group interview agree with
Mia’s mother that choir helps them control their behavior.

Mia: I think that I learned how to control myself a little bit more. Because if you

get out of line, she gets on you and it gets kind of scary.

Ciafara: Yeah, she does! (Everyone laughs).

Mia: She just knows how to get you in line and you kind of learn how to control

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yourself because I couldn’t really control myself before I got into the NCC—not

the Intermediate Choir, but the NCC. I never got out of line, but I think I did once

and she got really mad at me and I got really really scared. (Laughter). I was
really never bad again, but so I just taught myself how to control myself

(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2008).

Behavioral self-control is sometimes a challenge for the singers, especially in long
rehearsals. The choir rehearses for two hours on Tuesday nights, and three hours every
other Saturday morning. The singers have to find ways to channel their energy.

Mia: If you have a lot of energy in you and you can’t run around and talk or be

really talkative, it drives you crazy.

Ingrid: It’s hard.

Mia: ‘Cause you’re like, “I’ve got to move. I can’t just sit here and sing for two.

hours.” In a way, it’s kind of painful.

Ingrid: ...I have to move my legs a lot. I’m sitting there like this (moving legs

back and forth under her chair) (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).
Christine agrees that choir develops self-discipline, especially the ability to focus in
rehearsals.

T here 's not many other things that elementary school aged or middle school kids

are involved in where they have to be focused for two hours. And Saturdays were

sometimes two and half hours, and I think that's something that a kid has to get

M4 to. It definitely helps you in the long run (Interview, Christine, February 12,

2008)

In addition to encouraging behavioral self-discipline, Mrs. Talbot stresses the

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importance of mental discipline. Maintaining focus during rehearsal requires that the
choristers cultivate mental discipline. According to Mrs. Talbot, mental discipline is a
prerequisite to achieving worthwhile goals. The hard work is worth it, not only because
of the achievement itself, but also because of the sense of pride and confidence that
comes with the achievement.

Mrs. Talbot’s dedication to hard work transfers to the choristers. She teaches them
to see the value in pursuing difficult tasks that elevate their achievement level. Having
high expectations for hard work and excellence encourages the choristers to develop the
self-discipline necessary to achieve those goals. It gives the choristers a sense of pride in
accomplishing difficult tasks, although in the moment it may be frustrating to them:

Ciafara: In order to have our group excellence and stuff, we have to be in place

all the time which is also really annoying because it’s not like any other group

anywhere, because we have to be on cue pretty much all the time, but that’s kind
of cool ‘cause...

Mia: It makes us unique!

All: Yeah! (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

The choristers often describe the choir environment as strict, but they are quick to
claim this as an asset to the organization: “[Mrs. Talbot] is strict, which is good, because
it makes you...she tells you what notes you ’re missing. She tells you you ’re singing too
heavy" (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008). The choristers continue that,

Nova: Well [I think] that the only way that Mrs. Talbot gets us to where we are is

that Mrs. Talbot is so strict. At school they can't nail you on things because they

would call that, well, basically, embarrassment, and then the parents would call

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them up, but since we signed up for this and tried out for it she has every right to
get on us and tell us, "You know you're doing this wrong you need to fix it" and
that really helps our choir.
Ciafara: And a lot of people can't even deal with that. I know we lost like three
people at the beginning of this year after like two rehearsals.
(Two or three participants): Yeah.
Jade: I think it was a little bit more.
Ciafara: And I'm like, where'd they go? Yeah, they just can't deal with it. You
just have to know that it's not personal.
(Two or three choristers together): Yeah (Interview, Focus Group #1 , December
8,2007)
Christine agrees that the rehearsal environment is strict, but qualifies this by stating that
the high expectations for behavior, attitude, and self-discipline create an environment in
which the choristers excel:
I would say I think it's pretty strict, but it became a thing that we all _klr_e_w_, so it's
not like she had to constantly enforce it at every rehearsal. The environment was
very conducive to working and getting things done (Interview, Christine, February
12,2008)
Nova also agrees with Christine that the choir environment is strict, but she also defends
Mrs. Talbot’s role in it:
The strict thing is true, but that 's for a reason. There’s always reasons to Mrs.
Talbot ’s answers and actions and definitely the way Mrs. Talbot thinks. There 's

always reasons. She 's strict...because she wants this chair to be perfect--actually

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higher than perfect--because we have two Grammy-Award winning trophies that
we have to step up to, and on top of it, this is big! I mean, everybody probably
knows us if they ’re into choir music (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).
Because of Mrs. Talbot’s consistent and clear expectations, the NCC Choir
rehearsals are well-organized, calm, and productive. Rehearsal flows smoothly under
Mrs. Talbot’s choral expertise as she quickly diagnoses and addresses musical problems.
As she conducts, she seems keenly aware of not only how the singers are singing, but
also how they are sitting, breathing, and even thinking. When she senses waning energy
or commitment in any aspect of participation, she addresses it immediately. The feeling
in the rehearsal is that Mrs. Talbot sees and knows everything that is happening, even if
that is not necessarily the case. This puts the choristers on alert, and they are generally on
their best behavior. Speaking to the feelings of the choristers under Mrs. Talbot’s
watchful eye, Christine comments,
If anything, it [Mrs Talbot 's watchfulness] just keeps your posture good through
the rehearsal, or makes you not want to forget your music or makes you not want
to be late because you're worried about her reaction to it. But at the same time,
we all were coming back year after year, so it's not like we were really threatened
by it, it just kept us on our toes (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).
A decreasing level of self-discipline in society in general concerns Mrs. Talbot.
She perceives that there is a marked decrease in the amount of work that individuals are
willing to undertake to achieve musical excellence. She calls this the “American Idol
Cultures”

Having attended with my children many solo and ensemble festivals for band and

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orchestra, they don 't come out saying "Boy was that fun! " They come out saying,

"Wow, this judge was this, " or "We did that, ” or "How do you feel you did on the

Bach? ” I think it's a singing thing...so closely allied with entertainment. I think

it's partly the American Idol culture...: “Anybody can sing. You do not have to

work hard to make a good tone. ” Whereas on an instrument, you have to have
some level of expertise to not squawk or quack or screech. Most people can open
their mouth and quite a pleasant tone comes out, so they settle for that being

enough (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot teaches the choristers that they can and should expect high levels of
achievement from themselves. The way in which Mrs. Talbot teaches this is discussed in
depth at a later point.

Choir offers a unique type of challenge in the kind of physical and mental self-
discipline that is expected. Mia’s father, a member of the choir’s governing board,
summarizes the choir’s emphasis on individual self-discipline as a kind of “sink or swim”
situation. In order to be successful in the choir, choir members must develop self-
discipline. Mia’s parents believe that developing the self-discipline necessary to succeed
in the choir is possible, but that everyone may not want to take on this kind of challenge.

I think there's some kids that probably don't last real long because they're

probably not looking for that kind of discipline, but I also think... I 'd be therefor

bits of rehearsal in the Intermediate Choir and you really see kids mature if you
watch them over the years. And in the Intermediate Choir some kids, especially

Mia 's first year, are kind of squirrelly and seemed like they were always kind of

needing to be corrected, and over time they really do mature (Interview, Mia’s

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Mother, January 19, 2008).

To this observation, Mia’s father adds,
I believe the longer they ’re with the choir, they [the choristers] M92 the
personality that allows them to stgy longer with the chair. I believe that the
people that come in straight into the choir NCC, for the first year they haven 't had
the training of the Intermediate Choir discipline even when there’s been other
instructors besides Mrs. Talbot, then they 're expecting more of a performing choir
without the discipline and either they a_da_gt, or they move on. And you get the
turnover. I 'm on the parent support group board and there ’s always the agony of
turnover because we would like larger choir. Mrs. Talbot definitely yearns for the
days when there were 75 people in the choir instead of 55 people, but with the
discipline, but with the many things going on, with the inflexibility because she
wants to keep the high standards, you lgsg people because they 've got other things

also so that they 've got to choose. It's always a challenge (Interview, Mia’s

 

Father, January 19, 2008).

Choir deve10ps both physical and mental discipline in the choristers. Choristers
must develop physical and mental stamina to work through long rehearsals and to stay
focused. The choir environment is strict, but the choristers explain that it is conducive to
developing these skills and to creating the choral excellence that the choristers appreciate.
Developing self-discipline is essential to the choristers’ success in the ensemble, as Mia’s

father points out; choristers “adapt or they move on.”

Interpersonal Skills

The choir consists of singers of a variety of ages (approximately 10-17 years old).

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The age difference among individuals gives the choir members an opportunity to stretch
their comfort zones by interacting with choristers who they probably would not associate
with otherwise. Ciafara appreciates this opportunity: Chair is really diverse.
Everyone's dijferent. So it helps me reach out to other people and stufi” (Interview,
Ciafara, January 17, 2008). One of the benefits in “reaching out” is that new members of
the choir feel welcomed and supported, and choir fiiendships are created and maintained.

when I started [chair], I was like, ...kind of in my own group. And now when I

see new people there all alone for their first year, I 'm like, "Yeah, hang out with

us! " Okay! It helps me make stronger bonds and stuff and reach out to people

more (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008).

These “stronger bonds” increase through the proactive, thoughtful, “reaching
out” actions of many of the choristers. For example, several choir members, including
Nova, greet the choristers with hugs as they arrive for rehearsal. Nova is one of the
obvious ringleaders in spreading cheer throughout the rehearsal room. These greeters go
out of their way to acknowledge the presence and value of the choristers. They are
unofficial, self-appointed NCC friendship ambassadors. Nova feels that this is not only
her role in the choir, but also something at which she is successfirl.

MM: What things in choir are you good at?

Nova: I’m the meet and greet! I love to make everyone smile, make them feel

good. Definitely making them feel like they’re welcome and they always have a

friend and they can always go talk to them (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

In addition to learning to work and support each other, the singers develop

interpersonal skills as they work with the conductor:

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Men I went to the choir, it taught me a lot of social things and it kind of made me
a better person, I guess, because there 's such a variety of people. Now I know how
to deal with teachers and old people I guess. Not old people, I guess, but like
middle-aged adults (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara, December 15, 2007).
Ciafara attributes her ability to “deal with teachers” to her children’s choir
experience. One interpersonal skill that she may be attributing to her participation in
choir is looking for intentions behind actions and focusing on those positive intentions
despite the temptation to criticize others for their shortcomings.
I think I ’m better at dealing with people in a way, because we ’re...in a really
strict environment and she [Mrs Talbot] kind of just tells you stufir and you just
incorporate them in what you ’re singing and stufi: and it can be mean, but that
just shows you that you can ’t hold a grudge against someone because they ’re
trying to make you better. A lot of people would be like, “Hey, I was doing this
right ” when they say that to you, but you just gotta be like (snapping her fingers)
“Whatever. If it ’s gonna make me better” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara,
December 15, 2007).
Nova explains a similar yet even more forgiving approach that she takes in her
interactions with others:
I live by the rule, “Forgive and forget and move on. " And last night, [Mrs
Talbot] did hurt my feelings. But you know what, I live by that rule. I stick to that
rule. She does it for a reason, and I '11 take that to learn from my mistakes

(Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

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Mrs. Talbot has a high standard for the choristers’ behavior towards others. Mrs.
Talbot expects the choristers to be polite and respectful of others. When in public, the
choristers demonstrate that they take her behavioral expectations seriously, as Mrs.
Talbot describes,
I lel tell you that they 're more polite than other children and they are told that
they are more polite. I mean, here we are in Washington, DC at this big building
that used to be a post ofiice, and the entire main floor is nothing but fast food
restaurants. And MM of the people who worked there told diflerent people
of our parents--our chaperones-- ‘cause everyone was wearing the same shirts.
”But these green shirt guys, we 've never seen kids come in here like that. They 're
polite, they don ’t yell, there's no running, they take what's on their table and they
clean it up. Where are you from? " And so in that way I believe that they are
different at least as a group. Now individually if that spills over into their private
life that would be very exciting. At least they know what appropriate behavior is.
I 'll be at the Steiner Center (name has been changed) [for] school performances
during the day (subsidized performances of various musical events for local
school children) and the noise is so loud in that echoing hallway and the teachers
don ’t say a thing. Kids are yelling at the top of their lungs and running in and
running up the steps. This would never happen as a member of my choir. We are
to be seen both on and off stage as creating a culture of improvement and beauty.
(Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).
In rehearsal the choristers seem to instinctively know how to behave. Mrs. Talbot

does not give them explicit instructions for every respectful behavior that they exhibit. As

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an observer, I was curious about to the extent to which Mrs. Talbot intervened to create
these behavioral expectations.

MM: Do you have to talk to [the choristers] about [respect for others], or do they

just get that from knowing you?

MrsTalbot: No, we talk about it. Oh we t_al_k about it. And they have to be

reminded. If we’re standing out here and taking roll in the hallway before

boarding a bus I'll say, "Kids, you're standing in the corridor. People need to get

by. Let's have some consideration for others." It's always reminding them to be a

good citizen. I was thinking of one time I was in the 4-H Gardens. .and there

were a bunch of elementary kids there blocking every walkway there was and the

teachers never said a word. So I really believe that these kids are experiencing a

different kind of education which teaches them about morays and values and

considerate behavior towards each other and behavior that hopefully improves the

culture around them (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

Choir develops the choristers’ interpersonal skills in many ways. Choristers reach
out to students not of their own age for fiiendship. They have the opportunity to cultivate
an attitude of forgiveness and understanding in the way that they treat others. They learn
lessons in showing respect and being polite. In essence, their interpersonal skills mature

in important ways through their experiences in choir.

Confidence
One benefit that emerged as the choristers discussed their improved interpersonal
skills is increased self-confidence. Participants credit children’s choir with improving

their confidence in a variety of musical and extrarnusical activities. According to

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Ciafara’s mother, choir improves Ciafara’s confidence in front of others, as well as in her
schoolwork:
She feels very confident standing in front of people and doing something. It ’s
manifested in her schoolwork, in the way she can perform in front of teachers and
fellow classmates, so her confidence, her sense of responsibility, and certainly the
art of it has been...so...wonderfitl (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17,
2008)
The choristers’ confidence in school and church musical activities increases due to choir
participation, as both Ciafara’s mother and Mia’s father (Dad) attest:
...she '3 going to be in the chorus for the Spring musical and so she ’s going to be
singing with a whole bunch of kids that she ’s not used to singing with, so she ’11
feel comfortable doing that because she knows how to sing. And so I think that
from the perspective of confidence-building and team-building and those kinds of
things that she ’s learned some really great skills (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother,

January 17, 2008).

Dad: Mia sings in our church sometimes and co-leads worship and that’s been a
very good experience for her. And that also is from the exposure from choir.
MM: It gave her the confidence to do that?

Dad: Confidence and ability (Interview, Mia’s Father, January 19, 2008).

Leadership
Well, I think children 's choir was a time--as I became a veteran and one of the

older members in the choir--that I could really be a mentor to the younger kids

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and be a leader and set a good example and stufif so I think that I don 't know if it

started but it least it developed my leadership skills in that kind of way, because

when I was a young kid in the chair, I thought the older kids were just so cool and
they were in high school and all of that, so I knew the kids really looked up to the
older kids and I liked filling that role a lot. Now I do quite a few activities that
have leadership roles in them and I think that just interacting in the choir, trying
to be nice to everybody, and all that kind of thing helped develop those skills

(Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).

Choir provides opportunities for the choristers to learn “life lessons” in
leadership. This occurs both formally and informally. Choristers have the opportunity to
mentor in a more formal way by volunteering to work in the Intermediate or Preparatory
Choirs as official mentors. Charlie currently works as a mentor in the Preparatory Choir,
as both Mia and Ciafara have in the past. In Christine’s comment above, she describes an
informal kind of leadership in which she looked for ways to help the younger choristers.
Mia also participates in this kind of informal leadership, partly out of concern for the
choristers, and partly to continue the cycle of leadership that helped her so much when
she was new to the choir.

Mia: I feel that if new kids don’t know where they are in the music, if it’s a

really...

Ingrid: Hard song?

Mia: Yeah, like “Beside Still Waters.” I remember my first year, doing “Beside

Still Waters.” I was so confused I didn’t even try to sing it.

Ingrid: I was really lost on “Si Vivon”

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Ciafara: Really?

Ingrid: I couldn’t really follow it, it was going so fast.

Mia: I just think back to when I was new and I remembered how hard it was for
me to keep track and how nice the kids were because Elizabeth was my buddy. . .
So I just remember, so if the kids in front of me are lost or I see kids that are lost,
I just help them and Mrs. Talbot usually knows what I’m doing and lets me sit
there and help them.

Jade: You help them with notes?

Mia: Yeah, and where they are and all that stuff (Interview, Focus Group #1 ,

December 8, 2007).

Awareness of Choir Influence on Self-Concept

The participants share that choir participation affects their self-concepts in many
different ways. This chapter has explored many of these “life lessons,” including
commitment, mental and behavioral self-discipline, interpersonal skills, confidence, and
leadership. Despite their comments about these aspects of their lives, when directly asked
about how choir affects them, some of the choristers seem unaware of any changes in
themselves:

MM: Talk to me more about how choir has affected who you are. Has it changed

you in any ways?

Ingrid: Not really.

Charlie: I think it taught me to love music a little more. I just love when I hear a

beautiful violin piece. I’m just like, “Oh, this is so pretty!” (Pause). I think I loved

music a lot more than I did. I can’t quite remember though.

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Ciafara: It hasn’t changed me really. It’s just an extracurricular activity.

(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).
A follow-up interview reveals deeper insights into Ciafara’s statement that choir was only
an “extracurricular activity.” In the following interview transcript, Ciafara backs away
from her earlier remark and attempts to put her earlier comments into a different context.

MM: In our earlier interviews you said that you didn't think that being in the

choir had changed you much at all. Do you mean that?

Ciafara: Like I said that saying about being outgoing, but it hasn't really changed

my whole life, and how I think.

MM: You said that [choir is] more like just an extracurricular activity.

Ciafara: That's being kind of harsh. I mean, it is an extra curricular activity, but

it's more than that. But it's not like my life.

MM: But for some people it is, right?

Ciafara: Yeah, like Michelle Hendricks. I do love it a lot, and I'm glad I’ve done

it, but it's not what makes me who I am. And that's what's kind of hard about the

choir, too. It has to be sort of who you are, because it's a huge commitment every

week, sometimes a lot of times every week. For some people, they love coming to

rehearsals, and I’m like, "Whatever" (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008).

Ciafara speaks with determination as she explains how she is different from the
people that “love coming to rehearsals.” Her independent streak flairs as she affirms that
she is “. . .like, ‘Whatever.”’ Ciafara’s mother (Mom) provides a different perspective on
Ciafara’s comments, indicating that perhaps Ciafara is not conscious of the many ways

that choir has had a strong impact on her.

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MM: So how do you think that choir has influenced Ciafara?

Mom: Oh, I think it’s influenced her in a multitude of ways.

MM: When I asked Ciafara the same question, she said that choir hadn’t really

changed her that much.

Mom: Right. And that’s probably—from a fourteen-year old—a good answer

because she thinks of it as part of her life: “There’s no change, this is just part of

what I do. I brush my teeth, I go to choir...”

MM: So it’s shaping her unconsciously?

Mom: I think so, I think so. I think that she would be a very different person

without choir (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17, 2008).

Ciafara states that choir does not define her personality, but choir nevertheless
affects it, perhaps much more than Ciafara realizes. Ciafara’s mother is convinced that
choir has an impact on Ciafara’s levels of responsibility, dedication, confidence, her
sense of teamwork, and who she is as a person. Mia’s mother agrees that choir has an
impact on the participants: “[Mia ’s] learned a great deal. As a person, I ’ve seen her
grow a great deal. And I think a lot of it is chair" (Interview, Mia’s Mother, January 19,
2008)

This section identifies many of the ways in which choir influences the choristers’
self-concept, although the choristers may not necessarily be aware of this influence.
Participation in the choir enhances the chorister’s self concept in five areas: 1.
Commitment, 2. Self-Discipline, 3. Interpersonal Skills, 4. Confidence, and 5.

Leadership. Another aspect of personal identity that choir affects is that of self-esteem.

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Self-Esteem

Participating in the Northridge Children’s Choir enhances the choristers’ self-
esteem in several ways. Results of this study compliment a growing body of research that
indicates that participation in arts activities improves participants’ self-esteem (Adams,
1988; Bragg, 1980; Costa-Giomi, 2004; Jenlik, 1993; McKeon, 1988; Trusty & Olivia,
1994). This study specifically contributes to an understanding of factors influencing self-
esteem from the perspective of participation in community music. Factors related to choir
participation that appear to have the most influence on enhancing self-esteem include:
mentoring, choir achievements, and choir fiiendships. Other influences on the choristers’
self-esteem include vocal part assignment and being a “teacher’s pet” or “favorite.”

Choir fiiendships are of particular salience to developing the choristers’ self-
esteern. The choristers fiequently discuss choir fiiendships in terms of comparisons
between the school social environment and the choir social environment. Choristers
report that the lack of cliques, labeling, and peer judgment in the children’s choir
provides them with a safe place in which they are accepted for who they are. This

freedom and security enhances the choristers’ self-esteem.

Mentoring and Chair Achievements

Nova, Charlie, and Ciafara each have formal experience mentoring choristers in
the Intermediate and Preparatory Choirs. And as discussed earlier, the choristers--Mia in
particular--fi'equently engage in informal mentoring of the younger choristers in the
NCC. As Nova explains below, mentoring benefits both the giver and receiver in positive

ways:

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When you help someone when they’re not getting a part right, it just makes you
feel so good and it makes them feel good too because they understand the part
and the other person feels good because they helped them understand the part, so
we do the buddy-buddy system as, “I help you, you help me, we ’11 be a big old
happy family!” (Sing-songy tone of voice) (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).
Nova explains that when the choristers achieve difficult tasks in choir, they feel a
sense of accomplishment in their work. Nova considers singing the alto part as a difficult
task, and she is proud of herself for learning how to sing it: “Actually, I do like harmonies
because you get to sing the part that nobody hears, the part that is harder to get to know,
and after you accomplish it, you feel wonderful” (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008). To
Nova’s comments, Ciafara and Ingrid add that,
Ciafara: ...it just feels good when you're singing. The feeling of it feels like...
Ingrid: You've accomplished something (Interview, Focus Group #1 , December 8,

2007)

The Social Environment: School Versus Children ’3 Chair

The prevalence of comparisons between the social environment at school and at
children’s choir emerged as a major theme of this study. In every interview for this study,
the choristers make frequent and usually unsolicited comparisons between choir and
school experiences (i.e., school choir, school band, school in general), and between their
choir fi'iends and school fiiends. This finding supports social psychology research about
the importance of social comparisons in individual identity development. Social identity
theory (Tajfel, 1981) explains that an individual’s social identity is clarified through

social comparisons between ingroups and outgroups. In their comparisons, the choristers

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most often describe children’s choir as the more positive of the two groups; children’s
choir is tacitly labeled the “ingroup,” while school groups are the “outgroup.” Abrams
(1992) suggests that the individual’s desire for “positive self-evaluation” leads
individuals to make these kinds of distinctions between groups, and to label the ingroup
as somehow different and also better than the outgroup (Abrams, 1992, p. 59). “By
comparing the in-group and an out- group, in—group members should be able to portray
their group more positively, or as somehow ‘better off' than the out—group” (Tarrant,
North, & Hargreaves, 2002, p. 137). Tajfel (1978) and Abrams and Hogg (1988) add that
these kinds of comparisons help individuals develop a positive identity and a higher self-
esteem. Results of this study confirm that the participants use comparisons to achieve
these purposes.

