LIBRARY Micrllgan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled ACCULTURATION AND PARENTING STYLES AMONG KOREAN-AMERICAN MOTHERS presented by COLETTE HEEJIN MOON has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for the MA. degree in Child Development V1141 111/ (C: . 5168-51} ‘ (lébi/ Mdjor Professor’s Signature 95/?” t 7 141.64 M/ 02 00“ (7 Date MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Employer -—.-.---.—.-.-~--—.-—.--- -‘- --—.~.-‘-.-.-- PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 5/08 K:IProj/Aoc&Pres/ClRC/DateDue.indd ACCULTURATION AND PARENTING STYLES AMONG KOREAN-AMERICAN MOTHERS By Colette Heejin Moon A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Child Development 2009 11" '8‘ all: .‘b'i all?! t rill; ll it'll! . .I‘I'llll‘lf ‘I‘I'. ABSTRACT ACCULTURATION AND PARENTING STYLES AMONG KOREAN-AMERICAN MOTHERS By Colette Heejin Moon Asian-American parents, including Korean parents, are known for their authoritarian parenting style in general. They are often described as showing high control and low support towards their children. The goal of this study was to explore the relationship between mothers’ acculturation strategies and parenting styles among Korean-American mothers. Specifically, this study focused on how acculturation strategies are related to maternal control and maternal support, two primary characteristics of parenting styles. In addition, how collectivism, one of the core cultural aspects in Korean culture, is related to either acculturation strategies and maternal support and control was examined. Immigrant mothers (N = 72) from Korea whose children were from five to twelve years old responded to questions about acculturation strategies, collectivism and maternal control and support. There were no significant correlational relationships between other acculturation strategies, assimilation, integration, and separation, and either maternal control or support. Correlation analyses revealed that inconsistency in PDl-S and family organization were significantly correlated with acculturation. Results from multiple regression analyses indicated that marginalization negatively predicted maternal support. Findings indicate that acculturation may have an effect on parenting styles among Korean-American mothers. Copyright by COLETTE HEEJ IN MOON 2009 DEDICATION This thesis is dedicated to my loving parents who have supported me throughout the course of this project. Without their unconditional love, understanding, and encouragement, the completion of this thesis would have not been possible. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Holly Brophy-Herb, my advisor and chairperson on my committee, for her encouragement, patience, and the continuous support throughout this study. Her guidance helped me in all the time of research and writing of this thesis. I would also like to thank the members of committee, Dr. Esther Onaga and Dr. Desiree Qin, for their encouragement, expertise, and insightful comments. My appreciation also goes to St. Andrew Kim Korean Catholic Church for their support. I would also like to thank all the participants who took time to complete the questionnaire booklets and individuals who referred my study to other eligible mothers during the process of survey. I would also like to gratefully acknowledge the support of very special individuals. I would like to thank Dr. Su Min Oh for her comments and suggestions for my thesis. I am also grateful to Skye Suh, Esq. for her support. Finally, I take this opportunity to express my profound gratitude to my beloved parent and brother for their moral support and patience during my study. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................... viii LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................... ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 1 Statement of Problem ................................................................................................... 3 Importance of the Problem ........................................................................................... 4 Purpose of the Study ..................................................................................................... 5 Conceptual or Theoretical Model ................................................................................. 6 Baumrind’s Parenting Style ................................................................................... 6 Acculturation ......................................................................................................... 9 Research Questions and Hypotheses .......................................................................... 13 Conceptual and Operational Definitions .................................................................... 15 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF LITERATURE ............................................................................................ 16 Korean Culture ............................................................................................................ 16 Influence of Confucianism .................................................................................. 16 Characteristics of Korean Parents ....................................................................... 17 Acculturation .............................................................................................................. l 9 Acculturation and Parenting Styles ............................................................................ 24 Summary ..................................................................................................................... 26 CHAPTER 3 METHODS ........................................................................................................................ 28 Research Design ......................................................................................................... 28 Participant Recruitment .............................................................................................. 28 Instrumentation ........................................................................................................... 29 Demographics ...................................................................................................... 30 Parenting Dimensions Inventory — Short Version (PDI-S) ................................. 30 East Asian Acculturation Measure (EMMA) ...................................................... 32 Modified Index of the Individualism-Collectivism (INCOL) Scale ................... 33 Data Analysis .............................................................................................................. 34 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS .......................................................................................................................... 36 Introduction ................................................................................................................. 36 Characteristics of the Sample ..................................................................................... 36 Correlations ................................................................................................................. 39 Regression ................................................................................................................... 41 vi CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................. 45 Acculturation .............................................................................................................. 45 Acculturation and Parenting Style .............................................................................. 46 Maternal Support and Control .................................................................................... 51 Limitations of the Study ............................................................................................. 52 Recommendations for Further Research .................................................................... 54 APPENDICES ................................................................................................................... 57 Figures ........................................................................................................................ 57 Consent Form .............................................................................................................. 6O IRB Approval Letter ................................................................................................... 62 Cover Letter ................................................................................................................ 63 Acculturation and Parenting Style Questionnaires ..................................................... 64 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................................. 73 vii LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Conceptual and Operational Definitions .............................................................. 15 Table 2. Mothers' Demographic Characteristics ................................................................ 38 Table 3. Correlations between Acculturation and Parenting Styles .................................. 39 Table 4. Frequencies for type of control ............................................................................ 41 Table 5. Scale Means and Standard Deviations ................................................................. 41 Table 6. Summary of Multiple Regression Analysis for Maternal Control (N=72) .......... 42 Table 7. Summary of Multiple Regression Analysis for Maternal Support (N=72) ......... 43 viii LIST OF FIGURES Figure l. Unidimensional Model (Keefe & Padilla, 1987 in Lee et al., 2003) .................. l 1 Figure 2. Bidimensional Model (Keefe & Padilla, 1987 in Lee et al., 2003) .................... 11 Figure 3. Acculturation and Parenting Style Conceptual Model ....................................... 12 Figure 4. Hypothesized Acculturation and Parenting Style Conceptual Model ................ 12 Figure 5. Frequencies for Age of Korean-American Mothers (N =72) .............................. 57 Figure 6. Frequencies for Age of Children (N=72) ........................................................... 57 Figure 7. Frequencies for Assimilation (N=70) ................................................................. 58 Figure 8. Frequencies for Integration (N=70) .................................................................... 58 Figure 9. Frequencies for Separation (N=67) .................................................................... 59 Figure 10. Frequencies for Marginalization (N=70) .......................................................... 59 Chapter One Introduction Researchers have illustrated that parenting styles among Asian Americans are different from parenting styles of European Americans (Chao, 1994; Chao, 2000; Kelley & Tseng, 1992). More specifically, characteristics of parenting styles may hold different meanings among Asian American and European American parents. For example, according to Chao (1994), harsh “strictness” and restrictive “control” are often perceived as indicators of parental hostility and aggression to European American parents, whereas the same concepts are viewed as demonstrations of parental concern and caring to Asian American parents. Chao (1994) explains it is due to different cultural systems. Parenting styles are varied based on different family systems and values, and there are definite cultural differences in family systems and values between United States and Korea (Kim, 2005). Korean culture is based on Confucianism and collectivism. Under the influence of Confucianism, Korean culture emphasizes the hierarchical relationship between parent and children, and family structure is typically patriarchal. As a result, Korean-American parents expect full obedience from their children (Choi, 2001). Unlike the United States where individualistic cultures are common, many countries in Asia such as Korea, China, and Japan are characterized by a collectivistic culture (Kim & Choi, 1994). In fact, after examining 117,000 IBM employees from 50 different countries, Hofstede (1980) found that while employees from United States scored highest on the individualism scale, employees from Korea scored low on the individualism scale. Researchers (Hofstede, 1980; Hui & Triandis, 1986) have been found that while an individualistic culture emphasizes autonomy, emotional independence, and right to privacy, collectivistic culture emphasizes collective identity, emotional dependence, duties, and obligations. These different cultural backgrounds may lead parents to develop different parenting styles. In fact, Kim and Choi (1994) noted that parents in a collectivistic culture raise their children to be interdependent, whereas parents in individualistic culture encourage their children to be