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This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

LIMINAL ECOLOGIES: BACKPACKERS, EXPATRIATES
AND THE PRODUCTION OF KOH TAO, THAILAND

presented by

Nathan Johnson Zukas

has been accepted towards fulﬁllment
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_—

LIMINAL ECOLOGIES: BACKPACKERS, EXPATRIATES AND THE
PRODUCTION OF KOH TAO, THAILAND

By

Nathan Johnson Zukas

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTERS OF SCIENCE

GEOGRAPHY

2009

ABSTRACT

LIMINAL ECOLOGIES: BACKPACKERS, EXPATRIATES AND THE
PRODUCTION OF KOH TAO, THAILAND

By
Nathan Johnson Zukas

Backpacker enclaves have begun to receive attention within tourism literature as sites of
social and cultural reproduction. Using the example of Koh Tao, Thailand, this thesis
looks to the role of the environment within backpackers’ travels and how this affects of
the production of backpacker enclaves as sites of liminal existence. Liminality is a state
of being that can be understood as occupying an in-between space. The a liminal state
frames the environmental as a site of leisure, which lessens awareness of tourist induced
degradation. This research uses two different sets of interviews on Koh Tao, Thailand;
one set of interviews with backpackers and one set with expatriates. The backpacker
interviews sought understanding as to how they View their relationship with the
environment. The expatriate interviews allowed for an understanding of environmental
change on the Koh Tao. This thesis ﬁnds that the focus on liminal existence weakens the
connection to the locations that backpackers inhabit. Moreover the liminal state drives a
lack of critical concern for the environment of these spaces. Backpackers strive to extend
the liminal state by transferring into the role of the expatriate, further continuing the
formation of enclaves as sites of the liminal. Informed by diverse social theory, this
thesis contributes to the wider literature on backpacker tourism by addressing ways

enclaves are (re)produced by the transition from backpacker to expatriate.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the Geography Department at MSU for the
opportunity to explore academics in such an encouraging and stimulating environment. I
would particularly like to thank my Thesis committee for their help and time during this
project. I also would like to thank all the graduate students who helped keep me sane and
entertained over the past two year; particularly, Steve Aldrich and Tim LeDoux for
continual guidance and random advice of all kinds. Additionally, I want to thank Trilby
MacDonald, Joel Gruley, David Baylis, Audrey J oslin and too many others to list, for
friendship and laughs. I also want to thank all of my ﬁiends outside of the graduate
community who offered much needed diversions from my daily routine as a student,
especially Brandon F oote for being a most excellent roommate and fellow music geek,
plus all inhabitants of Wafﬂe House past and present, as well as Chris, Henry and Corie,
not to mention my neighbors Tom and Steph. Lastly, I want to thanks Trevor Hobbs
for his timely words, rocking rhythms, and sagely advice through the process of

completing this thesis.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. vi
LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... vii
LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS ........................................................................................... viii
Chapter One: Introduction to Backpackers, Expatriates and Koh Tao ............................... 1
Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework and Economic Background ................................ 10
Theoretical Approaches: Critical Theory, Tourism and Touristscapes ................ 10
Neoliberalism: Seeds of Thought to International Regime ................................... 23
Summary ............................................................................................................... 28
Chapter Three: Thai Tourism and Backpacker Development on Koh Tao, Thailand ...... 29
Thailand, Neoliberalism, and Developmentalism ................................................. 30

World Bank and Tourism ...................................................................................... 33
Thailand and Tourism ........................................................................................... 34
Backpacker Tourism: History, Ethnography, and Role in Tourism Development45

Koh Tao, Thailand ................................................................................................ 55
Physical Geography .................................................................................. 55

History ....................................................................................................... 57

Regional Tourism Development ............................................................... 57

Backpacker Tomism Development ........................................................... 58

Development and Environmental Degradation on Koh Tao ..................... 61
Contemporary Tourism Demographics on Koh Tao ................................ 63

Summary ............................................................................................................... 65

iv

Chapter Four: Methods ..................................................................................................... 67

Backpacker Interviews .......................................................................................... 71
Expatriate Interviews ............................................................................................ 72
Chapter F ive: Results ........................................................................................................ 73
Backpacker Interview Results (n = 19) ................................................................. 73
Environment and Travel ........................................................................... 73
Activities ................................................................................................... 74

Dive Shop and Lodging ............................................................................ 75
Environmental Concern ............................................................................ 75
Personal Impacts ....................................................................................... 77

List of Activities ....................................................................................... 79
Expatriate Responses (11 = 6) ................................................................................ 81
Historical Info ........................................................................................... 82
Perspectives of Change ............................................................................. 83

Origin of Impacts ...................................................................................... 83
Chapter Six: (Re)Productions of the Liminal in Backpacker Spaces ............................... 85
Introduction ........................................................................................................... 85
Backpackers, Environmental Concern, Education, and Action ............................ 87
Backpackers to Expatriates: Extending the Liminal ............................................. 91
Expatriate Heterogeneity ...................................................................................... 94
Environmentality and Expatriates ......................................................................... 96
Locals’ Agency ..................................................................................................... 98
Nature’s Agency ................................................................................................. 101
Constraints and Changing Possibilities ............................................................... 102
Summary ............................................................................................................. 104

Conclusions: Thai Tourism, Backpackers, Expatriate and the Liminal Ecologies of Koh

Tao .................................................................................................................................. 106
APPENDIX A ................................................................................................................. 1 11
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................... 1 14

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1 The Environments Effects on Backpackers .......................................... 73
Table 4.2 Environmental Concern and Action on Koh Tao ................................... 75
Table 4.3 Backpackers View on Personal Impacts .............................................. 77
Table 4.4 Backpackers Who Changed Behavior ................................................ 78
Table 4.5 Activities Involved in on Koh Tao .................................................... 79

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

Images in this thesis are presented in color.

Figure 1.1 A Map of Koh Tao ....................................................................... 6
Figure 2.1 J omtien Beach, Pattaya ............................................................... 40
Figure 2.2 Sunset in Karabi ....................................................................... 41
Figure 2.3 Koh Phi Phi (Phuket) .............. 43
Figure 2.4 Natural Thailand ....................................................................... 44
Figure 2.5 Sunset on Sairee Beach, Koh Tao ................................................... 49
Figure 2.6 Expatriate Dive Instructor Teaching ................................................ 51
Figure 2.7 Koh Tao, Thailand at Dawn ......................................................... 56
Figure 2.8 Koh Tao circa 1990 ................................................................... 58
Figure 2.9 New Development on Koh Tao ...................................................... 59
Figure 2.10 Pollution on Koh Tao ............................................................... 61
Figure 2.11 Timeline of Tourism Development ................................................ 63

vii

LIST OF ABBRIVIATIONS

AFC: Asian Financial Crisis

F DI: Foreign Direct Investment

IF Is: International Financial Institutions

IMF: International Monetary Fund

NGOs: Non-Governmental Organizations

TAT: Tourism Authority of Thailand

VTY: Visit Thailand Year

WTO: World Trade Organization

viii

Chapter One: Introduction to Backpackers, Expatriates and Koh Tao

This master’s thesis conducts an analysis of the environmental attitudes of
backpacker tourists and expatriates. These attitudes drive the production of backpacker
enclaves as sites of liminal existence. Van Gennep (1960) ﬁrst used the notion of the
liminal, a state of being where one exists in—between different phases within one’s life to
describe the in-between stage in his model of rites of passage. Victor Turner (1967)
expanded and popularized these ideas, and focused on their transitional aspects (as
quoted in Shure 2005). Liminality is a state of being that can be understood as an in-
between space or a “limbo-like space often beyond normal social and cultural
constraints” (Preston-Whyte 2004, 350). In particular, I deal with backpackers’ desires to
extend the in-between state and how this drives the formation of expatriate communities.
Existing within the liminal leads to a focus on play and sustains a divestment from the
spaces that the backpackers and expatriates actually inhabit. As a result, enclaves assist
in divorcing backpackers and expatriates from environmental concern which aides in the

creation of environmental degradation.

Long-haul youth traveling or backpacking has steadily risen in popularity for
young adults from the global north and is increasingly popular among the afﬂuent in Asia
and the global south (Teo and Leong 2006; O'Reilly 2006). In recent years, research on
backpacking has made progress towards a nuanced understanding of its relationship with
localities and has attempted to give voice to a variety of locals (Cheong and Miller 2000).
A great deal of research has focused on enclaves as sites of backpacker social and

cultural (re)production (Hottola 2008).

Within Thailand these enclaves frequently provide long-haul travelers with
opportunities to live as expatriate while working in tourism related businesses (Howard
2007). Enclaves, themselves are key sites of a liminal experience and produce a surreal
existence that creates a removal from the cultural norms of backpacker home spaces
(Hottola 2005). Liminal spaces produce and embody the qualities of in-between, but
these spaces rarely extend perpetually throughout one’s life. As such there tends to be an
end point of the liminal existence when the backpacker returns to their social and cultural
home space (Shure 2005). To prevent this state of being from terminating some

backpackers seek to become expatriates in order to extend their life in-between.

This thesis contends that for backpackers and backpacker expatriates the liminal
creates a focus on hedonistic activities and play. The liminal state drives a lack of critical
concern for the environment within these spaces; ironic given that ‘exotic’ nature
frequently forms the impetus for the creation of these spaces. As backpackers strive to
extend the liminal state they transfer into the role of the expatriate, further continuing the

formation of enclaves as a site of the liminal.

Throughout my many travels I often thought about how backpacking was
inherently geographical. Backpackers focus on unique and exotic locations that
exemplify cultural difference and pristine nature. The movement of backpackers through
space occurs in speciﬁc spatial patterns. These travelers move between sites of cultural
and natural authenticity to backpacker ghettos or enclaves. These movements have

become codiﬁed in word-of-mouth networks as well as in backpacker guide books.

This traveling culture also has been produced by multiple interacting scales.
Countries such as Thailand are renowned as centers of backpacker travel for the entire
continent of Asia. How this came about involves many geographical scales particularly
the nation-state and transnational actors. Geo-political relations between international
and domestic economic discourses have driven tourism promotion campaigns. A nation-
state’s history of international relations, and economic and tourism development directly
affect the formation of tourism economies and speciﬁc types of tourism development.

This will be elaborated further in chapter three.

Aside from my fascination with the geographic aspects of backpacking, I became
interested in the constructions of backpackers’ environmental attitudes. This occurred
when I stayed for an extended period of time in Thailand. Speciﬁcally, I was interning as
a divemaster-in-training on a small island in the Gulf of Thailand called Koh Tao. I
found myself uneasy at the damage being done to spaces developed for and by us
backpackers. Development seemed to occur randomly and without consideration for its
environmental effects. Gray water ﬁ'om several resorts was being channeled directly into
the ocean and one constantly saw trash along the beach. I kept on wondering how a
group that normally concerns itself with the environment could turn a blind eye to its own

harmful activities.

This thesis developed from these various concerns and observations. Using the
case study of Koh Tao, Thailand, this thesis addresses construction of environmental
attitudes in backpacker enclaves as a product of the state of liminal existence. This

research used two different sets of interviews from Koh Tao, Thailand. One set of

interviews with backpackers and one with expatriates. The purpose of the backpacker
interviews was to understand how they view their relationship with the environment and
its importance within their travels, as well as to capture how they conceptualize their
environmental impacts as travelers. The expatriate interviews allowed for an
understanding of environmental change on the Koh Tao and how the expatriate

community views the causes of this change.

This research has been informed by a diverse set of critical and social theory. In
particular, this thesis ﬁ'ames the arguments using various theorists’ perspectives on
power, social structure and individual agency. Particularly through addressing how
power is located in multiple groups. Doing so gives voice to local power, an often
overlooked aspect within tourism research. This thesis also looks to ways that the
environment has been framed by inherited notions of place and people in the form of
Orientalism. These concepts have had effects upon what we desire in vacation
landscapes, thus directly affecting the tourism production/consumption process. Looking
to notions of place this thesis borrows the insights of Arjun Appadurai (2002), who
created a framework to speak about the various global ﬂows that create unique locations.
While this research does not speciﬁcally deal with each of Appadurai’s “-scapes”, his
framework does allow for an emphasis on place. Gender, a central theme for analysis in
tourism scholarship, remains absent from this theory discussion. This research could be
conducted with an emphasis on gender, though it remains outside the speciﬁc scope of

this project.

Koh Tao is a small island, 21km2, situated in the Gulf of Thailand just over 500km south
of Bangkok. It is the northernmost island in the Samui Archipelago renowned for its
gorgeous coral reefs and palm covered hills. Due to its natural beauty and proximity to
other tourism centers within the archipelago Koh Tao has become a major tourism

destination in the Gulf of Thailand.

Figure 1.1 National and regional map of Thailand and Koh Tao

 

 

   

  

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Historically Koh Tao has been an isolated island with a small community ﬁrst
established in the late 1940’s and early 1950’s. The ﬁrst travelers arrived in the late
1980’s coming from Koh Phangan the island directly to the south of Koh Tao. Word of
Koh Tao quickly traveled through the informal information networks of backpackers.
Years went by before it was ever promoted outside of these word-of-mouth channels.
Within less than a decade Koh Tao had become a thriving tourist destination. Currently
Koh Tao remains a backpacker enclave but it now also draws more mainstream travelers

and has even piqued the interest of major hotel chains (Expatriatelnterview3 2008).

Environmental damage has occurred in concert with rapid change and high rates
of tourism development. Demand on the island’s limited resources has caused water
shortages. A lack of planning has created a form of development that is random,
spontaneous, and driven by personal monetary interests. The regulations that do exist are
minimal and easily circumvented. As a result particulate matter in the surrounding
waters has risen, choking out coral and destroying entire reefs. Additionally, the lack of
sanitation infrastructure has created situations where nutrient rich algae have also greatly

harmed entire bays and their reefs.

Slowly things are changing for the positive though. Concern for the environment
has become a more central focus to many expatriates and businesses on the island, though
this has been a long and belabored process. Some expatriates have deeply concerned
themselves with the health of Koh Tao, but are frequently thwarted from affecting
planning and other political aspects through their exclusion in decision making on Koh

Tao.

While tourists bring in money and expatriates often run the dive shops, the locals
retain the authority on the island. They have certain interests and responsibilities to ways
of running the island that expatriates have no say in. Local family obligations and long
standing relationships on the island are aspects of Thai culture that most expatriates have

little desire to understand and frequently ﬁnd it in their interest to stay out of.

Place speciﬁc narratives have helped to inform backpacker ethnography showing
how backpackers’ identities connect with (re)production of enclaves. In using the case
study of Koh Tao, Thailand my research contributes to current understanding by
exploring the ways enclaves are (re)produced by the transition from backpacker to
expatriate. Additional contributions arrive from the explanations of environmental
degradation in enclaves as driven in part by the continuation of an in-between state. It
does so by addressing two questions: what roles do the environmental perceptions and
attitudes of backpackers play in the creation of backpacker enclaves; what effects do the

conversions of backpackers to expatriates have on the production of enclaves?

This thesis is broken up into six sections. It begins with an overview of the
literature on critical social theory, tourism and the role of neoliberalism. Chapter three
addresses the political economic history of Thailand with regards to tourism
development. Chapter three also addresses the literature on backpacker tourism and
describes the study site of Koh Tao, Thailand pointing out its historical developments and
current processes. The following section, chapter four, deals with the research

methodology. Chapter ﬁve addresses the results and chapter six lays out the ﬁndings and

discusses the various roles and relationships between the actors on Koh Tao. Finally, the

conclusion gives a summary and discusses the larger implications of this research.

Chapter Two: Theoretical Framework and Economic Background

This chapter uses a diverse literature to theorize and describe the use of social
theory in relation to tourism, with a speciﬁc focus towards backpacker tourists. The
current chapter also describes the evolution of neoliberal economic thought and its

presence within international economic relations.

Theoretical Approaches: Critical Theory, Tourism and T ouristscapes

This section presents an analysis of social theory and tourism. It also expands and
incorporates theories of place and culture to try and explicate a reﬂexive approach in
describing tourism. Starting from theories of structuration this section then connects it to
a F oucauldian framework of power relations as employed in tourism research and
manifested in ideas of govemmentality. From there this section analyzes Orientalism’s
effects on tourism. The reﬂection on Orientalism inspires a discussion of the tourist gaze,
as well as the academic responses of the local gaze and male gaze. LeFebvre’s
production of space theory bolsters these frameworks and allows for incorporation of
theories of space as a social practice manifested from Orientalist notions. This
framework also uses Appadurai’s discussion of global cultural ﬂows, while focusing on
the context of these various ﬂows. Context offers an opportunity to reﬂect on the places
of tourism as unique landscapes of social constructions, individual agency and cultural
ﬂows. Touristscapes offer a theoretical structure which elucidates the actual lived
experiences of those individuals who engage with these locations. Touristscapes are the
placed locales and settings of social, economic, political and cultural activities displayed

by tourism.

10

In theorizing the relationships between actor agency and societal structures,
Anthony Giddens presents a highly descriptive and integrative philosophy. Instead of
endorsing previous dichotomizations of macro-structure driven explanations versus
micro-level actor agency, Giddens bridges the two by looking at the way structures, such
as global economic interests promoted by International Financial Institutions (IFIs),
constrain and enable individual action and yet are composed, deﬁned, contested and built
by the agency of micro-level actors. According to Giddens social structures are not
inviolable stalwarts and agency is not determined by macro level forces. Instead, both
sides are malleable and inﬂuenced by the other. Repetitive acts produce structures that
constrain and enable micro-level activity which in turn (re)produce macro level
structures. Therefore, we can see such a supposition concerns itself with the processes
that create social practice and activity. The result is a theory in which the subjects are the
relationships and processes, and the objects are both the micro and macro levels of

society. He coined his theory Structuration (Giddens 1984).