The choristers’ views on the differences between school ensembles and the
children’s choir show little understanding of the different types of challenges faced by
public and private music teachers. For example, public school ensembles are often non-
auditioned, in contrast to the children’s choir, which is by audition and invitation only.
Because of this, the children’s choir may produce a musical product that is more in tune,
and in which the voices are more equally blended. Also, public school choirs often do not
have the same level of parental support as the children’s choir does Most school choirs
do not require students to rehearse outside of choir, but the NCC does. This kind of out-
of-rehearsal work can only be successful on such a wide-spread basis with a solid
foundation of parental support. The choristers in this study do not seem to acknowledge
many of the inherent differences between school and private music ensembles, and tend

to give the private music ensemble a blanket endorsement.

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One theme that emerges in the chorister’s comparison of school and children’s

choir is the differences in how the choristers are treated in each social environment.

According to the choristers, choir is different fiom school because there are no cliques,

the choristers are not stereotyped or labeled, and who they are is more readily accepted

and valued at children’s choir than at school. The use of the word “different” saturates the

following interview excerpt, as it does in many other parts of the interview.

Nova: The best thing about this choir is that nobody is equaled out. You know
how you go to a regular school choir or regular band and people are talking stuff
about you, like what you wear, and in this choir, you’re going into a new world.
There’s nothing there. You carmot diss someone...

Ingrid: Except when Sara was in the choir.

Nova: Oh well. You just can’t diss them. This choir brings a whole bunch of
pe0ple from a bunch of different places and ends up saying, hey, you guys may be
different personalities, different looks and everything, but you all are the same,
created equal. And that’s probably what brings our choir together.

Mia: And we realize that. I think the main thing is that we all have different
personalities, we all are just different, but we realize that we are different, and we
accept that, and I think that’s how we become so nice to each other. We accept
that we’re all different. Where at school, if you’re different, you’re usually not
accepted.

Ingrid: “Ew. . .different person. Yuck!”

Nova: They put you in groups...

Unknown: Cliques!

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Nova: ...like “popular,” “geek,” “dork,” “band,” “choir,” “nerds,” “jocks,”

Ciafara: Not in high school!

Nova: ...they put you in whole bunch of different groups and you’re labeled for

whatever you do. Like I’m a choir person. All my fiiends are band, besides my

choir friends which are in the NCC.

Ingrid: Woo-hoo! (Laughter) Hallelujah!

Nova: But that’s the best thing about this choir, is because there is no groups.

We’re all just one big happy family group.

Ingrid: We’re all in this together (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

The choristers’ comments illustrate that at school, being “different” is not
acceptable. Uniformity and conformity are the most desirable characteristics. In
children’s choir, the opposite is true. Choristers’ uniqueness is noticed yet is also
wholeheartedly accepted. Being “different” is good in children’s choir.

Ciafara: I think we’re all different.

Ingrid: I think that’s what makes us great.

Ciafara: And I think that’s what makes us cool. Like, our expression. On stage

we’re all supposed to be the same, but in rehearsals we’re all different.

Mia: We all have different personalities. That’s what makes us cool is because

we all have our own personalities and they all come together.

Ciafara: . . . . A broad thing we all have is that we’re all nice, we all have a good

understanding of music (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Because of the acceptance they find there, many of the choristers refer to choir as

a “safe” place. It is safe from the cruelty of middle school girls, as defined by Mia:

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“Middle school girls can get really nasty, like they want to feel better than you and so

they know exactly how to do it” (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008). The following

comment previously illustrated Mia’s motivation to continue in the choir, but it also

illustrates Mia’s emphasis on contrasting the social environment in school and at choir:
“Last year I loved choir. It was a place that I could just go to and nobody would
tease me because last year was a really bad year at school and I felt that chair
was a really safe place for me, but this year it's a really good year and I feel like I
have a ton of fiiends and I 'm like... I have my place in every group, including the
popular group” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Mia, December 15, 2007).

Mia’s mother continues the comparison between school and choir fiiends, adding that,
Choir 's been a gm group of friends, because last year was Ml}! a hard year at
school and Mia felt so many times like she had @fiiends there and then she ’d go
to choir and she would come home .& happy. She ’d been with her good friends.
(Interview, Mia’s Mother, January 29, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot confirms the choristers’ sentiments:

One of the neat things is that these kids feel safe here. I mean no one makes fun of
anyone else. No one. They really feel safe and they talk about it: ”In school, this
doesn't happen. " They go out in the hallways -- you know what junior high is like
--it can be brutal (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

Choir is a place where the choristers feel protected from the peer judgments at school,

and it is also a place where they can express their talent with confidence:
MM: How true is this statement: “Choir makes me feel safe.”

Ciafara: Veg.

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Nova: Very, very, very safe. Especially mi; choir, the NCC. Going back to
regular school, you don’t feel safe. You don’t feel that you can let your voice out
and share it with a bunch of people.

Ciafara: Well sometimes you do.

Nova: Well, yeah, but that’s if you’re more experienced. I mean, there’s kids out

there that aren’t even in this choir and they’re really shy and quiet, and it’s like,

“ug!” (groaning in disgust) (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

As described earlier in this chapter, one of the choristers’ primary motivations for
participating in the children’s choir is associating with their choir friends. When the
choristers talk about how much their choir fiiends mean to them, their body language
changes; they sit up taller, there is more sparkle in their eyes, their speaking pace
increases, and they become more confident as they speak. Although they do not
specifically comment on the effect that choir fiiendships have on their self-esteem, there
is an unmistakable sense when talking with the choristers that choir fiiends make them
feel better about themselves. Watching the choristers interact before and after choir
confirms this observation. As the choristers smile and greet each other, their
countenances brighten. They practically glow as they bask in the warmth of their fiiends’
smiles and compliments.

As the choristers contrast their choir friendships with their fiiendships at school,
one theme that emerges is their desire for their school fiiends to support and understand
their children’s choir experiences. Some school fiiends are supportive of choir
involvement, as with Nova’s fiiends:

Well, it 's definitely aflected ...my friends relationships at school, because they

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always want to hang out and they go, “Hey, you wanna go to the movies, ” and

it ’s like, “No, I ’m doing choir. ” And they go, "Oh. ” But all my friends are also

supportive about it because they want me to succeed also (Interview, Nova,

January 11, 2008).

Other fiiends are not as understanding:

I think it's kind of I don 't know how to describe it. [Choir is] not really

necessarily bad for my friendships, but I think they think that it's dumb that I 'm in

a children 's choir. Somebody asked me the other day, "You're in a children's

choir? ” They don 't understand that it ’5 advanced, kind of. They don 't really

support it and it doesn't really hurt my feelings but I can 't talk to them about it

because I don ’t really care (Interview, Focus Group #2, Jade, December 15,

2007)

In a related investigation of the motivation and learning styles of adults in a
community band, Kruse (2007) found that the ensemble members participate in
ingroup/outgroup comparison processes similar to those of the participants in this study.
Participants in Kruse’s study also stated frustration with non-members uninformed
perspective on the ensemble. Most of the choristers report that their friends have limited
understanding of the children’s choir:

MM: So we have three or four minutes left. Is there anything we should talk

about that we didn't?

Unknown: These meetings are fun.

MM: A question I should've asked?

Ingrid: Ciafara should have one.

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Ciafara: I know! I should! I know I have some. Hold up. (Someone starts singing
the “Jeopardy” theme). Oh yeah, I have one. I just want to talk about how much I
wish that people knew what the choir was like. It's really fiustrating when they
don't understand how hard it is, because I feel really cool ‘cause we do hard stuff,
but nobody really knows that.
Ingrid: Not many pe0ple recognize that.
Ciafara: I wish that people would be like, ”My gosh, you’re in the NCC? That’s
so cool!". ..
Ingrid: Yeah.
Ciafara: ...but they're just like, "A choir. . .okay."
Mia: Sometimes I'm like, "Oh, we're singing like seven parts!" and they're like,
“Cool. Anything else new?” They don't really care, like Jade said. They don't
really care and it's kind of fi'ustrating when they don't care because it's a really,
really good experience and it's a once-in-a-lifetime experience and nobody knows
about it and it's frustrating.
(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

In the excerpt above, the word “frustrated” frequently appears. This term accurately

describes the choristers’ moods as they talk about being understood by their choir fiiends:
But along with what Jade said, school people don 't understand the chair at all.
They think it's just like the school choir. Last year, I was like, "Transmigration!
T ransmigration! (A challenging choral piece that the chair was working on) " and
all our friends were like, "Transmigration? IWzat's that?" (Said in a bewildered

and slightly judgmental tone of voice) (Everyone laughs). And you’re like, "It's

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really hard! " And they 're like, "Yeah, whatever. " So they don 't really understand

that unless they 've been in the choir (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara,

December 15, 2007).
Mia also shares that her fiiends do not seem to understand her experience or the
differences between children’s choir and other choirs:

MM: Are your friends supportive of [choir]?

Mia: (Laughs) They don’t really. . .what’s fi'ustrating is that they don’t really

know what it means to stand for four hours and be singing. You’re like, “Oh, I

had to stand for four hours and it was really tiring” and they’re like, “Yep. It

M have been t_h_aL tiring. You’re just gm.” They don’t get that it’s

actually really, really tiring, except one guy. He acted like it was really tiring and

everything.

MM: Do they understand what the choir is?

Mia: No. (Laughing). No. They just think it’s a choir that you go to, like a church

choir pretty much (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

In this section, The Social Environment: School Versus Children 's Choir,
choristers discuss the ways in which participating in the children’s choir has a positive
effect on their self-esteem. They describe how in children’s choir, being different is good.
In children’s choir, they are accepted for who they are, as Opposed to school where they ‘
are labeled and negatively judged by their peers. Choir is a safe place where they feel
supported by their choir peers. They express fi'ustration that their school friends and

others often do not understand, appreciate, or support their choir involvement. Other

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factors that affect how the choristers feel about themselves include vocal part

assignments and being labeled a “favorite” of Mrs. Talbot by their choir peers.

Vocal Part Assignments

In addition to mentoring, choir achievements, and the choir social environment,
self-esteem seems tied in some degree to the choristers’ vocal part assignments. Some
choristers enjoy singing high so much that it is personally devastating when Mrs. Talbot
re-assigns parts, as Charlie discovers for himself.

Charlie: ...I just love it when I sing high. I just love singing soprano. And I know

last year I was in the second row second to the end and well I was singing and it

was in "No Time"...

Unknown: (Gasp) Oh, I love that song!

Charlie: It was in rehearsal and, and she told me to not sing a part because it

wasn't that great (tears well up and it becomes difficult for him to speak) and the

next thing I couldn't even sing it because I was like (stops talking because he is

so emotional) (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Other singers also feel that singing high is a special experience, but they read
more into part assignments than Charlie does, creating an additional layer of anxiety for
themselves. Jade’s comments point to a pervading feeling that singing first soprano is a
privilege based on more than vocal ability:

Jade: I used to get really upset, and [Mrs Talbot] tells us not to be upset over

this. (Pause). I’d get really upset when she would not let us sing a part because

only a few of the sopranos could get that high. It used to make me so mad because

it made me feel like I wasn’t worthy.

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Ciafara: Because we gag get that high. . . .

Jade: No, Ireally could.

Ciafara: Yeah, I know! I can too, and she makes me sing alto. . .(Interview, Focus

Group #1, December 8, 2007).

The fact that Jade felt “unworthy” to sing soprano is telling. She did not describe
her lack of abilities as preventing her from singing soprano. Rather, her comment about
Mrs. Talbot “not letting us sing a part” points to an underlying belief that Mrs. Talbot
somehow chooses favorites, and that the only “true” requirement for being assigned to
sing a part should be the ability to “sing that high.” The choristers seem especially
sensitive to issues of fairness in part assignments. They notice that Mrs. Talbot usually
assigns the back row of sopranos to sing descants and other “special” parts. This action is
cause for concern among several of the choir members.

Jade: Can I say something that I don't like? . . . I don't like last year how she

would just assume if the choir wasn't getting something she would just say "Back

row take it" even if she hadn't had them sing, she's just like, "Okay back row, take
it." It made me mad. (Lots of talking over each other).

Ciafara: It's kind of cool for the back row because I'm always in the back row.

Jade: But I wasn't last year and it made me feel bad.

Ciafara: I know, and there are really good singers in the front row (Interview,

Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Favoritism
The choristers immediately label Mrs. Talbot’s actions in both the previous and

following excerpts as unfair, and blatant favoritism:

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Mia: ...last year we were all so mad at the last row of sopranos. They got to do

evg_ry_tl_ring. Evefling

Jade: Yeah, I was so mad.

Mia: I was in the second row and [that’s] just this row that just gets on her nerves

and so she really just doesn't let them do anything.

Ciafara: Yeah, it's not fair.

Mia: It's just that she chooses favorites sometimes.

Ciafara: Yeah.

Mia: And when that favoring gets to the person's head they can get really, like

"Oh, I know everything that there is to know about choir. "

Ingrid: They get really big headed (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8,

2007)

Ciafara succinctly summarizes the prevailing feeling on choir favorites:
“Favorites aren ’t okay” (Interview, Focus Group #I , Ciafara, December 8, 2007). Instead
of feeling honored, the choristers are embarrassed when they are singled out for special
attention. Most want to avoid the very appearance of being a favorite, as Mia describes:

When I did voice placement [auditions], [Mrs Talbot] said, “Oh my gosh, your

voice has gotten so much bigger over the years, " and she remembered that, and

so now she ’s saying, “Sit next to her, ” or “Do this, ” or “You get this part, ” and
stuff and so I 've been being used more, if I can say that. She ’3 been using me as,

“This is how I want you to sing. " I ’m not exactly sure if I like that, because I

don ’t want people to think of me as a favorite or a really good singer. I mean, I

want people to think I ’m a really good singer (laughter), but I don 't want people

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to think I ’m like the back row (Interview, Focus Group #1, Mia, December 8,

2007)

While the older female choristers denounce favoritism and being “teacher’s pet,”
12-year old Charlie actively seeks and seems to need Mrs. Talbot’s approval:

Charlie: Well I think sometimes you kind of want to be a teacher’s pet because

you’re in the second or first row and you feel like you’re the only one carrying the

row. I feel like I’m the only one carrying the second row because I’m the oldest

one in the second row. . .because most of the people in the second row are new

kids and (becoming so emotional he can not continue speaking)...

MM: It’s a lot of responsibility.

Charlie: Yeah (regaining his composure). I’m like, “Come on I’m carrying

 

them.”

MM: You want to be recognized for that.

Charlie: Yeah, I kind of want to be (Interview, Focus Group #1 , December

8,2007)

The choristers’ lack of understanding on issues that affect part assignments, such
as vocal timbre, vocal strength, confidence, experience, and Mrs. Talbot’s ability to
remember the sound and strengths of individual voices, leaves the choristers with little
more than favoritism for a reason why Mrs. Talbot assigns certain parts to each chorister.
It is not surprising then, that with such limited understanding, they may take their vocal
part assignment more personally than they probably should. Several choristers

commented that singing “high” was a privilege or was special, and that singing alto was

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somehow for the less talented or for those who did not have beautiful enough voices to
sing the soprano part.

The choristers’ comments about vocal part assignments and favoritism suggest an
underlying theme of fairness. Choristers are acutely aware of any decisions that seem
unfair, and they tend to jump to the conclusion that decisions are made on subjective
rather than objective basis, only increasing their perception that the conductor’s decisions
are unfair. Although the choristers struggle at times with feeling inadequate or fi'ustrated
because of their part assignment, choir provides them with many self-esteem-enhancing
opportunities. This section has described the ways in which the choristers’ self-esteem
increases through mentoring, participating in choir activities, and mingling with choir
fiiends in an environment that is free from the typically critical peer judgnent that they

experience in the school environment.

Self-Efficacy

In the following story comparing children’s choir to summer camp, Ciafara
describes how choir builds confidence in her abilities:

I go to a camp in the summer and I do this camping trip and I take like a week or

two and we go camping in the Canadian wilderness as part of this camp and

while you 're doing it you ’re kind of like, "Ew! " I don 't want to wake up at five in

the morning and paddle a canoe all day, but after I was done I was like, "Wow! " I

can 't believe I did that and so I think that's how it's going to be for chair. I 'm

going to look back and listen to the recordings and show them to my kids and stufl

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and they'll be like, "Cool! "And I 'll be like, "Yeah!" (Interview, Ciafara, January

17,2008)

Similar to enduring (and eventually enjoying!) a long summer camping trip, choir
enhances the choristers’ self-efficacy by providing them with challenging yet attainable
goals. Ciafara’s comment illustrates the fact that choir poses difficult challenges for her,
and also that she has the skills necessary to overcome these challenges. Mrs. Talbot
describes the efiect that overcoming challenges has on the choristers:

. I think the most fim thing to experience is when our singers feel challenged, but
work through it. We have a chorister. . . . who is one of our ms; committed
students right now. I mean, she is & excited to be here. It's giving Mg to who
she is...who she is intellectually. That through being here, and working through
problems that she thought were too challenging, she has a better sense of self She
believes in herself: “I _Cfl do this " (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).
One common challenge the choristers face in choir is learning challenging new

repertoire. Mrs. Talbot expects the choristers to do much of the note-learning on their
own time, and provides them with practice CDs to help them accomplish this task. In
rehearsal, it is common for Mrs. Talbot to notice a problem with notes and simply tell the
choristers to correct it by the next rehearsal by listening to the practice CD. By placing
much of the note-learning responsibilities on the choristers, more rehearsal time is spent
on issues such as tone, placement, and phrase-shaping. Mrs. Talbot describes how
pleased she is when choristers rise to the occasion and have faith in their ability to master
difficult new music.

On Saturday we started all new music—-three in Korean, and German for the Bach

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St. Matthew Passion--but the Korean was difficult and we were going through the
notes and one of the things I do is give them constant feedback about how
wonderful they are. I say, "Do you guys realize that not one kid stood and swung

their hip out in the junior high stance or curled their lip or rolled their eyes. ” I

said, “You guys were just laughing! Just laughing (laughing) saying ‘Boy is this

hard! And they 're laughing with each other. And instead of them saying “flgh!

What time is it? ” They're sitting there helping each other and laughing and

carrying on in the way that says, ”We love to learn. " Plus, that they see again that

part of the fun is the challenge (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

The choristers cherish challenging repertoire, as is overwhelmingly evident in the
interview excerpt below. They are also frustrated because this year’s choir includes many
young, inexperienced choristers and they suspect that the repertoire selection reflects this
lack of experience:

Ciafara: We sang songs that were so easy this year. I'm like, "Come on, we need

a challenge."

Ingrid: I think it's because of the little kids.

Ciafara: Last year--“Transmigration of Souls”--s_o_ excited to go to choir because I

got to learn new songs and stuff and it was really hard and stuff.

Ingrid: And “No Time.” Yeah, I feel like the challenging songs, she’s put in a

storage box in the closet and she’s just waiting until the little kids are more

experienced, since half the choir is little kids, or more than half maybe. So I feel
like she’s not trying to challenge us as more.

Mia: Because what she said. The kids aren’t very experienced yet (Interview,

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Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Their comments illustrate the choristers’ high self-efficacy regarding their ability
to master difficult music. They crave a challenge. Reflecting back on the previous year
during which they premiered a challenging 4-part work with the Detroit Symphony
Orchestra (John Adarns’ “On The T ransmigration of Souls ") and sang a variety of other
difficult literature, including a piece called “No Time” that splits into at least seven parts,
they are disappointed with the difficulty level of this year’s repertoire.

I think Mrs. Talbot has us sing some childish songs. And I ’m not saying I don ’t

like them. I kind-of liked the “Duck and the Kangaroo . . . I think she has us

sing stufl' like that more this year because there ’s a lot more little kids and she just
thinks that the audience would just Lo_ve it to see little kids singing those songs, but
don ’t you think it would be so much cooler if they saw little kids singing really
complicated songs and they actually g_o_t it? (Interview, Focus Group #2, Jade,

December 15, 2007).

Ciafara and Mia agree with Jade’s comments and again reveal their desire to tackle
challenging repertoire:

Ciafara: It’s kind of weird to see freshmen and eighth graders and juniors and

stuff to be singing animal songs. I know that the little kids look adorable.

Mia: I think that’s Intermediate Choir music for me, because I mean, they sang

Ogden Nash with us, and they could get it, and I’m like, “Why don’t you just give

this fun stuff to them, and let us be in a more serious, more complicated group?

(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Mrs. Talbot’s careful choice of quality repertoire is not lost on the parents of the

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choristers. Mia’s mother appreciates Mrs. Talbot’s selection of quality repertoire: “I think
it 's really good music that they work an” (Interview, Mia’s Mother, January 19, 2008).
Christine also remembers with fondness the repertoire she sang in children’s choir: “I still
remember the great pieces we did” (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008). The
choristers appreciate the way that Mrs. Talbot’s selection of texts and music brings
beauty and meaning into their lives.