independent and self-reliant. In childrearing, Korean parents consider their children as their other selves. As a result, Korean parents tend to take full responsibility for their children’s behavior and outcomes, which leads them to be extensively involved in their off-springs’ decision-making throughout their lives from children’s daily routine, choice of college, to choice of spouse (Min, 1988). Also, in general, family needs matter more than the individual’s freedom and independence (Phinney, Ong & Madden, 2000). Thus, when families from the collectivist cultural background immigrate to an individualist culture, such as the United States (Kim & Choi, 1994), they are faced with a culture that reflects very different beliefs about the rearing children. For instance, when European American parents teach their children and adolescents to be obedient to them, they also allow their offspring more equality and place less emphasis on obedience than do parents in collectivist cultures. Parents in collectivist cultures emphasize interdependence while European parents encourage more independence in their children than do parents in collectivist cultures (Okagaki & Sternberg, 1993). When individuals immigrate to the United States as adults they usually acculturate into the mainstream American culture at a slower rate than those who immigrate as children (Rosenthal, Ranieri & Klimidis, 1996). This is because individuals who came to the United States as adults have been socialized into their native culture for a longer period of time than individuals who left their native countries as children or who were born in the United States. Therefore, immigrant parents are more likely to maintain their cultural values and beliefs more strongly than their children (Rosenthal, et al., 1996). The extent to which parents have acculturated have important implications for their parenting styles. Parents who reject the new, dominant culture likely demonstrate a different parenting style than parents who have adopted the new, dominant culture. Statement of the Problem As noted, there are distinct differences between Korean and American cultures. Many Korean-American parents who immigrated to the United States confront difficulties and challenges due to cultural differences. The challenges include adapting to cultural differences, communicating with other people (i.e. language barrier), finding an appropriate occupation, and maintaining a harmonious parent-child relationship. As Korean-American parents are continuously exposed to US. culture, they become acculturated into mainstream American culture. The acculturation process can be characterized as reflecting four acculturation strategies: assimilation (only accepting the dominant culture); integration (adopting both origin and new culture); separation (only accepting the origin cultural value); and, marginalization (rejecting both origin and dominant culture) (Berry, 1980; 1997). According to Bomstein and colleagues (Bomstein et. al., 1998), one’s native culture is the one of many factors that has influence on parenting styles. Researchers suggest that not only can parenting styles change as immigrant parents acculturate into mainstream American culture, but acculturation may also stimulate changes in childrearing among immigrant parents (Farver and Lee 2000; Liu et al., 2008). For example, Kim and Hong (2007) found that as Korean-American mothers are acculturated into mainstream American culture, they stopped practicing negative aspects of Korean- style discipline (e.g. spanking, hitting) and adopted positive aspects of American style discipline (e.g. timeout, use of sticker charts, removing privileges, giving chores) for their children. Lin and Fu (1990) also reported that as Chinese American parents adopt American culture, they may demonstrate less behavioral control to their children, while allowing their children to be more independent. Given these results, there may be a relationship between acculturation strategies and parenting styles. As Korean-American parents confront various kinds of cultural differences as they are living in the United States, they may become more Americanized and their parenting styles may change to reflect more mainstream European American parenting norms. The purpose of this study is to investigate how acculturation strategies are associated with parenting styles among Korean-American mothers. The goals of this research study are to examine the relationship between acculturation strategies and parenting styles among Korean-American mothers. Specifically, this study will focus on how acculturation strategies are related to maternal control and maternal support, two primary characteristics of parenting style. Importance of the Problem The 2000 US. census indicated that there are over 1 million Korean-Americans in the United States. Among those, 34.9 percent were U.S. born and 65.1 percent were foreign born. Korean-Americans make up 10.5 percent of over 10 million Asian Americans and 0.38 percent of the 281.4 million total United States population. Due to Korean immigrants’ continuing migration to the United States, the Korean-American population in the US. has increased approximately 800,000 since 1948, with the majority of immigrants coming to the US. since the 1965 Immigration Act (Census of Population and Housing 2000; Min, 1988). While the number of Korean-Americans increased by more than 15 times during the last 30-year period (Census of Population and Housing, 2000), relatively little research has addressed the acculturation strategies relative to the parenting styles of Korean-American parents. Although there are many studies including other Asian samples such as Chinese, few research studies have focused exclusively on Korean samples with regard to parenting styles and acculturation. Furthermore, even studies aimed at parenting styles and acculturation of Korean-American parents rarely focused on parents of young children. The majority of the studies are conducted with parents of adolescents. In addition, many studies on Korean-American samples have been conducted in California because it has the highest concentration of Korean-Americans (Census of Population and Housing, 2000). Thus, the current study contributes to geographic diversity in Korean-American studies. Describing Korean-American parenting and acculturation is an important element as the first step of addressing potential supports for study of Korean-American immigrants. Purpose of the Study The overall purpose of the present study is to explore the relationship between mothers’ acculturation strategies and parenting styles among Korean-American mothers. Although the Korean-American population has continuously increased, compared to other Asian populations such as Chinese-American parents, there is relatively little known about Korean-American parents’ parenting style. To address these gaps in the research literature, this study will examine how the acculturation strategies are associated with parenting styles among Korean-American mothers, specifically examining the relationship between acculturation strategies and level of maternal control and maternal support. Conceptual or Theoretical Model The present study is guided by the Baumrind’s (1991) conceptualizations of four parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and rejecting/neglecting and Berry’s (1980, 1997) bidimensional model of acculturation, which describes four acculturation strategies: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization. Baumrind’s Parenting Style Disciplinary strategies, warmth and nurturance, communication styles, and expectations of maturity and control are four important dimensions of parenting that Bau‘mrind has identified (Baumrind, 1967). Among four dimensions, parental responsiveness (also referred to as parental warmth/support) and parental demandingness (also referred to as behavioral control) are two key elements of parenting in Baumrind’s four parenting styles (Lim & Lim, 2003). Parental support relates to fostering individuality and being responsive to children’s needs and demands. Parental control refers to the demands the parents make on the child. It also includes parents’ expectations for their children to show mature behavior, the discipline, and supervision. Parents teach respect by using limits and expectations and provide a sound structure for their child. Categorizing parents according to whether they are high or low on parental demandingness (control) and responsiveness (warmth) informs a typology of four parenting styles (Baumrind, 1991). Baumrind’s four parenting styles are described briefly here, as a context for understanding the important roles that parental support and parental control play in understanding parenting styles. Given the importance of these two characteristics, however, this study will specifically highlight parental control and support as key parenting indicators. First, parents characterized as having an authoritative style are flexible but firm, maintaining control and discipline but showing some reason and flexibility as well, and communicating expectations but allowing verbal give-and-take. They score as high on control and support, and have clear expectations for behavior and conduct which they monitor, and their discipline fosters responsibility, cooperation, and self-regulation. As compared to other parenting styles, their children demonstrate effective coping, are individuated, mature, resilient, achievement oriented, self-regulated and responsible, and score highly on tests of cognitive competence (Baumrind, 1991). Second, parents characterized as having an authoritarian style are highly directive, value obedience and are more controlling, show less support, less nurturance and more distance and aloofness, and discourage discussion and debate from their children. They are high on control but low on support, maintaining order, communicating expectations, and monitoring the children carefully. Their children tend to be less individuated, show lower internalization of pro-social values, ego development, and perform more poorly on cognitive tests and see their parents as more restrictive (Baumrind, 1991). Third, parents characterized as having a permissive style make fewer demands and allow the children to regulate themselves for the most part, using little discipline. They are higher on support but lower on control, requiring little maturity and conventionalism, and avoid confrontation of problematic behavior. The children are less assertive, and less cognitively competent. Their children were often smarter but less achievement-oriented and showed less self-regulation and social responsibility (Baumrind, 1991). Finally, parents characterized as having a rejecting/neglecting style are low on both control and support; they do not structure, organize, discipline, attend and supervise, and may actively reject or neglect the children. The children lack adequate coping skills, and are the least competent of the four groups. Their children are antisocial, lack self- regulation, have more internalizing and externalizing problems, lower scores on cognitive tests, are more immature and reject their parents as role models. They are most likely to use drugs and alcohol (Baumrind, 1991). Although many studies have shown that authoritative parenting style is the optimal parenting styles among four parenting styles, studies examined on parenting styles in ethnic groups demonstrated authoritarian parenting style may fit better for ethnic minority parents (Chao, 1994; Chao, 2000). In addition, Chao (1994) has argued that the control and restrictiveness are seen as characteristic of Chinese (and more broadly, Asian) families, in general, and that the Chinese parenting style is often characterized as authoritarian style. However, according to Chao, underlying beliefs about the control and restrictiveness between Chinese families and European American families are very different from each other. While strictness is related in Protestant Christian beliefs for many European American families, for Chinese parents, strictness refers a notion of training (chiao shun and guan) and it reflects role relationships defined by Confucianism. In her study, Chao (1994) explains that training involves not only strictness but also support and nurture of the mothers and that is what makes difference between authoritarian parenting style and the concepts of training, which can be described as Chinese parenting style. The goal of training is to assure harmonious family relationships and includes the elements of concerning and caring for children, while authoritarian style emphasizes obedience from the child without explaining or providing emotional support. In her research, Chao (1994) hypothesized that Chinese mothers would score higher on parental control and the concept of training than European American mothers. After measuring parental control