Structuration allows for a more poignant articulation of all aspects and activities
of society, including tourism. Previous theorization, under the guise of structuralist
thought, would have elevated governments, the tourism industry, and international
geopolitical/economic order to the deﬁning structures which determine the activity of
lower level players. Conversely, ideas within post-structuralism, as found in theories of
actor agency, look to how our social reality is the result of individual action. If one
applies this to the tourism enterprise, the focus becomes individual tourists, guides and

local business.

11

When applying Giddens’ theory of structuration to tourism, we begin to see that
while there are macro and micro level players, their activities are not determined by one
or the other and neither are elevated in their ability to deﬁne or determine social reality.
Structuration would have us look instead to the activity between these players, paying
attention to how decisions are made at all levels with respect to how those decisions

relate to the suite of individuals and institutions involved.

To further the discussion of relationships and processes that occur between social
scales, one beneﬁts by engaging F oucauldian conceptions of power. Foucault viewed
power as a relationship between ﬂuid entities which reside in a dynamic network.
Foucault deﬁned power as, “the name that one attributes to a complex strategic situation
in a particular society" (Foucault 1978, 93). In other words, power is a net-like lattice of
interactions between all entities residing everywhere and coming from nowhere. Power
is not directional because power is everywhere and comes from all locations, both
physical and abstract. The ubiquitous nature of power deﬁes locating it as a thing situated
or emanating from a particular individual or institution. Taking this as a starting point in
an analysis of power one need not ask who possesses power or what is the agenda of
those with power; instead the question should be, what is the intent of power (Foucault

1995).

In Discipline and Punish (1995), Foucault presents the history of control in
society as a production of certain discourses on delinquency and social order. This has
been a long historical process which began with the gallows and has ended with social

discipline being a building block of societal structures. These disciplining structures

12

allow for (and also constrain) certain ways of thinking that have been tied to power,
knowledge and language. Dominant discourses within society totalize to the point where

we cannot step outside of their constructions (Foucault 1995).

Discourses should be understood as ideas or knowledge that become
institutionalized as truths which then carry with them a certain level of power thus
affecting the materiality of our world. When knowledge becomes institutionalized it
directs certain actions and relations that materially produce the world around us. For
Foucault, when we act within the discourse(s) our subjectivity manifests in the form of
docile bodies. This results in a condition where our bodies become cogs in a system of
interaction ruled by diffusive power geometries; it is not so much that we produce these
power structure it is that the power structures produce us. Govemmentality lies at the

heart of the creation of docile bodies.

Foucault called government practices and technologies the arts of government, or
govemmentality. Govemmentality deﬁnes subjects in terms that are productive for the
control of populations to facilitate policy directives, modes of production and market
expansion. Govemmentality reorders the rationalities and mentalities that rise out of a
diverse network of actors positioned within international bodies, non-governmental
organizations (N GO’s) and governments of various scales. (Agrawal 2005; Luke 1995;

Goldman 2001).

The discourses that have come to dominate proliferate through govemmentality.
As such, they come about through the action of individuals vying for what counts as

truth. While Foucault does not emphasize agency as a means of counteracting discourse

l3

he also does not discount agency. By accepting structuration then there should also be an
acceptance of political struggle or agency as a means for the control of the dominant

discourse.

Relationships of structuration are played out while concurrently imbued with a
F oucauldian framework of power. The struggle to construct social reality comes ﬁom the
contestation between various institutions and actors that are placed within a complex
network of interaction. Giddens differs from Foucault by connecting the ideas of
presence explicated through spatiality and temporality. Presence is essential to
understanding the interaction between the micro and macro, therefore if one connects
Foucault’s concepts of power to Giddens’ social relationships we ﬁnd that power is
situated in the very social activity which creates the fabric of reality. Power permeates
and connects to the presence of institutions and individuals at all social scales (Foucault

1995).

Structuration posits that temporality and spatiality subsumes presence, or
members of society mutually inhabit and interact within place. Incorporating space and
time within this theorization allows for another concept: the longue durée. The longue
durée is deﬁned as “the long-term existence of institutions”(Giddens 1984, 35) and has
predominantly described the institutional and structural level that create commonly held
knowledge. Conversely the durée, deﬁned as “a continuous ﬂow of conduct”(Giddens
1984, 3) and cognition, speaks to the day-to-day temporal experiences of actors.
Therefore we have inherited a set of social institutions which inform our individual

durée, all of which project into physical places (Giddens 1984). From the western longue

14

durée, or the social institutions which elevates western history and knowledge, we inherit
a particular kind of spatial-cultural understanding called Orientalism. Described by
Edward Said (1978), Orientalism challenges the dominant spatial-cultural concepts

westerners inherited from our collective longue durée.

Tourism, by its very nature, is a visual activity, both in terms of the consumption
of locations by tourists, but also as a productive aspect of imagery undertaken in tourism
marketing. The tourist gaze, or the visual objectiﬁcation and consumption of leisure
locales, encompasses the diffuse nature of Foucauldian power which binds itself to the
projections of knowledge-power that occur in the relationships between targets, locals or
exotic nature and agents, or tourists (Urry 1990). Therefore, Orientalism is useﬁrl for

understanding the tourist gaze along with the set of images and conceptions of tourists.

Orientalism describes a suite of attitudes constructed by Europeans during
imperialism. These attitudes create an othering of “Oriental” people and “Oriental”
places into static deﬁnitions which strip locations and actors of any agency or
intelligence. Othering has the effect of elevating one group over the other to justify an
agenda of domination, control and xenophobia (Said 1979). Additionally, Orientalism
produced an ‘other’ in which to assemble an ‘us’ or that which is European. This

allowed for a constructed referent to elevate Europeans over others (Said 1979).

Orientalism offers a critical evaluation of situated thoughts concerning “others”
and the places they inhabit. These situated thoughts have come from the West and are
projected upon the Orient. The knowledge in question has less to do with material reality

and more to do with cultural perception. Even though that “knowledge” may not reﬂect
15

reality, it none the less informs and educates a speciﬁc population as to what shall be
considered fact (Said 1979). Our collective knowledge, or longue durée, ﬁlters through
this cultural tradition and a speciﬁc geographical imaginary results. This geographical
imaginary draws on a “limited vocabulary and imagery that impose themselves as a
consequence” (Said 1979, 60). Orientialists create a social construct, not material reality

or the actual lived experiences of humans who occupy the Orient.

Discourses of domination cannot simply occur in and of themselves. They
require a conceptual foundation, that of enframing. To enframe an object is to construct a
picture of reality, thus conveying power over it and its contents. Enframing allows nature
to be brought into the discourse of domination. Such an act allowed the colonizers (or
tourists) to order and quantify, to calculate and manage (Gregory 2001 ). In the case of
the tourist gaze it allows the traveler to order and understand the unfamiliar in ways they

can consume for leisure and pleasure (Urry 1990).

The act of enframing begins with employing one’s cultural aesthetic to contain
and describe reality, thus producing a discourse. By creating this picture one forms a
. position of dominance over that picture as if the subject was the artist. This requires a
sense of familiar order to be imposed upon the object at hand. Without this one could
only see space, no locations could come forth. When we look at the methods of
enframing of nature we have the ability to delineate the meaning of such locations in
certain ways which allow us to hold sway over how they shall be understood, constructed

and utilized (Gregory 2001). The act of enframing works within tourism as well. When

16

a “tourist sees two people kissing in Paris what they capture in the gaze is ‘timeless

romantic Paris’” (Urry 1990, 3).

The enﬁ'aming of nature (and tourist destinations) in a certain way should be seen
as domination of one discourse over others. As discourses become institutionalized and
brought within societal structures they attain the level of absolute authority and impinge
upon individuals thus creating environmental subjects through the act of govemmentality
or in this case environmentality. Environmentality can be understood as govemmentality
that focuses on the knowledge/power constructions of the ‘Environment’. The concept of
environmentality has been used to deal with the relation of nature, resources, citizens and
state power. Environmentality reorders populations into environmental subjects, or
environmentally conscious actors. This coercive process uses ways of understanding the
environment and human action to create individuals whose constructed concerns for

nature are channeled in ways directed by F oucauldian power networks (Agrawal 2005).

There is a connection between power, social relations, and Orientalistism. Yet to
essentialize all East-West relationships solely in terms of a dominating West misses the
multi-directional aspects of power as described by Foucault or the current ability of the
Orient to deﬁne and dominate as well. There has been an obsessive focus on the
hierarchical nature of tourism relations, coming from Orientalist analyses. Accordingly
looking at how the issue of power has been employed in tourism research we notice a
dichotomizing of the power nexus where the agents of power are the tourists and the
targets of power are the locals. This trend of understanding groups as homogenous and

static has persisted, no matter how problematic such categorization can be (Cheong and

I7

Miller 2000). Engaging with these perspectives does not fully appreciate the reality of

power relations, social structures and individual action (Cheong and Miller 2000).

Eschewing narratives of dominant versus subordinate, along with rejecting the
homogenization of entire groups of people, allows for a more open lens of analysis; a lens
that sees the power of the gaze occurring at different times and within different network
relations. This facilitates a more dynamic and precise theory of social reality and power
relations in tourism. Engaging with local perspectives and narratives allows for the

expression of multiple power trajectories.

Locals who work in the tourist industry also possess a gaze which they direct at
tourists. This gaze describes tourists in equally static terms that are not always positive
(Maoz 2006). The local gaze has been constructed by experience and cultural
perceptions toward western countries. Devices such as enframing and the asymmetries of
economic power used by tourists to construct passive locales to be commodiﬁed and thus

consumed create a lack of awareness of the various local gazes (Maoz 2006).

The local gaze is additionally informed by the concept of “we-self” (Thongchai
1994). Thongchai argues that the studies of Thai scholars and the views of the Thai
populace are not apolitical, they remain charged with the discourse of we-self. We—self
is a conceptualization which creates a collective identity that is placed against the other.
The people of Thailand employ we-self by creating a homogenized national identity,
referred to as Thainess (Thongchai 1994). These perceptions have their own unique set
of power relations. Using we-self as a context of interaction with other cultures we see

that the local gaze in Thailand ‘others’ all who are not Thai. This in turn colors

18

perceptions, actions and power relations between the guest and the host (Thongchai

1994)

Such observations ﬁt nicely into a F oucauldian analysis of power with regards to
tourism. Foucauldian analysis of tourism and power needs to look more toward local
actors who actively engage in the tourism industry (brokers, guides, etc.) (Cheong and
Miller 2000). Such an analysis focuses on low- level actors for elucidating the nexus of
tourism development, knowledge and power. Brokers have not been given much
attention as a group who engage in power over the tourist. Power within tourism is
situated in multiple areas. The traditional view of power as existing within the economy
and the tourist can be re-posited when we look to the way brokers or guides construct and
limit economic and social choices for tourists, which ultimately beneﬁt the brokers and
guides. The brokers employ a local gaze, although differently than a local not engaged in
the tourism economy. Those who use the local gaze to their own ends will have different
understandings of the tourists (Cheong and Miller 2000). Recognizing the local gaze
within power and tourism creates beneﬁcial avenues of research. This is not to say that
the issues of guests versus hosts accurately deﬁne all power relations. In fact such
dichotomized theorizations frequently fall short, especially if the concepts of the male
gaze and patriarchy within tourism are not engaged (Pritchard and Morgan 2000; Enloe

2000)

Excavating the Orientalist discourses of western culture expressed within tourism,
as well as uncovering the silences obscured by the local gaze, the male gaze and the

environmental gaze can be bolstered by employing Lefebvre’s concepts of the production

19

of space (Urry 1995). Society constructs space therefore the production of space should
be seen as intimately bound to the processes that (re)produce social activity stemming
from a structuration style of analysis. When one produces space one produces the
medium and deﬁnition of society. For Lefebvre the focus on space was intended to
expose “the processes of production of cultural notions and practices of space” (Urry

1995).

Lefebvre dissected places into: (1) representations of space, embodied by visual
and media constructs; (2) lived space, or the locations we physically interact with; and (3)
representational spaces, or spatial imaginaries (Lefebvre 1991). This production of space
allows us to see space and place as manifestations of social reality, conceived
“dialectically across material, representational and symbolic activities” (Harvey 1993
quoted in Ateljevic 2000, 379). Employing Lefebvre’s three-dimensionality of spatial
production, we can begin to see the connections between the cultural facade of tourist
locations by connecting it to historical and current power relations that result in both

physical and imaginary touristscapes (Ateljevic 2000, 379).

The term touristscapes comes from insights of Appadurai (2002) who sought to
describe the various ﬂows of cultures through ‘—scapes’. In rejecting notions of global
culture as being formulated from a centre-periphery model, Appadurai instead engages
with various ‘-scapes’ (ethnoscapes, mediascapes, ideoscapes, ﬁnancescapes and
technoscapes) so that we may look to the ways that global cultures come into contact and
contest one another. Employing the ﬁ'amework of ﬂows allows for the term touristscapes

to represent ideas of leisure mobility and cultural interaction within context speciﬁc

20

location. Touristscapes are the physical, representational, and imagined settings where
global cultural ﬂows come together, are contested, mediated, and performed. We can see
touristscapes as place-based expressions for the actions, interaction, relationships and

disjunctures of multiple cultural ﬂows (Kaur and Hutnyk 1999; Appadurai 2002).

Appadurai’s ‘-scapes’ allow us to see that touristscapes engage with the whole
suite of cultural ﬂows that construct our global reality. Within the tourism enterprise we
have ﬁnancescapes of international economies and the draw of tourists’ money. Tourism
constructs and engages with ethnoscapes which codify national identity as well as
encourage visitation of foreign nationals on holiday. Technoscapes exist in many forms
within tourism; technology in the form of infrastructure projects, high rise developments
and ubiquitous Wi-F i are essential to facilitating the needs of the tourists and tourist
businesses. Most obviously we see mediascapes as an ever present driver for tourist
activity. If it were not for constant images which play off desires of escape, relaxation, or
intrigue with an exotic other, tourism as we experience it today would have a radically
different shape. Intimately connected to mediascapes are ideoscapes. Ideoscapes contain
the philosophies and worldviews of the state and the “counterideologies of movements
explicitly oriented to capturing state power” (Appadurai 2002, 53). Ideoscapes appear

within all other cultural ‘—scapes’, and as such, they connect to govemmentality.

Essential to appreciating the ways in which these ‘-scapes’ form and interact is an
understanding of how they are contingent upon the locations of such exchanges. Place
gains a great deal of importance in understanding the tourism experience. It therefore

remains important to see the “relationship of these various ﬂows to one another as they

21

constellate into particular events and social forms will be radically context-dependent”

(Appadurai 2002, 61)

For instance, if one looks to the island touristscapes of the tropics we can see that
they have consistently drawn out images of peace, serenity and gentle nature. While
early explorers of the tropics failed to locate a true Eden, they did ﬁnd near “utopian”
locales. Visions of tropical islands full of sun, sand, free love and blue seas, still affect
our inherited romantic notions, notions that continue to drive our desire to escape modern

life for brief moments of tranquility and ease (Pagan 1998).

These enframed locales, environmental discourses and Orientalist notions have
given rise to much of the signs which direct the tourist gaze. The tourist gaze has been
constructed from the visual signs of ideoscapes as well as being focused on the
consumption of such signs (U rry 1.990). Signs are limited and inherited by cultural
antecedents and previous understandings of cultures and places, as well as what it means
to be a tourist. Expectations of what the setting will look like and what activities
constitute relaxation are at the core of touristscapes discourses. Imaginaries of what a
vacation should look like before one undertakes one, has enormous implications for what
one will do with their leisure time. If one expects that Thailand should be ﬁlled with sun-
drenched beaches with smiling locals, then that is what will be sought out by tourists and
provided by businesses. In the process, individuals become rational subjects deﬁned

through govemmentality.

It is therefore beneﬁcial to understand that “tourism production and consumption

operate in a form of continuing circular processes” (Ateljevic 2000, 377). In this

22

circuitous path we see that signs instruct tourists what a vacation experience on the Thai
beaches entail. The tourists’ then act on these signs to perform authentic experiences of
place. By this way the businesses then produce front spaces or facades of these
expectations. Yet such clean divisions do not exist between production and consumption,
messy reality of overlapping and interacting groups, individuals and societal structures
engender the lived touristscapes; these are contested landscapes (Ateljevic 2000; Urry

1990).

While these various ‘-scapes’ are global in character, they are ﬁltered, understood
and engaged by actual people who make decisions and affect the function of such global
ﬂows. Investigations of touristscapes involve contextual approaches that do not let
generalizations dominate, while also not losing sight of universals within any given
circumstance. From this conceptual framework of tourism I now examine the interacting
scales of the transnational and the national along with their actions with regards to

Thailand and tourism.

Neoliberalism: Seeds of Thought to International Regime

Neoliberalism is a complicated term that constitutes a “complex assemblage of
ideological commitments, discursive representations, and institutional practices”
(McCarthy and Prudham 2004, 276). At its simplest, neoliberalism “is a body of political
economic thought that advocates organizing society on the model of an idealized free
market economy” (Hill 2007a, 1). Neoliberalism can also be understood as an ideology
that espouses total deregulation of the economy in an effort to extend markets into all
geographic spheres. It holds a devotion to privatization, a distrust of government

23

interference and total commoditization of all resources and services. Many scholars have
pointed out that the objectives of neoliberalism are rendered ineffective by the messy
reality of policy implementation and human practices (Heynen 2007; Brenner and
Theodore 2007; Robertson 2007). This messiness results in neoliberalism’s

geographically uneven materializations (Heynen 2007).