Singing in the children’s choir increases the choristers’ self-efficacy as they tackle
difficult repertoire and successfully learn and perform it. These findings support Randles’
(2006) work on the relationship between music participation and improved self-efficacy.
In addition, the choristers’ successes in choir give them the confidence to set future goals
for themselves, as Nova shares:

This has definitely told me that I have reached most of my goals. I didn ’t think I

would perform at the Kennedy Center. That was totally, just “Barn! ” I mean, I

wanted to do that, but I didn ’t know it would be happening in this chair in my first

year, too! So it ’s definitely influenced me to support others and help them go for

their goals and also go for other goals (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

Sunrrnary
This chapter explored issues of personal identity as influenced by the choristers’
participation in the Northridge Children’s Choir. Through their experiences and
relationships in the choir, the choristers develop life skills such as commitment and
prioritizing, mental and behavioral self-discipline, interpersonal skills, confidence, and

leadership. Although the choristers may have a different perspective on the ways in

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which choir affects them as their parents have, the choristers realize that choir provides
them with unique Opportunities for learning, performance, and friendship. They are
willing to sacrifice their personal time, family time, and socializing time in order to
pursue these opportunities.

As they continue in the choir, their self-esteem is enhanced as they have positive
experiences mentoring, performing, and spending time with their choir fiiends. Choir
provides the choristers with a safe environment, fi'ee fi'om the labeling and judgment of
their peers at school. As their unique personalities are validated in the choir setting, their
self-esteem increases. However, the choristers express that some aspects of choir such as
vocal part assignments and being a “favorite” can have a negative impact on their self-
esteern. In addition to self-esteem improvement, the choristers’ self-efficacy increases as
they realize that they have the ability to master difficult repertoire and achieve a high
level of technical proficiency. The confidence that comes from their successful choir
endeavors allows them to pursue future goals with enthusiasm and courage. The next

chapter explores the ways in which choir influences the participants’ musical identity

development.

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CHAPTER V1

“IT’S LIKE BEING A PRO, YOU KNOW”: EFFECTS OF CHOIR INVOLVEMENT
ON MUSICAL IDENTITY

Stuff like [singing at the Kennedy Center] is just really cool because when you

think back on it you're like, "Whoa, I did that. That's so cool! " It's like being a

pro, you know, like a pro choir person " (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara,

December 15, 2007).

Participating in the children’s choir influences the choristers’ musical identities,
as evidenced by Ciafara’s comment above. In discussing musical identity with the
participants, choir’s influence on the choristers’ musical identities is apparent in two
distinct areas: Musical Self-Concept, and Musical Self-Esteem. Musical self-concept
refers to the assessment an individual makes regarding his or her musical skills, abilities,
and musicianship. Musical self-esteem is an individuals’ evaluation of his or her musical
self-concept, including how satisfied or dissatisfied the individual is with his or her
musical self-concept. This chapter shares the choristers’ perspectives on how both

musical self-concept and musical self—esteem are influenced by participation in the

Northridge Children’s Choir.

Musical Self-Concept
Similar to Greenberg (1970) who found that participating in an elementary school
choir improved the choristers’ music self-concepts, the NCC choristers’ musical self-

concepts are enhanced because of their participation in the children’s choir. The amount

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of time and energy spent developing their musical skills is reflected in the manner in
which they confidently discuss their musical self-concept: “...and now I ’m a good singer
and I 'm a good musician” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara, January 17, 2008).
Ciafara’s comment about being “a pro,” a professional choir person, typifies how the
choristers emerge from their choir experiences with a powerful sense of individual
musical self-concept.

Regarding their musical self-concept, the choristers share their perceptions of
choir’s influence on their musical skills, including: 1. Reading Notation, 2. Vocal
Technique, 3. Aural Skills, and 4. Musicality. They also discuss how musical discipline
develops these musical skills, their challenges and fi'ustrations in developing musical
discipline, the difference in standards of achievement in different musical organizations,
and various aspects of being a musician, including what it means to be a musician and to
have musical talent, passion for music, music observation habits, being “normal” yet

being a musician, and using facial expressions to convey the meaning of the music.

Musical Skills

According to the participants, choir positively affects their musical skills in
several specific areas, including reading notation, vocal technique, aural skills, and
musicality. While giving credit to Mrs. Talbot and to the choir for developing these skills,
an important point that the choristers raise is the role of private lessons and school music
ensembles in developing their musical skills. The choristers express that children’s choir
and other musical pursuits work in tandem to teach them the skills that they need to be

musically knowledgeable and successful.

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Reading Notation

Well I guess on the practical side, I remember my first lesson in sight-reading was

Mrs. Talbot basically saying, “If the note is high on the stafif your voice goes up,

and if the note 's lower on the stafl: your voice goes down. " We didn't really do

much with solfege or anything that I can remember, but just going through the
amount of music we did helped with becoming a better sight-reader (Interview,

Christine, February 12, 2008).

As illustrated in Christine’s comment, although Mrs. Talbot does not implement a
formal plan for addressing music-reading skills in the NCC, she nevertheless attempts to
teach these concepts in rehearsal. She often draws the choristers’ attention to the shape of
the musical lines and invites the choristers to define musical terms printed in the score.

Now can they read the music? Even that, I would say that for the kids that have

been in the longest-although they would not be able-J mean with one rehearsal a

week, it's very diflicult to teach all the literature that we have plus sight reading--

but they are able to pretty much read what we have given to them through their
ability to know which way the notes go and be able to follow a pattern (Interview,

Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

Some choristers, such as Ciafara, credit their ability to read music entirely to
participation in the children’s choir.

Well, choir teaches me everything musically. I know Ingrid has been taking piano

for like eight years and so she pretty much knows the stufif but I didn't really

know anything. So now I take band and stufif and I know all the notes and all the

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sharps and flats and crescendos and sfortzando or whatever. I know all those
things...(Interview, Ciafara, January I 7, 2008).
Most of the choristers in this study take private lessons or participate in school music
ensembles. Several of the choristers comment on how singing in the children’s choir
reinforces the music-reading skills that they learn in these other musical activities,
particularly band.
When I was first in Prep choir, I was really small, like six or something, so I think
I just started violin too... yeah, I just started violin too, so just kind of learning
how to read music, that was in the Preparatory Choir, so it was kind of meshed

together (Interview, Focus Group #2, Charlie, December 15, 2007).

Ciafara: ...choir teaches me everything about music, so I know all the symbols
and flats.

Mia: I actually learned how to read music in band, but yeah! (Said under breath).
Oh well!

Ciafara: Oh well! Choir helps (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Vocal Technique
Rehearsals of the NCC focus largely on issues of tone production and vocal
technique. Mrs. Talbot uses a variety of teaching techniques, including vocal modeling,
metaphors, and physical gestures to teach the choristers about resonance and tone color.
Going back to one of your other questions about what it teaches me musically,
one of the huge things she focuses on is tone. And I know it's diflerent than what

choir tone is at [the University], but just having space in your mouth and lifting

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your soft palate... two pretty key ideas. But those were h_uggthings that she always

worked on to have rounded vowels and a lifted soft palate. Those were two huge

things (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot frequently models phrase shaping and uses metaphors or
example/nonexarnple techniques to demonstrate the desired outcome. For example, she
makes comments such as, “Sing with McDonald ’s® golden arches inside your mouth!
That amount of space! " emphasizing a lifted soft-palate, and “Get on your cross-country
skis! ” emphasizing legato singing. Her comments in rehearsal also focus on diction
issues such as vowel color, “lost” words meaning words that are unintelligible as
currently sung, and syllabic stress. Singing in head voice and “tone placement”
(imagining and finding the correct resonating spaces for the tone) also comprise many of
Mrs. Talbot’s comments to the choir. Mrs. Talbot’s confidence in her ability to teach the
choristers proper vocal technique is evident in the way that she appraises the choristers’
understanding of vocal development:

And so, obviously, they 're getting first-rate voice lessons in every rehearsal. They

have good tone. They have good placement. They understand what it means to

have a supported tone. They know what it means to sing a pure vowel. They know
what it means to sing a phrase. They know what it means to blend. They know all
of those things and they can talk about them. They are ye_ry well versed of what it

means to be a g_o_ogl singer at that age (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

The choristers recognize that the choir has an influence on their vocal technique.
Charlie shares that, “[ Choir ’s] really taught me how to sing, mostly. ‘Cause reading

music and stufl came easy to me, so the program taught me how to sing in head voice and

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all this other technique. It taught me technique ” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Charlie,
December 15, 2007). Mia also agrees that choir teaches vocal technique:
I’ve learned how to sing in my head voice. Yeah. And I don ’t know if this is fiom
choir, but I know how to switch fiom head voice to chest voice. I 've heard not
everybody can do that, and I don ’t know if that 's from choir. ‘Cause sometimes
we have to do that with notes that I cannot hit in my head voice, but there are also
notes I can ’t hit in my chest voice, so I learned how to switch, and I can ’t do it

immediately, just like that (snaps), but I can do it (Interview, Mia, January 19,

2008)

Aural Skills

Many choristers discuss how singing in the children’s choir improves their aural
skills, or “ear.” Their references to improving their “ear” for music often include an
increased sense of pitch accuracy: “I know what ’s out of tune!” (Interview, Mia, January
19, 2008). Further comments by Mia and Charlie confirm this finding:

It’s really firn when this kid next to me, he or she ’s singing and I ’m like, “You ’re

flat, ” or “You ’re sharp, ” and she 's like, “How can you tell? ” I’m like, (humming
an “I don ’t know” vocalization). But it ’s just, it ’s fin to criticize in that way
because you can say, “You ’re sharp, " or “You ’reflat. ” I know these things

(Interview, Focus Group #2, Mia, January 19, 2008).

So this is Charlie. I think to go on with talking about the ear, it really helped me
because it ’sfimny because I listen to our past choir CDs, and I ’m like, “Oh, that

note was flat, ” or “That 's sharp, " or “Ooh, we didn ’t hit that note quite right. " I

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think that ’s kind of cool how I can listen so well to notes that I can notice that. On

the latest CD, the second row in a piece was flat, and I was really mad because I

was in the second row and I was flat. I was like, “figh! ” “E_w! " (Interview,

Focus Group #2, Charlie, December 15, 2007).

Choir also improves the choristers’ ability to perform “melodic memory”
assignments in which they echo back short 1-2 measure vocalizes given by Mrs. Talbot,
either alone in auditions, or as an ensemble at the beginning of rehearsal. In the following
excerpt, the choristers address choir’s influence on pitch perception, melodic memory,
their musical ear, and how an improved musical ear transfers to improved piano playing.
The choristers’ playful bantering, peer support, and fiiendly yet determined diffusion of
compliments is also evident in this excerpt:

Ciafara: [Choir] taught me a lot about your ear and stuff. Because I can recognize

pitch and stuff now, it’s kind of cool—not all pitch. And melodic memory, I was

really bad at that, but now I’m good. . .kind-of.

Ingrid: I’ve really improved on melodic memory now.

Ciafara: You’ve always been good at melodic memory.

Ingrid: Shut up. Well now more so I can hear something from choir and start

playing it on the piano first try ‘cause my car’s been getting really good

(Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Mia’s parents also notice the effect that choir has on Mia’s aural skill
development, particularly melodic memory work. Aural skill development is something
that Mia’s parents follow closely with Mia, because Mia struggles with a partial hearing

loss

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MM: ...how do you think [that choir has] affected [Mia] as a musician?

Mom: Oh I think it's been tremendous. It's deve10ped her egg. . . . I think it's been

gm ear training. That's something Mia’s had to work at in choir. Mrs. Talbot

does the voice placement and does the musical memory--is that what it's called?

Melodic memory. That's hard. She's improving, slowly.

Dad: Mia has a hearing loss. She wears hearing aids at school. I don't know how

that fits, but I think that's extra special that she's been able to do the melody match

and to match notes and hear things special even though she has a high-fiequency

hearing loss (Interview, Mia’s Parents, January 19, 2008).

Another aspect of aural skill improvement that Jade and Mia discuss is their
improved ability to distinguish vocal parts from each other when sung simultaneously,
and improved ability to sing harmony.

Mia: ...choir helped me keep parts more. I know when I was first in the

Intermediate Choir, I couldn’t keep my part very well, and I was an alto, which

made it a little bit harder. So after I got used to that a little bit more—in the NCC

we have up to seven parts sometimes—and it just helped me be able to keep my
part. Now I don’t really even notice in a way that there’s two parts because it’s so
natural now and you don’t really have to think about it.

Jade: I was pretty much going to say the same thing. I can distinguish the parts

from SOprano, second soprano, alto. Now when I hear them as a whole I can

distinguish them from each other (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15,

2007)

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Musicality

”T here ’s just no question. We have one of the most musical chairs that exists ”

(Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

When I first heard the Northridge Children’s Choir, I was impressed with the
choir’s rich tone quality and the choir’s expressive singing. It is fair to state that Mrs.
Talbot does not exaggerate her claims about the musicality of the choir. Mrs. Talbot has a
polished sense of musicality that is expressed in her facial expressions and in her
conducting gestures. Much of rehearsal is spent in aligning the choristers’ singing with
her aural image of the piece. She uses a variety of techniques including echoing and
mental imagery to cultivate the musical results that she desires. Because the choristers
learn the music primarily on their own time, Mrs. Talbot uses much of the rehearsal time
developing expressive aspects of the music. Christine recalls the way in which Mrs.
Talbot teaches artistic singing:

Christine: ...phrasing and musicality was one thing that Mrs. Talbot really

focused on...

MM: How did Mrs. Talbot teach you these things?

Christine: (Long pause)..I'm trying to remember. Let's see, one of her things

would be like, "Where does the phrase go? What syllable, what word?" And so

that's related to phrasing... also, and then after that to ba_ck_of_f. . .I just remember a

lot of mg motion (pushing hands away, and then drawing them back). I remember

drawing that in my music a lot (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot instills in the singers the idea that, as singers, they are in the process

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‘6

of creating beauty: IE3)! know it's a place to create beauty. They hear about this film
t_i_rr_r§” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008). Essential to creating beauty through
expressive sing’ng is an understanding of the meaning of the text. In rehearsal, Mrs.
Talbot often pauses on certain words, drawing the choristers’ attention to the way that the
text and music align to create a specific affect, and then encourages the choristers to
demonstrate this awareness by the way that they sing. She fi'equently talks to the
choristers about their need to understand the aesthetic impact of a piece of music. Mrs.
Talbot summarizes that, “[ The choristers] know what it means to be true to the text and
they know what it means to sing musically” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

This section explored the ways in which choir positively affect the choristers’
musical skills, including reading notation, vocal technique, aural skills, and musicality.
The choristers attribute much of their improvement in these skills to Mrs. Talbot’s
instruction, yet they also emphasize that private lessons and school music ensembles
work in tandem to teach them these musical skills. In addition to musical skills, the

choristers’ perceptions of what it means to be a musician is another component of

musical self-concept that is influence by choir participation.

Being a Musician

What does it mean to be a musician? What are the ways, if any, that choir
influences musicianship? What relationship exists between musical talent and being a
musician? Does an individual have to be talented in order to sing in the children’s choir?
What relationship exists between feeling the music and facial expressions? Does choir
influence music listening preferences? In addition to the chorister’s perspective on how

choir improves their musical skills, their perspective on these questions sheds further

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insight into their musical self-concept. Through discussing these questions, a more well-
rounded view of how the choristers see themselves as musicians emerges. As the
choristers discuss these and other issues related to being a musician, it is apparent that
their choir experiences provide them with the terminology and experience to give

relatively informed opinions on these subjects.

Definitions of “Musician”
Charlie: To be a musician, you have to. . .you can’t just play or sing notes. That’s
not being a musician. What being a musician means is phrasing, beauty. Beauty.
Ingrid: Preparing.
Ciafara: You have to fe_el it. You have to feel the music. So you don’t have to
play it, you have to Leg] it...
Ingrid: lie—cl the power! “You are the music in me” (Breaking into song with
Ciafara) (Laughter).
Nova: I think what being a good musician is. . .is, a good musician is where you
live, breathe, and practically take it from the inner soul of the music, so you really
express it. You take it in as if it means the most ever. Remember when we sang
“Winds of Peace”? We had to literally live it, breathe it, and think of what those
people were going through while they were writing that song because that was
basically about kids going through a war, and they wanted it to end and they
wanted peace. So we had to basically love that music to actually show that we
wanted the piece.
Ingrid: That was the same thing with the “Voices of a Vanished World.”

Ciafara: But I think you don’t have to be the one who’s creating the music to be a

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musician. I guess that sounds kind of weird, but you just have to. . .I don’t know, I

guess you do have to (laughter). You just have to kind of respect it and feel it,

‘cause music is just sounds being put together. So I think everyone’s a musician

because they’ve all had experience in their life (Interview, Focus Group #1 ,

December 8, 2007).

In this interview excerpt, the choristers share their opinions on what it means to
be a musician. As they speak, it sounds as though they are repeating words that they have
previously heard Mrs. Talbot speak. In particular, comments about creating beauty,
phrasing, preparing, and loving the music seem to have been pulled directly from the
chorister’s rehearsal experiences. Ciafara contributes a unique perspective by stating that
being a musician is not only for composers, but is for everyone, because life experience
adds meaning to the musical experience. Although their responses vary, one theme
among the choristers’ responses is that “loving the music” as Nova expresses, is at the
heart of being a musician. Although many of the choristers’ comments sound as though
they come via Mrs. Talbot’s instruction, when Mrs. Talbot describes what it means to be
a musician, she gives a response that does not match the choristers’ definitions:

in eighth grade, I knew theory. I knew all those things that go to the basis of

being a musician. How many of our kids take private lessons, I don 't know. I have

112 idea. But to be a musician, you have to do w than sing in a choir. So maybe

you would like a diflerent descriptor. But to me, a musician is someone who can

play all the scales on whatever instrument they play, and know all the key

signatures, that are able to play inversions, who show that they are musicians, not

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that they love music. T here 's a diference (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29,

2008)

Mrs. Talbot’s concept of being a musician includes developing a variety of
musical skills, abilities, and theoretical knowledge. Although her definition does not
include discussions of emotional connection to the music, her rehearsal pedagogy makes
clear her belief that emotional connection to the music is necessary for a communicative
performance. In rehearsal, Mrs. Talbot frequently asks choristers to reflect on the
meaning of the text and to sing with understanding. The discrepancy between Mrs.
Talbot’s stated definition of what it means to be a musician and her actions and
comments in rehearsal is unclear. The following excerpt illustrates Mrs. Talbot’s focus on
defining musicianship in the broadest terms possible and downplaying the role of the
children’s choir in developing musicianship:

MM: In what ways, if any, do you think that being in the choir influences who

the students are as musicians?

Mrs. Talbot: I gag; I don’t know. You would _re_all_y need to give them a test. I

have @ idea. I know what they're like as students whose ability is to interpret

music. But “musician” means to me much more than singing in the choir, and I

don't know what they're doing (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

Mrs. Talbot indicates that she can comment on the choristers’ ability to interpret
music, but then immediately discounts the relevance of this ability to overall
musicianship by stating that choral singing is only one aspect of being a musician. Does
Mrs. Talbot believe that singing skills are part of being a musician? Comments such as,

“...singing skills are very difi’erent than being a musician” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot,

 

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January 29, 2008) invites this question. Her comment, “You have to do _r_no_re than sing in
a choir,” indicates that Mrs. Talbot does perceive choral singing as a category belonging
to musicianship, but it is not the only category. Still, her corrrrnent, “. . .who show that
they are musicians, not that they love music. There's a diflerence ” indicates that further
clarification of her definition of being a musician, and also her expectations for the
choristers’ understanding of musicianship, is needed.

The choristers give similarly unexpected responses when asked about the ways
that being in the choir influences their musicality. When the choristers discuss their
abilities as musicians, they do not state that choir teaches them musical phrasing or
singing with beauty or loving the music, as they do when asked what it means to be a
musician. Rather, they are uncertain how to respond, and their eventual comments focus
on basic music-reading skills.

MM: First question of the day: In what way has being in choir improved you as

a musician?

Mia: Mia thinks I.D.K.

MM: I.D.K?

All: 1 don’t know.

Mia: Yeah, because I practically knew a lot. . .I mean, I learned how to read

music in band, and I learned really all the dynamics and all the music in band, so I

didn’t really learn that much in choir.

Ingrid: I agree with Mia because this is my eighth year of piano, so I have been

studying all that stuff since second grade, so it’s really nothing new to me.

Ciafara: Yeah. I don’t think we work on that much stuff in choir, musically. Once

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in awhile we go over what a crescendo is and half notes and stuff, but we’re pretty

much expected to know that when we come into the choir (Interview, Focus

Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Ciafara’s comment, “I don ’t think we work on that much stufl in choir,
musically...” illustrates that, according to Ciafara, “musically” refers to “what a
crescendo is and half notes and stuff” In her earlier comment that, “Well, choir teaches
me everything musically” (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008) she also uses the term
“musically” to refer to music-reading skills. She does not differentiate music-reading
skills fiom other aspects of musicianship that are developed in choir or make the
connection between the qualities of a musician and musicality. Nova’s comments come
closest to the comments the choristers made earlier about what it means to be a musician.

MM: Let’s talk about who you are as a musician. How do you think that being in

the choir has influenced your musicality?

Nova: Definitely. After choir the next day when I go to piano, I always say,

“Hey, can we sing this song?” I always want to sing and learn from mistakes and

definitely create my own songs, but I want to make sure that I’m always using

head tones and not going into the throat, but not in the nasal area either. So I

definitely want to keep it where I can just start creating things and balancing out

the music in me, but it’s definitely been an adventure (Interview, Nova, January

11,2008)

Musical Apprenticeship
One aspect of being a musician that is not labeled as such by Ciafara is reflecting

on the choir’s singing, identifying problems, and predicting Mrs. Talbot’s response to the

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problems. In other words, participating in an informal musical apprenticeship. In the
following excerpt, Ciafara describes how she engages in these activities, yet she seems
unaware that she is developing musicianship through this activity. She does not perceive
that her actions may foster the development of aural skills, problem-diagnosing skills,
and teaching skills:

MM: And do you think [that choir has helped you] become more sensitive to

smaller musical issues?

Ciafara: Yeah. Definitely. ‘Cause we nit-pick everything, so I'm definitely more

tuned in musically to mistakes. And I know that after we stop what the mistakes

are, most of the time.

MM: Do you try to predict what she's going to say?

Ciafara: Yeah... pretty much every time. Sometimes I'm totally like, "I have no

idea" but sometimes I'm like, "Oh yeah, we didn’t hold that note. And we were

sharp and stuff."

MM: And are you right most of the time?

Ciafara: Like 75%, which I know is not that much, but sometimes it's hard to

know what she's thinking (Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008).