and the concept of training, which includes questions such as “A mother’s sole interest is in taking care of her child,” “Child should be in the constant care of their mothers or family,” and “Mother should do everything for child’s education and make many sacrifices,” for Chinese mothers and European American mothers, her results indicate that Chinese mothers score significantly high both on parental control and the concept of training. As noted, parental control and support are two key characteristics of Baumrind’s parenting style and Chao (1994) measured parental control and the concept of training, which involves parental support to define Chinese parenting style. Therefore, the current study will be measuring parental control and support to examine Korean-American mother’s parenting style. Acculturation Acculturation occurs when individuals from a different cultural background migrate to another culture. It is the process of learning that happens while those individuals are exposed continuously to a new culture (Berry, 1997). In general, there are two major models of acculturation known in the acculturation literature: the unidimensional model and the bidimensional model (Lee et al., 2003). The unidimensional model is a linear model that depicts an individual as simply shifting from being un-acculturated to being fully acculturate to the new culture (Lee et al., 2003). On the other hand, the bidimensional model includes both the culture of origin and the new culture so that varying levels of acceptance to the original and to the host cultures can be examined (Berry, 1997). According to Berry’s (1980, I997) bidimensional model, there are four acculturation strategies: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization. Assimilated immigrants do not wish to keep their identity from their origin culture but rather accept all of the characteristics of the new culture. Integrated immigrants maintain their identity with their home culture, while taking on characteristics of the new culture. Separated immigrants separate themselves from the dominant culture while maintaining the original cultural identity. Marginalized immigrants reject both their original cultural identities and new dominant cultural context. Lee et al. (2003) suggested that a bidimensional model (Berry, 1997) can better explain the acculturation of Korean-Americans as compared to a unidimensional model. (see Figure l and Figure 2). Therefore, to examine the relationship between Korean- American parents’ acculturation strategies and their parental styles, Berry’s (1980, 1997) acculturation framework will be used for this study. 10 L l Unacculturated Bicultural Acculturated Figure I. Unidimensional Model (Keefe & Padilla, 1987 in Lee et al., 2003) Positive Relationship with Dominant Society Yes No Retention of Cultural Yes Integration Separation Identity No Assimilation Marginalization Figure 2. Bidimensional Model (Keefe & Padilla, 1987 in Lee et al., 2003) ll IV: Acculturation DV: Parenting Style: Strategies ' Maternal Control and Maternal Support Figure 3. Acculturation and Parenting Style Conceptual Model IV: Acculturation Strategies DV: Parenting Style Low Maternal Control Assimilation Integration \ High Maternal Support High Maternal Control Separation / Marginalization Low Maternal Support Figure 4. Hypothesized Acculturation and Parenting Style Conceptual Model 12 Research Questions and Hypotheses This research assumes that mothers provided honest responses on the questionnaires. The following research questions and hypotheses are addressed in the current study. Research Questions 1) What are the respondent’s basic demographic characteristics relative to age, number of children, education, annual income, and language preference (i.e. English or Korean)? 2) How is collectivism (one of the core characteristics in Korean culture) related to maternal support, maternal control, and maternal acculturation among Korean- American mothers? Hypotheses HOI: Among Korean-American mothers, there is no relationship between acculturation strategies and maternal control. Hal: Among Korean-American mothers, the assimilation and integration acculturation strategies will predict low maternal control. . Ha2: Among Korean-American mothers, the marginalization and separation acculturation strategies will predict high maternal control. H02: Among Korean-American mothers, there is no relationship between acculturation strategies and maternal support. Ha3: Among Korean-American mothers, the assimilation and integration acculturation strategies will predict the high maternal support. 13 Ha4: Among Korean-American mothers, the marginalization and separation acculturation strategies will predict low maternal support. 14 Table I Conceptual and Operational Definitions Conceptual and Operational Definitions Conceptual Definition Operational Definition Parenting styles (Maternal support / Maternal control) The manner in which parents interpret and respond to child behavior guided by general cultural norms and value systems (Chen et al, 1998). a) Maternal support: Maternal warmth and affection, which relate to mothers’ being responsive to children’s needs and demands (Baumrind, 1991). b) Maternal control: Maternal exertion of behavioral control by limit-setting and putting rules and restrictions over children’s behaviors (Baumrind, 1991). Self reported parenting styles, characterized by use of maternal support and control, as measured on the Parenting Dimensions Inventory-Short Version (Power, 2002) a) Maternal support: Self reported maternal support by assessing one dimension of parenting, the nurturance, on the Parenting Dimensions Inventory- Short Version (Power, 2002). b) Maternal control: Self reported maternal control by assessing two dimensions of parenting, which include type of control and amount of control on the Parenting Dimensions Inventory-Short Version (Power, 2002) Acculturation Strategies Respondent’s subjective concept of acculturation strategies, which includes assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization. In addition, acculturation is defined as process of adopting host society’s cultural traits (Berry, 1997). Self reported acculturation strategies by assessing four acculturation strategies, which include assimilation, separation, integration, and marginalization on the East Asian Acculturation Measure (Declan, 2001). Demographic Characteristics 9 Descriptive data regarding mothers characteristics relevant to mothers’ age, number of children, child’s gender, child’s birth order, type of occupation, education level, family income, and length of time in the US. Self reported responses of descriptive data on mothers’ age, number of children, child’s gender and birth order, length of time in the US, family income,, type of occupation, and education level (mothers select from prelisted categories with options for adding “other” categories) on the demographic survey section. 15 Chapter Two Review of Literature Asian-American parents raise their children based on their cultural values. Research indicates (Chao, 1994) that majority of Asian-Americans are authoritarian in their parenting style and they emphasize interdependence. It is important to consider on the role of migration and acculturation in changing Asian-American parenting styles because there are many Asian-Americans living in the United States and the numbers are keep increasing (Balter, 2000). However, as Phinney et al (2000) pointed out, the ways and effects of acculturation process and changing parental style on the family is all different from each ethnic group. Therefore, it would be more effective if each ethnic group is considered and studied separately so that researchers can see each group’s unique process of acculturation and resulting changes in parenting style. In order to examine current research about acculturation and changing parental styles among immigrants, specifically Korean-Americans, the literature review is organized as follows. First, Korean culture is described, which includes influence of Confucianism, and characteristics of Korean parents. Next, acculturation is defined and described, in general, following with definitions of four different acculturation strategies, which are assimilation, integration, marginalization, and separation. Finally, research on acculturation strategies as it related to parenting styles will be addressed. Korean Culture Influence of Confucianism Confucianism is a major influence in Korean society (Min, 1988; Park & Cho, 1995). In contemporary Korean society, the teachings of Confiicius may not be practiced l6 word by word in Korea. However, a way of thinking and many behaviors of the Koreans are still coming from his teaching. Confucianism was developed from the teachings of Confucius in China and his followers, and has spread through various countries in East Asia from Korea, Japan to Vietnam. Confucius considered human relationships as a core value and family as the prototype for all relationships (Kim & Choi, 1994; Min, 1988). Consistent with Confucianism, Koreans consider human relationships as the most important element of their everyday lives. Confucius identified five human relationships that he thought that are considered essential for harmonious social relationships. The five human relationships are as follows: 1) husband and wife, 2) father and son, 3) older (brother) and younger (brother), 4) king and subject, and 5) between friends. Confucius believed that while the first member (of each pair)’s duties were to protect and look after the second member of each pair, the second individual was expected to respect and to serve the first (Min, 1988). Notably, three of the above five relationships involve the family, which indicates that family is considered as a fundamental unit of society within Confucianism (Kim & Choi, 1994; Min, 1988). flaracteristics of Korean Parents A number of studies have noted that there are several unique characteristics of Korean culture, relevant to parenting styles, that still exist today and reflect the influence of Confucianism (Kim & Choi, 1994; Min, 1988). First, filial piety is considered as an essential norm in Korean society, which implies that children are required to obey and respect their parents. Children also have obligations to fiilfill for their parents such as supporting their parents after their parents’ retirement (Kim & Choi, 1994; Min, 1988). I7 nrfior n expects stong r mahng educatic still llr‘lr Him 8; brothers only bet polite an Fears (M System ( ] their till] 1988,). I edUCallor alter Sch financial Children} molllErs j Second, status distinction is also one of the external features considered as a major tenet in the Korean family system (Kim & Choi, 1994). For instance, wives are expected to obey and serve their husbands, which characterize the Korean society as a strong patriarchy. In the past, wives did not have any rights to be involved in decision making processes, including decisions about important family affairs, such as children’s education. Although wives nowadays have more rights than in the past, many of them are still living under husbands’ supervision (Min, 1988). Third, hierarchical relationships are another common tenet in Korean culture (Kim & Choi, 1994). Koreans put a lot of emphasis on age. For example, younger brothers or sisters are expected not to act rudely to their older siblings. Age matters not only between siblings, but also between general interpersonal relations. One should act polite and use polite language if the other person is older than him or her, even a few years (Min, 1988). At last, maternal and paternal sacrifice still play major roles in the Korean family system (Kim & Choi, 1994). Under the impact of Confucianism, Korean parents consider their children’s education as the most important element in raising their children (Min, 1988). Thus, Korean parents would usually do anything to support their children’s education. For instance, the parents are not only willing to pay for extracurricular studies after school and full college tuition for their children, which can often be a heavy financial burden for them, but also migrate to the US. for better opportunities for their children’s education. In fact, Korean mothers consider themselves to be successful mothers if their children enter a prestigious college. Putting great emphasis on education 18 often causes social problems such as parents’ serious financial pressure and children’s severe stress (Min, 1988). Along with sacrifices that Korean parents report making, several studies (e.g., Kim & Choi, 1994) revealed that indulgence and devotion. towards children are two additional general beliefs that Korean mothers have had historically. Not being forced to eat by themselves until age of 3 and flexible bedtimes and toilet training are a few examples of the indulgence side of Korea mothers. In addition, Korean mothers are often found to be