Even though neoliberal theory endorses a total lack of government interference,
the implementation of neoliberal policy is frequently marked by government practices
and technologies (Robertson 2007). These practices and technologies come forth from a
network of actors and specialists that construct knowledge/power, thus extending
inﬂuence over populations and engendering subjects through the production of social
rationalities and mentalities. They, in turn, lend support and validity to the process of
neoliberalization of governments, economies and environments (Robertson 2007 ;

Goldman 2001).

In “A Brief History of Neoliberalism,” Harvey (2005) established the history and
evolution of our current form of capitalism. Harvey went further than the common
descriptions of neoliberalism as a form of capitalism to insist that alternative objectives
of neoliberalism exist, such as the re-entrenchment of class structures; for Harvey
neoliberalism is a revanchist agenda lead by the capitalist class. Harvey argues that
neoliberalism’s focus on returning class power to the bourgeoisie comes about in many

forms.

Neoliberalism has been successful because its proponents have linked it to ideas

of economic freedom and individualism - ideas that strongly resonate with western

24

(speciﬁcally US) culture. Using these deﬁnitions neoliberals have strategically
positioned themselves in a political arena that is difﬁcult to attack. Neoliberals maintain
that the freeing up of markets facilitates the freedom of the individual to choose whatever
they may desire. To regulate or restrict market choice therefore results in a restriction of
freedom. The consequence of this mentality manifests itself geopolitically in what
Harvey calls the neoliberal state; a state that focuses its actions on protecting the

ﬁeedoms of capitalist class interests (Harvey 2005).

Neoliberalism affects new political-economic conﬁgurations that restructure the
state’s role with regards to domestic and international markets (Brenner and Theodore
2007). A neoliberal global economy exists where “state institutions are actively
mobilized to promote market-based regulatory arrangements and to extend the process of
commodiﬁcation” (Brenner and Theodore 2007, 154). This, Harvey argues, has been led
by the UK and USA. In fact, the ‘globalization’ of neoliberalism has allowed for the
maintenance of asyrmnetrical global power relations in both the economic and political

sense.

The internationalization of neoliberalism came about by the process of
ﬁnancialization, or a shift in focus of capitalism away ﬁom production of goods and
services to center on ﬁnancial services as a means of surplus accumulation aided by the
increased mobility of capital as a result of space-time compression. This was furthered
by international economic institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF)

and World Bank, as well as by the interests of nations such as the US (Harvey 2005).

25

The cementing of these international economic and political relationships has resulted in

rhetoric that these models are the only option for growth and global integration.

In an effort to complicate such totalizing theories of class agenda and hegemony
offered by Harvey, other academics have shown that economic globalization and theories
of neoliberalism have been falsely described as a unidirectional process(Heynen 2007).
The reality of how these processes work has the ability to expose globalization as a set of
interacting relationships between scales that act and react according to their own self
interest and ideology. We can therefore understand neoliberal economics as a generator

of multiple geographies (Teo, Chang, and Ho 2001; Heynen 2007).

Harvey also fails to fully articulate the intellectual history behind neoliberal
theory. Frederick Hayek sowed the seeds of neoliberalism with the text, The Road to
Serfdom, an “excoriating analysis of collectivism”(Peck 2003). Hayek subsequently
founded the Mont Pelerin Society, a group of economists that constructed an
“international network of pro-market intellectuals” (Peck 2003). The seeds of thought
planted in 1944 with the publishing of The Road to Serfdom, took until the 1980s to grow
into the material world. It was at this time that Pinochet overthrew the socialist
government in Chile and ushered in a new economic agenda conducted by the “Chicago
Boys, a network of University of Chicago-trained Chilean economists who came to

occupy key positions” in its economic restructuring (Peck 2003).

Extreme forms of economic liberalism have produced a world where economic
globalization ﬁnds support among international donor agencies, governments and various

global industries. International Financial Institutions (IFIs) such as the World Bank, IMF
26

and World Trade Organization (WTO) push economic agendas that support transnational
trading blocks, open and outward-looking markets and other instruments of international
trade (i.e., General Agreement on Trade and Services) (Brohman 1996; Pluss 2005).
These institutions argue that economic globalization will spur grth in the most remote
realms of the earth and thus diminish the overall level of poverty (Giissling 2003). These
philosophies contain aspatial frameworks that ignore the reality of differential access to
global markets. Arguments for neoliberal economic expansion give the impression that
the world will become “some great carnival of capital, technology, and goods where we

are all free to walk away with what we want” (Chatterjee 2004, 85).

Outward looking theories of growth have been constructed by ‘rolling back’
regulations that impinge upon the ‘ﬁ'eedom’ of markets. If nation-states receive
international funding, the IMF and World Bank require them to release regulatory control
over banking systems and investment markets to facilitate further global economic
integration (Chatterjee 2004, 87). Opting out of this process does not appear as an option
for struggling economies in the face of the highly coordinated efforts of powerful global
economic bodies. The cost of losing domestic control over one’s economy is a serious
condition, but the alternate pathway appears to oﬁen result in a near total failure of the
economy. When protectionist doctrines fail, international ﬁnancing bodies offer loans
and guide the nation into prosperity. Though this only happens if the economically
weakened governments acquiesce to new regulatory arrangements and large amounts of
foreign direct investment (FDI), as well as policy changes and development regimes that
ﬁtrther facilitate the international economic agenda. Current forms of economic

globalization erode national sovereignty (Chatterjee 2004).
27

The literature on Neoliberalism frame it as a historical process that came from a
set of beliefs on economics and politics. It materializes in the world by a restructuring of
relationships between state, civil society, markets and nature (Heynen 2007). These ideas
have slowly gained currency overtime to the point where they have become hegemonic.
Yet the claims that neoliberalism is a unidirectional process fails to understand the way

policies come into contact with everyday struggles and friction (Heynen 2007).

Summary

This review has sought to use a theoretical framework of touristscapes as a means
to understand the scalar interactions that have produced speciﬁc forms of tourism. The
focus on circulating back and forth interaction between multiple scales has driven the
perspective that social, economic and cultural ﬂows are not unidirectional. A deeper
understanding of how tourism materializes should be based on circulatory interactions
that occur within and between multiple scales. At the transnational scale this chapter
described the asymmetrical economic and political power structures that promote the
neoliberalization of government and ﬁnance. The discussion now turns to the speciﬁcs of

the nation-state of Thailand and its tourism development.

28

Chapter Three: Thai Tourism and Backpacker Development on Koh Tao, Thailand

Thailand has a long relationship with tourism. The Thai government initially
promoted tourism as a means to develop the nation, while further integrating themselves
with various global ﬂows of people, ﬁnance and leisure. The emergence of tourism in
Thailand has come about through an assortment of circumstances and relationships.
Thailand has long been in contact with western countries (Thongchai 1994). Throughout
history these relationships have helped to deﬁne Thailand’s role in the international
arena. Thailand’s relations with global actors have also affected their economic policy,

internally and externally.

Thailand focuses, internally, on developmentalism while global actors pressure
the kingdom for more (neo)liberalized economic approaches. This (neo)liberalization has
produced many contradictions with Thailand’s internally protective policies. Tourism in
conjunction with their relations to Europe, the USA and international ﬁnancial
institutions involved Thailand with external circumstances that resulted in the elevation

of the nation as an international tourist destination.

Thailand has also been a popular destination for backpacker tourism.
Backpacking has evolved a great deal from its earliest forms, as have backpacker
destinations. Backpackers inﬂuence the construction of touristscapes through
conceptualizations of and interactions with locals and the environment. The literature
points to how this process produces relations of power that move in multiple directions

between the various actors.

29

Thailand, Neoliberalism, and Developmentalism

This section traces out the ﬁictions which have come about due to the interaction
of the transnational economic scale and that of the Thai nation-state. As mentioned
above, in the discussion of IF Is, there has been an entrenchment of certain ways of
viewing transnational macro-economics. Under current political-economic arrangements,
IFIs promote outward-looking growth strategies that require the opening of markets as a

condition for loans (Harvey 2005).

The narrative of neoliberal hegemony is problematic within the Thai context. The
introduction of neoliberal economics has been a historical process largely contingent on
Thailand’s relationship with the United States and its membership of the WTO and
World Bank (Hill 2007b). The World Bank encouraged Thailand to continue its process
of economic liberalization when it pushed Thailand to move from an agricultural
economy to an industrial economy in the late 19508. Geopolitically, Thailand has had a
longstanding relationship with the United States extending over 175 years. With the slow
decline of the cold war and the rise of US. political-economic dominance Thailand was
further pushed to (neo)liberalize its economy (Hill 2007b). Thailand also has a long-
standing relationship with the IMF since the late 19705; it has received IMF loans

contingent upon economic liberalization (Hill 2007b).

Neoliberalism was not the only economic narrative at work in Thailand during
this period. Externally, Thailand looked more and more liberal in its economic policies
yet within the nation-state an alternative economic agenda called developmentalism

opposed its liberalized exterior. The economic strategy of developmentalism looks to

30

government intervention in the internal markets of a developing nation in order to “catch

up with more advanced capitalist economies” (Hill 2007a, 2).

Developmentalism in Thailand promoted political rule by economic elites,
public/private partnerships focused on planned economic strategies, mass education,
income distribution equity, and economic intervention when needed to maintain markets
(Hill 2007a). Much of this ﬂies in the face of neoliberal economic theory. International
actors tolerated these forms of internal economic protection during the cold war but
increasingly challenged it as the geopolitical environment changed during the 19803 (Hill

2007b).

Throughout the 19805, Thailand received an increasing amount of Foreign Direct
Investment as a result of the liberalization of the capital and ﬁnancial sectors. From the
period of 1980-84 Thailand received 1,487 million dollars in FDI, and in the following
ﬁve years they received 3,687 million dollars in FDI (Kohpaiboon 2003). This resulted
in the diversiﬁcation of the national economy. Liberalization weakened
developmentalism and further opened up the Thai economy to international capital aided
by high interest rates and therefore high retums (Henderson 1999; Doner 2000). The
resulting bubble brought in more investments and more calls to liberalize the banking

sector and deregulate the central bank’s oversight of ﬁnancial markets (Doner 2000).

As investors grew wary of the bubble economy and began divestment within the
region, several measures were employed to prevent divestment to no avail (Doner 2000).
Thailand was forced to let its currency ﬂoat. This led to a precipitous decline in the

worth of the Thai baht, which created solvency problems throughout Southeast Asia.
31

Banks failed because of bad loans and poor internal ﬁnance regulations brought about by
economic liberalism (Doner 2000; Prideaux 1999). What resulted was a need for IMF
and World Bank loans that came with structural adjustment policies (SAPS) (Doner

2000)

Politically, the Asian Financial Crisis allowed for a return to nationalism within
Thailand (Dittrner 2007; Phongpaichit 2004), as evidenced in the rise of the nationalist
political party Thai Rak Thai (Thai Love Thai) whose leader Thaksin Shinawatra, a
former telecom tycoon and now former Prime Minister, “modeled the state on a corporate
conglomerate led by a strong central executive” (Hill 2007b). Upon his election in 2001,
Thaksin initially appeared as a threat to international markets with his talk of “looking
inwards” (Phongpaichit 2004, 5). Even though he declared an Independence Day when
Thailand repaid their IMF loan, he continually courted international investment, and did
not change any of the IMF implemented reforms (Phongpaichit 2004). Yet some forms
of developmentalism continued to operate within Thailand’s economy, particularly the
equitable distribution of wealth directly tied to national populism (Dittrner 2007;

Phongpaichit 2004).

From this summary one can hopefully see a more nuanced understanding of
Thailand’s economic history and its relation to transnational scales. There also exists
another narrative at the transnational scale which has interacted with the Thai nation

state: the narrative of tourism as economic development.

32

World Bank and Tourism

Since the late 19605 the World Bank has promoted tourism as a form of
development. The history of tourism promotion within the Bank usually has connected
with the “prevailing development theme of the time” (Hawkins and Mann 2007, 349).
Throughout developing nations that receive World Bank support, researchers ﬁnd that
“the bank plays an inﬂuential role in the way governments perceive the role of tourism in
their economies” (Hawkins and Mann 2007, 349). The World Bank’s involvement in
tourism as development can be broken down into four general time periods that contain

four different themes.

First, came the period of macro development and tourism, which lasted from 1969
to 1979. The macro development agenda focused on integrating tourist locales into wider
international networks as well as building infrastructure, promoting capacity building,
increasing wildlife conservation measures and developing sanitation (Hawkins and Mann
2007). The second period encouraged a policy of disengagement which lasted the entire
19805. During this period the World Bank felt that this sector was robust enough that
their tourism projects departments were closed. Though there still seemed to be a
demand from developing nations, the World Banks’ role was transferred to the United
Nations Development Prograrn’s World Tourism Organization (Hawkins and Mann
2007). During the rise of the sustainable development agenda the World Bank once
again found the need to fund tourism projects. This began the third period of tourism
engagement which lasted the entire 19905. This period focused on programs “oriented

toward enviromnental, cultural and, social themes” with the “majority focused on

33

biodiversity conservation” (Hawkins and Mann 2007, 357). This period was also
characterized by a lack of ofﬁcial Bank commitment towards tourism development.

Most projects were merely add-ons to already planned projects. This resulted in poor
treatment of the role of tourism within the projects (Hawkins and Mann 2007). The
fourth period started in 2000 and continues today. It concerns itself with micro
development and tourism which seeks to improve local livelihoods through micro-ﬁnance

and other low-level development instruments (Hawkins and Mann 2007).

This is not to assert that the World Bank has moved away from its desire to
liberalize national economies or to foster growth in the tourism sector. The Bank is still
concerned with the promotion of F DI, shown in a recent marketing paper produced by the
Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) whose “mission is to promote foreign
direct investment into developing countries” (MIGA 2008, 1). The pamphlet points to
how, through this form of investment insurance and risk reduction, FDI can be safely
brought into newly stabilized nations (MIGA 2008). The irony is that these forms of
tourism development have produced many of the same problems wrought by other
outward-looking grth programs. The particular focus on increasing numbers and
proﬁts has pushed aside other considerations such as community well-being, human

equity and environmental degradation (Pluss 2005; Brohman 1996; Schilcher 2007).

Thailand and Tourism

The development of tourism in Thailand has a long history, predating 1900.
Bangkok was a port of call for around-the—world cruses originating from Europe
(Kontogeorgopoulos 1998). It took until 1960 before tourism was seen as a viable

34

economic development tool with the creation of the Tourism Organization of Thailand.
The regime of Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, an authoritarian prime minister of Thailand
acting “in line with the World Bank” opened up the national economy to foreign
investment to promote “tourism grth in order to bolster foreign exchange reserves”

(Kontogeorgopoulos 1998, 226).

With the advent of the Vietnam conﬂict in 1965 American military personnel
arrived in Thailand on rest and relaxation or were stationed within the country (Poh Poh
2003; Cohen 1996). This had three distinct effects on the nascent tourism industry. First,
it allowed the marketing of Thailand through the international media. Second, the
amount of income generated dming the conﬂict solidiﬁed the foundations of Thailand’s
tourism infrastructure. Finally, and perhaps most signiﬁcantly for this research, it
promoted a certain image of Thailand, one that enframed the land “as a mystical, exotic

kingdom” (Kontogeorgopoulos 1998, 227).

After the solidiﬁcation of the tourism industry’s foundations during the late 19605
and 19705, tourism represented an important pillar of the Thai economy. From this point
on, tourism expanded substantially. Cohen (1996) refers to this as the “massiﬁcation” of
tourism whereby upgrading of accommodations, transportation and communication
networks further expanded throughout the country. In conjunction with the increase in
tourism services, a geographical expansion of tourist penetration into previously
unincorporated regions within the country occurred. The North-South tourism axis was
formed with Chiang Mai in the north, Bangkok as the national hub in the center and

Phuket in the south. From these internal hubs tourism began to expand into the

35

surrounding regions (Cohen 1996). The movement into the undeveloped hinterlands of
the south included Koh Samui. From there tourists moved north to developing Koh
Phangan and ﬁnally to the northernmost island in the archipelago, Koh Tao (Figure 1.1).
The increase in tourist numbers in addition to areas incorporated into the tourist network

created conditions that allowed for a more heterogeneous mix of tourists and tourism

activities.

The increase of tourism within Thailand mirrors global trends during the twenty
years following the Vietnam Conﬂict. Thailand became a leader within Asia’s tourism
economy and dominated the Southeast Asian region as a whole. This region saw its share
of international tourism revenues increased from 5.3% in 1975 to 19.4% in 1996. During
the latter half of this two decade period, Thailand’s tourist arrivals from abroad increased
185%, globally the average increase was 72% (Kontogeorgopoulos 1998). This has
resulted in Thailand becoming a tourism hub for the entire Southeast Asian region, thus
giving it an elevated status as a primary destination which ﬁrnnels travelers throughout

the region (Cohen 1996; Kontogeorgopoulos 1998; Cohen 2004a; Page 2001).

During the period of time from the mid 19705 to 1996 Asian nations dominated
internationals arrivals into Thailand. Asian nations represented 66.5% of arrivals into
Thailand with European countries next in line with 22.3%. All of this helped to elevate
tourism to “Thailand’s top foreign exchange earner for the ﬁrst time in 1982”
(Kontogeorgopoulos 1998, 229). As the successes of the tourism industry expanded the
Thai government ceased to guide the industry and has allowed the private sector to be the

source of innovation and expansion, although this has been done in tandem with tourism

36

promotion supported by the national government through the Tourism Authority of

Thailand (Kontogeorgopoulos 1998).