Putting herself in the conductor’s shoes in this informal way gives Ciafara a richer
perspective on the music-making process. Close observation such as this provides a
reservoir of experience for future teaching endeavors, should she choose to pursue a
career in teaching. Like Ciafara, Nova also considers choir from Mrs. Talbot’s
perspective. A future music teacher in training, Nova is particularly motivated to closely

observe Mrs. Talbot. Nova takes her observations one step further than Ciafara,

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indicating that if she had the chance, she would talk individually with Mrs. Talbot about
teaching. In the following interview transcript excerpt, Nova’s questions reveal a mind
determined to deconstruct the complexities she perceives in teaching a choral ensemble.
Her comments also illustrate her growing awareness of the conductor’s motivations and
factors related to conducting and repertoire selection.
Nova: ...1 can learn a lot from Mrs. Talbot. I mean, she has taught me so much
already that I just want to be there and be like, “Mrs. Talbot, can I interview
you?” I really want to say that.
MM: What would you ask her?
Nova: I would ask her why she got into this business. Why did she want to teach
the children to sing. Why not adults? I’m sure she has taught adults.
MM: She taught high school.
Nova: Right. So that’s close to adults. That’s like teenagers, premature adults,
but why going to children?
MM: ...Why don’t you stay after choir for a few minutes and talk to her?
Nova: See, when we get home it’s around nine thirty and sometimes I still have
extra homework to do. I wake up at six and my bus comes at six-thirty, so. . .we
have sort of a short budget. Sort of need sleep! Still growing!
MM: What else would you ask her?
Nova: I would ask her what kinds of tempos are her favorites to conduct. ‘Cause
that’s another thing. Conductors have to feel comfortable in certain tempos, I’m

sure, certain different tempos. I mean, if they’re doing 2/2, they’d be doing (hands

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moving in a big slash pattern), movin’ their hands so fast! Some don’t feel so
comfortable in that.

MM: Do you mean the beat pattern?

Nova: Right, the beat. The tempo.

MM: How fast or how slow is different from...

Nova: The time signature. Right. I’m talkin’ about both because it depends 9g the
tempo of the songs. If she likes to go “One, two three” (showing beat pattern) or if
it’s both. I definitely think it depends on the kind of song. “Ragtime” was
definitely one of those speedy tempos or slow tempos. It depends what genre it is,
what tempo it is, and definitely the speed.

MM: ...Why do you want to know that?

Nova: It’s actually kind of very awkward why I want to know that. Because I
want to see if there’s a limit to her during songs. I mean, there might be a very,
very interesting song that’s in 2/4 time and maybe she doesn’t like that one. I’d
just like to pick at her brain and see which songs do you take and which songs do
you not take, because there’s a lot of songs out there. There’s gospel and there’s
different speeds and time measures (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

Nova and Ciafara’s desire to understand Mrs. Talbot’s motives and decisions is

part of their developing musical self-concept, and part of being a musician. Although

Ciafara does not realize it, by observing Mrs. Talbot so closely, both she and Nova are

advancing the development of skills that they can use to enhance not only their own

performance in the choir, but also enhance their teaching in the future.

This section highlights the differences in choristers’ and Mrs. Talbot’s definitions

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of what it means to be a musician. The choristers define musicianship using terms

and phrases that Mrs. Talbot often uses in rehearsal. Their descriptions of musicianship
include creating beauty, phrasing, preparing, and loving the music. Interestingly, when
they are asked to describe how choir affects their musicianship, they do not respond with
similar descriptions, but instead refer to more technical aspects of music-making such as
reading notation. Mrs. Talbot’s definition of musicianship is comprehensive, focusing

particularly on theoretical understanding and technical skill.

Musical Talent and Passion
Christine shares an additional perspective on what it means to be a musician:
I think it means being passionate about your art form. I guess I would definitely
say that, even above being very skilled at your art form, because if you Iraq it and
work hard at it... and also singing beyond the notes on the page, like that kind of
stufif the musicalin part of being a musician instead of just like, "I can say read
anything, " and be technically perfect. Seeing beyond that so it means something
to you and your audience (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).
Christine attributes this understanding of having a passion for music largely to
children’s choir: “I guess from what I first said, especially about having a passion for it, I
think that was really instilled in children 's choir, yeah. That's something I was definitely
taught in children 's choir” (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).
Several of the choristers raise the idea of a connection between having a passion
for music and being musically talented. In the same conversation, they also weave a
discussion comparing what it means to be musically talented as opposed to being a good

musician. As the choristers discuss what it means to 1. Be a good musician, 2. Be

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musically talented, and 3. Have a passion for music, their definitions of these terms are

unclear at times, sometimes overlapping and sometimes separating. The choristers note

that these constructs seem related. Despite the confusion in terms, the main point of their

conversation is that an individual may be musically talented, but that the individual must

also possess a passion for music in order to find satisfaction in music-making and do well

at it.

MM: What does it mean to be musically talented?

Charlie: You don’t have to be musically talented to be a good musician. You
could have a talent of being always on, you could follow the music, you have a
good sense of rhythm and things like that, but maybe you don’t have a good sense
of rhythm but you have a beautiful voice or you can really pull through those
notes on the violin or no glitches or anything...

Mia: Mia thinks that in a way they come together. If you’re musically talented
beatwise or you’re playing an instrument, I think your tone is just going to come
naturally and I don’t know. I just think that they come together.

Ciafara: Yeah, they do. Musically talented people will just go to music. And
people who don’t like music who don’t have a passion for it will just do sports or
other things. I think that everyone who really has a passion for it and skills for it
will find it. Another thing that ties in with that is passion. . . . I guess that goes
along with being musically talented. . . .

Mia: I mean, you’re better if you like it. If you don’t really like it, I don’t think
you’re really as good as you could be if you did like it. It just comes together. If

you like it, you’re gonna do better at it than if you don’t like it.

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Nova: Mine’s sort of like Charlie. I would describe musician sort of like talented
would basically be. I’ll use my uncle for an example. You could be really good at
playing the drums but you might not be able to read notes, so it just depends on
how everything comes in together. If you really love music and you are willing to
learn, then that means that your talents will go farther, and if you don’t like music
and you really don’t want to learn it, then you’ll stay at where you are (Interview,

Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Facial Expressions

At the end of this part of the conversation, Jade brings up an aspect of

musicianship that moves the discussion in an entirely new direction. Jade begins by

agreeing with the choristers that having a passion or “natural love for music” is related to

musical talent, then steers the conversation into the ways in which Mrs. Talbot

encourages the choristers to demonstrate their love of music through facial expressions.

Tensions rise as the choristers voice strong opinions on the connection between outward

physical manifestations of musicianship such as facial expressions, and inwardly “feeling

the music”:

Ciafara: Just ‘cause you have a nice facial expression doesn’t mean that you’re...
Nova: Into the music.

Ciafara: That you really enjoy it. . .yeah. People who don’t have good facial
expressions, sometimes they really, really love it, and people who do, don’t, so I
don’t think you can judge how much you love music by your face (Interview,

Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

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In rehearsal, Mrs. Talbot uses an activity in which she tells the choristers to close
their eyes, put their hands up in fiont of their eyes and on the count of three, open their
hands and their eyes wide as though they are opening the shutters to a camera. The
purpose of this activity is to encourage the choristers to raise their eyebrows and look
more engaged in their singing. Mrs. Talbot calls on individual choristers in rehearsal and
either compliments them on their facial expressions or tells them that they need to “show
more” on their faces. Although from an audience perspective the children look animated
and engaged in the performance, the choristers’ comments here suggest that there is some
resentment about having to “act” engaged. Ciafara’s comment that, “I don ’t think you can
judge how much you love music by your face,” (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8,
2007) indicates that she feels that facial expressions do not always accurately represent
the true emotions of the singers, so it is not fair to judge an individual’s involvement
based on that aspect alone. Her comments also point to a belief that loving the music
should be the first priority, and transmission of those feelings should come in second in
priority. Although Mrs. Talbot may share these priorities, the choristers nevertheless

express anxiety over having to produce satisfactory facial expressions.

Being “Normal”

When asked if choir friends encourage each other to become better musicians,
Mia responded with a long hum: “Mmmmmm...Mrs Talbot fink; we do, but we really
don ’t. We mainly talk about our lives, not musically related " (Interview, Focus Group #2,
December 15, 2007). Ciafara pounced on the chance to add, “We ’re M9,! We ’re not
gonna be like, ‘Oh, that ‘61 'scale, whoa, yeah, that ‘d’scale was pretty nifty.” (Everyone

laughs). We 're not gonna do that” (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007). Mia

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enjoined, “We ’re Mall; schoolers and high schoolers. We don ‘t talk about that sort of
thing” (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007). Mia then explained that on the
occasions when Mrs. Talbot invites the choristers to discuss with each other the meaning
of the music, “. . .we [the choristers] maybe talk about it for a minute or two and then we
start talking about, ‘What did you do after school today?’ type of thing” (Interview,
Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007). Ciafara summed up the choristers’ lack of musical
conversation by explaining that, “We ‘re not special children. We like everything that
normal people like. We ’re just in a choir” (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15,
2007)

Several choristers make the point that they are still “normal” despite their
participation in music: “I 'm just a normal kid who likes to sing " (Interview, Focus Group
#2, Charlie, December 15, 2007). There is a sense among the choristers that being too
involved in music makes a person different, and that being different in that way is not
desirable. They do not want others to label them as musicians, even though they might
choose those labels for themselves. This is a challenge for the choristers because Mrs.
Talbot constantly talks to them about being musicians, about setting themselves apart
from all other groups by the high level of musicianship. The choristers may feel a sense
of conflict between being told that they are different from other choirs and students
because of their tremendous musicianship, and their desire to be “normal people” who are
not too involved in music. They want to be recognized for their musical accomplishments
but at the same time they do not want to be labeled a “musician.” Labeling is discussed in
greater detail in the following chapter on collective identity and group dynamics.

Music Listening

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When asked if choir has had any influence on the music Ciafara listens to,
Ciafara’s mother was not certain how to respond at first.
...I would say I don ’t really know how to answer that except she has an
appreciation for mys_ic_. I think that she tends to listen to more melodic music than
that sort of absence of melody, that sort of fusion stufl because I think she has a
sense of a better quality of music. . . . She listens to a lot of pop stuff but she
doesn ’t listen to some of the harsher stufir that I have heard, and I don ’t know if
there is a connection between the chair or not, but she ’11 listen to Bach too and
not be irritated by it. (Laughs) (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17, 2008).
Nova is certain that children’s choir has affected the way that she listens to music. She is
much more aware of the singing style and of how she sings along with the music:
MM: Do you think [that choir has] affected the choices you make about what
music to listen to?
Nova: Definitely. I mean, I still listen to 80’s rock. I’m a big fan of the 80’s and
90’s Def Leppard, Journey, but now when I sing those songs I sing them in head
voice because I don’t want to go down some old country road and be like, “Yeah
man, power to the music!” (said in a twangy hick voice) but I definitely still listen
to them because they’re just hard not to listen to, but I also go, “Okay, I have to
remember the shelf (voice placernent}when I do sing them, because if I don’t,
Mrs. Talbot will ...I always have Mrs. Talbot in my head, for “Don’t sing that
way! If you sing that way you’ll ruin your voice!” So I always have that little
Mrs. Talbot in my head (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

In addition to Nova’s comments about how children’s choir affects the way she sings

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popular music, Mia draws an interesting contrast between the meaning of popular music
and the meaning of the children’s choir repertoire:

I think the choir songs are more touching than the pop songs that I listen to,

because they actually mean something (laughing at self). The pop songs I listen

to, they have a good beat and they have a good—I like listening to them—but the
choir songs—if you know the words, if you can actually understand the words we

are singing—actually mean something (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

Mia’s comment suggests that the quality of the text in the children’s choir
repertoire has a strong impact on her. It shapes the way that she views music in the
pepular culture. The idea that the quality repertoire in the children’s choir may affect the
choristers’ musical preferences is a topic worthy of future investigation. If it is true that
the children’s choir experience gives the choristers “a sense of a better quality of music”
as Ciafara’s mother explains, it would be interesting to explore the ways in which their
music preferences change over the years that they sing in the choir.

The choristers’ definitions and perceptions of what it means to be a musician are
influenced by their participation in the children’s choir. Their definitions of what it means
to be a musician draw from the terminology they hear in children’s choir rehearsals.
Choir also influences who the choristers are as musicians by involving them in a musical
apprenticeship where they can develop their musical talents and their passion for music.
Choristers express strong feelings about the connection between their facial expressions
and their inner musician, as well as their desire to be perceived as “normal” despite their
choir participation. They also share the ways in which choir has influenced their music

listening preferences. This chapter has explored choir’s influence on two aspects of

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musical self-concept: musical skills and perceptions of what it means to be a musician.
The next section explores one final aspect of musical self-concept, how choristers better
understand their musical self-concept by comparing the musical learning environment in

school with that of the children’s choir.

The Musical Learning Environment: School Versus Children ’s Choir

In the previous chapter, choristers’ fiequent comparisons between the social
environment at school and the social environment in choir figured prominently in their
individual identity development process. Referring to the importance of comparisons
between social groups, Goethels (2003) explains the basic tenants of social identity
theory. Their relevance to music ensembles is an important finding of this study. As
explained in the review of literature, Goethels’ summary of social identity theory states
that first of all, individuals are “motivated to maintain a positive self-evaluation and want
to View their individual achievements and personal qualities as favorably as they can, and
they similarly want to see the groups that they belong to in the most positive possible
light” (Goethels, 2003, p. 16). Second, individuals strive to find common ground among
members of their same group, minimizing the differences between individuals, both for
the in-group and the out-group. Conversely, people tend to magnify the differences
between members of different groups. Third, “. . .People tend to maximize their social
identity by doing all that they can, not only to view their own group positively, but also to
view members of other groups relatively negatively” (Goethels, 2003, p. 16). The result
is strong in-group favoritism (Goethels, 2003, p. 16).

This section presents the choristers’ comparisons between the musical learning

environment in school and in children’s choir. Topics include standards of musical

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achievement and honest feedback. Through these comparisons, choristers are better able
to understand their musical self-concepts and view their musical achievements with
increased satisfaction. This section also presents results on two related topics, transfer

and coping strategies.

Standards of Musical Achievement

Similar to behavioral and mental self-discipline discussed in the previous chapter,
Mrs. Talbot has high standards for the chorister’s musical discipline. As Mrs. Talbot
explains, “[ The choristers] understand high standards. They know what it means to have
musical discipline” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008). The term “musical
discipline,” as used by Mrs. Talbot, refers to having high standards for musical
achievement and doing the work necessary to achieve those high standards. Part of the
choristers’ adjustment to participating in the NCC involves adopting an attitude of
dedication towards these high standards. High standards encourage the choristers to
develop the musical skills discussed in the previous section.

The choristers give Mrs. Talbot credit for establishing the high standards of
achievement to which they rally around. However, at the same time they complain about
how difficult it sometimes is to achieve these high standards.

Nova: Mrs. Talbot's the one who helps us [sing well], because she says, "It can't

be g90_d, it has to be excellent." So we try even harder.

Ingrid: Almost is not good enough.

Mia: ...it can get really annoying when we can't get it right, and we think we're

getting it right, and Mrs. Talbot is like, "Oh, Ihear something!" And we don't hear

anything. . . . And then there's the kids that just keep making the same mistake

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over and over and over again. That just gets plain annou'ng because were like,

"Come on, we've been doing this for 15 minutes! Can't you get it now? " Going

through the same point over and over and over again can get really, really

annoying.

Ciafara: Yeah. Repetition can drive me insane.

Ingrid: Me too (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Ciafara: In order to have our group excellence and stuff, we have to be in place

all the time which is also really annoying because it’s not like any other group,

anywhere, because we have to be on cue pretty much all the time, but that’s kind
of cool ‘cause...

Mia: It makes us unique! (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

As strong as the choristers’ fi'ustration is for doing detail work in rehearsal, they
are grateful that Mrs. Talbot expects them to rise to a high level of achievement. As Mia
indicates, their hard work leads to a unique level of excellence that makes the choristers
proud. Mrs. Talbot states, “The students are very open with me that this is an experience
that is unique. They say that this is different than anything in any segment of their
education, especially what it means to have high standards ” (Interview, Mrs. Talbot,
January 29, 2008). The choristers’ gratitude for Mrs. Talbot’s high standards is evident in
their conversation about what will happen to the choir when Mrs. Talbot retires:

Mia: Mia thinks also that it’s going to be really bad when she leaves.

Ingrid: Yeah, because our standards will go down.

Ciafara: She drives me insane, but the choir would not be the same without her.

Without doing all that stuff, it just wouldn’t be the same (Interview, Focus Group

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#1, December 8, 2007).

Honest Feedback
One way that Mrs. Talbot sets high standards for the ensemble is by always
giving the choristers honest feedback. This is something that the choristers comment on
and appreciate.
Mia: ...[Mrs Talbot is] so specific and she wants us to be good. I think none of
our school choir teachers would be able to make us as good.
Jade: I know that for a fact.
Mia: ...Even kids at school are like, “We’re really, really bad, but our choir
teacher says we’re really good.” I had somebody who came to one of our concerts
by accident, and she heard us and she was like, “If we sounded that good, we
would get 1’s on everything in festival.” And I’m like, “Festival doesn’t really
matter, cause it’s not really true at all.
Ciafara: We’re kind of out of that league. Not to seem cocky or anything, but
we’re not like school choirs.
Ingrid: It seems to me that today lots of people try to make us feel good even
though it’s not true.
Mia: Yeah! They’re like, “That’s good, that’s great!” (Interview, Focus Group
#1, December 8, 2007).
In this excerpt, the choristers compare Mrs. Talbot’s feedback with the feedback
they receive from their school music teachers. Implicit in their statement is that honest
feedback leads to a higher-achieving ensemble than sugar-coated comments meant to

“make us feel good even though it ’s not true” as Ingrid explains. To this, Mrs. Talbot

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adds, “They know that I do not in any way patronize them, and we even talk about that.
They say, ‘We hate it when teachers tell us ‘Great job. Way to go.” and we mifled it.
(Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008). Mia makes further comparisons between the
ways that Mrs. Talbot and other ensemble instructors approach giving feedback and
setting high standards for achievement:

Our choir instructors in high school...we do an awful job and they're just like,

"Goodjob! " and they treat us like babies. One of our band directors, he is really

good, and he won ’t treat us like little kids. He knows what we can do and he

makes us do it (Interview, Mia and Mia’s Mother, January 19, 2008).

Mia is not alone in her criticism of the way that school ensemble directors praise a
lower level of achievement than in the children’s choir. Several choristers relate
frustrating experiences with their school ensemble directors:

Nova: I know everybody’s talking about regular choir teachers, but by being in

this choir you know tone better, you know hearing better, and when you go to

your school choir and it’s like, “Somebody’s off, somebody’s off, somebody’s
sharp, somebody’s flat,” you can really tell and it really irritates you so much
because you want to do something about it, but the teacher that you go and tell,
they go, “Well, no, they’re really good.”

Ingrid: “They’re trying their best” (imitating a school choir teacher).

Nova: _A_rgh! It drives me insane! (Interview, Focus Group #1 , December 8,

2007)

The following conversation with Mia and her mother captures the frustration that

often accompanies detail work in rehearsal while also illustrating how these frustrations

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are connected to the high expectations and honest feedback that the choristers appreciate.
Again, the contrast between school ensembles and children’s choir drives much of the
choristers’ analysis:
Mom: And when I’ve sat through rehearsals, you learn so much. You have a
greater appreciation for the music after you hear them v_vo_rk on different things.
And I know the kids get tired of working over and over on certain parts, but, you
know, the final product shows that they paid attention to detail, so...
Mia: Our band director is a lot like that. He makes us do it over and over and it's
really annoying but we do it right and he's like, "There! You can do it. Now I'm
not going to let you do anything less than that." And that's what Mrs. Talbot does.
She's like, "Now that's what we want, we know you can do it. We're not letting
you do anything less than that." And if we didn't do anything less than that, he
won't go on... and the same with Mrs. Talbot” (Interview, Mia and Mia’s Mother,

January 19, 2008).

Transfer
The choristers bring the skills they develop in children’s choir to their school
ensembles. Some of the choristers try to improve their school choirs by “Bringing their
NCC technique into other choirs,” as instructed by Mrs. Talbot, but this does not always
work, for reasons that Mia shares:
Mia: ...like Charlie says, when Mrs. Talbot says “Bring our tone into those other
choirs” it kind of doesn’t work the way she says it does, because it just doesn’t
match what everybody else is doing and in a way it kind of clashes and it just

doesn’t work so we do have to kind of switch, and it’s hard to switch.

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MM: Is it because they’re singing more in chest voice?

Ingrid: Yeah.

Mia: Well they just sing b_a(_l They don’t really s_ir_rg. They just kind of...

Jade: (pitched siren-like moaning: “Uh”)

Ingrid: They don’t really care about it.

Mia: Half the choir isn’t even singing and the other half doesn’t know how to

carry a tune, and those that do are kind of overpowered by those that m and it

sounds really bad (Interview, Focus Group #2, December 15, 2007).

Another interesting type of comparison that Mia’s parents make is attributing
some of Mia’s successes in band directly to children’s choir participation:

Dad: And I think with her time in the choir, she's had to spend very little time to

become pretty good on the French horn and the piano. You (to Mia) haven't spent

an inordinate amount of time on the French horn. Is that true?

Mia: I think I'm better than most...

Dad: Yes, you are very good. I'm just saying that you haven't spent that much

time getting that good. I think choir has helped you become very good at French

horn.

Mom: And I think working in a group and having a director, she'd already done

those things (Interview, Mia’s Parents, January 19, 2008).

COping with Musical Criticism
In the NCC, Mrs. Talbot provides expectations for the choir’s achievement, and
provides the honest feedback that the choristers feel is necessary to achieving these

expectations. Mrs. Talbot sometimes gives individual choristers specific criticism.

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Although the criticism can be difficult to receive, the choristers explain that they expect
it, making it easier to accept. Nova takes Mrs. Talbot’s criticisms in the way that they are
most likely intended, which is to help the singers improve:

And the only reason why she [gives you criticism] is to make you get better. I

know that, matter of fact. She explains it from the beginning. You come into this

chair until the end. Every time you go back, she says, “I might embarrass you. If
you 're not into this chair, then this isn ’t your regular school choir. ” I mean, she
tells you at the very beginning when choir starts and you see, I don ’t have
anything against her. I know when she goes, “Nova, you ’re sharp, you 'reflat,
you ’re whatever, you ’re too heavy, you need to lighten up, ” I know she 's doing it

for my future. She ’s helping me. And my response is, “Thank you! I didn ’t know I

was doing that. Thank you. " And then I come home and I work on it (Interview,

Nova, January 11, 2008).