inconsistent in discipline styles with their children (Kim & Choi, 1994). In other words, they sometimes appear to be authoritarian, but democratic in another times. For example, a certain behavior is forbidden at one point, but okay at another point. In case of devotion, as previously mentioned, Korean parents are often willing to pay not only for their children’s college tuition, but also pay off their children’s debts and fund wedding expenses. In general, for many Korean women, raising a child “well” is considered the most important duty in their lives, and unselfish devotion is an essential trait that they must practiced while raising children (Kim & Choi, 1994). As noted earlier, Korean parents think that education is one of the core factors that will help their children to be successful. Indeed, it made ‘giving their children better opportunity for an education’ the number one reason cited by Korean immigrants for coming to the US. (Min, 1988). Although their reasons for coming to the US. may be the same, the situations that they face after migrating are quite different. Acculturation Acculturation is defined as ‘a process of “overall” adaptation of immigrants on both individual and group levels, including cultural, psychological, social, economic, and 19 political aspects of adaptation" (Lee, Sobal, and Frongillo, 2003, p. 282). Acculturation occurs as individuals migrate from one country to another. After the migration, individuals face the new cultural context, which may be far different from the culture of their native country (Berry, 1997). In general, unidimensional models and bidimensional models of acculturation are two major frameworks utilized in the acculturation literature (Lee et al., 2003). The unidimensional model is a linear model, which assumes that immigrants are functioning at some point in-between being unacculturated and being fully acculturated. As immigrants become fully acculturated, they lose characteristics from their old cultural contexts while gaining new characteristics from their new cultural contexts. In other words, individuals give up some of the characteristics from their traditional society while they are acquiring new characteristics from dominant society, which can be summarized as a zero-sum trade-off process (Lee et al, 2003). In this case, however, one cannot feel high familiarity (or low familiarity) with both old and new cultures at the same time. Since it is a zero-sum trade-off process, one can feel high (or low) familiarity with only one culture. In other words, if an individual feels high familiarity with new culture, he can only feel low familiarity with his home culture. (Cuellar, Arnold, & Maldonade, 1995) For example, according to the unidimensional model, it is not possible for one to speak English at work place, as required his or her job, and keep speaking his or her native language, eating traditional food, and doing traditional child-rearing practices at home at the same time (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). However, the above example shows that this model is unrealistic. A person in the example demonstrates his high familiarity 20 with new and old culture at the same time by speaking English (new) and doing traditional behaviors (old). The above example is fairly commonly practiced by many immigrants from different countries nowadays. It explains why the following model is more suitable for the current study. According to Berry (1980, 1997), individuals and groups in plural societies (e.g. United States) tend to utilize one of four acculturation strategies: assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization. Assimilation occurs when immigrants relinquish their original cultural identities as they acquire new cultural identities from the new society (Berry, 1980, 1997). In this case, individuals do not wish to maintain their old customs or language and fully merge into dominant society. For instance, they would only use new language that they acquired from the new society rather than using their own language (Berry, 1980). In contrast, integration occurs when immigrants retain their original culture while they accept new aspects from the dominant society (Berry, 1980, 1997). In the case of integration, individuals are willing to engage in daily interactions with other dominant groups and participate as a part of the larger social network, but, at the same time, they maintain their original cultural identities. For instance, one may live perfectly fine with following dominant society’s diet without relinquishing his or her traditional food, such as rice, at home (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). Separation is another acculturation strategy, which involves the process of maintaining only the original cultural identity and rejecting becoming part of a new society (Berry, 1980, 1997). In this case, individuals avoid adopting characteristics from dominant society while continuing to value their own cultures. Maintaining only one’s 21 traditional dress habit without accepting the clothing styles of the dominant society’s dress code is a good example of separation strategy (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). Finally, marginalization is defined when individuals lose contact with their original cultural identities while also rejecting the new cultural context (Berry, 1980, 1997). In the case of marginalization, individuals do not wish to belong to either group, as characterized by giving up the original cultural identities and rejecting relationships with the dominant group (Berry, 1997; Cuellar, Arnold, & Maldonade, 1995). Speaking “Pachuquismos,” which is slang used among Mexican American street gangs, or words that cannot be identified as either English or Spanish are examples reflective of the marginalization strategy (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). In the case of Korean-American parents, exclusively following American culture would exemplify the assimilation strategy; balancing both American and Korean cultures would be the integration strategy; exclusively following Korean culture would be reflective of the separation strategy; and following neither culture would be an example of the marginalization strategy. In general, Berry (1997) has reported that integration produces the most successfiil adaptation to dominant society; marginalization produces the least successful adaptation; and separation and assimilation produce moderately successful results. Studies show that while immigrants acquire certain aspects of the new cultural context quickly, such as learning language and dress customs, they tend to acquire abstract characteristics, such as sentiments or stereotypic socialization practices, at a slower pace (Mendoza & Martinez, 1981). Likewise, the ways and the degree to which immigrants acculturate themselves into the new culture differ greatly. Elements such as 22 the reason to migrate, supporting system in dominant society after the migration, national policies and programs of dominant society, and cultural gap between pre- and post- cultural context all affect individuals’ acculturation process. (Berry, 1997; Jain & Belsky, 1997) As Phinney (I990) illustrated, it is essential to investigate the relationship between individuals and the dominant group because individuals may experience higher stress when there is great differences between their own and the new cultural context. In this context, Korean-Americans are one of the ethnic groups who may experience greater difficulties in becoming bicultural (Farver & Lee-Shin, 2000). According to Park and Cho (1995), in spite of the sweeping economic and social changes in Korea, Korean families still maintain their Confucian characteristics from the past, which affect their parenting styles. Hurh and Kim (1984b) also argue that the typical type of adaptation, which is the process of immigrants’ modifying their behavioral patterns to improve their living qualities in accordance with the new environment, among Korean-Americans is “adhesive adaptation;” that is, as Korean-Americans are assimilated into American culture (both culturally and socially) and the time spent living in the US increases, any significant parts of the Korean culture and social networks are not replaced or modified by American culture. Adaptation is a broader concept of acculturation and includes acculturation, assimilation, segregation, and etc. According to their study, the majority of Korean-Americans, regardless of length of residence in the US, indicated that: 1) family duty should be given priority; 2) children should be taught the Korean language; 3) the Korean ethnic church is preferable over the American church; 4) subscription to Korean 23 newspapers is desirable; and 5) keeping close relationships with Korean friends and neighbors is vital. Acculturation and Parenting Styles Numerous studies have examined parenting by using measures of parenting derived from Baumrind's work. These studies have demonstrated that authoritative parenting is associated with children’s better psychosocial development and mental health (Miller, Cowan, Cowan, & Hetherington, 1993; Weiss & Schwarz, 1996). Although Baumrind’s four parenting styles have been widely accepted in the research literature since in the early 19705, results from studies aimed at examining parenting styles in ethnic groups (e.g. Asian American) showed evidence that the authoritative parenting style is not always more optimal than authoritarian parenting style. Research (Chao, 1994; Chao, 2000) has suggested that authoritative parenting is more prevalent in European-American parents than in ethnic minority parents and that Asian-American parents are more authoritarian in their parenting styles than are European-American parents. Some researchers (e.g. Steinberg, Dombusch, & Brown, 1992; Steinberg, Lambom, Dombusch, & Darling, 1992) have suggested that authoritarian parenting may have positive effects on ethnic minority children's psychosocial adjustment and, in particular, on their academic achievement. Thus, Chao (1994) argues that parenting styles developed on North American samples cannot be simply translated to other cultures, but instead must reflect their sociocultural contexts. At the same time, Sorkhabi (2005) suggested that authoritarian and harsh parenting style (e.g., shaming and lack of positive affect) have the same negative effects on children and adolescents in all cultures (i.e. both in collectivistic and individualistic cultures). 24 As Korean-Americans immigrate to the United States, the family dynamics change. Due to cultural differences between Korea and the United States, language barriers, and different rates of acculturation for parents and children, many parents are having a hard time balancing between traditional and new cultural values (Kim & Choi, 1994). Korean-American parents who immigrated at their later age learn English relatively slowly and tend to keep collectivistic values such as interdependence and devotion. While authoritarian parenting style may be appropriate in a collectivistic culture, it is not a recommended parenting style in individualistic contexts (Herz & Gullone, 1999). For example, while harsh parental control over children and adolescents can be perceived as internalization in the westem culture, it can be seen as filial piety in Asian cultural contexts (Lim & Lim, 2005). Research on parenting in immigrant families suggests that as immigrant families become more acculturated into the new culture, they are more likely to adopt the childrearing practices and styles of the host culture (Kelley & Tseng, 1992; Lin & Fu, 1990). For example, according to Hill, Bush, and Roosa (2003), Mexican-American mothers reported that they displayed more hostile control and inconsistent discipline than did European-American mothers. However, among Mexican-American mothers, mothers who were more acculturated into US. culture displayed less hostile control and inconsistency in their disciplinary strategies than mothers who were less acculturated into US. culture. Similarly, the findings from Yagmurlu and Sanson (2009)’s study on Turkish mothers living in Australia also revealed that Turkish mothers who were more assimilated into US. culture used less traditional Turkish child-rearing patterns (i.e. 25 demanding obedience from children, compliance goals). In addition, Lui (l990)’s study demonstrated that Asian-American parents who reported higher levels of acculturation demonstrated. less controlling and more nurturing styles of parenting. Furthermore, according to Kim et al (2006), they found that there is a relationship between mother’s acculturation (i.e. integration), maternal behavioral control, and their young adolescents’ psychological adjustment. The authors pointed out that the mothers’ maintenance of Korean cultural values while adopting American culture is the key point of the positive relationship between acculturation, maternal behavioral control, and psychological adjustment of young adolescents. They argue that Korean-American parents who scored high on integration would maintain both Korean and American culture, and have better understanding of both Korean and American culture, which enable them to be sensitive and familiar with parenting practices from two cultures. As a result, parents scoring high on integration would be likely show more warmth and use more authoritative discipline techniques with children in the US. compared to mothers who scored high on assimilation who did not maintain Korean identity while adopting American culture (Kim et al, 2006). As shown above, many studies on acculturation and parenting styles across different ethnic groups demonstrated that acculturation is associated with parenting style. Summary As Korean-American parents immigrated into the United States, they face and experience the culture that is very different from their own. In childrearing, Korean culture, which has been influenced by Confucianism for over several centuries, emphasizes filial piety, family interdependence, parents’ sacrifices, and children’s 26 education achievement (Kim & Choi, 1994; Min, 1998). In general, Asian parents, including Korean parents, are also characterized as more controlling and strict towards their children (Chao, 1994, 2000). However, as Korean-American parents live in the United States, they become acculturated into the new culture and as they are acculturated into the US. culture, their parenting style also changes over time (Berry, 1997; Kelley & Tseng, 1992; Lin & Fu, 1990). The current study will focus on how Korean-American mothers’ parenting style varies depends on their different acculturation strategies (i.e. assimilation, integration, separation, marginalization). 