The Asian Financial Crisis of 1997/8 played a unique and important role in the
expansion of tourism in Thailand. Although the length of the crisis persisted for just over
a year, the impacts on the tourism industry have been intense and lasting (Prideaux 1999).
The most immediate and drastic impact was the economic downturn throughout the
region, which caused a drop in tourists from Malaysia, South Korea and Japan, vital
sources of revenue for the Thai tourism industry (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999; Higham
2000). Following the immediate downturn, the crisis eventually created an opportunity

for expanding tourists from the global north.

The advent of the crisis resulted in the devaluation of the Thai baht along with the
need to secure IMF loans. The austerity measures tied to the loans forced a cutting of the
national budget, particularly in tourism promotion funding and ecotourism support
(Kontogeorgopoulos 1999; Prideaux 1999). The Tourism Authority of Thailand (TAT),
Thailand’s national tourism promotion board lost 50 percent of its budget right at the time
it was launching a two year promotional campaign called “Amazing Thailand”

(Henderson 1999).

To make up the loss in revenue the TAT partnered with private industry to sustain
their promotional efforts. The campaign was successful in many ways because of the
unique circumstances in the region’s economy. The cheap currency promised
inexpensive vacations to those from Europe and North America, causing a large shift in

the tourist demographic in Thailand shifting the make-up from being dominated by
37

regional tourism to focus on western tourists (Kontogeorgopoulos 1998). This was also
complemented by Thailand’s relative political stability at the time in the region as
compared to Malaysia and Indonesia, which precluded these states from competing for

tourist’s foreign money (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999; Cohen 2004a).

The Asian Financial Crisis also created a condition where the need for increased
proﬁts to both stabilize the economy as well as generate tax income to repay the IMF
loan resulted in tourism’s push to the fore of Thailand’s economic strategy (Cohen
2004a; Higham 2000; Kontogeorgopoulos 1999). This reliance on tourism to raise
proﬁts created a “growth-at-any—cost philosophy” which focused on the overall numbers
of tourists and not the quality of the natural environment (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999, 328),
thus generating a switch in tourism policy, which had begun to concern itself with the

environmental impacts of tourism (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999).

There is a large literature on tourism induced environmental degradation across
the globe as well as in Southeast Asia and speciﬁcally in Thailand (Cohen 2004a, 1996,
1978; Doggart 1996; Poh Poh 2003; Scheyvens 2002; Hall and Page 2000; Hitchcock,
King, and Parnwell 1993; Kontogeorgopoulos 1999, 1998). Thailand’s nascent policy of
environmentally sensitive development began to assess sites of tourism development that
had caused degradation noting “142 tourism destinations throughout the country would
require environmental upgrading” (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999, 324). Unfortunately the
concern diminished as the crisis “forced the Thai government to scale back ecotourism
funding” as well as focus exclusively on the overall growth of the industry

(Kontogeorgopoulos 1999). Thailand through the TAT framed tourism, and ecotourism

38

more speciﬁcally, as visiting “any particular tourism area with the purpose to study,
enjoy and appreciate the scenery — natural and social —- as well as the lifestyle of the local
people, based on the knowledge about and responsibility for the ecological system”

(Kontogeorgopoulos 1999, 320).

One may argue that the TAT deﬁned ecotourism “in broad and regenerative
terms” (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999, 321) that allowed the Thai government to claim they
were greening the industry when in fact the “green” rhetoric was used as a pretext to
facilitate industry growth (Kontogeorgopoulos 1999). Yet even if the TAT had used
demanding and speciﬁc language their ability to enforce such “green” requirements is
doubtful. The TAT promotes and markets the nation in conjunction with private
enterprise and relies on “cooperation from various government agencies to enforce
national policy directives” (Dobias 1989, 47). This set the stage for continued

degradation of the environment.

This appears ironic that the Thai government would willingly destroy its
environment given that the unique environment of Thailand remains a driving factor of
tourism, and has been heavily used to promote tourism. Thailand’s ﬁrst major tourism
marketing campaign, the Visit Thailand Year (V TY), launched in 1987, focused on
crafts, culture, food and the environment. This also marked King Bhumibol Adulyadej ’5
60th birthday and celebrations were held in concert with the VTY campaign (Cohen
2004a; Kontogeorgopoulos 1998). Thailand’s Arts and Crafts Year followed VTY,
which focused on traditional arts and crafts as an expression of Thai culture. These

campaigns helped bring the image of Thailand as a tourist hotspot to a larger audience

39

and repeatedly focused on non-Asian nations (Cohen 2004b). In the early 19905 the TAT
undertook another promotional campaign titled The World Our Guest, prepared in
conjunction with Thai airways and other private businesses, thus setting a trend for future

promotional efforts (Hall and Page 2000).

Figure 2.1 J omtien Beach, Pattaya

 

http://www.arnazing-thailand.com/PicGall.html

This was followed up in 1997/8 with the Amazing Thailand campaign. This
campaign focused on the culture and religion of Thailand plus its gorgeous settings of
mountainous jungles in the north and sun-swept beaches in the south. Amazing in this
sense was synonymous with exotic. Prior to the Amazing Thailand campaign and
branding, which the TAT still uses today, one TAT slogan was “Thailand — the Most

Exotic Country in Asia” (Cohen 2004b, 299). The TAT preferred the more general term

40

of amazing although no signiﬁcant change in the focus on “Thailand’s natural

environmental, culture and archeological attractions” has occurred (Cohen 2004b. 299).

Figure 2.2 Sunset in Krabi

 

http://www.amazing—thailand.com/PicGall.html

An Amazing Thailand commercial, which aired in the summer of 2001, focused
on the search for authentic culture and nature from the perspective of a young white male
(very possibly a backpacker). The commercial begins with a dozing robot in a generic
tropical setting only identiﬁed by the Amazing Thailand tag in the bottom of the screen.
The commercial then proceeds through a series of montage images of the robot partaking
in all of the tourist possibilities offered by Amazing Thailand. In the ﬁnal scene we see

the robot in an older boat in the evening surrounded by forests. The robot turns to the

41

banks and sees a group of villagers who wave; the robot returns the gesture with a
traditional bow (or wai), and when this greeting is returned by the villagers we see an
image of a young white male. The look on his face exudes inner contentment and a sense
of peace. The screen then cuts to the Amazing Thailand logo (Johnson 2007). This
clearly reads that in coming in contact with Amazing Thailand this robot from the West
has been transformed into a human. The commercial asserts that Amazing Thailand
consists of traditional people in pristine landscapes, which makes Thailand a site of
authenticity and naturalness and thus has the power to unlock the human within this

western robotic cage (Johnson 2007).

The focus on the environment has been one of the central selling points of nearly
all of the TAT promotional campaigns, as evident in the photo gallery page of the
Amazing Thailand website (Figures 2.1 — 2.4) (Thailand 2009b). The ‘nature’ page on
the TAT’s website focuses on tourism packages in areas that contain ‘nature’ and does
not make ‘nature’ the center of attention (Thailand 2009a). The same format exists in the
beaches section as well, though the banner at the top of each page points to the ‘pristine’
qualities of Thailand’s natural environment nearly devoid of human presence. Where
signs of humanity do exist they take form as that of a small Thai child hugging an

enormous tree or that of traditional long tail boats majestically ﬂoating offshore.

42

Figure 2.3 Koh Phi Phi (Phuket)

 

http://www.amazing-thailand.com/PicGallhtml

These visual images play into previously discussed notions of enframing locales
in speciﬁc ways to control the message and understanding of what constitutes ‘nature’ or
‘environment’ (Gregory 2001). This imagery also plays into historical notions of what
tropical locations should entail, further cementing the dominant environmental discourse
on tropical environments and dominant forms of the ‘environmental’ tourist gaze. The
TAT acts as an agent in the discursive formations of our understanding of nature,
producing not just the Thai environment but also universalizing notions of the

‘ environment’ .

43

Figure 2.4 Natural Thailand

 

http://www.amazing—thailand.com/PicGall.html Figure 2.4

The Thai nation-state uses these images to align their ‘nature’ with preconceived
notions of tropical nature and as such they construct a national environment that parallels
historical constructions of the ‘exotic’. The nation-state as a result uses tourism to
construct environmental identities and place-making that entices tourists. The TAT has
brilliantly constructed images of its nation as nothing less than a touristscape par

excellence.

This section has traced the development of tourism within Thailand. It has shown
that Thailand used tourism as a means of internal development and fostered these
developments at times without external encouragement. This section has also shown how
Thailand’s geopolitical relationships affected the way tourism manifested. This section

explored the Asian Financial Crisis as a unique economic occurrence which Thailand
44

responded to in ways that forever altered the nation’s relationship with tourism. Finally,
this section traced the promotional history of the Tourism Authority of Thailand to shed

light on its role as an agent of environmentality.

This chapter now turns to the analysis of a speciﬁc tourism culture generally
referred to as backpacker tourists. In the following section, I focus on the history and
development of backpacking as well as its role in integrating spaces into wider cultural
ﬂows. This review also highlights the interactive and mutually producing aspects of the

backpacker experience within touristscapes.

Backpacker Tourism: History, Ethnography, and Role in Tourism Development

Backpacker tourism is a relatively recent phenomenon but one that possesses a
long lineage. It has its roots in the “Grand Tour of the 17th and 18th century” (O'Reilly
2006, 1004). Both the Grand Tour and backpacker tourism View travel and contacts with

different cultures as producing worthwhile knowledge and self-improvement (O'Reilly
2006). Others have argued that the origins of backpacker tourism have a strong
connection to that of a tramp, a ﬁgure that wandered around in search of employment and
experience (Adler 1985). Adler (1985) shows how backpackers or youth travelers are
frequently employed during their travels. She also argues that the Grand Tour is a
problematic backpacker antecedent due to the aristocratic demographic of the
participants; whereas the history of the tramp connects much more with the notion of the

backpacker being part of general civil society (Adler 1985).

The current phenomenon of backpacking was ﬁrst observed by Cohen (1973). He

labeled backpackers ‘drifters’ and connected them with the popular counterculture of the
45

hippies or intrepid dropouts. They were seen as being hedonistic and disdainful of
modern culture; they tramped not by necessity but by choice. They were loosely
subdivided into two separate categories: the inward looking drifters who concerned
themselves with their own traveling culture and the outward looking drifter who was

interested in unique cultural connections with their hosts (Cohen 1973).

In the 19905, the term backpacker was employed to refer to international, long-
term budget travelers. The backpacker phenomenon had begun to be more and more
institutionalized with centers of activity revolving around “regions such as Southeast
Asia, especially Thailand” (O'Reilly 2006, 1005). This change in labeling also reﬂects
the mainstreaming of the phenomenon. Backpackers possess two general characteristics;
ﬁrst, traveling for long durations (months as opposed to weeks); and second, a focus on
the openness of their trip and a lack of concrete plans (O'Reilly 2006). Though as
backpacker tourism has reached its current mainstream acceptability, the heavily trodden
roads are frequented by short-term travelers who use the rhetoric of the original drifters

but stay to a fairly standardized route (O'Reilly 2006; Sorensen 2003).

Backpackers have been deﬁned in various ways within the tourism geography
literature. The literature focuses on backpacking as a particular type of tourism. Given
the shifting nature of this tourism phenomenon and the heterogeneity of the participants,
it has been argued that backpacking should be viewed as a traveling culture (Sorensen
2003). This more up to date conceptualization of backpacking allows for the theory of
heterogeneous culture to encompass the breadth typologies of this highly varied

demographic (Sorensen 2003).

46

Backpackers alter the spaces of tourist interaction by expanding their movements
beyond the typical travel destinations. They have been identiﬁed as a group which has
the ability to draw new places into touristscapes (Scheyvens 2002). As the typical
locations of backpacker recreation have become more and more saturated, some intrepid
adventurers seek out new, less corrupted and more ‘authentic’ locations to gain “a state of

9”

‘real living (Cohen 2004a, 51). By expanding their movements, they engender change

in the new locations they interact with.

Backpackers bypass the unauthentic, cluttered centers of mass travel, typiﬁed by
exclusive all encompassing resorts, for sites which they deem to be more naturally or
culturally genuine. As backpacking has increased in popularity, a smaller subset of
travelers attempting to separate themselves from the rest of the hordes of long-haul youth
tourists has emerged. The ways in which ‘real’ backpackers deﬁne their identity or road
status vary. The act of entering and exploring previously unknown (to other backpackers
or to the Lonely Planet tourist guides) places of authenticity represents a key marker of

backpacker identity (Ateljevic and Doome 2004; Welk 2004).

As backpackers explore new places, they incorporate these uncharted locales into
the backpacker circuits of travel. Such locations get written up into one of many guide
books, the most popular being the Lonely Planet guides, often referred to as the ‘Bible.’
Once the guide books have codiﬁed these new places as safe and accessible, backpackers
incorporate them into their sphere of inﬂuence (Welk 2004). A New York Times article

illustrates how the city of Chiang Mai once “long served as a backpacker’s gateway to

47

Thailand’s northern reaches,” but has now become a destination for every tourist

(Kurlantzick 2008).

Backpackers’ activities and actions remain intimately tied to the places they come
from and the locations they vacation in. When backpackers undertake a holiday abroad,
they leave their own cultural context and enter new locations with new cultural
arrangements. In these new arrangements, long-haul youth travelers coalesce around
speciﬁc centers of activity. In Thailand we can see this phenomenon in the commonly
visited locations of Khao San Road, Bangkok, Chiang Mai and the island of Koh

Phangan (Cohen 2004a; Malam 2003; Teo and Leong 2006).

Enclaves of backpacker tourism provide liminal zones that serve to promote
freedom ﬁ'om the social conﬁnes of home while still creating a comfort region of
familiarity. These liminal zones create a sense of being out of time and space. This in
effect renders the backpackers’ cultural mores less relevant by their removal from typical
social situations and as the youth travelers begin to fully absorb the backpacker cultural
state they engage in a reality where time is nearly suspended. These lirninoid states also
affect the way backpackers understand space. Backpackers seek a setting that is tropical,
exotic, Oriental, culturally authentic, and naturally pristine. They search out locations
which appear to be timeless and they consume ‘authentic’ places, cultures, and natures.
Backpackers seek out a world that is beyond the spaces of home and that is also

atemporal (Cohen 2004a; Ateljevic and Doome 2004; Richards and Wilson 2004).

48

Figure 2.5 Sunset on Sairee Beach, Koh Tao

 

Author’s Photo

Liminal spaces or enclaves perform another important role in the backpacker
experience. As the challenges of coming into contact with the unfamiliar and culture
shock becomes too intense, backpackers retreat into enclaves. These socially constructed
spaces also contain a sense of familiarity. These notions of familiarity parallel their
cultural constructions of the ‘exotic’ that is tamed by the social familiarity of the

backpacker domination of these spaces (Hottola 2008).

Frequently, enclaves offer ‘authenticity’ through contact with nature. Nature in

this sense embodies the Other and yet retains a sense of familiarity that allows the

49

backpacker a safe opportunity “to explore Other realities from a distanced position of
control” (Hottola 2008, 33). Though too much focus on the Tourist-Other dualism
prevents an understanding of the ‘Other’ as possessing. agency, yet this presumed dualism
does affect the tourist in unique ways. From this stance, aspects of tourist intrigue, such
as the local or ‘exotic’ nature, do not simply receive inﬂuence ﬁom backpackers, but in
fact produce effects within backpackers, which have the possibility of circulating power

between these groups (Wilson 2008).

It has been argued by Cohen (2004) and Hottola (2008) that as backpacker culture
has become more mainstreamed one ﬁnds individuals who strive not for a unique cultural
exchange, though this maybe an important stated goal, but instead seek out spaces and
locations which afford them the opportunity to explore personal ﬁ'eedoms and
experimentation. These freedoms and experimentations take many forms, such as
hedonistic all night full moon parties ﬁlled with cheap drugs and sexual exploration or
spiritual involvement with eastern religions (Maoz 2004). In this way backpackers
experiment with alternate ways of living, that can be incorporated into their lives at

home.

Backpackers have also used enclaves or touristscapes for access to employment
opportunities that allow for open ended extensions to their travels (Howard 2007). In
Australia many farmers have encouraged local backpacker tourism development as a
method of sustaining a constant labor force during various harvest seasons (Cooper,
O'Mahony, and Erfurt 2004). Backpackers who desire to perpetuate the liminoid state

indeﬁnitely frequently become expatriates.

50

Figure 2.6 Expatriate Scuba Dive Instructor Teaching

 

Author’s Photo

Academic literature on expatriates focuses on social elites who inhabit a different
country than their home nation for reason of employment or retirement (Cohen 1977,
Nash 1979). These expatriates ﬁequently are on par with the ruling class. They maintain
an elevated social status and a higher standard of living than the average citizen of the
host nation (Cohen 1977, Nash 1979, Torres and Momsen 2005). Conversely, literature
on Diaspora communities document those who migrate ﬁom the Global South to the
Global North in search of more economic opportunities abroad or the involuntary

displacement of individuals driven by warfare and civil strife (Tambiah 2000).