Other choristers do not respond in a similarly open fashion. Instead, they flatly
reject Mrs. Talbot’s comments. This trend is apparent in the two following previously
quoted interview excerpts, with previously cut excerpts restored (in italics):

Mia: ...it can get really annoying when we can't get it right, and we think we're

getting it right, and Mrs. Talbot is like, "Oh, I hear something!" And we don't hear

anything. You know, it could be in your head (said as though she was speaking

directly to Mrs. Talbot) (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

Jade: I used to get really upset, and she tells us not to be upset over this... I’d get
really upset when she would not let us sing a part because only a few of the

sopranos could get that high. It used to make me so mad because it made me feel

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like I wasn’t worthy.

Ciafara: Because we gar; get that high. She 's just _trjppyg’ (Interview, Focus

Group #1, December 8, 2007).

The choristers’ responses to criticism from Mrs. Talbot follow similar patterns
observed by Nicholls and Polman’s (2007) research investigating student athletes’ COping
responses. Nicholls and Polman found that the players’ most prevalent coping strategies
for handling their coach’s criticism included taking advice, increasing effort, and
blocking. Nova’s comment about accepting advice and then “going home to work on it”
fits into the two categories of “taking advice” and “increasing effort.” A similar comment
by Nova also illustrates her use of these two coping strategies: “[Mrs. Talbot] says, ‘It
can 't be gopd, it has to be excellent. ' So we try even harder” (Interview, Focus Group #1,
Nova, December 8, 2007). In contrast, Mia and Ciafara’s comments can be classified as
blocking. They ignore the criticism or decision.

Ciafara’s comment could also be construed as arguing, another common coping
mechanism explored in Nicholls and Polman’s (2007) research. Another example of
arguing as a coping technique is apparent Mia’s comment about long rehearsals:

I mean, seriously, [Mrs Talbot '5] always like, “How come you guys can sit

through three hour movies, but you can ’t sit through this? " And we ’re like, “How

do you know we don ’t take bathroom breaks in between the movies? (Interview,

Focus Group #2, Mia, December 15, 2007).

Another example centers on the choristers' fears of singing alone. Several

choristers are afraid to sing alone. As Jade previously noted, she would refuse to sing by

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herself if Mrs. Talbot asked her to do so. Ciafara copes with the stress of singing alone by
arguing the validity of solo singing:

Ciafara: I don’t understand how she expects us when we sing alone to sound as

good as when we sing in the choir. We’re all timid and stuff. We’re like, “I don’t

want to be the person to do anything wrong.” When Ingrid is singing in the choir,
she is really good and she is always on beat and stuff, because I used to sit by her.

But when she’s by herself, Ingrid’s a little bit shy, you could say.

Mia: It’s scary!

Ciafara: It’s not like she’s gonna convey the same notes and stuff--that’s not the

right words—as if she were in the choir (Interview, Focus Group #1 , December 8,

2007)

In addition to individually responding to criticism, during the focus group
interviews the choristers collectively participated in coping strategies. In response to
choir stressors, the choristers argued and complained about many aspects of their choir
participation. This finding supports research by Festinger (1950), Asch (1951), and
Abrams (1992), which found that individuals feel pressure to either accept or reject
pressure to conform to the group. In the group interviews, Ciafara led the group in
criticizing the choir. Mia and Ingrid quickly succumbed to Ciafara’s influence and joined
in the criticizing. Jade eventually joined this group, but for the most part, Nova and
Charlie did not participate in the criticism. Ciafara explained that perhaps one reason for
the outburst of negativity could be the choice of participants:

Ciafara: . . . . I think you chose some people that had kind of the same thoughts. I

know that you don't know us that well, and it's not your fault, but there are a 191 of

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people that are like, "CHOIR, CHOIR CHOIR!!!” (sing-songy happy voice) and

we're the people who are like, “choir, choir choir.”

MM: I wanted to [interview] people who had a variety of opinions.

Ciafara: You did. You got a complete variety, you just got a few more negative

people than positive people. But people like Charlie and Nova are really into it.

And normally, Mia is too. . . .I’m like, “What’s going on with you!” (Interview,

Ciafara, January 17, 2008).

Perhaps Ciafara does not realize that her dominant personality may have
contributed to Mia’s decision to conform to her opinions. As Ciafara pointed out, Mia
seemed an unlikely contributor to the group negativity. Mia may have been caught up in
the conformity pressure that Asch (1951) describes when stating that individuals are
willing to go against their own opinions and logic in the face of peer pressure. By way of
explanation for her participation in the complaining, Mia explains:

It was a really stressful time in choir. We were really piling on because we were

learning new music, we had concerts soon, we had the recording, and it was just

a really stressful time, and Mrs. Talbot was kind of stressed out and kind of like,

“Y ou need to do this now” and I think that 's why we were a little more negative.

(Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).

Mia’s comment alludes to the fact that her negativity was a direct response to the
stress she felt in choir. In their individual interviews, both Mia and Ciafara speak to some

level of regret for the way that they criticized choir in the focus group interviews:

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MM: I'm trying to decide what to ask you next. Your attitude towards choir
seems to be a lot different than last time we talked and so that changes some of
my questions. You seem a lot more positive about it today than you did before.
Ciafara: (She laughs) We were going through a rough spot. I mean, I still don’t
love it, but the last few days have been kind of fun. I'm still not “Woo-hoo!
Choirl”. . .but I’m more positive.
MM: Did I just catch you guys on a bad day or something? (Ciafara laughs)
Ciafara: No, I guess one person started talking about bad stuff and
everybody's like, "Oh, yeah, the bad stuff," and we didn't think of anything good
(Interview, Ciafara, January 17, 2008).
Ciafara’s mother provides an additional perspective on Ciafara’s pessimism:
Teenage girls, I ’m finding—I don ’t remember being a teenage girl—I find that
they tend to emphasize the negative a lot. Life is cruel. It ’s miserable and there ’3
nothing quite right sometimes (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17, 2008).
Not all of the choristers chose to cope with choir stressors through rejection
coping mechanisms. After the first focus group interview in which many of the choristers
joined in criticizing several aspects of choir, including long and stressful rehearsals,
conflicts with school or family activities, stressful auditions, and hard work, Nova went
home from the interview feeling hurt and upset:
MM: Is there anything else that you wanted to talk about that we haven’t talked
about?
Nova: Nope. Well, I do have one question, but it’s probably not a good question

to ask.

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MM: Go ahead.

Nova: It’s about the other girls when you were interviewing. . . . I personally

don’t know what happened. When I was sitting there, I was shocked. I really

couldn’t say anything. I was disappointed, upset, because this is the woman that
took me in when I was supposed to go into the lower choir—it’s not the

Preparatory Choir, but it’s a step up from the Preparatory Choir—but she told me

that since I could sing in head voice, she would put me in the NCC. And she’s

done _sg much for me. I could m do that [complain] to someone. . . . The next
day I was totally grumpy. I didn’t want to talk to anybody. I’m sure my mom
could back me up on this.

MM: Oh, I believe you.

Nova: I was devastated, shocked. For a woman that would take you in, teach you

music, teach you to sing well, give you solos if you wanted some, do so much for

you. I mean, we wouldn’t have made it to the Kennedy Center if it wasn’t for her.

She is like the mother of the family, and when I consider someone family, I

cannot say something wrong (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008).

Nova did not succumb to the group pressure to criticize. In reference to work by
Abrams (1992) on the reasons why individuals do or do not conform to group pressure,
one reason for Nova’s resistance may be her strong sense of personal identity. Abrams
found that “When personal social identity is salient one acts as a group member, whereas
when personal identity is salient one does not” (Abrams, 1992, p. 59). Perhaps Nova has

such a strong sense of self that her personal identity takes priority over her personal

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social identity, and she is therefore less likely to conform to group pressures against her
will.

Nova’s perspective on the negativity of some of the choristers illustrates a
maturity beyond her years--a maturity that allows her to focus on the positive and
minimize the negative--making her cheerful, pleasant to be around, and level-headed. She
attributes the chorister’s complaining to the fact that in today’s society, there is much
more focus on individual satisfaction and less focus on sacrificing oneself for the sake of
the greater good.

Well, the new generation is a “Me ” generation. I have noticed that. I know that ’s

my generation (laughs), but I definitely notice that. It ’s “Me, me. " “Me ” comes

first before ”You. " See, I was raised where somebody else comes first. I was
definitely not raised of “Me, me, me, me. " I have learned E13111! comes first, then
friends, then something else. Every year we donate to Salvation Army just for
those people that don ’t have things. So I 'm definitely not a “Me " person but there

are a lot of people out there that are ”Me, me, me " (Interview, Nova, January 11,

2008)

On the subject of the choristers who complained, Nova’s mother (NM) responds
with an insight into societal trends among young adults:

NM: And these kids nowadays are very different. . . . There’s no respect. . . . I

see it everyday. I work at the courts. Society has changed our kids’ upbringings,

the TV, . . . . When I was her age, you watch the news and. . .you'd see a car crash
and they would have a black and white sign again saying “Death,” or “Accident

Death,” not the actual scene. Not everything’s there. . . . Mrs. Talbot pulls it back

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to the way it's supposed to be. . . . Miss Manners. Some of those kids grid those

Miss Manners books (pause) gm.

Nova: I have one!

NM: I know you do.

Nova: I like reading it, actually!

NM: But values and manners have all gone to the hills and it's sad, because

what's the next generation going to be like? (Interview, Nova’s Mother, January

11,2008)

This section, The Musical Learning Environment: School Versus Children 's
Choir, explored many of the comparisons that choristers make between their school
musical learning environment and the musical learning environment in children’s choir.
Choristers compare standards of musical achievement and the type of feedback they
receive from their instructors. They describe the ways in which what they learn in choir
does and does not transfer to other musical settings. They also describe the ways in which
they cope with musical criticism from the conductor. Coping with criticism is an
important theme that emerged from this study. Mrs. Talbot’s high expectations and
honest feedback, although appreciated, can be stressful for the singers. This study found
that the singers have individual as well as collective coping mechanisms for dealing with
choir stressors. Other stressors may yet be identified in further research. This chapter
explored other aspects of musical self-concept, including musical skills and what it
means to be a musician. The next section of this chapter shares the choristers’

perspectives on how children’s choir influences their musical self-esteem.

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Musical Self-Esteem

Participating in the children’s choir affects the chorister’s self-esteem, as
described in the previous chapter. Part of the chorister’s self-esteem involves their
feelings about their musical self-concept, their musical self-esteem. As defined
previously, musical self-esteem is an individuals’ evaluation of his or her musical self-
concept, including how satisfied or dissatisfied the individual is with his or her musical
self-concept. In the category of musical self-esteem, choristers explain that choir provides
them with a place where they can feel successful at music. Choir is a place that is
uniquely theirs. Mia summarizes the ways in which choir influences her self-esteem:

Mia: I guess I just like feeling that I actually know what I’m doing. ‘Cause in

choir, that’s really one of the only places where I know what I’m doing. ‘Cause

sometimes school activities, I don’t really know what I’m doing (laughs).

MM: You’ve found your place.

Mia: Yeah! And I know how to sing and I know what I’m doing there and I know

how to read music and I like helping people. I just feel like I know what I’m

doing, and it’s nice (Interview, Mia, January 19, 2008).
Ciafara’s mother echoes the sentiments shared by Mia:

...and it’s also something that ’s uniquely [Ciafara ’s]. Her brother plays Varsity

soccer; it’s a huge big deal. But she ’s in the NCC so it ’s important to her to have

that afliliation. It feels good. . . . It ’s her own place (Interview, Ciafara’s mother,

January 17, 2008).

Choir makes the choristers feel better about their musicianship, as Ciafara explains.

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I kind of feel good at music now. I know in band a lot of the people can ’t read
music or they don ’t know note names, and they can ’t hear when something 's

wrong, and we can, and it does make us better musicians (Interview, Focus Group

#2, Ciafara, December 15, 2007).

“It 's cool being good at something, like I know we are all really good at

[singing]” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Ciafara, December 15, 2007).

Several choristers also comment that in addition to feeling better in general about
their musicianship because of their choir experiences, it simply feels good to sing: “It
feels really cool when you ’re hitting a really high note or something and you ’re like,
(gasping) “Yea—h!” (Interview, Focus Group #1, Ciafara, December 8, 2007)

Ciafara: Okay, so, when you're on stage and it's a full house and there is a song

that you absolutely adore and just like one note that's an “A” something and

there's lots of lines that build up to that and you hit that note and your adrenaline

is pumping in your ears and you're like, "Woo-boo!” And then I just love that

feeling, you know?

MM: Yeah.

Ciafara: like when you're soaring on a note it just feels so good. I remember

Charlie saying that too. I was like, "I know how you feel, man" (Interview,

Ciafara, January 17, 2008).

Although the choristers often feel confident or pleased with their musical
achievements, the choristers avoid the inclination to brag about the opportunities or skills
that choir provides them. On the contrary, the choristers honestly evaluate themselves and

straightforwardly and rather humbly state their opinions that, “[Being in the children ’s

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choir] definitely doesn ’t make me feel better than everybody else" (Interview, Focus
Group #2, Charlie, December 15, 2007). “In my school choir—I ’m not in it anymore—it
drove me kind of crazy because I didn 't feel better, I just felt more advanced, and more
trained ” (Interview, Focus Group #2, Mia, December 15, 2007). “I went to Smithville
(name has been changed) for high school so chair is really huge there, but still I felt like I
had kind of an edge on the average choir student fiom being in children 's choir”
(Interview, Christine, Feb. 12, 2008).

Mia: ...I feel more professional than what the schools have to offer at my age.

Ingrid: Yes I agree.

Ciafara: Totally.

Mia: Because I mean schools have to offer... it sounds like little kids singing.

Ingrid: (Interrupting) And most people are trying to be all cool.

Mia: Half the class isn't even singing and so the people that sing off tune are...

Ingrid: Bringing everybody down man!

Mia: It's just not as good as this choir and the teachers aren't so demanding as

Mrs. Talbot. (Everyone agrees with different "Yeah's" and "Rights") (Interview,

Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).

This section identifies some of the ways in which the choristers’ musical self-
esteem is enhanced through choir participation. Choir participation gives the choristers
confidence in their musical abilities. They view themselves as more advanced, or more
professional, than their peers in school ensembles, but they do not brag about their
additional expertise. Rather, they try to use it for the benefit of their other ensembles, as

described in previous sections.

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Summary

This chapter explored aspects of the choristers’ musical identity that are affected
by participation in the Northridge Children’s Choir. Under the category of Musical Self-
Concept, participants discuss how choir improves musical skills such as reading notation,
vocal technique, aural skills, and musicality. The choristers share what it means to be a
musician and to have musical talent. Their responses indicate a need for further research
to clarify their understanding of these terms as well as their understanding of choir’s
influence on their musicianship. This section also addressed musical apprenticeship, the
chorister’s concerns about facial expressions and being “normal” teens yet being
involved in music, and the influence that choir participation has had on their music
listening preferences.

In describing the impact of the musical learning environment on their musical
self-concepts, the choristers describe how having high musical standards, largely a
product of Mrs. Talbot’s influence, allows them to cultivate their musical skills. They
also draw out the contrast between their public school music teachers and Mrs. Talbot
regarding standards of musical achievement. While the choristers appreciate the high
musical standards that Mrs. Talbot brings to the choir, they are sometimes frustrated by
the detail work necessary to achieve these standards. The choristers also struggle with
criticism from Mrs. Talbot, employing a variety of coping mechanism including taking
advice, increasing effort, blocking, and arguing, in order to rrritigate the stress of
criticism.

In the category of Musical Self-Esteem, choristers explain that choir provides

them with a place that is uniquely theirs, a place in which they can enjoy success. They

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describe how happy it makes them to be “good” at choir, and also how happy it makes
them to sing. They also describe how participating inthe choir does not make them feel
superior to others, but instead gives them confidence in themselves. The next chapter,
chapter 7, explores the impact of choir relationships on the choristers, and specifically

addresses the group’s collective identity.

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CHAPTER VII

“WE’RE ALL IN THIS TOGETHER”: COLLECTIVE IDENTITY AND
GROUP DYNAMICS

The two previous chapters present findings related to personal and musical
identity development. One additional category emerged as related to identity: the choir’s
collective identity. As a group, the choir has a unique identity. This unique identity
influences the ways in which the choristers perceive themselves as musicians and as
individuals, and also the way that they treat the other choristers and Mrs. Talbot. This
chapter explores the nature of the group’s identity, the ways in which this collective
identity is formed, the roles of each of the participants in the choir, and the effect of

choir relationships on the participants.

Collective Identity
MM: Talk to me about the group identity. You know how every group kind of
has their own personality or their own feel to it, or what you’re known as? What
is the NCC’s identity?
Mia: Love, love.
Ingrid: Excellence.
Mia: Love and excellence.
Nova: Love and fiiendship.
Mia: Ibve, because we all love each other. We’re all in this together (Three or

four girls break into singing: “We’re all in this together.”)

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Ingrid: We are all in this together (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8,
2007)
Love. Excellence. Friendship. These three descriptors surface repeatedly
throughout the choristers’ discussions of choir. The previous chapters already addressed
the choir’s musical excellence and the importance of choir friendships in the choristers’
lives. The love that the participants have for each other is both implicit and explicit in
their description of their choir fiiendships. This love is so strong that the choristers often
compare their choir relationships to family relationships.
Nova: But that’s the best thing about this choir, is because there is no groups.
We’re all just one big happy family group.
Ingrid: We’re all in this together (Interview, Focus Group #1, December 8, 2007).
Many of the study participants refer to the choir as a “family.” When asked if she
thinks that choir is like a family, Christine experiences a strong emotional reaction.
MM: Do you think that the choir is like a family?
Christine: Yes, I mean... I think the fiiends I made in choir and I still have them
now, and I'm so close with them (starts to get teary)... I definitely feel like I'm
family with them (Interview, Christine, February 12, 2008).
In this comment, Christine’s reference to the choir as a family center on her strong
attachment to her choir fiiends. Nova expresses similar thoughts on the choir being a
family, but couches her comments more in terms of providing emotional support for
children who may not have that kind of support at home.

[Choir] has opened my eyes to many things. It ’s opened my eyes that I love music

and I wouldn ’t quit any time soon. It ’5 opened my eyes that not every state is

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lucky to have a choir like this, for children on top of it, and there ’s a lot of

children out there that do need support. This chair is like one big family. ‘Cause I

know that there ’s a lot of families that are split up and divorced. Some people

have single parents. This is definitely a really lucky choir (Interview, Nova,

January 11, 2008).

Further conversation with Nova reveals the family-like bond that she feels with
her choir fiiends and her opinion on how these strong family-like bonds are created. As
she speaks, the comparisons between school and children’s choir continue, particularly
regarding safety and peer judgments.

MM: About your choir fiiends. . .what do your choir friends bring out in you?

Nova: Definitely the other side that I thought I’d never have, and that’s the joy,

happy, family, loving. They’re all like my sisters and brothers and I’d stand up for

‘em no matter what, even though they’re not related to me.

MM: How is it that you develop so much love for the people in the choir?

Nova: I think it’s just that they accept you for who you are. We don’t judge in

there. We accept you for who you are and what you are and there’s nothing that’s

going to change our mind. We give you a clean slate. Whatever they call you at
school does not happen there.

MM: Why doesn’t it happen there?

Nova: I guess it’s that it’s one of Mrs. Talbot’s rules, but we just automatically

do it ‘cause we’re just a big loving family. That’s the only way I could basically

describe it. We accept people, we talk to them, we get to know them, we become

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fiiends with them and then we become family (Interview, Nova, January 11,

2008).

Nova continues her comparison between school and children’s choir, firrther
describing the ways in which the choir is like a family. In doing so, she also shares that
there are specific expectations for the choir members. When asked if she thought that
choir naturally attracted individuals who were kind to each other, or if Mrs. Talbot played
a role in developing this kindness, Nova responds,

It ’s a little bit of both. It ’s not totally Mrs. Talbot. I ’d say it 's probably one

percent of Mrs. Talbot, but it’s definitely the people that join the choir because

we’re all unique and there ‘3 not a single same person in there that ’s just like you.

In school choirs, you ’re considered popular, geeks, dorks, and when you come to

choir, it’s like all that leaves when you come through the door. You are in this

chair. You are a family member. You ’re supposed to support the other, listen to

them, respond back to them, give them advice (Interview, Nova, January 11,

2008)

Roles in Choir
After Nova boldly states, “You are a family member,” she proceeds to outline the
choristers’ duties as members of the choir. According to Nova, and many of the other
choristers as well, each chorister fills a self-selected and specific role in the choir. As
conductor of the ensemble, Mrs. Talbot also has a specific role with the choir. This
section discusses the roles of the choir members and Mrs. Talbot in the “choir family”

and how these roles affect the relationships between the participants.

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The choristers’ emphasis on family and discussion of the role of choir members
connects to research in sociology, specifically script theory (Borthwick & Davidson,
2002; Byng-Hall, 1995). In script theory, each family member has a “role” or identity.
Each individual interacts with other family members who also have individual “roles.”
Script theory includes “the family’s attitudes, taboos, expectations, myths, secrets,
legacies and loaded issues with which children grow up, and represent the ‘given’ aspect
of upbringing” (Borthwick & Davidson, 2002, p. 60). Nova’s description of the given
expectations for the chori sters’ behavior fits this explanation. Script theory explains that
every family has patterns of belief and ways of relating to each other that are passed
down from one generation to the next. Script theory also explains that these roles are

often imposed upon children by parental expectations.

Sibling Roles

In the choir family, the choristers relate to each other as siblings: “They ’re all like
my sisters and brothers and I ’d stand up for ‘em no matter what, even though they ’re not
related to me” (Interview, Nova, January 11, 2008). As discussed in detail in previous
chapters, the choristers often express sibling-like love and concern for their fellow
choristers in the way that they treat each other with kindness and unconditional
acceptance. Nova’s previous declaration that, “You ’re supposed to support the other,
listen to them, respond back to them, give them advice” (Interview, Nova, January 11,
2008) indicates the responsibilities of the choristers as a group. Individually, the
choristers also have specific roles. In chapter 5, Mia describes how she sees her role in

choir as that of a mentor to the younger choristers. In the same chapter, Nova described

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how she feels responsible for greeting the choristers as they come to choir. Nova further
describes her role as follows:

I think basically my job in chair is basically to make everybody when they walk

through the door that they feel comfortable and that they have a friend to talk to.