27 Chapter Three Methods Research Design This inductive, descriptive, cross sectional study was utilized survey methodology. The study was local and the unit of analysis was individual Korean-American mothers who currently live in a metropolitan area the southeast area of the state of Michigan. Participant Recruitment According to US. Census Bureau (2000), there are 20,886 Korean people living in the State of Michigan (1.94% of the Korean population living in the United States), mostly concentrated in the Metro Detroit area. In 2000; the Korean-American population comprised 0.21% of the entire Michigan population (9,938,444). The city of Detroit has been known as motor city. Large automotive corporations such as GM and Ford are located in the Metro Detroit area. That led many Korean automotive companies such as Hyundai and Kia to set up their branch offices in this area, and there are currently over 45 Korean corporation branch offices and most of those branch offices are related in the automotive industry (Korean American Community of Metro Detroit, n.d.). Due to Korean-American immigrants’ concentration to this area, there are also over 20 Korean churches in the Metro Detroit area (The Michigan Korean Weekly, n.d.). Participant recruitment was carried out via survey methodology. Participants were recruited through a church, referrals, and flier distribution in Michigan Metro Detroit area. Originally, recruitment through Korean churches in the Detroit Metro Michigan area was to be carried out via visits by the visitor. More than 10 churches, selected based on size of membership, were contacted for permission to recruit participants. Of these churches, one 28 church agreed to allow recruitment. At the church, a Priest made a pre-announcement the week before conducting the research and explained briefly about the purpose of the study and asked for eligible (i.e. mothers with children who are between five to twelve year olds) volunteers to stay and complete the questionnaires before they leave. If any of volunteers were not able to stay after the service, they were asked to take one of the surveys in the self-addressed envelope with a stamp, fill it out at home, and mail it. They were also asked not to provide return addresses so that the study can be done anonymously. Specifically, mothers were targeted as the study participants since mothers in the Korean culture most often have more day to day parenting responsibilities for their children (Kim & Choi, 1994; Kim et al., 2006; Min, 1988). Participants were currently be living in the United States and raising at least one child who is ranged in age from 5 to 12 years old. A cover letter explaining the purpose of the research, written informed consent, and three questionnaires, assessing the acculturation strategies, collectivism, and parenting styles, along with family demographic informational items was distributed to the participants. Questionnaires in both English and Korean were available. Participants were informed that the two versions of questionnaires contain the same contents, and they were asked to complete one of them in the language they preferred. Mothers were asked not to discuss questionnaire items with each other as they completed the questionnaires. Instrumentation Mothers from each family completed three questionnaires: the Parenting Dimensions Inventory — Short Version (PDI-S; Power, 2002), the East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM; Barry, 2001), and the Modified Index of the 29 Individualism-Collectivism (INDCOL) Scale (Cai & Fink, 2002) as well as a demographics questionnaire. The PDI-S has been translated into Spanish, French, Japanese, and Chinese (Power, 2002). All instruments were translated into Korean by the author who is a bilingual Korean and reviewed by two other bilingual Koreans for accuracy of the translation. Demgraphics Mothers first completed demographic questionnaires, which was designed by the researcher to allow the respondent to provide basic demographic information including age, type of occupation, education level, length of time in the US, number of children, age of the focus child, gender of the child, birth order of the child, respondents’ number of Korean friends and neighbors, and language that they use at home. If there was more than one child per household, mothers were asked to keep one child in mind when answering the questions, and they were asked to identify the age of the child whom they are referencing in completing the questions. This section contains 10 items. Parenting Dimensions Inventory - Short Version (PDI-S) The Parenting Dimensions Inventory (PDI; Slater & Power, 1987) is a self- administered instrument assessing eight dimensions of parenting. Three dimensions assess maternal support (nurturance, responsiveness to child input, and nonrestrictive style); three assess maternal control (type of control, amount of control, and maturity demands); and, two assess maternal structure (consistency and organization). PDI-S (Power, 2002), a short version of the PDI, developed in 2002, and retains the most reliable and valid components of the original PDI. Twenty-seven items reflect ll PDI-S subscales, which include nurturance, consistency (i.e. inconsistency and following 30 through on discipline), organization, permissiveness (i.e. amount of control and letting situation go), and type of control (physical punishment, material/social consequences, reasoning, scolding, and reminding). The PDI-S takes about 20 minutes to complete. Seventeen items consist of a series of descriptive statements scored on six-point scales, scored from not at all like me (1) to exactly like me (6) that assess: maternal nurturance (6 items; Cronbach’s a = .86); inconsistency (4 items; Cronbach’s or = .51); following through on discipline (3 items; Coefficient Alpha = .78); and family organization (4 items; Cronbach’s a = .74) (e.g. I believe that once a family rule has been made, it should be strictly enforced without exception, we have a regular dinner schedule each week). Five items (amount of control subscale; Cronbach’s or = .41) contain a series of two opposing statements; parents must select one of them that they agree with most for assessing amount of control. Five items (type of control subscale) include a series of situations for which parents choose responses assessing type of control. Response categories range from very unlikely to do (0) to very likely to do (3). Cronbach’s alpha for type of control are as following: I) Letting situation go (5 items), a = .61; 2) Material/Social consequences (10 items) - Cronbach’s a = .88; 3) Physical punishment (5 items), or = .84; 4) Reasoning (5 items), a = .74; 5) Scolding (5 items) ,a = .85; and 6) Reminding (5 items), or = .93 Mean subscale scores were calculated. A total control score was calculated, as well. In addition, in order to control for individual differences in response styles, the author (Power, 2002) recommend that when computing the type of control scores, the mean scores for each of the individual control types (e.g., physical punishment, material/social consequences) should be divided by the mean score calculated across all 31 control types. As noted in the coding manual, "The denominator for these calculations is the mean across all responses and all five situations" (p. 4). This process yields a ratio score with scores greater than 1.0 suggesting that a specific type of control is used more often than other types; scores less than 1.0 suggest that the particular type of control is used least frequently. Longano (1990 as cited in Power, 2002) reported that alphas ranged from .62 for amount of control to .89 for scolding with European-American parents. This instrument also has been used with Japanese (from .66 to .89), Chinese (.51 to .90), and Mexico (from .59 to .92) population and demonstrated good validity (Power et al., 1991; Kelley & Tseung, 1992; Power et al., 2002). Although PDI-S has not been used with a sample of Korean-American, the stability of the factor structure across different countries such as China, Japan, Mexico, and the United States suggests that it may be a useful measure for assessing parenting styles in Korean-American population. East Asian Acculturation Measure (EAAM) The EAAM is a self-reported 29-items instrument assessing four acculturation strategies in accordance with Berry (l997)’s bidimensional model. There are a series of statements in different settings describing social interaction and communication styles in attitudinal and behavioral ways. Eight items assess assimilation (a = .82); 7 items assess separation (or = .77); 5 items assess integration (or = .68); and 9 items assess marginalization (a = .87). Items are scored using a 7-point Likert-type scale, with responses ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (7). Sum scores will be calculated for each subscale as noted in the scoring manual. The EAAM was developed on samples of 150 East Asian immigrants: 50 Chinese, 50 Japanese, 50 Korean who had lived average 7.4 years in the United States (Barry, 2001). Cronbach’s alphas ranged from 0.77 for assimilation, 0.76 for separation, 0.74 for integration, to 0.85 for marginalization. Although the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn et al., 1987) has been most widely used to assess the level of acculturation among Asian Americans, it has been criticized because it only measures ranges from “low acculturation,” to “high acculturation” under the assumption of unidimensional acculturation model (Barry, 2001). Thus, EAAM is more suitable for this study because the way Korean-Americans acculturate themselves can be better explained in bidimensional model (Lee et al., 2003). Modified Index of the Individualism-Collectivism (IN DCOL) Scale The original individualism-collectivism (INDCOL) scale was developed by Hui and Triandis (1986) and it consists of 66 Likert-type scale items to assess an individual’s level of collectivism by measuring attitudes and behaviors toward six relational domains (e.g., co-workers, neighbors). Items are scored using a 7-point Likert-type scale, with responses ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (7). This scale was modified and shortened for Cai and Fink (2002)’s study into ll-items scale. Moderate reliability was found for this scale (Cronbach’s a=.76) in Cai and Fink (2002)’s study. Similar reliability value was also found in the current study (Cronbach’s a=.74). The items are summed into a single collectivism score for each participant. There were 7 reverse coded items. Higher scores on the resulting 11-item index (possible range 7—77) indicate greater collectivism. For validity purpose, Cai and Fink (2002) tested their sample of 186 participants with Hui and Yee’s (1994) 33-item version of the INDCOL 33 scale. Total scores on Il-items scale were correlated with Hui and Yee’s (1994) scale (r=.83, p<.0001). The finding of a large correlation between these two measures supports the use of the Il-item index. Data Analysis A Descriptive approach was taken first to examine the demographic characteristics of the sample. Distribution of all data was examined. Frequencies and percentages were examined for type of occupation, income, child’s gender, child’s birth order, number of children, language use, and level of education. Means and standard deviations were calculated for mothers’ age, number of children, age of children, number of Korean friends, number of Korean neighbors, and length of time in the US. The second stage of analysis entailed analyzing the relationship between the acculturation strategies and parenting styles using correlational analyses. Pearson correlations were calculated to examine the relationship between the acculturation strategies, utilizing a 2 tailed analysis, using the sum of each subscale acculturation strategy score, and maternal control and maternal support on their children. The correlation between length of time in the US, mothers’ collectivism, and the acculturation strategies was also examined. Per Power’s suggestion, ratio scores for type of control were examined descriptively. Means and standard deviations for each scale and subscale of the maternal support and maternal control scales were examined. T-test of means was employed to test parenting styles by the child’s gender. Child’s gender serves as the independent variable and maternal control and support serve as the dependent variable. 