51

Backpacker expatriates differ from these description in several ways. While they
have a privileged status and command a higher standard of living than the typical citizen
in the host community, they are not on par with social elites of the host nation. Similar to
expatriates described within the literature, backpacker expatriates work within the
enclaves or communities they inhabit. They differ in that their employment is not
commonly thought of as being part of a career but a means to continue a liminal lifestyle.
The decision to maintain a life abroad stems from the desires to enjoy a life of leisure, not
a state of being driven by a search for increased economic opportunities or international
conﬂict. Lastly, the majority backpacker expatriates exist in a quasi-legal status. They
predominantly work undocumented and stay in the host country without the appropriate
visas. Some nations have encouraged this and offer easy and legal access to employment
(Cooper, O'Mahony, and Erfurt 2004). Where this is not the case, in countries such as
Thailand, the backpacker expats have found ways around this by continually renewing

their tourist visas.

Backpacker expatriates embody a diverse demographic. Not all desire to live
separate ﬁom the local community; some choose to become more involved with local
business and community activities. Conversely some backpacker expatriates do not stay
within these enclaves in perpetuity, they merely stay until a life of play becomes too

monotonous or they run out of money.

Just as the identities, conceptualizations and agency of backpackers affects the
construction of touristscapes, so do the local inhabitants who live and work in them.

Tourism should not be viewed as an external component imposed upon local cultures and

52

environments, but instead as an integral aspect of the many cultural ﬂows, or ‘-scapes’,
which embody place. From this perspective, the condemnation of tourism as the ‘new
colonialism’ appears naive and uncritical. A more critical lens shows “how individuals
and groups have responded actively to both the constraints and the opportunities brought

by tourism development” (Picard and Wood 1997, 5).

This analysis embodies the ideas of structuration to explicate how structures can
set the terms for localities and individuals, but the reactions of individuals will affect the
character of these very structures. Tourism may have been brought about by international
economic relations, but how it materializes in place remains contingent on those present
in touristscapes, both locals and tourists. In the case of backpacker enclaves the unique
arrangement of structural forces and individual agency both act to produce and constrain
certain spaces. Such a framework gives an equal amount of awareness to all players
including locals. This is not to argue that tourism is not always welcomed, appreciated or
nurtured internally, but even when structures are imposed from extra-local actors, local
inhabitants inﬂuence their speciﬁc materialization (Soﬁeld 2000, 2001; Picard and Wood

1997)

Locals are not powerless individuals. In fact just the opposite has been argued by
Cheong and Miller (2000). As a reaction to overt and biased focus of the cultural and
economic power of the tourist, theorists have sought to open up ways in which we can
understand the agency and power of locals in the tourism industry (Cheong and Miller
2000). Locals manipulate power to beneﬁt themselves and their communities at the

expense of tourists. In this way locals have become the agents of power as opposed to

53

the traditional targets so often claimed by opponents of tourist domination (Kaur and

Hutnyk 1999).

Backpacker tourism oﬁen draws in workers and businesses from outside the local
community but within the host country. This has ﬁequently been the case within the Koh
Samui archipelago of southern Thailand; the archipelago encompasses the islands of Koh
Tao, Koh Phangan, Koh Samui and the Ang Thong National Marine Park (Figure 1.1).
Migrant workers in the Koh Samui archipelago have chosen to leave their community to
earn money and escape the power relations of home. In this way they experience the
liminal state similar to the tourists they interact with (Malam 2003). Migrant workers
leave impoverished communities that do not offer the possibility to reorient their identity
or do not offer the economic possibilities of tourism related work (Malam 2003). In the
islands of Samoa as well as Karnodo, Indonesia, local communities have sought to
encourage development of backpacker home stays and beach huts. This has been
described as a reaction to the package tourists who come in on cruise ships, consume

everything and leave nothing (Scheyvens 2002).

Backpacker tourism has also been promoted in Thailand “largely in recognition of
the fact that the nature of their spending leads to local-level jobs” (Scheyvens 2002, 155).
While monetary considerations remain very important, the beneﬁts of backpacker
tourism development should not be seen in purely economic terms. This form of
development allows communities to have a large stake in the ways in which their

communities evolve into touristscapes, therefore limiting the ability of large

54

multinational tourism businesses to dominate the political arena of local communities

(Scheyvens 2002).

As we can see backpacker tourism is just one, albeit an important, factor that
produces unique touristscapes. Backpackers, although a recent phenomenon, have a long
history dating back to the Grand Tour and trarnping. Backpackers have changed a great
deal from the original modern hippie driﬁers. The mainstreaming of the phenomenon has
allowed backpacking to spread in popularity and also spatially. The spread of
backpacking has created enclaves of liminality which affect the awareness, identities and
desires of backpackers themselves as well as local tourism employees. Backpackers also
affect the economic development of an area by opening it up to tourism that typically
allows money to stay within the locality. Additionally, employment opportunities within
leisure industries utilize backpacker tourists as sources of labor and aid in the creation of

backpacker expatriate communities.

Koh Tao, Thailand
Physical Geography

The island of Koh Tao, or Turtle Island, is 21km2. It is located in the Gulf of
Thailand and is the northern most island in the Samui Archipelago (Figure 1.1). Other
prominent islands in the archipelago are Koh Phangan and Koh Samui. Additionally,

Ang Thong National Park, a series of islands to the southwest of Koh Tao, is part of the

archipelago. Koh Tao is 45km north of Koh Phangan and 500km south of Bangkok.

55

Figure 2.7 Koh Tao, Thailand at Dawn

 

Koh Tao is predominately a mountainous island with a low-lying area in the west
that gradually slopes up from Sairee beach. Sairee Beach, the adjacent Mae Had area and
the southern portion of the island have historically been the targets of tourism
development. As the island has generated more interest and more tourists, development
of steeper and more remote areas of the island has occurred. One interviewee, in
response to the question, “where is development occurring today?”, stated, “everywhere”

(Expatriatelnterviewl 2008).

56

History

Historically, Koh Tao served as a haven for ﬁsherman during rough seas, and
continues to be today. The island’s ﬁrst moment of distinction occurred with the landing
of King Chulalongkorn in 1899; he left his mark carved into an enormous boulder that
sits at a point between Sairee Beach and Mac Head Bay. This area now attracts Thai
tourists and contains a memorial for the King. During the years 1933-47, Koh Tao was
used as a penal colony for political prisoners. The King pardoned the prisoners and Koh
Tao was again vacant. Shortly thereafter, two brothers from Koh Phangan ventured north
to Koh Tao and eventually brought their families. More people followed and Koh Tao
developed a small community of ﬁve extended families focused on small-scale

agriculture, coconut harvesting and ﬁshing (www.koh-tao.ws 2008).

Regional Tourism Development

The development of tourism in the archipelago began with tourists arriving on Koh
Samui in 1971 (Cummings et al. 2003). As Samui slowly began to increase in popularity,
more budget travelers began to move north to the island of Koh Phangan. By the late
19805 the very ﬁrst travelers began to arrive on Koh Tao. They came from Koh Phangan
in search of new untouched areas to explore (Bi gBlue 2008). Their desire to explore
mysterious lands mirrors the geographical imaginaries of backpackers and their same
yearning to explore unknown areas of the world. They also came in part to escape the
growing backpacker scene on Koh Phangan, made famous by its all-night beach parties,

especially the monthly Full Moon party. The growing popularity of tourism in the Samui

57

Archipelago compelled backpackers to seek out places that they considered to be

characterized by ‘authentic’ Thai culture and nature; Koh Tao was one of these locales.

Figure 2.8 Koh Tao circa 1990

 

www.bigbluediving.com

Backpacker Tourism Development

The popularity of Koh Tao as an attractive tourism site quickly grew by word-of-
mouth. The ﬁrst dive shop opened in the late 19805 and the second one in 1990
(www.koh-tao.ws 2008; BigBlue 2008). Over the next decade, the island witnessed the
growth of its tourism industry, which was partly driven by word-of—mouth networks

(Expatriatelnterview3 2008; ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008). By 1994 tourism had earned its
58

place as a prominent economic activity, and by 1999 it was the only economic activity
supporting the island; agriculture and ﬁshing had all but vanished (Expatriatelnterviewl
2008). In 2001, building increased to support the ever growing numbers of tourists
(Expatriatelnterview4 2008). The increase in tourists is directly attributable to the
‘Amazing Thailand’ promotional campaign (Expatriatelnterview3 2008). Lonely
Planet’s 2003 travel guide for Thailand points out that development on Koh Tao has now

“outpaced Ko Phang-an, to the sout ” (Cummings et a1. 2003, TH4).

Figure 2.9 New Development on Koh Tao

59

 

Author’s Photo

This upswing in development has only recently slowed but Koh Tao still has large
numbers of tourists coming to the island. From my ﬁrst trip in 2005 to my most recent in
2008, I have noticed signiﬁcant changes on the island that exemplify its enormous
popularity as a tourist destination. For example, the number of new buildings that have
gone up over this brief period is staggering; there is now a need to purchase ferry tickets

in advance, which previously was not the case; and three years ago, internet access was

60

scant, whereas now wireless access is ubiquitous. This rapid rate of development and
increasing number of tourists have also piqued the interest of international luxury hotel
corporations such as Soﬁtel, which has looked into building an upscale boutique resort on

the island (Expatriatelnterview3 2008).

Development and Environmental Degradation on Koh Tao

All of this development has resulted in a great deal of degradation on the island.
Nutrient-rich algae have decimated some coral reefs. This has been driven by gray water
or non-sewage waste water, leaching into the ocean or directly dumped into streams that
then ﬂow into the surrounding sea. This affects the health of the coral by supplying a
food base for nutrient rich algae; in some areas whole bays of once thriving reefs are now
completely devastated. Water shortages have occurred during years of low rainfall and
the increase of businesses and resorts has exacerbated this problem. Trash and sanitation
infrastructure formed only by septic systems cause pollution. Trash frequently ﬂoats in
the surrounding ocean and often covers beaches. The destabilization of the shore line
driven by poor building practices, shoddy construction methods andthe destruction of ﬁr
trees which hold the beach in place has increased siltation of the surrounding waters.
Siltation or the magniﬁcation of small sedimentary particulate matter in the water has
caused a decrease in water quality on the island and in its immediate vicinity
(Expatriatelnterviewl 2008; Expatriatelnterview2 2008; Expatriatelnterview3 2008;

Expatriatelnterview4 2008; ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008; Expatriatelnterview6 2008).

Figure 2.10 Pollution on Koh Tao

61

 

Author’s Photo

Natural phenomena have compounded the ill effects of development. In 1989 and
1997 typhoons destroyed or seriously harmed several reefs surrounding the island. In
1998 El Niﬁo climactic events caused a warming of the Gulf of Thailand which caused
coral bleaching, thus destroying the building blocks of healthy reef ecosystems
(Expatriatelnterveiwl 2008; Expatriatelntervein 2008). This occurred immediately
prior to the growth of diving and tourism on Koh Tao. Pressure on this ecosystem from
diving ﬁrrther contributed to degradation, resulting in pioneer species being unable to

ﬂourishing by diver related stress (Expatriatelnterviewl 2008).

62

Contemporary Tourism Demographics on Koh Tao

Currently Koh Tao is experiencing a demographic change in tourists. More
upscale lodgings and resorts have begun to cater to a more affluent clientele. There is.
also a greater number of families arriving on the island (Expatriatelnterview3 2008),
which has been driven by the tsunami which hit the west coast of Thailand in 2004. The
west coast of Thailand, around Phuket, is characterized by more mainstream tourist
amenities and world class diving. This differs ﬁ'om Koh Tao whose amenities are
characterized by small bungalows catering to budget travelers. When the tsunami
occurred in December of 2004 many individuals who had booked vacations still came to
Thailand but did not go to the affected areas. Instead, they chose to explore the Gulf
which brought a more diversiﬁed group of tourists to Koh Tao (Expatriatelnterview3
2008). Currently, though, backpackers dominate Koh Tao’s tourist demographic, as
indicated in a recent article in The Times of London where the author bemoaned “a
poster advertising a 50-hour trance party” upon his arrival (Roberts 2009). How long
backpackers delineate aspects of development remains to be seen. A government
building has recently been built and will reportedly be staffed by representatives of the

national government further changing the political matrices on Koh Tao.

63

Table 2.11 Timeline of Tourism Development

 

THAILAND

KOH TAO

 

 

19305 Thailand receives ﬁve
International Cruise lines a year.

1957 59% of international tourists into
Thailand are American or British

1960 Tourism Organization of Thailand
formed, later to be renamed Tourism
Authority of Thailand (TAT)

1966-1974 630,000+ Gls were stationed
in or traveled to Thailand

1982 Tourism becomes Thailand’s top
foreign exchange earner

1987 Visit Thailand Year promotional
campaign begins

1990 The World Our Guest promotional
campaign begins

1996 Tourism revenue’s exceed $8
Billion

1997 July Thailand let the Bhat ﬂoat,
signaling the beginning of the Asian
Financial Crisis

1998 Amazing Thailand campaign
begins, still used today

2000 Tourism revenue exceeds $12
Billion

 

1899 King Chulalongkom visits Koh Tao

1933-1947 Koh Tao serves as a political
penal colony

19505 -19805 Small community develops

1988/89 First backpacker tourists arrive

1990 Two dive resorts open on Koh Tao

1997 Typhoon hits Koh Tao, harms reefs
1998 El Nino bleaches coral on Koh Tao
1999 Tourism becomes primary economic
activity on Koh Tao

2001 Surge in tourism related

development

2003 Koh Tao becomes fastest developing
island in the Samui Archipelago

2004 Surge in visitors from Tsunami
damaged west coast.

 

64

 

Summary

Throughout the previous sections this chapter has addressed the economic
discourses operating in Thailand that produce processes whereby the nation—state
selectively promotes certain neoliberal policies while also retaining certain
devleopmentalist qualities. The historical relations between the US, Europe, and
Thailand have structured these interactions. It also has highlighted similar interactions
between transnational actors and the Thai nation state with regards to tourism. Thailand
fostered tourism, but was affected by a set of geopolitical and economic circumstances

which led to tourism becoming an economic pillar of Thailand.

First, the Vietnam Conﬂict brought large numbers of westerners into the country
less than half a decade after Thailand recognized tourism as a developmental force.
Second, the Asian Financial Crisis created a need for reinvestment as well as needed
inﬂux of currency, and tourism was seen as a viable means of satisfying both. The AFC
also pushed quantity over quality in regard to tourism proﬁts which brought about

tourism driven environmental degradation.

Tourism promotion in the country has perpetually focused on ‘exotic’ nature,
which enframed in speciﬁc ways has played into cycles of tourism
production/consumption as well as aiding in the development of environmental subjects.
The promotional campaigns that coincided with the push for more western tourists after

the AFC set conditions which individual tourists and localities interact.

Concurrently, Thailand has also been the site of backpacker tourism development.

This culture of international long haul youth travelers has formed unique enclaves
65

throughout Thailand. These enclaves have become locations of the in-between or liminal
spaces that form a suspension of social norms of backpacker home spaces. Enclaves also
have created opportunities for employment which has led to the continuation of the
liminal state as an expatriate backpacker. The relations between multiple scales,
structures, and actors have manifested through the inﬂux of tourists encouraged by
government bodies which have resulted in the development of speciﬁc communities, in

my case Koh Tao, Thailand.

66

Chapter Four: Methods

Various methods could have been chosen to conduct this research. Semi-
structured interviews were chosen over other methods such as surveys or questionnaires.
This qualitative focus was chosen for its ability to gain elucidate aspects that would
normally be hidden from statistical data. Particularly, the qualitative interviews allowed
for the interviewees to explore their thoughts that would have existed outside the strict
conﬁnes of what a questionnaire or survey would have shown. Two different interviews
were conducted on Koh Tao, Thailand during late April to early June in 2008. 19
backpacker tourists staying on Koh Tao for various lengths of time were interviewed. In
addition to backpackers six expatriates were interviewed in order to gain insights into
how Koh Tao has changed since the inception of tourism. Each interview was
undertaken in conjunction with the rules and requirements of the Internal Review Board
at Michigan State University. Each interviewee was asked permission to participate in

the study and to allow the recording of the interview.

Semi-structured interviews were used for both groups of informants. This method
was chosen for a variety of reasons. First, this interview method gives voice to the
participants. Additionally it allows the interviewee to identify what they saw as their
understandings and narratives of environmental perceptions and change on Koh Tao.

The perspective that what the actor’s perceptions encompass matters to the formations of
these spaces guided this research. Second, given the relaxed nature of backpacking
overtly formal interview methods could easily turn off respondents, yet at the same time
there was a speciﬁc set of topics that this method was able to cover. This held true for

67

the expatriate interviews as well. The more loosely structured framework allowed for
respondents to elaborate upon the stated questions and they were encouraged to do 50.
Though, the set direction of the interview allowed for control over the general the
conversation. Finally, interviewing allowed for the opportunity to gain insight into the
conceptualizations and framings of the respondents. Several perspectives that were not
asked about in the research questions showed in the use and conceptualizations of the

interviewee’s language.

Access to backpacker respondents were gained through a variety of ways. I spent
time diving with various dive shops. Through the daily interactions 1 had with other
divers l informed them of my project and asked if they would be interested in
participating in an interview. I asked for interviewees from random conversations I had
with backpackers at resorts, restaurants, and bars. I also worked as a Divemaster, or a
dive guide, and when my group would ask me about my presence on the island I would
inform them about my research and asked for volunteers. 1 also asked backpackers who
were on the island as divemasters-in-training. These individuals tended to be the
backpackers who got ‘stuck’ on the island, and as such, represented possible future
expatriates. The criterion for choosing my respondents was based on Sorensen’s (2003)
notion of backpacker culture in order to capture a diversity of backpackers. Not all
conversations ended with an interview but this allowed for participant observation that

generated background information that often afﬁrmed interview responses.