You know how sometimes people have issues in the family or issues at school. I

want them to feel free to come talk if they really need somebody. Basically if that

person ’s having an issue, I want them to know that they have someone they can
come talk to and there ’s a friend that won ’t tell anybody else. And so, that ’s my
goal, to gain people ’s trust and make them gain my trust so that if they ever had
something on their mind that was extremely bugging them that they can come and
tell me about it and feel safe telling me (Interview, Focus Group #1, Nova,

December 8, 2007).

All the choristers comments about their roles in choir support the conclusion that,
to a large extent, the choristers view each other as siblings, and they will do all they can
to emotionally support, teach, encourage, and care for each other. The choristers trust
each other implicitly. They trust that everyone in the choir will be accepting, kind, and
look out for each other. The presence and central importance of trust among the

choristers is a pivotal finding that emerged from this study.

Parental Roles
From the choristers’ comments, it is clear that they do not perceive Mrs. Talbot as
their equal, a fellow sibling. There is clearly a difference between Mrs. Talbot’s role and

the choristers’ roles in choir. Mrs. Talbot has specific boundaries for her participation in

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the choir. She makes a clear distinction between her role as a musician and her role as a
personal counselor.
If they don ’t have a voice teacher and they 're [preparing a piece] for their junior
high solo and ensemble and the choir teacher asked them to do it, I 'd be glad to
listen to it and help in that way. And I always would help with their musical goals.
I would not want to be a counselor. I don 't want to know their personal problems.
That's not my role, and I ’m not trained to do that (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January
29, 2008).
In the following excerpt, Mrs. Talbot clearly states her role in the choir and
describes how she developed her perspective on leadership.
MM: What would you like your relationship with the choristers to be during
rehearsal?
Mrs. Talbot: As a mentor and a model of beautiful singing. . . . I hope I'm a
model. . . . When I think back on the teachers I love most, they were mentors.
They were models. They were by no means fiiends and I knew that. You would
never call them by their first name. They were pe0ple to be respected. And the
frosting on the cake for a few of them... they were mg. But the most important
mg is to be respected, and so that's all I care about (Interview, Mrs. Talbot,
January 29, 2008).
Mrs. Talbot’s comments make clear that she sees her role in the choir as that of musical
model and mentor, and that she wants to be respected--more than loved--by the

choristers. Her role models include individuals who, “were by no means fi'iends . . . .

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They were people to be respected.” When asked if she has to develop that kind of respect
in the choristers, she responds,

One of the professors at [the University] in the College of Music spoke about

their child's orchestra teacher and they said about this orchestra teacher that this

teacher had such a sense of W. That you just wouldn 't cross this person and

I think it's somewhat the same with me. What’s always so good about us is not

always so good about us. We all have two sides of a coin. The fact that this

teacher does have a sense of gravitas might make her less of a friend and there '5

less games going on in a rehearsal and that kind of thing-mo fooling around-~but

the students lo_ve this conductor... I mean, Logg this conductor. So I think that you

don 't t_ec_1_c_h it, you m it, and you glee; it. I'm not in there trying to be 18

years old. I am a model... the grown-up (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29,

2008)

Mrs. Talbot cites her sense of “gravitas” as beneficial for cultivating an
environment in which there’s “no fooling around,” as opposed to an enviromnent in
which the teacher is less focused on content and more focused on being a “friend” to the
choristers. Her comment that, “I ’m not in there trying to be 18 years old,” implies that, in
her opinion, younger conductor-teachers often seek fiiendship with the choristers more
than they seek to model and teach well, and this is to the detriment of the program.

From the choristers’ perspective, Christine shares her concept of Mrs. Talbot’s
role in the choir, and how Mrs. Talbot’s leadership influenced her.

MM: What is Mrs. Talbot's role in this family? Is she the mother of the family?

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Christine: (Laughs uncomfortably) She's ygy intimidating... to a_ll_ the kids pretty
much, I think, (chuckles) including us even today. (Chuckles). You don‘t grow out
of being intimidated by her. So I don't know if I'd classify that as being... _rpaptprn_al
because I mean pretty much like the first year when I didn't know if I wanted to
come back or not, it was because I was scared of Mrs. Talbot. (Laughs). But in the
way that she's the one that guides us, molds the choir to do the best we can do,

then in that way she'd be a parental figure (Interview, Christine, February 12,

2008)

According to Christine, Mrs. Talbot is a “parental figure,” responsible for leading
and training the choristers. The role of “mother” is not attributed to her in the sense that
mothers typically are knowledgeable about the personal lives of their children, show
genuine concern for the children’s lives, and provide emotional nourishment. Who is the
choir mother then? Mrs. Talbot answers this question herself.

MM: What kind of rehearsal environment do you try to create and how do you do

it?

Mrs. Talbot: Well, I believe it is a place of sanctuary. As I said, they feel gig

here.

MM: Do you have to set some boundaries for their behavior in order for them to

feel safe, or do they do that on their own?

Mrs. Talbot: This might have occurred 10 years ago, 12 years ago, but what has

occurred now is that we have enough kids who have stayed in long enough that

th_ey create the culture of sanctuary. I mean, look at Michelle for instance. She’s

sort of like the choir mother (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008).

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Michelle is one of the oldest choristers in the choir. Before and after rehearsal, she
offers hugs and a listening ear to the choristers. Mrs. Talbot looks first to Michelle for
help with small tasks during choir. Michelle is tall, a little plump, and eager to offer
friendship, love, and encouragement to all the choristers around her. In her current work
as accompanist for the Preparatory Choir, Michelle always arrives early to help set up the
rehearsal area. She engages the young choristers in conversation about their lives and
tries to make them feel welcome. As Mrs. Talbot explains, Michelle and other choir
leaders are largely responsible for cultivating the atmosphere of love and acceptance that
binds the choristers together in fiiendship.

Mrs. Talbot explains that the limited time she has with the choristers prevents her
from getting to know the choristers well.

This is truly a drop-oflpick-up thing and it's gotten worse in the 21st century.

Maybe 13 years ago there were some students who spoke with me, but they tended

to befriends of the family and that's why I knew about [their personal lives]. I

mean I know three instances in which they liter—ally said [choir] saved their lives.

One kid was at Hope House (name has been changed), which is for drug abuse.

Another kid is really having problems and seeing a professional about that, but

that is M. These kids come in, they rehearse, and they leave. I really have no

idea [of how choir affects the students’ lives] (Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29,

2008)

Mrs. Talbot is clear that she does not want to be involved in the choristers’
personal lives and that her role is to be a musical mentor. Although this creates some

emotional distance between Mrs. Talbot and the choristers, the choristers often share how

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highly they respect her musical leadership and that they respect her as an individual.

Ciafara’s mother shares a story that illustrates Ciafara’s respect for Mrs. Talbot.
[Ciafara] respects Mrs. Talbot. In fact, I ’1] tell you a funny story if I may. It was
middle school, maybe seventh grade, and [Ciafara] was really starting to field
her oats and she said something to me and it was very 12—year old. It was short
and not very nice, and I said, “That ’s not really very nice, Ciafara. " And she
said, “Oh, mom. Don ’t be so sensitive, ” or something like that, and we were
getting ready for choir, and I said, “Would you say that to Mrs. Talbot? " and she
said, “Absolutely not! No way! ” So she respects her, she really looks up to her,
but they both have their prickly sides, and I think that ’s where they ’ve overlapped,
with Ciafara wanting to do it her way, and Mrs. Talbot being the conductor, the
director (Interview, Ciafara’s Mother, January 17, 2008).

Nova and her mother agree that Mrs. Talbot commands respect.
Nova’s Mother: ...[with] Mrs. Talbot, you have to have respect, patience. Mrs.
Talbot's a lot like my mother. She's a lady. She expects certain things out of you
and if you're not going to give, she's gonna nail you for it until you do.

Nova: She's not a woman, she's a lady. She is the proper, most respectable person

 

I have ever met, besides my grandma of course. She's not a woman, she's not a
girl, she's definitely a main lady (Interview, Nova and Nova’s Mother, January

11,2008)

Mrs. Talbot is a “parental figure” in the choir family. She provides guidance,

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training, and the environment in which musical excellence is created. Although she often
intirrridates the choristers, they respect her and all that she does to make the choir a

successful organization.

Summary

The NCC has a specific and powerful collective identity that exerts a strong
influence on the participants. Love, excellence, and fiiendship tie the choristers of the
NCC together in strong family-like bonds of unity. The choristers view themselves as
siblings, and accordingly treat each other in an idealized sibling relationship consisting of
emotional support, unconditional love, and guidance. The choristers view Mrs. Talbot as
a “parental figure” who guides, teaches, and provides an environment conducive to
learning and achieving worthwhile goals. Mrs. Talbot views herself as a musical role
model and mentor, but not as an emotional support system for the choristers. The
emotional support of a parental figure is found in the nurturing care of several of the

older choristers, including Nova.

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CHAPTER VIII

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS FOR MUSIC EDUCATION, AND
COURSES OF FUTURE RESEARCH

Summary

The purpose of this study was to investigate the ways in which participation in a
community children’s choir influences a participant’s personal and musical identity, and
to explore the impact of choir relationships on these developing identities Data collection
included focus group and individual interviews with former and current choir members,
as well as interviews with several of the chorister’s parents, an interview with the choir’s
conductor, rehearsal observations, a one-page participant background questionnaire, and
my own written reflections during the study.

Analysis of the data involved several steps. I reviewed interview transcriptions
and assigned codes to specific comments. These codes summarized the essence of each
comment. I added each code to a list of preliminary codes and themes. As I coded,
tentative themes began to emerge. I occasionally assigned codes to more than one theme
if the code seemed to belong in both places. After finishing coding, I filled out interview
summary forms in which I summarized and identified some of the most salient points in
each interview. Reviewing the interview summary forms, field notes, and other written
reflections on the data collection process helped to draw out emerging themes from the
data. Many of the codes and themes emerging fi'om the study fit neatly under the two

categories of personal and musical identity development. A third category, collective

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identity, essentially comprises answers to the third research question regarding choir
relationships.

Major findings of the study are thus divided into three basic categories: personal
identity, musical identity, and collective identity. Under the category of personal identity,
results of the study show that through their experiences and relationships in the choir, the
choristers self—concept is enhanced in the areas of commitment and prioritizing, mental
and behavioral self-discipline, social skills, respect for others, confidence, and leadership.
Although the choristers may have different perspectives on the ways in which choir
affects them than their parents have, the choristers realize that choir provides them with
unique opportunities for learning, performance, and fiiendship. They are willing to
sacrifice their personal time, family time, and socializing time in order to participate in
the choir.

As they continue in the choir, the choristers’ self-esteem is enhanced through
mentoring, performing, and spending time with their choir fiiends. In contrast to school,
where the choristers experience harsh peer judgment, children’s choir is a safe place
where the choristers feel unconditional acceptance and support from their choir fiiends.
This acceptance especially strengthens the choristers’ self-esteem. The choristers express
. fi'ustration about perceived favoritism, vocal part assignments that seem unfair, and by
the general lack of public understanding about the children’s choir organization. Also
under the category of personal identity development, this study found that the choristers’
self-efficacy increases as they realize that they have the ability to master difficult

repertoire and achieve a high level of technical proficiency. The confidence that comes

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from their successful choir endeavors allows them to pursue future goals with increased
courage.

In the category of musical identity development, this study found that choir
influences the choristers’ musical self-concept in several ways. Choristers in the NCC
attribute much of their ability to read music, their musicality, their singing technique, and
their aural skills, to their children’s choir participation. Also related to musical self-
concept, participants discuss what it means to be a musician and to have musical talent.
Their responses indicate a need for further research to clarify their understanding of these
terms and their understanding of the ways in which choir influences their musicianship.
Choir also provides opportunities for the choristers to practice musical apprenticeship and
develop their passion for music. The choristers express concerns about the expected
connection between facial expressions and being involved in the music, as well as being
“normal” teens but also involved in music.

Also under musical self-concept, the choristers describe how the choir’s high
musical standards help them to cultivate musical skills. They draw out the contrast
between their public school music teachers and Mrs. Talbot, regarding standards of
musical discipline and achievement. While the choristers appreciate the high musical
standards that Mrs. Talbot brings to the choir, they are sometimes fi'ustrated by the detail
work necessary to achieve these standards. The choristers also struggle with criticism
from Mrs. Talbot, employing a variety of coping mechanisms including taking advice,
increasing effort, blocking, and arguing, in order to mitigate the stress of criticism. They

use these coping mechanisms individually as well as collectively.

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In the category of Musical Self-Esteem, choristers explain that choir provides
them with a place that is uniquely theirs, a place in which they can enjoy success. They
describe how happy it makes them to be “good” at choir, and also how happy it makes
them to sing. They also describe how participating in the choir does not make them feel
superior to others, but instead gives them confidence in themselves.

Results in the third category, collective identity, indicate that the Northridge
Children’s Choir has a specific and powerful collective identity that exerts a strong
influence on the participants. Three group characteristics--love, excellence, and
fiiendship--tie the choristers of the NCC together in strong family-like bonds of unity.
The choristers treat each other with the emotional support, unconditional love, and
guidance that is present in an ideal sibling relationship. Mrs. Talbot’s role in this choir
family is as a “parental figure,” guiding, teaching, and providing opportunities to learn
and achieve worthwhile goals. Mrs. Talbot views herself as a musical role model and
mentor, but not as an emotional support system for the choristers. The emotional support
of an ideal parent is found instead in the nurturing care of several of the older choristers,

who assume the role of “choir mother.”

Conclusions and Implications for Music Education
In carefully considering these findings, seven conclusions about the impact of the
Northridge Children’s Choir on choristers’ identities emerge. Many of these conclusions
are not specific to choral ensembles and might be applicable, in a limited way, to other
types of musical ensembles, depending on similarities in content and context.

Implications for music educators are included in this discussion.

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1. Children’s choir is a “safe” place for the choristers.

One of the most challenging aspects of adolescence is navigating through
complex social environments. Choir is a safe place where the choristers are not typically
subjected to peer judgment or rejection. The choir environment is relatively free from the
labeling, cliques, and mean comments that the choristers face in middle and high school.
Being accepted for who they are, as opposed to trying to be like someone else, is a
welcome escape for the choristers. The choir environment is akin to the ideal home
environment in this aspect. The unconditional love that the choristers have for each other
is similar to the love that siblings may have one towards another. As Nova describes, not
everyone has an ideal family situation in which this kind of love exists in the home.
Children in this situation may find that their choir friendships offer much of the love and
emotional support that is missing from their home environments.

Perhaps one of the most striking findings is the depth of the choristers’ reliance
upon each other for friendship and emotional support. The choristers give each other
emotional support by showing unconditional love and acceptance, by making kind
remarks to each other, by greeting each other with hugs and smiles, and by providing
musical mentoring to each other. The choristers feel safe, accepted, and comfortable in
this environment, as Nova describes: “We accept people, we talk to them, we get to know
them, we become friends with them and then we become family ” (Interview, Nova,
January 11, 2008). As they are accepted for who they are, the choristers experience an
increase in self-esteem.

This research confirms that adolescence is a time in which the choristers

fiequently experience negative peer judgment at school. Choir offers a “sanctuary”

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(Interview, Mrs. Talbot, January 29, 2008) from this negative peer judgment. Other
conductor-teachers may have the opportunity to create similarly safe musical
environments for the adolescents that they teach. Conductor-teachers should realize the
positive impact that participating in a non-judgmental activity has on the self-esteem of
the participants, and do all that they can to help cultivate a fiiendly classroom
environment. Creating an atmosphere of trust, love, and acceptance can be accomplished
in part by setting high standards-as Mrs. Talbot models--for the participants’ behaviors
and attitudes. Mrs. Talbot specifically teaches the students to be respectful of others, both
in the choir and outside of the choir. The choristers respond well to this instruction and

thrive in the accepting classroom atmosphere.

2. Choristers hold fast to the ideals of the children’s choir, a constant during a
time of great change in their lives.

Erikson (1968) describes that during adolescence, individuals reconceptualize
their childhood identities, look to others—especially peers—for examples of what to
become, come to terms with physical changes in their bodies, look for opportunities to
explore potential aspects of their emerging identity, are fearful of being ridiculed by their
peers, experience self-doubt, and “look most fervently for men and ideas to have faith in,
which also means men and ideas in whose service it would seem worth while to prove
oneself trustworthy” (Erikson, 1968, p. 129). Results of the study show that the choristers
“look most fervently” to Mrs. Talbot and to the ideals of the NCC. They speak with pride
about their association with the children’s choir. They hold to the musical achievement
and prestigous performing opportunities of the ensemble as something that they are not

only proud of, but also something that they took part in creating. There is a strong sense

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of choir ownership among the choristers. Choristers also hold to the family-like bonds
between their peers for emotional support. In the NCC, the ideals of the musical
ensemble and choir friendships are stable, secure, and desirable.

According to Erikson’s stages of identity development (1968), adolescents pass
through a stage labeled Identity vs. Role Confusion. According to Kroger (2000), “Role
confusion is the counterpoint of identity. Role confusion refers to the inability to make
moves toward identity-defining commitments” (p. 1 0). Adolescents often feel lost or
confused during this stage. Participating in the children’s choir grounds the choristers in
an experience that they are proud of, that they can identify with, and in which they feel
comfortable. Because the children’s choir is a constant in many of their lives, the choir
becomes the “given” aspect of their lives against which other experiences (particularly
social and musical) are compared. The importance of group comparisons in identity
development is the topic of the next major conclusion.

Conductor-teachers should remember that adolescents are in a time of great
mental, emotional, social, and physical change, and that they are actively “look[ing] most
fervently for men and ideas to have faith in, which also means men and ideas in whose
service it would seem worth while to prove oneself trustworthy” (Erikson, 1968, p. 129).
A musical ensemble can be a particularly powerful source of pride and stability in the
participants lives. It is something that the participants can believe in and hold fast to in a
time when so many other aspects of their life are changing. Conductor-teachers in both
public and private music ensembles/lessons frequently counsel with their students about
the students’ plans for continuing their musical involvement. Although conductor-

teachers often encourage students to stay in music ensembles/lessons for as long as

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possible, understanding the power of these ensembles’ ideals and environments on the
participants’ developing identities may allow conductor-teachers to give this counsel with

new-found personal conviction.

3. Group comparisons help the choristers develop their personal and musical
identities.

Participating in the children’s choir provides opportunities for choristers to make
comparisons between choir and other activities, an important developmental step in
further differentiating their personal and musical identities (Taj fel, 1981). Choristers
make constant comparisons between children’s choir and other musical ensembles in
terms of musical standards, teaching quality, performance product, and individual
dedication to the ensemble. The process of group comparison as a means of cultivating
identity is the central tenant of social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981). Abrams (1992)
describes how an individual’s desire for “positive self-evaluation” leads to making
distinctions between groups, and to label the ingroup as somehow different and also
better than the outgroup (Abrams, 1992, p. 59).

Being in the children’s choir also allows the choristers to make observations and
draw conclusions about themselves in relation to their peers at school. For example, when
Mia describes how she feels “more professional” than her peers in school choir, she is
making an observation about her musical abilities and also generalizing that observation
into a comment about her musical self-concept. The children’s choir offers a medium
through which choristers compare themselves to their peers in musical and non-musical
ways. In exploring the differences and similarities between themselves and others, the

choristers make progress in understanding their individual identities. As they reflect on

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their own abilities and talents and compare themselves to others, they decide which
aspects of their emerging identities (as illuminated by their reflections on their choir
participation) they wish to embrace or reject. With this knowledge, they can then choose
to either accept or reject the qualities that they discover within themselves, moving
towards a further differentiated identity.

Conductor-teachers should be aware that group and individual comparisons are a
natural and necessary component of adolescents’ personal identity development. In this
study, the choristers often express frustration with public school teachers whose feedback
does not accurately reflect the quality of the music-making. The adolescents in this study
may not have the same level of musical experience or expertise as their teachers, but their
musical awareness is sufficient that they can identify many of the differences between the
children’s choir and other musical ensembles. These kinds of comparisons are inevitable,
given the stage of identity development that most of these adolescents are part of.
Conductor-teachers of children’s choirs may need to discuss with their choristers the
inherent differences between children’s choir and other musical ensembles so that the
choristers can make more knowledgeable and fair comparisons between the two. Clear
explanations of these differences may alleviate some of the choristers’ frustrations in
attempting to help their school ensembles sound like the children’s choir. This
understanding may enable the choristers to view their public school ensembles in a more

positive light.

4. Involvement in the children’s choir enhances choristers’ self-concept, self-

esteem, and self-efficacy.

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In comparing the findings of this study with that of Wolfe (2000) who studied the
self-concept of four at-risk females in a community youth choir and determined that,
“behavior and self-concept changes occurred [due to participation in the choir] but could
not be attributed specifically to choir involvement,” results of this study point to specific
developments in self-concept that are a direct result of choir participation. Five specific
“life lesson” codes within the self-concept theme emerge as the participants discuss their
choir experiences: 1. Commitment, 2. Self-Discipline, 3. Interpersonal Skills, 4.
Confidence, and 5. Leadership. Choir affords the participants opportunities to develop
and practice each of these skills on a continuing basis, although they may not necessarily
be aware that they are developing these skills.

Results of this study also compliment a growing body of research that indicates
that participation in arts activities improves participants’ self-esteem (Adams, 1988;
Bragg, 1980; Costa-Giomi, 2004; Jenlik, 1993; McKeon, 1988; Trusty & Olivia, 1994).
This study specifically contributes to an understanding of factors influencing self-esteem
from the perspective of participation in community music. Factors related to choir
participation that appear to have the most influence on enhancing self-esteem include:
mentoring, choir achievements, and choir fiiendships. As previously discussed in this
chapter, choir fiiendships play an especially important role in developing the choristers’
self-esteem. Choristers report that the lack of cliques, labeling, and peer judgment in the
children’s choir provides them with a safe place in which they are accepted for who they
are. This freedom and security enhances the choristers’ self-esteem.

Singing in the children’s choir also increases the choristers’ self-efficacy. This

occurs when choristers successfirlly learn and perform challenging repertoire. These

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findings support Randles’ (2006) findings on the positive relationship between music
participation and improved self-efficacy. The choristers’ successes in choir give them the
confidence to set further goals for thermselves.

Many conductor-teachers may (correctly) believe that their music program
develops students’ self-concept, self-esteem, and/or self-efficacy. Some conductor-
teachers may even make these constructs explicit through specific learning outcomes.
However, not all music pro grams feature the combination of conductor-teacher
involvernemt, student involvement, parental involvement, and administrative or
community support that is conducive to personal development in these areas. Although
there is not a one-size-fits all recipe for creating the ideal classroom environment for
these kinds of personal development, this study concludes that at least one ingredient
plays a significant role in its creation: substantial personal involvement.