34 The main study hypotheses were tested using two multiple regression models, with maternal control (total score) as the dependent variable in one model and maternal support as the dependent variable in the second model. In both models, mother’s education, length of time in the US, and child age, and the four acculturation strategies were entered as independent variables. It was hypothesized that assimilation and integration would predict higher maternal support and lower maternal control and that separation and marginalization would predict lower maternal support and higher maternal control. 35 Chapter Four Results Introduction The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between mothers’ acculturation strategies and parenting styles among Korean-American mothers with children ages 5 to 12 year olds. This chapter will first report descriptive statistics on mothers’ demographics, acculturation strategies, and parenting styles. Second, findings regarding the study hypotheses are presented. Characteristics of the Sample According to Cobanoglu, Warde, and Moreo (2001), the average response rate for mail survey methodology was 28.91%; however, administering questionnaires on site at the churches was expected to increase the sample size. In this study, 150 questionnaires were distributed and in total 87 (58%) responses were collected via survey methodology through a church visiting, referrals, and fliers. As expected, the current study had a higher response rate than average response rate in the literature. Originally, differences on mothers’ responses between mothers who answered in Korean questionnaire and English questionnaire were to be analyzed later after collecting the data. However, among 87 participants, only one participant completed and returned the questionnaire in English. Therefore, the analysis on differences between English and Korean version of questionnaire was not able to perform. Eight cases were excluded from analyses because the participants’ children did not fall within the age range of five to twelve years old. Seven cases were excluded from the analyses because the mothers did not fill out an entire subscale (e.g. type of control subscale, nurturance subscale) in the questionnaire. 36 The final sample consisted of 72 participants. The study was expected to have a minimum sample size of 60 mothers to complete the questionnaires. Such a sample size is within the rage of those cited in other studies utilizing questionnaire methods. For instance, Zervides and Knowles (2007) reported 65 participants when examining relations between parenting style and the effect of culture among Anglo-Australians and Greek-Australians, and Kim and Cain (2008) reported 56 participants while investigating the relations between Korean-American adolescent depression and parenting. Thus, the sample size of the current study is within the norm in the literature. The average age of mothers was 38.60 years (SD=2.88), and the average age of children was 8.75 years (SD=2.20) (32 girls, 40 boys between five to twelve years old). In addition, frequencies for age of mothers and children are shown in Figure 5 and 6. Mothers had been living in the United States between 6 months to 35 years (M=8.98 years, SD=6.53 years) in the US. On average, mothers reported having 8.75 Korean friends (SD=6.34) whom they contact regularly and 6.70 Korean neighbors (SD=7.541). As noted in Table 2, most mothers were full time parents in the home (72.2%) with either a college degree (72.2%) or masters or doctoral degrees (22.2%). Sixty three percent (n=46) of mothers had two children, and the majority (75%) of them kept their first born child in mind when they were filling out the questionnaire. Twenty six percent (n=15) of mothers reported annual incomes over $100,000, and forty four percent (n=32) of the mothers reported annual income between $50,000 and $99,999. Eighty six percent (n=62) of mothers reported speaking mostly Korean at home. 37 Table 2 Mothers ' Demographic Characteristics N % Total N 72 100 Type of Occupation Professional 5 6.9 Small Business 2 2.8 Employed by a Korean Company 1 I 15.3 Student I 1.4 Full time parent in the home 52 72.2 Other I 1.4 Highest Level of School Completed High School Graduate 2 2.8 Some College 2 2.8 College Graduate 52 72.2 Graduate or Professional School 16 22.2 Number of Children One 18 25.0 Two 46 63.9 Three 6 8.3 Four 2 2.8 Birth Order of Child lSt born 54 75.0 2"d born 18 25.0 Gender of Child Boy 40 55.6 Girl 32 44.4 Annual Family Income Less than $10,000 3 5.4 $10,000-s49,999 6 10.8 $50,000-$99,999 32 57-1 ammo-$149,000 ‘2 21-4 More than $150,000 3 5'4 16 5.4 No Response Language Preferred Korean 62 86.] English 7 9.7 Both 3 4.2 38 Correlations Table 3 summarizes the correlations between acculturation strategies and parenting styles (i.e. maternal support, maternal control, inconsistency, family organization, following through). Maternal support was negatively correlated with marginalization. Family organization was significantly, positively correlated with assimilation and significantly positively correlated with integration. Inconsistency was negatively correlated with assimilation and positively correlated with separation. No significant relationship was found between maternal support / control and assimilation, integration, and separation. Table3 Correlations between Acculturation and Parenting Styles Assimilation Integration Separation Marginalization Maternal Support -.07 .14 .02 -.26* Maternal Control .06* 201" .09 -.09 Family Organization .26 ,3 3 -.19 -.l 8 Following Through -.04* .09 -.12* -. 15 Inconsistency -27 -.09 .29 .03 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). *. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed). The relationship between six type of controls (i.e. letting situation go, material / social consequences, physical punishment, reasoning, scolding, reminding), four acculturation strategies, age of child, and length of time in the United States were examined. Although Power (2002) suggested that type of control to be treated as categorical (i.e. scores greater than 1.0 = a specific type of control is used more often than other types; scores less than 1.0 = the particular type of control is used least frequently), type of control was treated as continuous variable in this study. The variables 39 were left continuous to maximize statistical power. A Pearson correlation revealed the negative relationship between letting situation go and separation. The correlation between letting situation go and separation was found to be statistically significant r (65) = -.25, p< .05. Also, the results shows that reminding (i.e. one of the types of discipline, which mothers remind their children of the rule or repeat the direction) and length of time in the United States have negatively related r (70) = -.3 8, p<.01. Further, four acculturation strategies, collectivism, length of time in the United States, number of Korean friends and neighbors of the mothers were examined. Collectivism was negatively correlated with marginalization, r (67) = .46, p<.01. Length of time living in the United States was positively correlated with assimilation strategies and integration strategies. Participants who have lived in the United States for longer period of time tend to be more assimilated, r (68) = .47, p<.01 and integrated, r (68) = .44, p<.01. Also, mothers with high scores on marginalization tended to report having fewer Korean friends, r (65) = -.32, p<.Ol. Frequencies for six types of control are summarized in Table 4. Type of control scores greater than 1.0 means that a specific type of control is used more often than other types and scores less than 1.0 means that the particular type of control is used least frequently. Furthermore, frequencies for four acculturation strategies are shown in Figure 7 through 10. 40 Table 4 Frequencies for type of control Less than one Greater than one Letting situation go Material/Social consequences Physical punishment Reasoning Scolding Reminding 100% 55.6% 88.9% 2.8% 19.4% 13.9% 0% 44.4% 11.1% 97.2% 80.6% 86.1% Mean, standard deviation, and possible minimum and maximum scores for each scale and subscale of acculturation, parenting styles, and collectivism are summarized in Table 5. Table 5 Scale Means and Standard Deviations Scale Range Mean SD Assimilation 8-56 16.67 6.02 Integration 5-35 17.81 5.06 Separation 7-49 31.30 6.81 Marginalization 9-63 24.81 8.44 Maternal Support (N urturance) 1-6 4.41 .85 Maternal Control (Amount of Control) 0-5 3.77 1.15 Family Organization 1-6 4.06 .84 Following Through 1-3 3.77 .95 Inconsistency 1-4 3.26 .78 Collectivism 1 1-77 55.76 7.23 Regression Multiple regression analyses were performed to examine the main hypotheses. Hal: Among Korean-American mothers, the assimilation and integration acculturation strategies will predict low maternal control. 41 H212: Among Korean-American mothers, the marginalization and separation acculturation strategies will predict high maternal control. To test these two hypotheses the sum of assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization were entered as independent variables and sum of maternal control was entered next as the dependent variable. As shown in Table 6, none of the acculturation variables predicted level of maternal control, F (6, 54) = 2.63, p< .03, R2 = .14. Ha3: Among Korean-American mothers, the assimilation and integration acculturation strategies will predict the high maternal support. Ha4: Among Korean-American mothers, the marginalization and separation acculturation strategies will predict low maternal support. To test these two hypotheses the sums of each subscale on. acculturation (i.e. assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization) were entered as independent variables and average of maternal support was entered next as the dependent variable. As shown in Table 7, none of the acculturation variables predicted level of maternal support, F(6, 55) = 1.16, p< .34, it2 = .02. Table 6 Summary of Multiple Regression Analysis for Maternal Control W: 72) Variables B SE(B) B t Sig. (p) Age of child -.24 .07 -.45 -3.54 .00 Length of time in the US. -.00 .00 -.07 -.52 .60 Assimilation .06 .04 .27 1.38 .17 Integration .00 .04 .01 .03 .98 Separation .03 .03 .15 1.02 .31 Marginalization -.03 .02 -.18 -1.42 .16 Dependent Variable: Maternal control R2: .14 42 Table 7 Summary ofMu/tip/e Regression Analysis for Maternal Support (N = 7 2) Variables B SE(B) B t Sig. (p) Age of child .02 .05 .05 .39 .70 Length of time in the U.S. .00 .00 .17 1.10 .28 Assimilation -.04 .03 -.29 -1.32 .19 Integration .03 .03 .17 .91 .37 Separation -.01 .02 -.05 -.30 .76 Marginalization -.02 .01 -.19 -1.38 .17 Dependent Variable: Maternal support R2: .02 Six different types of control were also examined by entering each type of control variable one at a time as dependent variable and entering age of child, gender of child, length of time in the United States, and four acculturation strategies as independent variables. The result shows that gender of child (0=boy, 1=girl) predicted physical punishment control type, ,6: -.30, t (62) = —2.36, p < .05, F (7, 55) = 1.11, p < .37, R2: .01, and length of time in the United States predicted reminding type of control, ,8: - .34, t (62) = -2.42, p < .05, F (7, 55) = 2.33, p <.04, R2 = .13. Age of child, gender of child, and length of time in the United States were also entered as independent variables with maternal control as dependent variable in one model and maternal support in the other model to see if they are related to the dependent variables. Examination of Table 5 shows that age of child predicted level of maternal control. Dummy variables were created for mothers’ level of education to examine how child’s gender and mothers’ level of education are related to maternal support and control. 