While I did my best in getting a diverse array of research participants, nearly all

those interested were already environmentally conscious and therefore possessed biased

68

perspectives. Furthermore, as backpacking grows in popularity, more and more
individuals travel to partake in the ‘party circuit.’ The party circuit encompasses a set of
popular backpacker enclaves that offer opportunities for hedonistic activities. Koh Tao
has been a party destination for a while, but also draws individuals interested in activities
beyond partying, particularly diving. Most of my interactions with respondents came out
of diving related locations and as such the respondents do not represent the ﬁll] range of
diversity amongst the backpacking culture. Respondents also should be considered
conditioned by social pressures of not wanting to appear harmful to the environment and
few respondents critically considered their relationship with the environment. Finally, I
was ﬁiends with several backpacker respondents, though I kept my opinions to myself.
My friendship may have caused some respondents to provide answers to questions that

they thought I wanted to hear, though I do not think this happened often.

Access to expatriate respondents came from previous contacts on the island; I
then asked those interviewees if they knew of people who would be interested in
participating. This snowball method was effective in ﬁnding long residing expatriates
that were very concerned with the environment but was unhelpful in ﬁnding expatriates
who were not involved with conservation on the island. These interviews were
administered in casual settings, for example, bars, places of work or restaurants. My
criteria for choosing were based on the length of residency on the island; the intention
was to keep it to ten years or longer but found that difﬁcult so used nine years or more.
This was done because a longer term perspective was sought and also because they would
have effects upon the environmental decisions on the island. This last point proved to be

a false assumption.
69

Most of the respondents had not been on the island ﬁom the initial outset of
tourism. Most notably though was my complete lack of Thai respondents. This was due
to easier access to non-nationals and a lack of language barriers. It was also based on the
erroneous assumption of their ability to sway environmental decision-making. There was
also a lack of access to local Thai elites. The westerners that were close with island
elders stated that they would not be interested in speaking with me or being involved with
my project. The short amount of time was a hindrance to gaining access to local elites
and elders. The lack of Thai respondents limits and simpliﬁes the environmental change
narrative. Oral histories therefore come from a singular narrative tied to western

environmental discourses.

Interviews were analyzed by listening to each while writing down each speciﬁc
response to each question. Notes on the points raised by each respondent were taken with
a focus on common themes echoed in other interviews. These notes were compiled so
that all of the responses to each question were grouped together noting various repeated
themes. Each interview was listened to again to each interview to verify the responses.
During this repeated listen notes were made of responses that captured majority

sentiments and that could be used as direct quotes.

In addition to interviews, participant observation was carried out and was noted in
a research journal. This was done to document the various unrecorded conversations
undertaken on the island. It also allowed me to note the variety of activities that
pertained to my research; notably the areas of new development, my experiences as a

participant in an ‘eco-dive course,’ observations from the local conservation NGO

70

meetings, and the actions of travelers. This was done to ﬂesh out possible ideas during
my research as well as document various pieces of information collected during casual
conversations. I did read my notes several times during the analysis of the interviews but
I did not analyze my notes directly. Instead they were used to support comments made

druing interviews and ﬁll in gaps in the historical narrative of Koh Tao.

Lastly, my overall numbers of respondents for each interview category are low.
Finding willing respondents were hard to come by. Interviewees, particularly expatriates,
were often busy and frequently rescheduled our meetings. For every backpacker willing
to interview there was at least one who declined my request. Ultimately it proved more
difﬁcult than expected to attain access to willing respondents, though the more time spent
on the island various respondents became more willing. Unfortunately, in several
instances there were several possible interviewees that were off the island during the

latter part of the research period.

Backpacker Interviews

The purpose of the backpacker interviews was to understand how backpackers
view their relationship with the environment and its importance within their travels
(Backpacker Interview in Appendix A). The interviews sought to capture how they
understand their environmental impacts as travelers. These interviews hoped to gain
insight into the environmental attitudes of backpackers and whether they had changed
their activities to lessen their impacts. Ultimately this research wanted to understand if
they connected their presence with environmental damage and if so how they dealt with
such awareness.

71

The interview focused on seven areas: (1) demographics; (2) the environment and
travel; (3) backpacker activities on Koh Tao; (4) dive shop and lodging decisions; (5)
environmental concern and action; (6) views on personal impacts; and (7) listing

environmental impacts (Backpacker Interview in Appendix A).

Expatriate Interviews

The expatriate interviews also were semi-structured focusing on the stories and
narratives of the expatriate respondents and their life on Koh Tao (Expatriate Interview in
Appendix A). The purpose of the expatriate interviews was to understand environmental
change on the island over time and to understand how the expatriate community views
the causes of change. Their answers focused on their personal views of environmental
change, the causes of change and whether these changes are negative, neutral, positive or

otherwise.

The expatriate interview focused on four areas: (1) personal information; (2)
historical information on Koh Tao; (3) perspectives of change; and (4) origins of impacts

(Expatriate Interview in Appendix A).

72

Chapter Five: Results

Backpacker Interview Results (n = 19)

The responses from these interviews were not what I had expected. I did foresee
a high level of concern and care for the environment which I did document. I did not
expect as many respondents to view their impacts as negative. The ensuing distribution
of results showed that there was a fairly even range of people who thought their impacts
were positive to negative. In such a light I was pushed to question my more simple
understandings about backpacker’s lack of action on behalf of the environment. The

answers to these newly posed problems were found in my expatriate interviews.

Environment and Travel

This section of the interview asked if the environment affected the respondents’
activities while traveling with 18 stating yes and 1 stating no (95% yes, 5% no). They
were also asked whether the environment affected where the respondents traveled 17
stated yes and 2 stated no (89% yes, 11% no). Additionally, they were asked if their
travels made them more environmentally aware or conscious 19 stated yes (100% yes).
This section of the interview also inquired as to whether they gained a greater connection
to the environment through their travels with 17 sating yes with 2 said no (89% yes, 11%
no), and lastly was the environment an important aspect of their travels, 19 said yes

(100% yes).

73

 

Table 4.1 The Environment’s Effects on Backpackers

 

 

 

 

Affect activities - l _ I |
Affect travel | » - ‘l'
Environmentally Concious 7 g f i _ , . INO
Greater connection | r —~ . ' Yes
Important aspect to travel _ '_ _ g . h _ ‘
0 5 10 15 20

 

 

Number of Responses

 

When asked if they had experienced a connection with nature in a new way while
traveling the two who responded ‘no’ mentioned that travel did not change connection
with nature or the environment, it just reafﬁrmed existing attitudes. Following this
caveat several mentioned that while they would have previously considered themselves
environmentally conscious or aware several speciﬁcally stated that their time on Koh Tao

opened a new realm of awareness with regards to the underwater world.

Activities
When asked about what type of activities they had or were partaking in on Koh
Tao, respondents stated the following (in order of importance): diving, partying,

sunbathing, snorkeling, hiking, and climbing.

All the respondents came to Koh Tao to go diving. I asked if they had received

any diving certiﬁcations. The results showed the divers’ level of training on Koh Tao.

74

This list of certiﬁcations ranges from beginner to professional: Open Water, Advanced

Open Water, Rescue Diver, Divemaster in Training, and various Specialty certiﬁcations.

From these responses one can conclude that the environment plays a strong role
in backpacker culture with various touristscapes being instrumental for different types of
activities. Many respondents pointed to the various different activities offered in
different locations in Thailand: Koh Tao is good for diving and partying, Chiang Mai

good for hill trekking, Bangkok good for shopping and planning.

Dive Shop and Lodging

No connection to economic decision making as a means to promote
environmentally conscious businesses was stated as a reason for choosing dive shop or
lodgings. In fact, only two respondents mentioned conservation practices as a motivation
for selecting what dive shop they patronized. When asked, all stated a desire to promote

green business.

Environmental Concern

In this section interviewees were asked whether they had a personal concern for
the environment on Koh Tao, 18 yes and 1 no (95% yes, 5% no) and they were asked if
they perceived any concern among the local Thai population or the expatriate
community, 12 yes, 4 no and 3 not sure (63% yes, 21% no, 16% not sure). They were
also asked if they noticed action related to possible local concern, 10 yes, 6 no and 3 not

sure (53% yes, 31% no, 16% not sure). Finally they were asked if they had received any

75

form of environmental education, formal or otherwise, while staying on Koh Tao, 16 yes

and 3 no (84% yes, 16% no).

Table 4.2 Environmental Concern and Action on Koh Tao

 

 

 

Personal concern P .

 

Local Concern ITTTT‘T

I:.-_ I I Not Sure

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Local Action . , I No
Environmental . I Yes
Ed . ~ ...v w ‘1 »-- r-cw- , in Ex n-
0 5 10 15 20
Number of Responses

 

 

 

Reasons varied for backpacker’s concern about the environment. They range
from focusing on tourists, to locals, to structural issues to extra-local effects. When
speaking about their own actions related to these concerns, the focus is mainly on picking
up trash and beach/reef cleanups as well as taking short showers or turning off the lights

when they leave their rooms.

Environmental education was a category that was broadly deﬁned to include any

and all info they received about the environment on Koh Tao and how they should

76

act/interact with the environment. Eleven of those stating that they had received

environmental education said that the information was presented with a diving focus.

Of the people who did think that there were local actions taken, only two felt
completely positive about it. Most stated that it is much lower than it needs to be. Yet
given that 16 of 19 people felt they had received some form of environmental education

they did not, in general, connect that to local concern for the environment.

Personal Impacts

In this section interviewees were asked how they would characterize their impacts
ranging from positive to negative. Interestingly many respondents never thought of this
before the question was asked. Some had no idea and were clearly just giving an answer
off the top of their head and some compared themselves to others’ actions to create a
barometer of what constituted producing impacts. Of the interviewees 3 (16 %) said that
they had a positive impact, 3 (16%) sated it was between positive and neutral with 6
(31%) stating that they had a neutral impact. 3 (16%) interviewees said their actions
were in between neutral and negative with 4 (21%) stating that their actions were

negative.

77

Table 4.3 Backpacker’s View on Personal Impacts

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

     

7
3 6
m
8 5
a
a: 4
‘0-
2 3
.8

2
E
Z 1

0

Positive Positive to Neutral Neutral to Negative
Neutral Negative

 

 

 

The actions that affected the positive to neutral revolved around picking up trash,
not littering, good diving practices, short showers, turning off lights when not in use, and
in one case, going into decompression so that the individual could fully remove a ﬁshing
net from a section of a reef, which was dangerous and could have caused serious personal
harm. Decompression is a diving practice where one is not allowed to return to the
surface due to the unsafe levels of gas saturating the body. When a diver stays down too
long they must ascend gradually, staying at different depths for various periods of time to
allow the gas to safely exit there body through their tissue. If not done properly, the diver

may end up with decompression sickness, also known as the ‘bends.’

Interviewees were asked whether they changed their behavior to lessen their
impacts. This was asked to see if there was direct action taken to limit their

environmental impacts. The majority, 12 (63%), stated that that they did change

78

behavior, but again respondents focused on picking up trash, turning off lights and taking
shorter showers. With regards to the 7 no responses (37%), 4 (21%) individuals said they
are always vigilant and conscious of the environmental impacts and as such did not need

to change behavior.

Table 4.4 Backpackers Who Changed Behavior

 

 

 

 

I I l l l I I

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14

 

 

Number of Responses

 

List of Activities

Lastly, the respondents were showed a list of activities that had a range of
environmental effects. Each respondent was asked to make note of which ones that they
participated in while staying on Koh Tao. The following table shows the frequency of

the responses.

79

 

 

Table 4.5 Activities Involved In on Koh Tao, Thailand

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80

 

These responses show a wide range of activity and impacts from both positive to
neutral, and they ﬁt well with the respondents’ personal views of impacts (Interviewl

2008; Interviewl9 2008).

Expatriate Responses (n = 6)

The six expatriate interviewees that I conducted showed a diverse range of time
on the island and employment activities: 11+ years, 14 years, 11 years, 9 years, 10 years,
and 9 years. There were three dive shop managers, one yoga instructor, one
photographer, and one sign maker. Four owned their own businesses; the two who did

not managed dive shops.

Many previously held assumptions and ideas did not hold as the respondents cited
a whole host of factors and relationships that this research had not considered. The
assumptions upon which this research was based believed that environmental degradation
was driven by a lack of awareness of backpacker tourists. Furthermore, this research
started from the belief that backpackers were the impetus for and determinants of most if
not all development within Koh Tao. Finding these assrunptions to be too simplistic
required that previously held understandings of environmental change on Koh Tao
needed reformulation. Ultimately my ethnographic research suggested a different
assessment of human induced degradation on Koh Tao. This change in perspective
pushed me to focus on the shared experience and similarities between backpackers and

expatriates as a critical factor in the production of Koh Tao and its ecologies.

When asked the reason for coming to Koh Tao interviewee responses showed

less diversity. One stated that he was looking for a place to permanently move to.
81

It":

Another thought Koh Tao was a beautiﬁrl place and he met his future wife on the island.
Most stated that they found it hard to leave because of the lifestyle, which included good
diving and climbing. All but two expressed that their choice to live on Koh Tao had

come from a desire to work in the dive industry.

Historical Info

When discussing population on Koh Tao upon their arrival, all stated that no one
really knows and emphasized that they were merely guessing. In 1994 a sign stated the
population was seven hundred with police being zero, another respondent stated that in
1996 the population was roughly a few hundred. One expatriate who arrived in 1997 said
very few lived on the island at that time. Two other respondents who both arrived in
1999 held similar views. One stated that Koh Tao’s population was one quarter of what
it is today and the other said he felt it was roughly equal to two thousand but that is not

counting expatriate, tourists or Burmese immigrants.

All stated that the infrastructure when they arrived was minimal to nonexistent,
with dirt roads and generators for electricity. Sewage was a hole in the ground and water
was a well. Early on there were no telephones and the only road that one would consider
a ‘real’ road was 100 meters and went nowhere. All stated that there was no

inﬁastructure as compared to today.

The economic transition to tourism was cemented by 1994, but not many Thais
were involved, they still ﬁshed and harvested coconuts. By 1999 Thais solely focused on
backpacker tourism and by 2001/2 the building and development boom was in full swing

and only slowed as late as 2007 early 2008. One respondent in particular cited the
82

Amazing Thailand campaign as a factor that really brought many people to Thailand and

as a result Koh'Tao.

Perspectives of Change

When asked about what they thought about the changes they witnessed while on
Koh Tao there was a resounding sense that positives and negatives exist. They said that
the island was cleaner with good ﬁsh stocks. One felt that it really depends on your
perspective and what you are looking at, but environmentally, the situation was mostly
negative. In general the local Thais are doing better in addition to development being

beneﬁcial for business but bad for the environment.

When asked about the characteristics of planning and development on Koh Tao
all stated that it is a free-for-all with some positive but mostly negative results. There are
no rules; the rules that do exist are not enforced. Generally development was seen as
random and spontaneous, with a serious lack of planning in all respects. This
unstructured process of development was affected by inter/intra-farnily squabbles, and a

consequent lack of communication between different landowners.

Origin of Impacts

The health of the environment on and around Koh Tao is worse because of
development. In addition, many tourists choose not to return home creating a growing
number of expatriates wanting to extend the liminal life. As a result, Koh Tao’s
environment is not in the best of shape, this has also been exacerbated by destructive

pressure on the reefs ﬁ'om too many divers. There was a general feeling that

83

environmental impacts are aggravated by large numbers of tourists that come to a place

with no planning.

All pointed to other contributing factors such as the typhoon which hit the island
in 1989, which greatly damaged some of the reefs, and E1 Ni'r'ro which occurred in
1997/98 and caused a severe amount of coral bleaching (80% from Expatriate Interview
2). The ability of the reefs to return to a healthier state was hampered by the fact that less
than one year after the El Niﬁo event tourism development increased rapidly. Several
respondents felt that reefs have had a hard time to rebound under increasing development.
In addition corruption prevents planning ﬁ'om being implemented and what rules there
are can easily be circumvented. One respondent pointed to the lack of dive shop
coordination. He also pointed to how the tendency of blaming the locals obscures the

farangs (Thai for Westemer) responsibility.

84

Chapter Six: (Re)Productions of the Liminal in Backpacker Spaces

Introduction

The environmental attitudes of backpackers have become codiﬁed into the
production of Koh Tao through the inﬂux of expatriate (former backpackers), who stay
on the island for varying amounts of time and work predominantly as diving guides and
instructors. Their desire to continue the life of a carefree traveler aids in the creation of
Koh Tao as a liminal enclave. Backpackers and expatriates share a liminal existence,
which has produced certain actions and inactions. Yet a small group of expatriates wish
to engender a certain type of environmental subject. To this end they use a host of
methods and techniques. Local concerned expatriates on Koh Tao utilize state
environmental discourses; in particular they apply similar promotional imagery as the
TAT but seek to create support for environmentally focused development. In addition,
the liminal state of the backpacker/expatriate forms only one aspect of the production of
the space of Koh Tao as a backpacker enclave. The effects of the local elites and the
agency of the environment will be addressed in order to problematize simplistic notions

of production and consumption of the touristscape of Koh Tao.

This research explores backpacker environmental perceptions role in the
production of Koh Tao, Thailand. Data obtained from interviews with backpackers
shows they have a great deal of concern the environment. Backpackers are aware that
their actions are potentially harmful to the environment, and as such, they act, where
possible, to mitigate their environmental impacts. Expatriate interviews conducted with
expatriates of Koh Tao yielded similar ﬁndings. While the expatriates were aware that

85

the increasing numbers of travelers caused environmental degradation, they did not feel
that population pressure alone was a signiﬁcant driver of environmental decline. Some
pointed to the fact that Koh Tao experiences the same problems as the rest of the planet
such as water, waste and energy issues. They felt though that the small size of Koh Tao
and its geographical isolation hastened the negative impacts on the environment

(Expatriatelnterview6 2008).