Substantial personal involvement fi'om the conductor-teacher, the choristers,
parents, and administration allows the NCC to provide an environment in which self-
concept, self-esteem, and self-efficacy are strengthened. Without a high level of student
involvement, it is unlikely that the NCC would be as high-achieving as it is, and it is
unlikely that the choristers would develop many of the qualities discussed in this section.
For example, choristers spend much of their own time learning their choir music outside
of class. Parental support undoubtedly plays a role in reminding or assisting the choristers
in accomplishing this work. The result of this work in learning challenging repertoire is
an increased sense of self-efficacy. Parental involvement is also essential when choristers
need rides to volunteer as student mentors for the training choirs. The choristers’

leadership abilities can develop because the parents support the choristers’ activities.

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Parental support is required when choristers need help prioritizing their lives and making
commitments to the choir. Administrative support allows Mrs. Talbot to direct the choir
program in the way that she feels will be most beneficial.

In the NCC, many individuals invest substantial time and talent into creating the
environment in which self-concept, self-esteem, and self-efficacy can grow. It is a team
effort in many ways. Public school conductor-teachers may have more of a challenge in
rallying students, parents, and adrministration around their specific vision for their music
program, than do conductor-teachers of community ensembles in which many of the
members elect to participate. However, if Mrs. Talbot’s example holds, having a clear
mission statement and setting high standards for the participants’ behaviors, attitudes, and

achievement may motivate individuals to invest themselves in the program.

5. The choristers’ musical apprenticeship enhances their musical self-concept
and musical self-esteem.

Participating in the Northridge Children’s Choir is essentially participating in a
musical apprenticeship. Mrs. Talbot rigorously and methodically strives to cultivate
expressive and technically refined singing in the choristers. She gives them specific
feedback, uses a variety of mental imagery and metaphors to describe tone production,
expects them to focus all their efforts during rehearsal, constantly reminds them of the
choral technique they should know and use, and continually draws their attention to
diction, tone color, phrase shaping, blend, and a variety of other typical choral issues. The
choristers are engaged in an intense choral workshop designed to produce workmanship

of the finest quality.

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As a result of this tutelage, the choristers develop many choral skills that are part
of their musical self-concepts, including reading notation, vocal technique, aural skills,
and musicality. These findings support that of Greenberg (1970), who found that
elementary students’ participation in a school choir improved their self-concepts,
including their musical self-concepts. These results also confirm the findings of Austin
(1990), Laycock (1992), and Zimmerman (2005). These authors found that music self-
esteem and music self-concept evolve over time, and are influenced by the environment
as well as classroom instruction.

In addition, Mrs. Talbot’s discussions of singing with beauty influence the
choristers’ perceptions of what it means to be a musician and to have musical talent.
Comparing and contrasting children’s choir with their school ensembles assists choristers
in further identifying aspects of their musical self-concepts. For example, in describing
the impact of the musical learning environment on their musical self-concepts, the
choristers describe how Mrs. Talbot’s high expectations allow them to develop certain
musical skills. They contrast Mrs. Talbot’s expectations with their public school teachers’
expectations and in doing so, realize many of the components that comprise
musicianship. They become more aware of what it means to be a musician, and they also
become aware of the musical skills and abilities that they either already possess or that
they want to develop.

The choristers’ self-esteem increases as they mentor others, participate in exciting
and challenging choir activities, and mingle with their choir friends. The choristers
appreciate that choir provides them with a place that is uniquely theirs and where they are

successful music-makers. Being “good” at choir makes them happy. Although the

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choristers are part of a high-profile ensemble, they do not exhibit any excessive pride or
arrogance. Rather, they describe that participating in the choir does not make them feel
superior to others, but instead simply builds their confidence in themselves.

The musical self-concept of the choristers in this study was enhanced as they-
compared their children’s choir experience to their school ensemble experiences. They
became more aware of choral issues, pedagogy, and their own musical abilities than if
they were only in their school ensemble. If one of the goals of music education is to
provide students with a comprehensive a view of musicianship and of their own skills and
abilities, then conductor-teachers might place more emphasis on participating in both
school and community ensembles. This will allow the participants to make comparisons

and realize the strengths and weaknesses of each musical ensemble.

6. Choristers are especially sensitive to being treated fairly and equally.

The choristers in this study, as well as the choristers in the pilot study are
especially sensitive to issues regarding fairness. The choristers express a strong desire to
be treated equally by Mrs. Talbot. They denounce favoritism: “Favorites aren ’t okay”
(Interview, Focus Group #1, Ciafara, December 8, 2007) and attempt to downplay their
talents should they be singled out as a musical model.

The choristers’ desire to avoid being chosen as a favorite connects to Borthwick
and Davidson’s research on family scripts (2002). In a study of families with children
involved in musical activities, Borthwick and Davidson found that in some families,
parent-child coalitions exist between a musician parent and a selected child. In these
coalitions, the musical parent identifies strongly with the child, and places high

expectations on the child. Similar to Borthwick and Davidson’s research, choristers may

283

perceive that a kind of parent-child coalition exists when the conductor singles choristers
out for special musical assignments or to serve as musical models. Many of the choristers
are embarrassed by this special attention.

In Borthwick and Davidson’s research (2002), parent-child coalitions sometirmes
place strain on other family relationships. As Mia describes, individual attention fiom
Mrs. Talbot causes strain between Mia and her peers: “I mean, I want people to think I ’m
a really good singer, but I don ’t want people to think I ’m like the back row (favorites)”
(Interview, Focus Group #1 , Mia, December 8, 2007). The choristers appreciate the
attention because it publicly validates their musicianship, but they do not want to be
perceived as better than anyone else.

They choristers also perceive injustices in the way in which Mrs. Talbot assigns
individuals to certain vocal parts, and in the musical criticism she provides to individuals
and to the ensemble. Choristers are acutely aware of any decisions or criticisms that seem
unfair, and they tend to jump to the conclusion that decisions are made on a subjective
rather than an objective basis, only increasing their perception that the conductor’s
decisions are unfair. They have strong emotional responses to being asked to sing specific
vocal parts or in being asked to switch vocal parts entirely. The choristers respond to
criticism from Mrs. Talbot on a continuum ranging fi'om taking the advice and increasing
their efforts, to blocking and arguing with the criticisms.

Research with families indicates that children’s perception of fairness in rules or
punishments is based largely on their perception of their parents’ intent (Grusec &
Goodnow, 1994; Padilla-Walker & Carlo, 2004). If the comparison of choir to a family

holds, then it may be true that the choristers perceive fairness (in part assignment,

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musical criticism, or in being singled out as a model) primarily on their perception of the
conductor’s intent.

Results of this study indicate a need for conductor-teachers to be aware of the
stigrnas connected to different part assignments and to be aware of the potential
emotional responses of the choristers to being asked to change parts or sing a different
part entirely. In this study, the choristers’ comments intimated that singing “high” was a
privilege granted to the conductors’ favorite singers or sirmply to younger singers. The
choristers’ lack of understanding on issues that affect part assignments, such as vocal
timbre, vocal strength, confidence, experience, and Mrs. Talbot’s ability to remember the
sound and strengths of individual voices, leaves the choristers with little more than
favoritism for a reason why Mrs. Talbot assigns certain parts to each chorister. It is not
surprising then, that with such limited understanding, they may take their part assignment
more personally than they probably should.

This same phenomena may occur in other choirs. If that is the case, conductor-
teachers might take time to explain to the choristers the criteria that determine vocal part
assignments. In related work, when considering asking choristers to switch vocal parts
either temporarily or permanently, a conductor teacher should realize that the choristers
may be emotionally attached to their vocal part and may thus respond negatively to the
request. As with the “singing high” phenomena, choristers’ concerns may be alleviated if
conductor-teachers can give a convincing reason for the actions. Although they may not
be musically advanced enough to completely understand the conductor’s explanations,
they are likely to appreciate the attempt. Withholding this information fiom the choristers

might perpetuate misunderstandings and hurt feelings.

285

Another issue closely related to the choristers’ perceptions of fairness in rehearsal
is the importance of facial expressions in performance. Most choral conductors are
concerned with the manner in which audiences receive their choir’s singing. Rehearsals
focus not only on technical and expressive issues that enhance the beauty of the
performance, but also on the physical appearance of the singers. Singers often have
expensive matching uniforms and are given instructions on how to do their hair and
make-up (if applicable). Many choral conductors also feel that the looks on the
choristers’ faces affect the manner in which the audience receives the singing. To this
end, conductors often talk to the choir about how their faces appear while they are
singing, encouraging them to sing with lifted eyebrows, an “inner smile,” or to in some
way try to reflect the message of the piece on their faces. A common technique is for
conductors to show an expressionless face while singing, and then contrast that with an
“engaged” face while singing, demonstrating to the choir the uncommunicativeness of the
expressionless face.

When the NCC choristers hear that they need to “show more” on their faces, they
take this to mean that they need to step up their “acting.” Comments such as this tells the
choristers that they are not, in their current state, sufficiently expressing the emotions of
the music--that facial expressions, and facial expressions alone, determine how deeply
they are feeling the music. This may be fi'ustrating to the singers because they may feel
that they are deeply connected to the music, and that putting extra effort into how they
look is a secondary and much less significant aspect of the singing.

Conductor-teachers should validate students’ existing emotional connections to

the music, regardless of how well they express these emotions on their faces. Conductor-

286

teachers can emphasize to the students that facial expressions and emotions are not
necessarily interconnected. If a student does not show the expected facial expressions,
conductors should consider that perhaps the student is indeed feeling a deep connection
to the music, but has not yet developed the representative facial-expression skills.

Conductor-teachers can explain to the students their purposes in encouraging
expressive faces. They can present the development of good facial expressions as a
separate, communicative skill that enhances the communication between the audience
and singers. Singers may not understand that the conductor is asking them to intentionally
produce specific facial expressions in hopes of transmitting certain emotions. When
singers realize that the purpose of facial expressions is to transmit certain emotions as
part of the communicative process of music-making, they may be more inclined to work
on developing them than if they feel that they just have to look “into it” for the
audience’s viewing pleasure.

Fairness is an important issue to the choristers. Whether it is in vocal part
assignment, being singled out for criticism or to be a vocal role model, or in expectations
for appropriate facial expressions, choristers want to be treated fairly. As choristers often
make subjective rather than objective judgments, conductor-teachers can help choristers

feel that they are being treated fairly by explaining their reasoning behind their actions.

7. Choristers have some understanding of what it means to be a musician, but
do not sufficiently comprehend the role that choir plays in their musical
development.

The choristers in this study have some understanding of what it means to be a

musician, and they routinely demonstrate many different musical skills in choir. From

287

their discussion, it is obvious that much of their musical ability comes directly from their
involvement in choir. Yet, when asked how choir affects their musicianship, they struggle
to find a response, ultimately reverting to a discussion of how they do not learn much
about music in choir because they learned it (referring to music notation) in band or in
private lessons.

There is a discrepancy between what the choristers know and do, and what they
say about musicianship. In his investigation of corrrrnunity band participants, Kruse
(2007) encountered a similar situation: although participants willingly volunteered to
participate in a musical ensemble, often had years of immersion in music, and had at least
a basic understanding of the components of musicianship, they did not consider
themselves to be musicians. According to the choristers, being a musician involves
creating beauty and phrasing and loving the music and having a passion for it, but at
other times, it involves little more than understanding the crescendo symbol. They
understand that the choir creates an artistic product, but do not understand that it is the
attention to nuance and minutia in rehearsal that makes this product possible. They do not
see how that work affects the finished product. Conductors might discuss in greater detail
with their choristers the purpose of rehearsal techniques that refine and polish a piece.

The choristers do not seem to see that rehearsals focus on the development of
musicality, as Ciafara commented, “I don ’t think we work on that much stuff in choir,
musically. Once in awhile we go over what a crescendo is and half notes and stufif but
we ’re pretty much expected to know that when we come into the choir " (Interview, Focus
Group #2, December 15, 2007). Conductor-teachers should be aware that although

students may be able to describe what it means to be a musician, and although they may

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be able to demonstrate musicality in their performance, there may be a disconnect
between their understanding of the concept of musicianship and their perception of how
musicianship is developed in choir. Conductor-teachers can resolve this problem by
starting with a clear understanding of what it means to be a musician, describing to the
choristers how the choral experience fits into this broad perspective of musicianship,
helping the choristers develop musical skills and knowledge, and then circling back to
discuss with the choristers the ways in which their choir experiences have developed their
musicianship. The conversation might also identify aspects of musicianship not
specifically developed through the choral experience and provide students with ideas for
cultivating these aspects.

For example, conductor-teachers might have a conversation with their choir that
begins by explaining to the choristers what aspects of musicianship the choir specifically
targets The conductor-teacher might emphasize vocal technique, performance skills,
aural skills, and music reading skills. Next, in order to provide the choristers with a
broader understanding of what it means to be a musician, the conductor-teacher might
draw attention to the areas of musicianship that choir does not develop. For example, if
the conductor-teacher believes that being able to play inversions and scales is an essential
component of musicianship, and this is not a focus of the choir program, the conductor-
teacher might explain to the choristers where they can find this instruction, should they
desire to develop this aspect of their musicianship. Perhaps these kinds of discussions
will allow choristers to place their choral experiences in context. They will better

understand what musical skills they are currently developing. And should they be asked

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about how choir- has influenced them as musicians, they will be able to make an
inforrmed, specific response.

Clarity in discussing the outcomes of music education is increasingly important
for public school educators. Conductor-teachers need to have a clear understanding of
what music education provides for the students. In addition, the students should also have
a clear understanding of what they are expected to learn and be able to describe their
progress in meeting these goals. Conductor-teachers’ careful consideration of what it
means to be a musician, and thoughtful discussion with the students about how the choral
experience contributes to this may contribute to more understanding and respect for the

goals of choral programs.

Courses of Future Research

A next step in the line of research established in this dissertation is to complete
longitudinal studies of various aspects of identity development. Each of the major
concepts discussed in this study could be isolated and explored further in depth. For
example, in the category of personal identity development, the choristers reported that
choir strongly influenced the development of many specific skills, including
commitment, self-discipline, interpersonal skills, confidence, and leadership. A
longitudinal study could thoroughly investigate choir’s influence on these skills through a
Variety of questionnaires and interviews with the participants over a number of years.
Results of the study would strengthen the findings of this study, which relies heavily on
self-reporting. Because self-reporting is not always accurate, studies of this kind are

essential to creating an accurate account of choir’s influence on these skills.

290

Psychological tests of self-esteem and self-concept might be used in longitudinal
studies to further establish the effect of choir on an individual’s self-concept.
Longitudinal studies especially might employ these tests. Other tests that isolate musical
self-concept (the assessment individuals make of their musical skills and abilities) from
musical self-esteem (how individuals feel about their musical self-concept) might be
developed and similarly used in longitudinal studies.

Another line of research might firrther explore social identity and social
comparison theories in the children’s choir context. Social identity theory and social
comparison theory are closely related: “Social identity theory focuses on how we
evaluate the groups to which we belong. Social comparison focuses on how we evaluate
ourselves as individuals within certain groups” (Goethels, 2003, p. 16). This dissertation
found that the choristers fiequently evaluate and make comparisons between groups. It
may be interesting to explore the influences on their perceptions of each group. The role
of the conductor-teacher, parents, and participants in cultivating specific group
characteristics is worthy of further investigation. Future research might also address how
participants evaluate their musical achievement within certain groups.

One of the most evident themes to emerge from this research is that choir adds a
certain amount of stress to the choristers’ lives in a variety of ways. Although the
choristers see many benefits to their participation in the choir, the stressors nevertheless
exist. These stressors include receiving musical criticism, part assignments, balancing
choir activities with other important personal and school activities, and the physical and

mental demands of lengthy rehearsals.

291

Sirmilar to research on stressors in adolescents’ sports participation, future
research might specifically target the stressors in adolescents’ choir participation. Many
of the stressors that the choir participants describe are similar to those found in research
with adolescents in sports teams (N icholls & Polman, 2007). The frequency with which
choristers speak about their choir challenges highlights the appropriateness of this line of
research. Although each choir environment differs depending on the dynarrrics between
conductor, choristers, and parents, most choirs share similarities in general procedure
(rehearsals followed by concerts) and content (singing). This is similar to sports, in which
practices are generally followed by concerts, and the content is specific (i.e., soccer,
football, basketball). The similarities between these types of extracurricular and team-
oriented activities may produce similar kinds of stressors in the participants.

A next step after identification of choir stressors may be to identify the ways in
which choristers cope with these stressors. Sirmilarities may exist between the ways in
which choristers and student athletes cope with various activity-specific stressors.
Research into coping strategies in choral ensembles may allow for more comparisons
between sports and music participation. If similarities exist, the wealth of research in
sports psychology on stressors and coping may transfer in limited ways to music
education. For example, conductors may find research from sports psychology that
applies to teaching healthy coping techniques to choral singers.

The stressors in other musical activities such as school music ensembles or private
lessons, is another potential research area. Research on stressors and coping has several
potential benefits. First, it will enable music teachers to better understand an aspect of

music participation that they may not have previously considered. In this way, their

292

perspective of the many ways in which participation in music affects individuals will
increase. Understanding the ways that students respond to stress in musical environments
may provide the music teacher with a more informed perspective on students’ behaviors
or attitudes. Second, it will provide music teachers with the knowledge to proactively
address potentially stress-inducing aspects of music participation, hopefully alleviating
some of the participants’ anxieties. Third, through this research, music teachers will be
able to learn and then teach healthy coping mechanisms for handling these stressors.
Understanding the challenges that the music students face and understanding the ways
that they face tlrerm may allow music teachers to work more effectively and
compassionately with their students.

This study highlighted choristers’ responses to fairness in vocal part assignments
and in being selected as a vocal role model. This topic is somewhat related to choir
stressors and coping mechanisms. Of the many other research lines that could be
developed from this study, a particularly interesting one is choristers’ perceptions of
fairness in rehearsal. If, as this dissertation suggests, choir relationships can be family-
like, then choir relationships might be studied in the context of existing family-related
research.

Research with families indicates that children’s perception of fairness in rules or
punishments is based largely on their perception of their parents’ intent (Grusec &
Goodnow, 1994; Padilla-Walker & Carlo, 2004). These authors found that the context of
a parent’s discipline, the child’s personality, and particularly the child’s perception of the
parent’s intent determine the ways in which the child responds to discipline. Research in

music education might focus on participants’ perceptions of the conductor’s intent when

293

offering criticism or making. other decisions. Better understanding the participants’
thoughts allows conductor-teachers to proactively address participants’ anticipated
responses. Simply stated, if conductor-teachers know how their students perceive their
criticisms, they can address any problems or misunderstandings and create a more

relaxed learning environment for music-making.

294

Appendix A
Study Information Letter
Dec. 1, 2007
Dear children’s choir members and parents,

My name is Melissa Mills, and I am a PhD candidate in music education at Michigan
State University. For my dissertation, I will be conducting research with the Children’s
Choir (from approx. Nov. l-Dec. 31“, 2007). The title of the study is “TI-IE EFFECTS OF
PARTICIPATION IN A COMMUNITY CHILDREN’S CHOIR ON PARTICIPANTS’
IDENTITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY.” The purpose of the study is to better
understand the effects that singing in the choir has on the participants. Participation in this study
may benefit you and your child as you think deeply about your child’s choir experiences and gain
experience sharing your thoughts and feelings. The purpose of this letter is simply to let you
know in advance that I may contact you to invite your child (and perhaps you as well) to
participate in this study.

As part of this research, I would like to hold two focus group interviews with 5-7 students
(ages 12 and older) from the children’s choir. Iwill invite 2 or 3 students from the focus group, as
well as one or both parents, for additional follow-up interviews. All interviews will last
approximately one hour.

Participation in the study is strictly voluntary. Choir members and their parents may
refuse to participate and may withdraw at any time without penalty. Participants’ privacy will be
protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. All interviews will be recorded on a digital
voice recorder and will be strictly confidential. Audio recordings and any identifying information
will be stored under secure conditions. In transcriptions of the interviews, participants will be
identified by a pseudonym. One potential risk is that you might be nervous sharing some of your
thoughts or experiences, but hopefully this risk will be very small. Audio recordings, as well as
all study results, may be presented and published in papers, scholarly journals, and/or
presentations that would be of interest to music educators, but no identifying information will be
shared.

If you have any questions about this study, please contact professor Mitchell Robinson,
Associate Professor of Music Education at Michigan State University, at (517) 355-7555. If you
have any questions or concerns regarding your rights as a study participant, or are dissatisfied at
any time with any aspect of this study, you may contact - anonymously, if you wish, Peter
Vasilenko, Ph.D., Director of the Human Research Protection Programs (HRPP) at Michigan
State University: (517) 355-2180, fax: (517) 432-4503, email: irb@msu.edu, or regular mail: 202
Olds Hall, East Lansing, MI 48 824.

Sincerely,

Melissa Mills

295

Appendix B
Student Assent Form
Dec. 1, 2007
Dear student,

My name is Melissa Mills, and I am a PhD candidate in music education at
Michigan State University. For my dissertation, I arm studying the effects that singing in
the children’s choir has on the lives of the singers. The title of the study is “THE
EFFECTS OF PARTICIPATION IN A COMMUNITY CHILDREN’S CHOIR ON
PARTICIPANTS’ IDENTITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY.” I am pleased to
invite you to participate in this research. Participation in this study may benefit you as
you think deeply about your choir experiences and gain experience sharing your thoughts
and feelings.

As part of this research, I would like you to participate in two focus group
interviews with 5-7 students (ages 12 and older) fiom the choir. I will invite 2 or 3
students from the focus group, as well as one or both parents, for additional follow-up
interviews. All interviews will last approximately one hour each.

Participation in the study is strictly voluntary. Choir members and their parents
may refuse to participate and may withdraw at any time without penalty. Participants’
privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. All interviews will be
recorded on a digital voice recorder and will be strictly confidential. Audio recordings
and any identifying information will be stored under secure conditions. In transcriptions
of the interviews, students will be identified by a pseudonym. One potential risk is that
you might be nervous sharing some of your thoughts or experiences, but hopefirlly this
risk will be very small. Audio recordings, as well as all study results, may be presented
and published in papers, scholarly journals, and/or presentations that would be of interest
to music educators, but no identifying information will be shared.