43 The regression table revealed that there was no significant relationship among the variables. 44 Chapter Five Discussion and Conclusions The purpose of this research was to examine the relationship between mothers’ acculturation strategies and parenting styles among Korean-American mothers with 5 to 12 years old children. Specifically, this study focused on how acculturation strategies are related to maternal control and support, two primary characteristics of parenting styles. Studies have shown that there may be a relationship between acculturation strategies and parenting styles among immigrant parents in the United States (Farver & Lee, 2000; Kim & Hong, 2007; Liu et al, 2008). Despite the continuous growth of the Korean population in the United States (Census of Population and Housing, 2000), research on the Korean- American parents, especially with young children has been generally weak. The present study examined two important parenting dimensions (i.e. maternal support and control) and their relations with the mothers’ four acculturation strategies (i.e. assimilation, integration, separation, marginalization), and level of collectivism. Acculturation Consistent with expectations, length of time in the United States was positively associated with assimilation and integration. The findings of current study suggest that mothers become more bicultural they live in the host culture for a longer period of time. However, no significant relationship was found between separation and marginalization and length of time in the United States. The results may indicate that acculturation process is complex; therefore, time is not the only factors that make individuals more acculturated into the new culture. 45 The results also revealed that collectivism is significantly negatively correlated with marginalization. According to Kim and Choi (1994), Korea was one of the countries that were highest in collectivism. In other words, Koreans are considered to be very collectivistic compared to other individuals from different countries. Thus, marginalized mothers who refuse to adopt neither of the cultures (i.e. Korean and U.S. culture) would also lose Korean characteristics that they used to have, which includes collectivism. Acculturation and Parenting Style The findings from this study regarding main hypothesis were somewhat ambiguous. It was hypothesized that greater assimilation and integration would positively predict maternal support and negatively predict maternal control, whereas separation and marginalization would positively predict maternal control and negatively predict maternal support. Results indicated that marginalization significantly negatively correlated with maternal support, but there were nonsignificant relations between other three acculturation strategies (i.e. assimilation, integration, separation) and maternal support and control. According to Berry (1997), marginalization occurs when immigrants deny adapting neither original nor hosting culture (i.e. Korean and U.S. culture). Berry (1997) argues that there may be few reasons why individuals become marginalized. First, when individuals are forced to migrate (i.e. involuntary migration) and had negative expectation towards migration, they have more psychological adaptation problems than individuals who migrate voluntarily. In this case, individuals often feel they are rejected from their own culture and experience enforced cultural loss. At the same time, individuals may experience discrimination or prejudice from new culture (especially 46 individuals who have certain physical features that can easily set them apart from the dominant society — e.g. Koreans in the U.S.). When that happens, individuals try to assimilate into new culture reluctantly, and that leads individuals to shut themselves from new culture. Therefore, marginalized individuals not only lose their own culture but also experience rejection by new culture, which involves two negative relationships. Second, certain personality characteristics may predispose individuals to marginalization (Berry, 1997). For instance, Schmitz (1994, cited in Berry, 1997) found a relationship between stress reaction styles and a person’s preferred acculturation strategy. He reported that I 6‘ individuals psychopathology” styles were positively related to marginalization. In addition, studies on acculturation suggest that marginalized individuals most likely to suffer from psychological problems (e.g. lower life satisfaction and higher psychological distress symptoms) (Farver and Lee-Shin, 2000; Kim et al., 2006). Whatever the reason is for one to be marginalized, it is reasonable to say that marginalized individuals would experience hostility and have much less social support, therefore, would have much more parental distress while raising a child. Further, Kelley and Tseng (1992) reported that European-American mothers scored higher parental support than immigrant Chinese mothers, which indicate that European-American parents use more parental support than Asian-American parents (e. g. Chinese and Korean parents) do. Therefore, this finding (marginalization significantly negatively predicted maternal support) is reflective of the mothers’ acculturation style. In addition, marginalized mothers who may have experienced prior psychological problems or currently suffer with one would have a hard time to give enough parental support to their children. 47 In the same context, interestingly but not surprisingly, the results also show that marginalization is negatively correlated to number of Korean friends that Korean- American mothers contact regularly. This result again support the argument that marginalized individuals would have least contact with their own culture (i.e. Korean friends) and would have much reduced social support among four acculturation strategies (Berry, 1997). As a result, marginalized Korean-American mothers in this study might be feeling low satisfaction and depression and that may affect their parenting style. Studies on acculturation and parenting styles suggests that as individuals become more bicultural (i.e. assimilated,integrated), they tend to adopt parenting skills from the main culture (i.e. U.S.) (e.g. Farver & Lee-Shin, 2000; Jain & Belsky. 1997).According to those studies, then, , the findings from the current study might have shown that assimilated and integrated mothers would report high maternal support and low maternal control in the present study. On the other hand, Berry (1980)’s acculturation theory suggests that separated and marginalized mothers score high on maternal control and low on maternal support because of their tendency to reject U.S. culture (separation) and to reject both Korean and U.S. culture (marginalization). However, as mentioned above, the findings from the current study revealed the nonsignificant relationship between assimilation, integration, separation, and maternal control and support. There may be several explanations that can be offered for these differences. First, this lack of finding may be related to the small samples with low variability in maternal control and support. Most of Korean-American mothers reported moderate to firm control, and moderate to full support in parenting their children. 48 Second, this finding may also be related to low reliability of the maternal control subscale (Coefficient Alpha = .41). Power (2002) kept the scale even though it shows relatively low alphas because the amount of control scale is a key measure for differentiating between four different parenting styles (i.e. authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, indulgent). In addition, results from other PDI-S’s subscales with high alphas have shown the expected results from the present study. For example, results from the current study reveal that the mothers’ high scores on assimilation were negatively correlated with mothers’ inconsistency, whereas mothers’ high score on separation were positively correlated with inconsistency. This result is consistent with findings from other studies on Korean parenting (e.g. J. E. Kim, 1981 as cited in Kim & Choi, 1994) where they reported that Koreans often tend to be inconsistent when they parent their children. Kelley and Tseng (1992) also found that immigrant Chinese mothers reported less consistency than were European-American mothers. Thus, it would make sense that as mothers become more Americanized (i.e. assimilation), they use parenting skills that are more similar to the ones that European-Americans would use. On the other hand, mothers who only kept Korean culture and reject U.S. culture (i.e. separation) would use more Korean way of parenting skills, which in this case is inconsistent with their children. At last, the fact that this study did not yield an expected pattern of results may reflect the complexity of the acculturation. Four different acculturation strategies do not always function independently and have fine line between them. In fact, to some extent, they might sometimes share similar characteristics among each other, even between ones that are not similar. For example, in theory, although integrated mothers and marginalized mothers should have very opposite characteristics, they both could display 49 011 in V8 llll org set“ st} 01' F u suc 0111 1‘10 mo Cor C01] ind? l‘OU] one similar parenting style out of many different parenting styles that they would exhibit in general. Furthermore, it also should be noted that as individuals become acculturated into new culture, they do not simply replace old value with new value, but rather adopt values gradually in varying degrees (Berry, 1980). Thus, during the acculturation process, individuals could exhibit one characteristic of integration and another characteristic of separation at the same time. Assimilation and family organization were also positively correlated, and, at the same time, integration and family organization were significantly positively correlated each other. Research has not demonstrated that European-American families are more organized (e.g. regular dinner schedule) than Korean-American families. However, it seems reasonable to argue that assimilated and integrated mothers are using parenting styles that emphasize more family organization than mothers who only keep their contact with Korean culture or reject both cultures (i.e. separated and marginalized mothers). Further, according to Berry (1997), integration has been reported to make the most successful adaptation; therefore, integrated individuals would produce the most ‘positive’ outcomes in terms of their parenting styles. In that context, high scores on integration would likely be correlated with family organization, supporting Berry’s argument. In addition, after examining separation and type of control of Korean-American mothers, results showed that mothers who scored high on separation were negatively correlated with ‘Ietting situation go’ type of control. ‘Letting situation go’ was the least controlling type of maternal control among other types of control. Therefore, the finding indicates that Korean-American mothers who value Korean culture the most among the four acculturation strategies (i.e. separation — individuals who only values their own 50 culture), are using more controlling types of maternal control more often than mothers of other acculturation strategies. The result supports the argument of Korean-American parents being more controlling than European-American parents. Maternal Support and Control The results first indicated that age and gender of child may have effects on parenting style, especially on maternal control. The results showed that age of child negatively predicted maternal control reported by Korean-American mothers. This is consistent with the research on parental control. As the children are growing up, the way the parents act and feel towards their children changes (Chen, Liu, & Li, 2000). Not only do the amounts of freedom the parents allow to their children increase, but also level of boundaries that they set enlarge as the children age (Nucci & Smetana, 1996). Notably, the findings from this study also yielded that Korean-American mothers with boys tend to use more physical punishment with their child than with girls. Research indicates that parents use different degrees of parental control defends on the gender of their children (Pomerantz & Ruble, 1998). According to Pomerantz and Ruble (1998), in general, parents are more controlling with girls than with boys. On the other hand, Chen et a1. (2000) found in their study conducted in China that girls reported significantly lower parental control than did boys. It is possible that boys at this age are usually