The main problem, according to the expatriate interviews, came from systemic
issues on the island, thus, they believe the blame for environmental degradation should
not be placed on the shoulders of the backpacker tourists per se. They instead pointed to
a host of factors in the face of rampant and unchecked development, such as a lack of
regulation enforcement, a lack of environmental planning, cronyism, inter- and intra-
tension among the island’s elite families, corruption, and the \historical lack of
involvement from the Thai government. Some even suggested the exclusion of the
expatriate community from local decision-making processes has caused greater levels of
degradation. One expatriate said that he had gone to the mayor and made several
proposals for the island and was “more or less told to get the f#@k out of here”

(Expatriatelnterviewl 2008).

While I do not reject these opinions, backpacker environmental perceptions do
matter and constitute an important factor in Koh Tao’s ecological formation.
Backpackers’ view of the environment as pristine has its roots in the early backpackers’
desire to connect with authentic forms of nature (Cohen 2004a). Backpacker’s liminal

state of being while traveling engender a superﬁcial concern for nature that reﬂect a

86

 

reversal of typical social norms (Urry 1990). Furthermore, the increase in expatriates on
Koh Tao, driven by a desire to continue to exist within a liminal state, contributes Koh

Tao’s in-between status and affects the production of its environment.

Backpacker views on nature do not merely exist within backpackers’ minds or
within the traveling community at large. These discourses have material effects
manifested in the production of the environment. Looking at the behavior of backpackers

inﬂuenced by a speciﬁc set of environmental attitudes and actions reveals multiple effects

 

on the enclave of Koh Tao. In particular this chapter will concentrate on the effects of in

the liminal state on backpacker environmental attitudes.

This discussion addresses two interweaving scales. The larger scale discussion of
backpackers’ general attitude and perception about the environment are dealt with as a
factor in the production of backpacker enclaves. Secondly, the place speciﬁc scale of
Koh Tao’s evolution and social relations are addressed as an example to show how

backpacker and expatriate environmental perspectives condition actual locations.

Backpackers, Environmental Concern, Education, and Action

In general backpackers care for the environment and their fascination with nature
often inspires their travels. The data from my interviews highlight the importance of the
environment to the backpacker experience. A majority stated that nature affects their
activities and travel plans. All backpackers interviewed consider themselves
environmentally aware and concerned about nature. Additionally, all stated that the
environment is an important aspect of their travels. Lastly most backpackers interviewed

pointed to the cultivation of greater concern for the environment through their travels.
87

Their concern for the environment, however, has not translated to action. For
backpackers the environment is a site for recreation not activism. They avoid challenging
systemic causes and instead focus on easy and superﬁcial actions, such as turning off
lights, taking short showers and picking up trash. This lack of effective action and
responsibility is connected to the liminal experience of backpacking. By having all of
their attention focused on play and other leisure activities, backpackers pay little attention
to the actual effects of their presence and actions. However, to ask backpackers, or any
tourists, to challenge systemic issues of environmental degradation seems unfair,
particularly when they are unaware of the underlying social forces at work in the
locations they visit. They travel to experience new cultures and beautiful landscapes, not

to partake in direct action on behalf of the environment.

This is not to say that all backpackers are ignorant of, or unconcerned about their
impacts. Some backpackers seek to educate themselves on the environmental issues of
the places they travel to and try to get involved in improving environmental conditions in
any way they can (Interview6 2008; Interview7 2008). One interviewee, for example, put
her life at risk by staying underwater well past safe decompression limits. She did this to
remove a ﬁsh net caught on a reef that was killing ﬁsh. While this may be a small act
that does not in any way directly challenge systemic issues of degradation, it was driven
from her deep concern about the enviromnent and a desire to act accordingly

(Interviewl 8 2008).

When asked about what they have done while staying on Koh Tao all

respondents focused on recreation activities. These ranged from snorkeling, kayaking,

88

 

hill trekking, partying, and particularly they all cited diving. My respondents also cited
how different locations with differing environments promoted separate leisure activities
with Koh Tao being cited as a location for diving and partying. The concern for the
environment and its central position as a site of leisure activity has not promoted a
mindset of green consumerism. While all respondents stated that they would patronize

and support ‘green’ businesses, only two stated that they have consciously done 50.

Backpackers have opportunities to frequent ‘green’ businesses, but rarely do for
environmental reasons. Several dive shops on Koh Tao treat their grey water, partake in
‘green’ building projects and help in reef cleanup efforts. Backpackers I interviewed do
not utilize market choice as a way of creating greater demand for ‘green’ business
practices. Even though all stated they would patronize ‘green’ business, only two
mentioned it as a reason for choosing the dive shop they dove with. The vast majority of
respondents said that the ‘vibe’ or ‘feel’ of the places they patronize was very important.
Cost considerations also ﬁgure into backpackers’ behavior. One backpacker stated, “I
don’t like spending money but I have to” (Interview17 2008). All the interviewees stated
that the businesses they patronize must be cheap and pointed to this as the number one

factor in deciding where to spend their money.

The avowed interest in supporting ‘green’ businesses has also been met with
skepticism by dive shop managers who have promoted themselves as ‘green’, by
recycling grey water and building structures with fewer impacts, and have seen no
discemable difference in the amount of travelers frequenting their establishments. As

one dive shop manager said in response to backpackers saying they would support

89

 

‘green’ businesses, “When it comes down to it, that is a bit disingenuous”

(Expatriatelnterview6 2008).

While supporting ‘green’ businesses may not cure environmental decline on Koh
Tao it could create a situation where environmental concern and action is embedded
within the majority of business practices on the island, thus elevating the overall concern
for the environment throughout the island. To this end more efforts have been made by
concerned expatriates to create environmental subjects, or individuals who act on behalf
of the environment, out of backpackers on Koh Tao. Currently all arriving tourists are
shown a video, produced by expatriates, on how to act in environmentally sensitive ways

during their stay on the island; the effectiveness of this video is addressed below.

Among the respondents there is an overwhelming concern for the environment of
the spaces they travel to. But less were sure of the concern by the local inhabitants,
including the expatriates. Most respondents stated they received some form of informal
environmental education while on Koh Tao. The focus of this education was on diving
practices and interaction with marine life. One backpacker respondent even stated that
“diving is environmental education” (Interview17 2008). This individual felt that the

amazement and awe inspired by exotic nature arouses concern for that nature.

The information that does exist regarding actions on land was directed at taking
shorter showers, putting trash in the rubbish bin or turning off the lights. This focus on
superﬁcial actions to create less impact does not get at the core of the infrastructure,

planning, and development issues which lie at the heart of environmental degradation

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within this enclave; as a result the focus is directed away from changing more destructive

activities or ﬂexing ‘green’ market choice.

Interestingly, backpackers hold diverse views on whether or not their actions and
presence are environmentally damaging or not. Most put their impacts somewhere
between positive and neutral but several did feel their presence was not positive and in
some cases very negative for the environment. Those who felt they were between
positively impacting this location and to neutrally impacting it predominantly came to

this conclusion by their consciously using less resources such as energy and water.

Backpackers aware of the negative impacts of many travelers in a small space still
choose to stay in these locations, though they attempted to alleviate their impact. These
backpackers also acted where they could to limit the amount of impacts in the very same
manner as those that felt they had a more benign impact. Unfortunately opportunities to
address the root causes of environmental harm within enclaves frequently do not present
themselves to travelers, as such if they wish to limit their impacts superﬁcial deeds

remain their only recourse of action.

Backpackers to Expatriates: Extending the Liminal

The expatriate interviews exposed several other important narratives which
connect to the discussion of backpacker environmental perceptions. Most important was
the afﬁrmation that the in—between state produced by backpacking connections with the
liminal pushed their desire to become expatriates. The escalation of this movement from

traveler to expatriate reiﬁes the status of enclaves as spaces betwixt and between. The

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expatriate interviews also showed the ways that they are disenfranchised from the

decision making process, which then further continues their focus on leisure and work.

The effects of the backpacker’s liminal state permeate Koh Tao particularly when
backpackers become expatriates. The lack of action on behalf of the environment
becomes magniﬁed through the transformation of the backpacker into the expatriate
(Expatriatelnterview4 2008; ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008). The expatriate population on
Koh Tao increased substantially in the late 19905 (Expatriatelnterviewl 2008;
Expatriatelnterview2 2008; Expatriatelnterview3 2008). One respondent said this
coincided with the advent of the ‘Amazing Thailand’ campaign (Expatriatelnterview3
2008). Several other expatriate respondents made similar comments. Others made no
comments about this promotional campaign but arrived on the island at this point in time

(Expatriatelnterview4 2008; ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008; Expatriatelnterview6 2008).

The backpacker to expatriate conversion came about through a speciﬁc form of
tourism development on Koh Tao, scuba diving, which created a need for dive instructors
and divemasters. This conversion, while frequent on Koh Tao, occurs throughout
Thailand (Howard 2007). Additionally, most expatriate respondents directly or indirectly
cited lifestyle as a central reason for staying in or returning to Koh Tao. One interviewee
said that he “just love[s] the atmosphere, the vibe” of Koh Tao and that was why he never
left (Expatriatelnterview3 2008). Interviews and participant observation with expatriates
on Koh Tao indicates that several aspects of the lifestyle, diving by day and relaxing with
a beer(s) nearly every night, are fully commensurate with the backpacker liminal state.

Moreover the liminal state in some ways has been formulated by the expatriate

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community through their devotion to a life of ‘play’. Their concern for the environment
parallels that of the backpackers. Their more permanent existence on Koh Tao affords
them an active role in the day-to-day creation of this space, but this has not materialized
into a political voice. The lack of political involvement comes about from a host of
reasons. Thai locals exclude expatriates from municipal and environmental decision
making processes. Though, this is not to suggest that their inclusion would somehow
provide for ‘greener’ development per se, but their lack of the ability to voice concerns in
a way that will result in possible action precludes them from thinking about acting on

possible concerns.

There has also historically been tension between the expatriates and locals on the
island. A long time resident told me when he ﬁrst arrived on the island the animosity was
more palpable, saying “they [Koh Tao locals] weren’t very accepting of us, a lot of the
old folks wouldn’t even look in the direction of the farang (Thai for westerner)”
(Expatriatelnterviewl 2008). These tensions do not appear at the surface but showed
during many casual conversations with expatriates. The same interviewee expressed
overt animosity toward local Thai referring to some as “a bunch of coconut pickers”

(Expatriatelnterviewl 2008).

There also exists a certain level of ambivalence among the expatriates. This
ambivalence connects to an understanding of Koh Tao as not their island and they,
therefore, should not have a great deal of say in what occurs on a decision making level.
A lack of permanence among some expatriates and the insular and inward focused

character of backpacker and expatriate culture drive much of the ambivalent attitude.

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Some expatriates do concern themselves with various environmental activities and
environmental education of tourists, but by and large the focus of concern is stability of
pay and what restaurant to eat and where to drink any given evening. The expatriates
who do have a heightened level of concern tend to be the expatriates who truly consider

Koh Tao their home.

Expatriate Heterogeneity

The expatriates on Koh Tao are diverse. One important characteristic of
expatriate is that the majority of expatriates do not have a deep connection with Koh Tao.
They stay on the island to continue a liminal existence. Yet, many expatriates have
enough of island life and after a while return home. This lack of permanence and an
awareness that they would stay on the island for a brief duration was voiced by many in
casual conversations. This impermanence further connects their presence on the island as
a form of liminal or in-between existence. They do not connect with this enclave as a site
of permanent habitation and as such their actions continually direct toward play and
leisure. Also most expatriates resided in a quasi-legal state on Koh Tao. Many
expatriates stated that to work in Thailand you must obtain a work visa, yet almost no
expatriate has one. Most stayed on Koh Tao as a ‘tourist’ which required that they leave
the country once a month to have their passport stamped. This means that every thirty
days expatriates leave the island and head by bus across the Isthmus of Kra to Burma
where they receive their stamp and then immediately return to Thailand and then Koh
Tao. As such the legal status of many expatriates on Koh Tao embodies the in-between.

They do not reside legally nor do they envision their position on Koh Tao as permanent.

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Expatriate interviewees cited an oft-occurring trend among new expatriates: they
frequently have a great deal of concern for the environment on Koh Tao. The
predominant reason expatriates decide to stay on Koh Tao is their desire to work in the
dive industry which requires a healthy environment. When they stay on the island many
feel a need to help, but when they see that the locals do not care or do not pick up on their
concerns they grew exceedingly frustrated (Expatriatelnterviewl 2008). As such their
attitude toward the locals of ‘you need to do this’, without any awareness of the speciﬁc
history or relations on the island, quickly turns into frustration, apathy and contempt for

locals.

The action of some should not suggest that environmental concern is a primary
center of attention for all expatriates on Koh Tao. In fact expatriates, like backpackers,
focus on diving and nightlife with the added concern of work. In many conversations
expatriates stated that they may refer to care for the environment when directly asked but
the environment did not occupy their interests as an immediate issue. They did not come

to Koh Tao to “save” the environment they came for sun, diving and parties.

This is contrasted by a growing group of environmentally concerned expatriate on
Koh Tao. These individuals have formed an environmental conservation group called
‘Save Koh Tao’. The majority of the members of this group are long residing expatriates
who represent various tourism businesses that seek to help prevent further environmental
damage on Koh Tao. They have a deeper connection to the island combined with their
permanence has helped in removing themselves from a liminal state and seek to

encourage the same view in other residents and tourists on Koh Tao.

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Environmentality and Expatriates

As previously mentioned the TAT has constructed the environment as timeless
and pristine. These deﬁnitions have been adopted on the Koh Tao as well. Several dive
shop managers and employees cited the rise in eco-tourism as a success of their business.
They all indirectly deﬁned eco-tourism as a form of travel where one interacts with the

environment.

In deﬁning ecotourism as any travel to places with natural beauty or a focus on
nature, tourists view their activities in uncritical and relatively benign ways, thus
precluding them from questioning the impacts of their actions. This process produces
backpackers interested in continuing their liminal lifestyle by focusing their attention on
the ‘exotic’ visual aspects of nature and not the negative aspects of unplanned

development. This attitude embeds itself within the very space of Koh Tao.

The same enﬁarning used by Thailand has been taken up by concerned
expatriates. They reinterpret the universals of exotic and majestic environments in an
attempt to produce environmental subjects who care and act in ways that limit the
negative effects of high amounts of backpackers and other tourists. To this end various
means of employing nature to engender environmental rationality have been used on Koh
Tao. Sabai Jai (Thai for peaceful feeling or good heart), an informational pamphlet, has
recently been introduced on the island produced in large part by expatriates and ‘green’

businesses.

The bulk of Sabai Jai directs tourists on where to go and things to do.

Additionally the pages plea for appropriate environmental behavior, such as properly
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disposing of trash and not buying “items made ﬁ'om endangered species, tropical
hardwoods or corals” in addition to requesting that tourists refrain from using plastic bags
(SabaiJai 2008, 40). Sabai Jai also offers ways to get involved environmentally through
reef monitoring courses or other conservation activities (SabaiJai 2008). Koh Tao Info,
another informational pamphlet, existed prior to Sabai Jai but has little as far as
recommendations for environmentally appropriate behavior (AdTack 2008). Both of
these pamphlets have gorgeous pictures of Koh Tao, framed in ways that allow the
viewer to focus on ‘exotic’ nature. All of the trappings of the TAT frame are present:
‘exotic’ nature, majestic underwater photography and people traditionally dressed ﬁll the
pages. The number of travelers reading these brochures has been questioned by some of
my interviewees. For example, one respondent stated, “not many travelers would choose

to read this book” (Interview16 2008).

Concerned expatriates have also sought out other avenues to reach a wider
audience, which drove the creation of a short educational ﬁlm, now shown on all arriving
ferries. The movie titled “Save Koh Tao Now” sets out the various things tourists should
do “so that you may take responsibility for your own actions” (AceMarine 2008). While
the discourse of individual responsibility resonates with the objectives of making
environmental subjects, the visual and audio aspects of the ﬁlm mirror TAT
environmental discourse but seek to present the environment as something that should be
cared for. The opening scene captures a majestic whale shark gliding overhead set to
indigenous or tribal music yet theses sounds more closely aligned with aboriginal music
of Australia not Thailand, thus suggesting that all people and places that are ‘other’ are

somehow indigenous (AceMarine 2008). This scene and several others throughout the
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ﬁlm frame shots in ways that accentuate the island’s lush vegetation and underwater
beauty. This focus on the visual aspects of nature reproduces the TAT environmental

discourse, albeit with at different agenda.

The environmental concerns cited in “Save Koh Tao Now” reﬂect the same issues
that arose during expatriate interviews and in participant observation: poor water quality,
lack of potable water, increase in trash and a lack of sustainable energy. These issues do
seem to exist and have been driven by a lack of environmentally sensitive development.
Unfortunately, these articulations do not always transfer into the rhetoric used by
concerned expatriates to convince backpackers to act in environmentally ﬁiendly ways.
Throughout the bulk of the video, the environmentality rhetoric of the concerned
expatriates mirrors the more superﬁcial backpacker narratives of concern for the
environment. “Save Koh Tao Now” has random and illogical references on global
warming to bolster their claims by tying them to the trendy environmental concerns

(AceMarine 2008).