If you have any questions about this study, please contact professor Mitchell
Robinson, Associate Professor of Music Education at Michigan State University, at (517)
355-7555. If you have any questions or concerns regarding your rights as a study
participant, or are dissatisfied at any time with any aspect of this study, you may contact -
anonyrmously, if you wish, Peter Vasilenko, Ph.D., Director of the Human Research
Protection Programs (HRPP) at Michigan State University: (517) 355-2180, fax: (517)
432-4503, email: irb@msu.edu, or regular mail: 202 Olds Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824.

Sincerely,

Melissa Mills

296

I agree to participate in this study.

 

 

 

(Student signature) (Student name--printed) Date

 

 

 

(Parent/Guardian Signature) (Parent/Guardian Name—printed) Date

297

Appendix C

Parent Consent Form

Dec. 1, 2007
Dear parents/ guardians,

My name is Melissa Mills, and I am a PhD candidate in music education at
Michigan State University. For my dissertation, I arm studying the effects that singing in
the children’s choir has on the lives of the singers. The title of the study is “THE
EFFECTS OF PARTICIPATION IN A COMMUNITY CHILDREN’S CHOIR ON
PARTICIPANTS’ IDENTITY: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY.” I am pleased to
invite your child (and possibly you as well) to participate in this research. Participation in
this study may benefit you as you think deeply about your child’s experiences in the
children’s choir, and gain experience sharing your thoughts and feelings.

As part of this research, I would like your child to participate in two focus group
interviews with 5-7 students (ages 12 and older) from the choir. I will invite 2 or 3
students from the focus group, as well as one or both parents, for additional follow-up
interviews. All interviews will last approximately one hour each.

Participation in the study is strictly voluntary. Participants may refuse to
participate and may withdraw at any time without penalty. Participants’ privacy will be
protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. All interviews will be recorded on a
digital voice recorder and will be strictly confidential. Audio recordings and any
identifying information will be stored under secure conditions. In transcriptions of the
interviews, participants will be identified by a pseudonym. One potential risk is that you
might be nervous sharing some of your thoughts or experiences, but hopefully this risk
will be very small. Audio recordings, as well as all study results, may be presented and
published in papers, scholarly journals, and/or presentations that would be of interest to
music educators, but no identifying information will be shared.

If you have any questions about this study, please contact professor Mitchell
Robinson, Associate Professor of Music Education at Michigan State University, at (517)
3 55-7555. If you have any questions or concerns regarding your rights as a study
participant, or are dissatisfied at any time with any aspect of this study, you may contact -
anonymously, if you wish, Peter Vasilenko, Ph.D., Director of the Human Research
Protection Programs (HRPP) at Michigan State University: (517) 355-2180, fax: (517)
43 2-4503, email: irb@msu.edu, or regular mail: 202 Olds Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824.

Sincerely,

Melissa Mills

298

I agree to allow my child to participate in this study.

I also agree to participate in an interview with the researcher if my child is selected for a
follow-up interview.

 

 

 

(P arent/Guardian 1 Signature) (Parent/Guardian 1 Name—printed) Date

 

 

 

(Parent/Guardian 2 Signature) (Parent/Guardian 2 Name—printed) Date

299

Appendix D

Potential Interview Questions for Student Participants

General Questions

1.1 Why do you participate in the children’s choir?

1.2 Have your reasons for participating in the choir changed over time? If so, why?

1.3 What do you believe that you gain fiom your experiences in the choir?

1.4 What determines how long you will stay in the choir?

Musical Identigy

2. General Musical Identity

2.1 What does it take to be a musician? In what ways has being in the choir
shaped the way you view musicians or being a musician?

2.2 In what ways has being a member of this choir shaped the way you think
of your musical ability or talents?

2.3 What kind of music do you listen to, and why? In what ways has being in
the choir influenced the kind of music you listen to?

2.4 How has being in the choir influenced your decision to play and/or take
lessons on an instrument?

2.5 In‘what ways has being in the choir affected the way you view
participation in school musical ensembles?

2.6 In what musical ways are your school music experiences different from
your children’s choir experiences?

3. Musical Self-Concept
3.1 What are your musical strengths and weaknesses? How do you come to

300

3.2

3.3

3.4

3.5

3.6

these conclusions?

What strengths do you bring to the choir?

In what ways has being in choir improved your musical abilities?

What is your role in the choir? How well do you feel that you fit with this
role? Is your role something that you created for yourself, something other
people started expecting of you, or a combination of both?

What does it mean to be musically talented?

Do you think a person has to be talented to be part of this choir?

4. Musical Self-Esteem

4.1 How do you feel about your musical abilities? Are you pleased, unhappy,
or somewhere in between?
4.2 Does singing in the choir make you feel better or worse about your
musical abilities?
4.3 How do your friends, parents, or teachers make you feel about your
musical abilities?
General Identigy
5. How has being a member of the choir influenced who you are?
5.1 In what ways has being part of the choir affected your personality?
5.2 In what ways has being part of the choir affected how you act?
5.3 In what ways does being part of the choir affect your general mood?
5.4 In what ways has being part of the choir affected your attitude or beliefs
(towards anything)?
6. F arnily Life

301

7.

6.1 Why do you think your parents encourage you to be in this choir?

6.2 How much influence do your parents have on your participation in the
choir?

6.3 In what ways has being a member of the choir affected your relationship
with your parents?

6.4 What do your siblings (if applicable) think about your participation in

choir? Why do they want (or not want) to follow in your footsteps?

Choir Rehearsals in Social Context

In General

7.1 Can you describe the characteristics of a “typical” choir member? In what
ways are you a typical member? In what ways are you different?

7.2 Why do you belong to the children’s choir?

7.3 Does everyone in the choir always agree with what Mrs. Talbot wants?
What happens if someone disagrees?

7.4 How true is the statement that children’s choir makes you feel safe or like
your life is stable?

Friends

8.1 In what ways do you want to be more like your choir friends? In what
ways would you like to be different from your choir friends?

8.2 How true is this statement: “My choir friends encourage me to become a
better musician.”

8.3 How true is this statement: “My choir friends encourage me to become a

better person.”

302

8.4 If you have choir friends who are more than a year or two older or
younger than you, how did you become friends?

8.5 How much influence do your choir friends have on your decision to
participate in the choir?

8.6 If your choir friends disagreed with something Mrs. Talbot wanted to do
in rehearsal, what would your response be?

The Conductor

9.1 In what ways, if any, does Mrs. Talbot encourage you to become a better
musician?

9.2 In what ways, if any, does Mrs. Talbot encourage you to become a better
person?

9.3 What is your relationship with Mrs. Talbot like?

9.4 In what ways, if any, would you like your relationship with Mrs. Talbot to
be different?

9.5 What kind of environment does Mrs. Talbot create in choir? How does she
do this?

9.6 Finish these sentences: “Mrs. Talbot is fair when...” and “Mrs. Talbot is
unfair when...”

9.7 In what ways, if any, does Mrs. Talbot encourage self-discipline in choir?

9.8 How much influence does Mrs. Talbot have on your decision to participate

in the choir?

303

 

Appendix E

 

 

Participant Questionnaire
Real Name:
Pseudonym:
Age: Grade in School: Home-schooled? Y/N (circle one)

Years in children’s choir:

Other instruments you play:

 

Years of lessons on other instruments:

 

Do you participate in school music groups? If so, what groups, and for how many years?

 

Name three hobbies that you have:

 

 

 

What I am like: (Describe your personality)

 

 

 

Why do you sing in the children’s choir?

 

 

304

Appendix F

Interview Summary Form

 

Site:

Interview Date:
Today’s Date:

Time of Interview:
Length of Interview:
Participants:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. What were the main issues or themes that struck you in this interview?

2. Summarize the salient points from the transcript. Provide a page number and code
for each point.

Comment Code

 

3. What else struck you as interesting or unexpected in this interview?
4. What new, remaining, or follow-up questions do you have for this/these
participants?

305

Appendix G

Completed Interview Summary Form

Site: Mia’s Home
Interview Date: Saturday, January 18, 2008
Today’s Date: Wednesday, January 23, 2008

Time of Interview: 1:10 pm.
Length of Interview: 19:55

Participants: Mia. Also, her parents wanted to stay for her interview, so they sat
at the table with her.
1. What were the main issues or themes that struck you in this interview?

Friendships seem to be the center of Mia ’3 life. Not having school friends seems to be a
great challenge for her, and having choir friends seems to be one of the highlights of her
life at the moment.

Choir is a place where Mia feels safe and confident because she feels like She "knows
what she ’s doing” there.

Mia sees learning to read notation as one of the highest achievements of musical skill,
and she attributes her ability to do that to her band experiences. I ’m not sure she
comprehends the musicianship she learns in the choir.

She was deeply moved by her experience singing “Transmigration of Souls "

Choir gets in the way of socializing, but it ’s a ”once in a lifetime ” experience, so it ’3
worth it.

 

 

 

 

 

2. Summarize the salient points fiom the transcript. Provide a page munber and code
for each point.
Page # Salient Points Code(s)
82, 85 Choir has provided fiiends V—-FRIENDS
82, 85 Choir has provided prestigious performance V--
opportunities, but it’s the relationships in the choir and PERFORMANCE/
singing well that made it most memorable. FRIENDS
83 It feels good to have a place where you “know what V—SELF-ESTEEM/
you’re doing” CONFIDENCE
MI-SES-
CONFIDENCE
MI-SEF-
CONFIDENCE

 

 

 

306

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

84, 85 Some friends don’t ‘get” choir MISUNDERSTOOD

84 Musical skill development happens mainly in band SKILL
DEVELOPMENT

84 Middle school girls are mean MIDDLE SCHOOL-
social challenges

85 Having fun in choir is important MOT-Fun

86 Singing “Transmigration of Souls”--Choir repertoire is REPERTOIRE-

very meaningful EFFECTS OF

87 A “once-in-a-lifetime” experience COG—“once in a
lifetime”

88 Choir gets in the way of social life CH-CH-
sacrifices/personal
conflicts

3. What else struck you as interesting or unexpected in this interview?

Mia was much calmer and more careful in expressing herself than she was in the group
interview. In the group interview, she seemed completely unrestrained in her comments.

I thought she had a stronger personal attachment to Mrs. Talbot than what she said. She
sounded fairly indifferent, yet she comes across as being completely devoted to choir.

4.

participants?

What new, remaining, or follow-up questions do you have for this/these

Does Mia understand that all of the “little ” things they work on in choir are developing
her musical skills?

Does she view the “little ” things as superficial or meaningful? Do they enhance the
performance?

307

 

Appendix H
Interview Transcript Excerpt
Interview with Nova At Nova’s home

Thursday, January 11, 2008
6:30 pm.

M_M: Two more things to talk about. Do you think you’re a typical choir member?

m: I don ’t think anybody ’s a typical choir member. Everybody has dijfirent
personalities there. As a group, we ’re called a children ’s choir, but we ’re all
diflerent personalities, we ’re all diflerent looks and everything. We don ’t all look
like children (laughs). I ’ve gotten that a few times: “You guys don ’t look like
children! ” ”,Uh yeah, we ’re teenagers too, but we 're still kids inside. ” There ’s
definitely not just a single personality.

MM: About your choir friends. . .what do your choir friends bring out in you?

w: Definitely the other side that I thought I ’d never have, and that’s the joy, happy,
family, loving. They 're all like my sisters and brothers and I ’d stand up for ‘em no
matter what, even though they ’re not related to me.

MM: How is it that you develop so much love for the people in the choir?

M3 I think it ’s just that they accept you for who you are. We don ’t judge in there. We
accept you for who you are and what you are and there ’s nothing that ’3 going to
change our mind. We give you a clean slate. Whatever they call you at school
does not happen there.

MM: Why doesn’t it happen there?

308

Nova:

Nova:

Nova:

I guess it ’s that it ’s one of Mrs. Talbot ’s rules, but we just automatically do it
‘cause we 're just a big loving family. That ’s the only way I could basically
describe it. We accept people, we talk to them, we get to know them, we become
friends with them and then we become family.
Do you think that the choir brings in people that are nice to each other, or do you
think that people become nicer because it’s Mrs. Talbot’s expectation?
It ’s a little bit of both. It ’s not totally Mrs. Talbot. I ’d say it ’s probably one
percent of Mrs. Talbot, but it 's definitely the people that join the choir because
we ’re all unique and there ’5 not a single same person in there that ’s just like you.
In school choirs, you ’re considered popular, geeks, dorks, and when you come to
choir, it ’s like all that leaves when you come through the door. You are in this
choir. You are a family member. You ’re supposed to support the other, listen to
them, reSpond back to them, give them advice.
How much influence do your choir friends have on your decision to stay in the
choir?
0h, definitely, a lot of influence. When you help someone when they ’re not getting
a part right, it just makes you feel so good and it makes them feel good too
because they understand the part and the other person feels good because they
helped them understand the part, so we do the buddy-buddy system as “I help

you, you help me, we ’11 be a big old happy family! " (sing-songy)

309

Appendix J
Interview Transcript Excerpt with Codes
Interview with Nova At Nova’ 3 home
Thursday, January 11, 2008
6:30 pm.
MM: Two more things to talk about. Do you think you’re a typical choir member?
Nova: I don’t think anybody ’s a typical choir member. Everybody has diflerent —\
personalities there. As a group, we ’re called a children ’s choir, big we ’re all

different personalities, we ’re all diflerent looks and everything. We don ’t all look

._ CI:

 

like children (laughs). I’ve gotten that a few times: “You guys don ’t look like

 

children! ” “Uh, yeah, we ’re teenagers too, but we ’re still kids inside. ” There ’s

 

\
definitely not just a single personality. CH ’0“ Am Y/td MS tde“ J

MM: About your choir friends. . .what do your choir friends bring out in you?

Nova: Definitely the other side that I thought I’d never have, and that ’s the joy, happy,

family, loving. They ’re all like my sisters and brothers \and I ’d stand up for ‘em no

matter what, even though they ’re not related to me. Cl’ Pamtlj

MM: How is it that you develop so much love for the people in the choir?

Nova: 1 think it ’s just that they accept you for who you are. We don ’t judge in there. W:

accept you for who you are and what you are and there ’s nothing that ’s going to
change our mind. We give you a clean slate. Whatever they ca_ll you at school

does not happen there. SCH’ V3 CC~ l a mug
MM: Why doesn’t it happen there?

J

 

310

_ ct:
«WM

 

mas .T— mun/ohm

NQXQZ Iguess it ’s that it’s one oeréflbot ’s rules, but we just automatically do it Cl"
‘cause we ’re just a big loving family. That ’s the only way I could basically \cflmly
describe it. We accept people, we talk to them, we get to know them, we become
fiiends with them and then we become family.
M: Do you think that the choir brings in people that are nice to each other, or do you
think that people become nicer because it’s Mrs. Talbot’s expectation?

Nova: It’s a little bit of both. It’s not totally Mrs. Talbot. I’d say it ’s probably one .
/ c1—~~ \ntlvtm
percent of Mrs. Talbot, but it ’s definitely the people thatjoin the choir ecause
or
(”)qu we ’re all unique and there ’s not a single same person in there that ’s just like you.

r sat vs coda/19am
50+ In school choirs, you ’re considered M geeks, dorks, and when you come to

W

U“ choir, it ’s like all that leaves when you come through the door. You are in this

 

 

Lchoir. You are a family member. You’ re supposed to support the other, listen to
them, respond back to them, give them @ice. (4:1(‘WMl/llfl m L“

MM: How much influence do your choir fiiends have on your decision to stay in the

choir? /Pl. _, $01M

Nova: 0h, definitely, a lot of influence. When you help someone when they ’re not getting
a part right, it iust makes you feel so good and it makes them feel good too

medlvdg

because they understand the part and the other person feels good because they

helped them understand the part, so we do the buddy-buday system as “I help

 

you, you help me, we’ll be a big old happy family!” (sing-songy)

01- chmllj

311

Appendix K
Excerpt from List of Preliminary Codes and Themes
T= Triangulation
Q= Qualifies the comment in some way

*Story/Irnportant comment

The numbers following the codes reference page numbers in the interview transcript.

312

MOTIVATION (MOT) CHILDREN’S CHOIR GENERAL
joy of singing 2 (CCG)
changes mood 2 prerequisites 27
friends 2, 15, 34T, 35, 37, 37T, improves voices 27
81, 85, rehearsal length 28
musical challenge 2 enjoy schedule 31, 33, Q33
fun 2, 3, 4, 14, 31, 33, 34, 70, rising generation 31, 3ST
high achievement 2, sad leaving 34
opportunities 3, 31, 34, outgrow 35, T35
52, 67, 9O good/great experience 40, 69, 95
learn musical skills 4, 9O once-in-a—lifetime 40, 52, 87
love choir 2, 30Q, 34, 35Q, “a honor” 46
college 40, 40T, advantage/disadv. 46
teach music 44 auditions 95
self 44 parents uninformed 65, 95
children uninformed 87, 94
PARENT MOTIVATION extracurricular 72
Support child’s goals 65 commitment 73
“the art of it” 77
VALUE (V) parent music appreciation 96
Special/important 73, 80, 95 pride 80
performance 3, T3, 82, 85, interesting 81
praise 3, T3 perks 85
feedback 5 learn vocabulary 87
learn languages 96 “moving up” 92, 94
“cool” 73
NCC 87 SAFETY
Kennedy Center 41, 86 safe place 15, 37
Carmina Burana 34 singing alone a 15, 16
fiiends 69, 82, 85 welcome 47
choir camp 41 express individuality 51
travel 69 credit 50
cd’s 69
confidence 83
Steiner Center 96

SINGING (S) CHILDREN’S CHOIR VERSUS

feels good 3, T3 CHURCH CHOIR (CCvsCC)
sense of accomplishment 3 no transfer 26, T27
singing high 8, 10, 38 discipline 27
singing alone comparison 85
fear 1 5
mentoring 16 SCHOOL IN GENERAL VS.
vs. with choir l6 CHILDREN’S CHOIR (SCHVs. CC)
singing harmony 52 acceptance 15
improving clicks 1 5
passion 22 safety 15, 35
desire to learn 22 belonging 35
the shelf 47 labels 50
judging 51, 51, 61
SCHOOL CHOIR VERSUS teaching quality 51
CHILDREN’S CHOIR (SCHVCC) transfer to math 61
“bring your technique into other choirs” confidence 83
professional 2, T2 traveling 96
sound/tone 2, 26 chaperoning trips 94, 96
transfer 26, T27 fiiends
peer pressure 2 misunderstandings
participation 2 37, 38T, 40
group pride 3 don’t understand 46, 73
individual responsibility 3 seeking recognition 40
teaching quality 3, 12, T12, non-supportive 38
demanding 8 supportive 65, 85, *93
criticism 8, T8 avoid topic 38
“sing ba ” 26 immature 60
don’t sing 26
indifferent 26 SCHOOL FRIEND VS. CHOIR
untrained 26 FRIEND
sounds bad 26 peer pressure 85
very different 12, 73 choir involvement 85
false flattery 12, 72, 96
learn musical skills 13 BAND VERSUS CHOIR (BVC)
frustration 13, 26 reading notation 14, 24, 71,
peer judgment 14, 46 band kids know less 26, 46
safety 15, T15 choir kids hear better 26
adaptation 26 audition procedures 32
conflict avoidance 46 transfer 91, 92
priorities 46 repetition 96
labeled 50 high standards 96
dedication 56
opportunities 87 MIDDLE SCHOOL
uncomfortable 83

social challenges 84

313

MUSICAL IDENTITY (MI) transfer 46, 91, 92

314

Musician (M) tone placement 47,48
more than play, sing 16 music listening 47, 78
phrasing, beauty 17 diction 48
preparing 1 7 patience 49
feel the music 17
skill+heart 18 Musical Talent (MT)
deep connection 17 choir requirement 22
compose vs perform 17 different than musician 22
everyone 17 goes with musician 22,
teachers’ influence 17 T22, 22
choir influence IDK 24 drawn to music 22
choir influence- good 36 involves passion 22,
means reading skills 24 T22, 23
musical car 24, 26 passion improves skill 22
composition 46 improving 22
score study/ interpretation

47 Musical Self-Esteem (M-SES)
know everything 72 the rush 70
feel good at music 26, 34

Musical Self-concept (MSC) feels good to sing 3
(choir influence) musical car 25,
musical abilities 91 critiquing others 26
singing development 25, mentoring 83

36, 77, 86 sense of accomplishment

technique 25 70
musical ear 25, T25, singing high 3,

59, 71, 77, 90, 91, shy singing alone

92 singing flat 25
predicting Mrs. T 71 humility
perfect pitch 25, *80 frustration 26
melodic memory 25, 25 repertoire
piano 25, 59 confidence 78,
singing harmony 25
more advanced 26 Musical Self-Efficacy (M-SEF)
good at choir Spring Musical 78
good musician 36 confidence 83
repertoire 40

Concept Maps of Final Codes and Themes

 

 

Appendix L

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

J

 

\

 

Music listening /

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Liam
Musicianshig
Being
“good” at -.,,.._- , * Humility :l
ELSE , Musical
,“Self-‘Esteem .
Musical
Identity
Development
/ The Musical \
Learning
gpvironment:
- W
Mus'ca' 6 Children’s Choir:
Self-Concept . Standards of
. . . musical
achievement
. Honest feedback
. Transfer
. Coping with
musical criticism
1 Being a Musician: \ /
0 Definitions
. Musical
apprenticeship J
. Musical talent and M . ISk'II _
passion M
o Facial expressions ° Reading notation
. Aural skills
R . Musicality

f

 

315

Favoritism

 
   

Mentoring and
Choir
Achievements

 

Vocal Part
Assignments

 

 
    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

  
   

 

 

 

      
    
 
 
 

 
   
   
   
   

 

 

The Social Repertoire:
Environment: ' . Challenging
School Versus — Self-Esteem . Quality

Children’s

Choir: , _

0 Different is

good . Self-Efficacy
- No labeling
orcliques :

- Safety

0 Support

0 No one

understands Personal
\ / Identity
Development
,. r73; E “7137.21? X: ".3"
Commitment:
. Part of ateam
. Prioritizing A_Waren955
. Challenges . of ch0lr
0 Motivation Inflpence or;
Qu'ttin se -concep
' I g Self-Concept

 

 

Self-Discipline:
Behavioral
Mental

Cultivated in a
strict environment
Adapt or move on

Public
speaking

  

Confidence:

Other musical
endeavors

 

 

 

 

 
  
  
 
  
   
     
   
   
 

Leadership:

Formal
Informal

 

 

   

Interpersonal Skills:

0 Reaching out
Appreciating diversity
Look at intent

Forgive and forget
Respect others/Be polite
Taught in choir

 

316

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