Locals ’ Agency

Similar to the expatriate community on Koh Tao the locals on the island should
not be thought of as homogenous. Many Thais on Koh Tao are not from the island and in
fact are not originally ‘local’. They come to work on Koh Tao because of better pay.
The island has four or ﬁve dominant families that have been here since it was settled after
its use as a penal colony. Among these families there are several individuals that hold
municipal positions of power as well as own large resorts and other tourists focused

businesses. These local social relations points to a rejection of simple notions of the

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tourist/other dichotomy. In this case the locals need to be viewed as a diverse
demographic, where some retain ultimate control over the local context and use the local

gaze to enfrarne expatriates and tourists in ways that suit their control.

Scorn toward locals due to their negative environmental behavior is further
complicated by a feeling among expatriates that many locals, not just elites, have a great
deal of contempt for farang. The scorn for farang creates tension with expatriates who
become frustrated with a lack of environmental action by locals. Some expatriates use
this supposed lack of concern to deride the locals, but the expatriate community also fail
to coordinate and plan in environmental ways. It is not just the locals that have been

short-sighted in their environmental actions (ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008).

Koh Tao also has had a history of violence and maﬁa activity. In my several
travels to the island I have been regaled with stories of people disappearing and found
dead in the mountains. I initially dismissed this as hype and an inappropriate labeling of
local violence as organized crime, though on this most recent trip to collect interviews I
was corrected. The history of maﬁa activity on the island is real and deeply imbedded
within the island elite community. At least one powerful ﬁgure on the island was
murdered, reportedly due to his use of government funds that others saw as
disproportionately beneﬁting his dive business. I was also told that those who have
criticized and attempted to change certain ways of doing things on the island have had
individuals with automatic weapons visit them in the night. Finally, after I stopped
taping an expatriate interview, the interviewee told me that he knows some local elites on

the island that have been involved in maﬁa killings. These local elites frankly discussed

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their previous actions with this respondent as well as how the island was and how it has

changed to be less violent than it used to be.

This last conversation pointed to the mainstreaming of the island in general and
the lack of violence used today, but the specter of retribution still remains and for an
expatriate illegally residing in a foreign land. This appears to be enough to silence any
challenges to the system. Local Thais control most of the land on Koh Tao. Locals
retain their power by not allowing expatriates to inﬂuence local rule or participate in
decision-making. These salacious stories eagerly repeated in hushed tones by expatriates
on the island further points to this enclave as a space of the in—between. Koh Tao has
elements of lawlessness that exposes it as a location that resides outside of traditional
legal structures of the nation-state. In fact one expatriate that was interviewed echoed
this sentiment when he said, referring to Koh Tao “it’s not like its Thailand it could be

anywhere” (Expatriatelnterview4 2008).

This history of corruption and violence also has prevented cooperation between
the various elites on the island. When asked, several expatriates stated that corruption
has had negative environmental ramiﬁcation. Noting that you won’t be heard unless you
are connected and no changes will be made if it reduces income or subverts control
(Expatriatelnterview3 2008). Another pointed to the fact that getting anything done on
the island requires money and there is little action that is not wrapped up in personal
beneﬁt (Expatriatelnterview4 2008). One other expatriate pointed to the tension within
families that own adjacent plots of land, where the owners have long standing rivalries

further preventing any form of planning (Expatriatelnterview6 2008).

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Nature ’5 Agency

The natural environment should be considered a factor in the engendering of
environmental subjects on Koh Tao. The aquatic realm was frequently described by
backpackers as otherworldly and not normal. These statements suggest that the aquatic
world and the majestic and awe-inspiring coral reefs are different from the day-to-day
normalcy of terrestrial life. One diver mentioned how diving is similar to being in

outerspace, somewhere between ﬂying and ﬂoating.

When backpackers focus on exotic and visual aspects of the environment of Koh
Tao it results not only in the continual production of the liminal state by producing an
otherworldly state of mind, but also constructs nature as something out there as opposed
to being tied to the actions and interaction of nature with hmnans. Nature has agency and
affects those who come into contact with it. Many of the interviewees pointed to the fact
that their concern for nature increased because of diving and nearly all cited a deeper
connection with nature, particularly the oceans. They also pointed to their disgust for the
obvious degradation of some areas of Koh Tao. The ability of nature to make
backpackers more susceptible to the rhetoric of the environmental concern and action
needs to be considered as an integral aspect of the production of Koh Tao. With dive
shops and other tourist businesses touting themselves as ‘green’ and the noticeable rise in
environmentality rhetoric on the island, local elites have begun to take notice. They have
also begun to ask their expatriate employees about the growing concern for the
environment and realize it may be beneﬁcial for business (ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008).

Additionally they have seen Koh Tao change a great deal and while “they may not have

101

an education they can see the difference” (Expatriatelnterview6 2008). This respondent
was indicating that the local Thai residents did not need to have a formal education to be

aware of the rapid and undesirable changes occurring on Koh Tao and its environment.

Constraints and Changing Possibilities

Even though ‘exotic’ nature has helped engender environmental subjects,
expatriates have found that they can do only so much to make Koh Tao more
environmentally sustainable. They believe their efforts are constrained in multiple ways:
exclusion from island politics, the liminal state of many around them and the growing
population of hedonistic expatriate. Another constraint mentioned by a member of Save
Koh Tao was that the low price of services and lodging on the island precludes the ability
for ‘green’ development. He felt that given backpackers’ desire for everything to be as
cheap as possible, businesses have to cut as many comers as possible while pushing for

high tourist numbers (Expatriatelnterview2 2008).

Others voiced their concern but focused on how the up-scaling of the island’s
amenities have secured larger revenues, therefore, decreasing the need for high numbers
of tourists. One respondent, a manager of one of the biggest dive shops on the island,
pointed to the increase in overall professionalism as the biggest change on the island. He
described how dive shops used to be much less organized and that there was not much of
a focus on schedules. Particularly this individual stated that the quality of service from

divemasters and instructors has increased precipitously (Expatriatelnterview5 2008).

As Koh Tao increases the quality of amenities offered expectations have been

raised. This requires more expatriates to focus seriously on their employment on Koh
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Tao as a viable career choice; if they do treat their employment as a way to prolong the
party they will not have a job for very long. Such a situation means that more expatriates
are staying for longer durations and have a greater commitment to the island
(Expatriatelnterview5 2008). These changes have begun to slowly eliminate the
hedonistic in-between spaces of Koh Tao. One dive shop manager saw this as a beneﬁt
to the overall level of concern generated by expatriates, though he bemoaned the various
dive shops’ inability to coordinate use of dive sites to reduce impacts from diving saying
there needs to be “a little more communication” among dive shops (Expatriatelnterview5

2008)

He felt the result of this further professionalism contributed to a growing sense of
hope about the environment on the island. The Save Koh Tao conservation NGO also
has this hope. With more expatriate seeing dive life as a serious career choice they begin
to think more about the long term sustainability of the island. With Save Koh Tao this
concern has a channel to work through which aids in preventing the attitude of apathy

and scorn for local elites.

In turn the expatriate environmental activities get noticed by the local elites who
are not ignorant and have noticed the environmental changes on the island
(Expatriatelnterviewl 2008; ExpatriatelnterviewS 2008; Expatriatelnterview6 2008). By
having expatriates of all varieties begin to take action they start to take more interest. As
the previously mentioned dive shop manager stated, “there is an acknowledgement
among the Thais who are running the island that something has to be done”

(Expatriatelnterview5 2008). This bodes well for the island and could create a more

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coordinated effort among all parties to not only reduce terrestrial and marine impacts but

also aid in creating the environmental subjectivity of tourists on the island.

Summary

Liminality encountered by backpackers promotes a lack of connection with the
spaces they inhabit as well as focusing their actions on play, which divorces them from
acting upon their concern for the environment. Backpackers also desire to lengthen the
liminal state, to accomplish this they transfer into the role of the expatriate to continue
their life in-between. This continuation of the liminal also extends the lack of action on

behalf of the environment.

The liminal existence comes about through the removal from the home space. It
is further encouraged by the serendipitous and nomadic aspects of backpacker travel.
This becomes codiﬁed into spaces encountered by backpackers, particularly within
enclaves or backpacker ghettos. Enclaves that offer the opportunity of becoming an
expatriate through employment in tourism work further continue the enclave’s creation as

a liminal or in-between space.

The’geographical imaginaries of backpacker tourists have helped drive the
production of Koh Tao. These imaginaries can be traced back to the constructions of the
‘other’ and the exotic, driven by inherited Orientalist notions of the East. The relations
between the social structures of Orientalism and individual tourists have helped to
produce backpacker culture and their environmental lens. The idyllic paradise of the
drifter has been cemented by the population of expatriates on Koh Tao and continually

reiﬁed by the tourists who seek such ‘realities’. The enframing of enclaves as spaces in-
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between drives the production of Koh Tao; this forms a positive feedback loop of action
which then further supports the liminal aspects of this space. Yet a clear-cut description
of the production/consumption cycle suggests that backpackers and expatriates retain
total control of this location through tourism services focusing on their consumptive
desires thus driving speciﬁc forms of development. To believe that would ignore the
effects of the Thai residents and local elites who retain a great deal of power on the

island.

The lack of involvement by the expatriate in municipal decision making causes
further tension between the two groups and is a clear example of local power. This
should not suggest that the island is destined for environmental doom. Many expatriates
have found ways to encourage responsible environmental action and diminish the effects
of liminal aspect of this enclave. As a result they have harnessed the desire to sustain a
place of play through environmental action. In creating a viable avenue for direct action
that does not encroach upon local elites they have channeled a great deal of
environmental concern on the island. This has overall raised awareness on the island, not

only among tourists, but also among locals who have seen many negative changes.

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Conclusions: Thai Tourism, Backpackers, Expatriate and the Liminal Ecologies of

Koh Tao

In the 19605, Thailand’s long standing relationship with the US presented the
kingdom with an inﬂux of American military personnel on hiatus from the conﬂict in
Vietnam, this was not a situation that Thailand asked for, though it contributed to
changing the country’s image forever. With these military men came dollars and a desire
to relax and forget the reasons for being in such a distant place. Spending their money
the American military, knowingly or otherwise, invested in the infrastructure and

development of Thai tourism.

The twenty years after the Vietnam Conﬂict saw the steady increase of tourism
within Thailand. This was initially pushed by the federal government through
promotional initiatives. As the success of tourism began to spread throughout the nation,
the promotion and expiation of the tourism sector was being shouldered by private
enterprise. Tourist from within Asia into Thailand became the largest demographic up

until the late 19905.

By 1997 Asian ﬁnancial markets crashed. The effects reverberated throughout
the world destroying the regional tourism trade and deeply affecting inﬂowing monies
into Thailand. The kingdom did not ask for this situation either. In responding to these
circumstances the best way they could, Thailand utilized tourism as a means of restarting
their national economy; in the processes Thailand created a global brand of their people,
environment, and territory. Millions of tourists found the opportunities of cheap travel

and the ‘exotic’ other too enticing not to go. In focusing on tourism as a method of

106

 

raising national revenue they chose not to push tourism as a way of creating

environmental stewardship.

Long a destination of backpacker tourism, Thailand’s economic decisions after
the Asian Financial Crisis allowed for the backpackers to gain hold of places that were
often out of the sphere of inﬂuence of the national government, places like Koh Tao.
This created a situation where the local elites dictated control of resources and
development. Young travelers looking to live a free and idyllic life came to Koh Tao
reafﬁrming the island’s role as a site of play and relaxation. Many stayed driven in part
to extend this life, starting dive shops or working in the tourism industry. As the desires
of the nation drove tourism, Koh Tao found itself with more backpackers and as a result

more backpacker expatriates.

Historically the backpacker expatriate community has always contained
individuals concerned with the environment. Expatriates frequently stayed on the island
because the unique reef ecosystems afforded them the opportunity to continue a life of
relative leisure. Unsurprisingly expatriates focused on the environment as a place to
play. Those that have made an attempt to change poor development practices and other
environmentally damaging activities have been told it is not their place and in some
instances forcefully told to stay out of local politics. This encourages ambivalence
towards environmental damage and supports the production of enclaves and their

environment as spaces betwixt and between.

Repeated attempts by some expatriates to engender environmental concern on the

island have ﬁnally begun to take hold for a variety of reasons. The more noticeable

107

 

forms of environmental harm have caused greater awareness among the dive industry,
which knows full well its income depends on a healthy environment. As Koh Tao’s
amenities have increased in conjunction with the growing popularity of backpacking, the
island’s dive industry has become more professional. This elevated level of
professionalism has driven dive instructors and divemasters to look at their employment
more as a career option then a transient stage in their lives. This change in perspective
has slowly removed some from their liminal state. It also further engrains them and their
concerns into the space of Koh Tao. Greater connection to Koh Tao has started to make

the environment a location of not only play, but also concern and action.

The data collected during research on Koh Tao, Thailand shows that backpacker
environmental attitudes aide in the creation of Koh Tao as a liminal space, which often
encourages expatriation among this traveling culture. The move from backpacker to
expat further drives enclaves as locations of the liminal. As such these two aspects are
important factors in the suite of inﬂuences that drive the creation of enclaves’ liminal

state.

For backpackers the environment is a site of concern but more importantly it is a
location of play and enjoyment. The landscapes encountered while traveling are
enfrarned as sites of consumption. The environmental concern that is expressed among
this traveling culture does not construct nature as a location of action. The focus on
nature as a site of recreation creates the material foundation of this space as a liminal

20118.

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As the desire to continue an in-between state persists some backpackers take up
residence in these enclaves. This is particularly common in locations such as Koh Tao
which have ample employment for expatriates in the tourism industry. The conversion
from backpacker to expatriate also reproduces the status of enclaves as a liminal or in-
between territory. The continuation of enclaves as locations of play and spaces in-
between or outside of normal social mores further produces the environment as a site of

leisure.

This research has contributed to the wider literature concerning backpacker
tourism. It has added to the discussions concerning the construction of enclaves as sites
of liminal space. It has done this by addressing two aspects of the production of
backpacker enclaves. First, this research has shown that the environmental perceptions of
backpackers aid in the creation of enclaves by enframing the environment as a site of
play and leisure. Second, it has shown that the creation of enclaves as liminal spaces
engenders a desire for expatriation. This population of expatriates within enclaves
continues these sites as places of holiday by maintaining their status as locations of play

ﬁrrther producing the environment as a landscape of leisure consumption.

This research has opened new channels of inquiry into backpacker enclaves and
the role of the liminal in the travels of backpackers. Further avenues of research should
be undertaken to ascertain how backpacker expatriates aid in the production of enclaves
and how their position within enclaves change over time. Additional research should also

be directed at the effects of up scaling of amenities and development within backpacker

109

enclaves. Comparative research on different enclaves should be undertaken to assess

how different location produce variation with backpacker enclaves.

Lastly, the role of gender and gendered spaces within enclaves deserves greater
scrutiny. Masculine constructions of the environment and tourism consumption in
general have been driven from a patriarchal society (Pritchard and Morgan 2000). How
gender affects the production of backpacker enclaves needs to be explored further with
regards to environmental attitudes and the general process of social (re)production within
touristscapes. This focus on gender should also explore the differing cultural attitudes of

gender found in both host and guest populations within enclaves.

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APPENDIX A

Backpacker Interview Questions
Gender: M / F

Age:
Nationality:

Did the quality the natural environment sway your decisions of where to travel? (How,
Why)

Did the environment inﬂuence your deciSion to undertake certain activities while
traveling?

Have you experienced a connection with nature in a new way while you have been
traveling?

Has nature been important aspect of your travels?
Do you consider yourself to be environmentally conscious / aware?
What activities you are doing on Koh Tao?
[lf Diving] Are you getting any certiﬁcations?
Have you ever dived before?
How many dives will you be doing?
What dive shop are you diving with and how did you make this choice?
How did you choose your lodging, what factors affected this choice?

Are you concerned about the environment on and around Koh Tao and/or have you
experienced anything that has made you concerned?

Have you had any from of environmental education while on Koh Tao?

Do you feel there is a concern for the environment here on Koh Tao, both from tourists
and locals?

Do you see actions relating to those concerns?

Do you feel that you have negative, positive or neutral environmental impact by your
actions while on Koh Tao?

Have you changed or modiﬁed your behavior to make less of an impact?

11]

 

I

If so, what were these changes?

Below are a list of activities and impacts. what do you feel you have been involved with
while travelig to and staying on Koh Tag.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Overuse of Caused Physical

Water Water Damage to

Resources Pollution Coral

Overuse of Caused Air Decreasing

energy Pollution Forest Cover

resources

Limited Eaten Rented a

your use of Seafood Scooter

water

Limited Disturbing Purchased

your use of ﬁsh Souvenirs

energy populations

Gone Cleaned up Negatively

Fishing the Beach impact ocean
(pick up water quality
trash)

Conservati

on of

Marine

Resources

 

 

 

112

 

Expatriate Interview Questions

When did you ﬁrst come to Koh Tao?

Who lived on Koh Tao then?

Were they permanent residence?

Do you know what the population was back then?

What was the infrastructure like, roads, water facilities, and etcetera?
Was there a tourist oriented economy here then?

What were they doing here?

What reason did you come to Koh Tao?

How long have you been an inhabitant of Koh Tao?

Do you work or own a business on Koh Tao?

Do you think Koh Tao is different that it was when you ﬁrst came here?
If, yes, How 50?

Do think the changes have become negative?

How would you characterize the development on Koh Tao, is there or has there been a
development strategy?

What do you think about the health of the environment of Koh Tao?
Has this been hurt by development or too many tourists?
Has the environment been impacted by other factors?

What is the most important factor contributing to environmental impact?

113

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