much more active and tend to display more behavioral problems than girls (Chen et al., 2000); therefore, mothers may have more conflict with boys than with girls, which could lead mothers to use the most controlling type of control among six type of controls (i.e. physical punishment) more often to their boys than girls. However, it should be noted that only 11.1% of Korean-American mothers used physical punishment more often than 51 other types of maternal control. Majority (97.2%) Korean-American mothers used reasoning (i.e. talking to the child, discussing alternatives, discuss mothers’ reasons for wanting the child do or not to do something) more often than other types of control. In summary, the results of the present study indicated that Korean-American mothers with high score on marginalization are more likely to exhibit low levels of maternal support. Acculturation is stressful process and it may be even more difficult to certain group of people because of the cultural gap between their origin and new culture (Farver and Lee—Shin, 2000). When individuals receive too much stress to handle due to the acculturation process, it can create problems such as shutting down themselves, which eventually cause marginalization (Berry, 1997). Marginalization is considered as the least successful adaptive strategy among other three acculturation strategies, and they usually get the least social support (Berry, 1997), which might lead them to be isolated and emotionally unstable. Therefore, when Korean-American mothers who feel unsecure or may have been suffering psychological problems, it is hard to share their warmth and affection with their children. In conclusion, although the current study failed to show the relationship between the rest of acculturation strategies (i.e. assimilation, integration, separation) and maternal control and support, based on other findings from the current study (e.g. relationship between separation and ‘letting situation go’ control type, assimilation and inconsistency, and separation and inconsistency), acculturation may have a certain degree of effects on parenting style among Korean-American mothers. Limitations of the Study This study was conducted to have better understanding of the relation between parenting styles and acculturation among Korean-American mothers. Several limitations are addressed. First, the current study had relatively small sample size. Due to relatively small number of Korean-American population comparing to other larger cities such as Los Angeles, New York City, or Chicago, not so many eligible participants were available. Nonetheless, it was important to conduct the study focusing on Korean- American mothers in this area because most of other studies on Korean-Americans are done in larger cities mentioned above. Second, the present study focused on maternal parenting styles because mothers are usually the one who interact and spend time with their children (Kim & Choi, 1994; Kim et al., 2006; Min, 1988). However, fathers may also play a significant role in parenting among Korean-American population. Furthermore, Jain and Belsky (1997) argued that fathers have been ignored in the studies about immigrants in the United States; therefore, it is essential to examine immigrant fathers. Third, a sampling might have been biased because mothers participated voluntarily and were recruited mostly through religious organizations, which possibly make the sampling over represent well-functioning families. In addition, majority of mothers (94.4%) in the current study held either college or higher degrees. Thus, results from this study could not be generalized among this homogenous, highly educated sample. As an example, a study done in Los Angeles area, where the Korean-American population is the highest, had samples with almost equally distributed socio-economic status (i.e. 42% of working class, 58% of middle class) (Kim and Rohner, 2002). Furthermore, the study obtained samples with various educational levels and showed the findings that were reflected the diversity of samples (i.e. the student with higher GPA tended to have the higher educated parents). At last, some of the subscales from PDI-S 53 yielded low alpha values (e.g. maternal control, 5 items; Cronbach’s a = .41, inconsistency, 4 items; Cronbach’s a = .51). These low alpha values would have caused less accurate results for the current study. Recommendations for Further Research Findings from this study suggest several directions for future research on relationship between acculturation and parenting styles. First, longitudinal study will be necessary for a better understanding of effect of acculturation on parenting style. Acculturation is a process and the strategy that they use could change over time as individuals expose and live in the host culture for a longer period of time. Therefore, it will be interesting to see how individuals change their acculturation strategies along with their parenting styles by following them for a certain period of time. Second, the current study only measured mothers’ acculturation and parenting styles. However, if one can measure fathers’ and mothers’ acculturation strategies and parenting styles along with their children’s outcome, the study will be able to see more accurate picture of the relationship between acculturation and parenting styles among Korean-Americans. Third, my sample was limited to middle to upper class families with high educational background, which limits generalizability of the findings. Therefore, it would be necessary to investigate different socio-economic groups’ of Korean-Americans in different regions in the United States. Fourth, the current study only measured mothers’ number of Korean friends. Although the results from this study revealed that mothers’ number of Korean friends is negatively correlated with marginalization, it would be also interesting to see if there is any relationship between mothers’ number of non-Korean friends and their acculturation strategies. Measuring both mothers’ number of Korean and 54 non-Korean friends could provide a more detailed picture of the relationship between acculturation strategies and mothers’ social network. At last, it would be helpful to examine the full scope of acculturation if a future study can obtain participants’ intension of stay in the United States. Participants’ intension of stay in the U.S. might have some effect on their acculturation strategies. It is possible that if an individual intends to live in the U.S. permanently, the individual may put more efforts on acculturating into the new culture than the one who intends to live in the U.S. temporarily. 55 APPENDICES 56 14 12- 10— Frequencies l“ Ir “3 a 30 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 48 Age ofMothers Figure 5. Frequencies for Age of Korean-American Mothers (N=72) Age of 9 Children 8 7 6 F reque ncies Figure 6. Frequencies for Age of Children (N=72) 57 Frequencies 0_ L». y. r 1 I l I I I I l 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 Sum of Assimilation (range 8-56) Figure 7. Frequencies for Assimilation (N=70) Frequencies 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 Sum of Integration (range 5-35) Figure 8. Frequencies for Integration (N=70) 58 W 1 Frequencies ex 1 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 49.00 Sum of Separation (range 7—49) Figure 9. Frequencies for Separation (N=67) 18 16 — F," i 14 ‘ Iiiff’l .. 12 4 7' .2 . 0 - ur‘ . , g 10 _ “'53 tithfllk‘hfi‘ U' 8 — . 2 544* ’ ' 4.444 4* 4 — fl . ‘w’h- 134:1: 2 ~' .1 c5 0 I F I I ”W “A *3; I II I I I 0.00 10.00 20.00 30.00 40.00 50.00 60.00 Sum of Marginalization (range 9-63) Figure 10. Frequencies for Marginalization (N=70) 59 Research Participant Information and Consent Form Date: 8/7/2009 You are being invited to participate in a research study about acculturation and parenting among Korean-American parents. This research project is being conducted by Colette Moon, who is graduate student of Michigan State University in Family and Child Ecology Department. Researchers are required to provide a consent form to inform you about the study, to convey that participation is voluntary, to explain risks and benefits of participation, and to empower you to make an informed decision. You should feel free to ask the researchers any questions you may have. The survey is being given to Korean-American parents who are currently living in the United States. Your participation in this study will take about 20 minutes. You are eligible to participate in this study if you are over the age of 18 years and a mother of a child age 5 to 12 years. There are few risks to you if you decide to participate in this research study, and there are no costs for participating in the study. Your participation in this study is voluntary. You are free to decline to answer any particular question you do not wish to answer for any reason. You may withdraw from this study at anytime. The information you provide will help me understand about the parenting experiences of Korean-Americans. The information collected may not benefit you directly, but what I learn from this study should provide general benefits to Korean-American parents, their children, and researchers. If you choose to participate, please complete the attached questionnaires. Place the questionnaires in the yellow box and this consent form in the red box on the table ahead ofyou. The results of this study may be published or presented at professional meetings, but the identities of all research participants will remain anonymous. If you choose to participate, d_o ngt write your name on the questionnaire. Your responses cannot be linked with your identity. All results will be reported in group format (e.g. 50% of parents agreed that .....”). Study findings will be provided to you via email upon your request. If you would like to know the study results, please contact your church. Results will be provided to your church after the study has completed. Or if you would like to receive the results directly, you may contact me later by email below. If you have received this questionnaire via email, please do not respond to the email with survey responses. Instead, please mail the completed questionnaire without return address on envelope. The address will be informed on the email. 60 If you have any questions or concerns about completing the questionnaire or about being in this study, you may contact me at (248) 345-0415 or at moonhee@msu.edu, or you may contact my faculty advisor, Dr. Holly Brophy-Herb, at (517) 355-3397, hbrophy@msu.edu. The Michigan State University Institutional Review Board has reviewed my request to conduct this project. If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University’s Human Research Protection Program at 517-355-2180, Fax 517-432-4503, or e-mail irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 202 Olds Hall, MSU, East Lansing, MI 48824. You indicate your voluntary agreement to participate by completing and returning this survey. You will be given a copy of this form to keep. 61 T OFFICE OF REGULATORY AFFAIRS Human Research Protection Programs BIOMEDICAL 81 HEALTH INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD (BIRD) COMMUNITY RESEARCH INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD (CRIRB) SOCIAL SCIENCE! BEHAVIORAL t EDUCATION INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD (SIRB) 202 Olds Hall East Lansing. Michigan 418824-1046 517-355-2180 Fax: 517-432-4503 mhunanreeearchmsuedu IRB@msu.edu \n 9' 9.\ f 7“ K )1, EFT-1"} ‘1 liliri'ii‘tlé {4:42.44 "I hlvd" MSU I: an aflmmM-acflm equakrppanmio' (tantalum. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Initial IRB Application July 30,2009 Dete rm matron To: Holly E. BROPHY-HERB *Exem pt" 3 Human Ecology Building MSU Re: [RB# x09-678 Category: EXEMPT 1:; Approval Date: July 30, 2009 Title: Acculturation and Parenting Styles Among Korean-American Parents The Institutional Review Board has completed their review of your project. I am pleased to advise you that your project has been deemed as exempt in accordance with federal regulations. Potential research sites include the following: St. Andrew Kim Korean Catholic Church, Korean Presbyterian Church of Michigan, Han Bit Korean Christian Reformed Church of Detroit. Please send email notification to the IRB if you wish to add sites that were not included in the initial application. Please note, signed letters of permission from the church official must be secured and submitted to the IRB office before any research can be conducted at that site. The IRB has found that your research project meets the criteria for exempt status and the criteria for the protection of human subjects in exempt research. Under our exempt policy the Principal Investigator assumes the responsibilities for the protection of human subjects in this project as outlined in the assurance letter and exempt educational material. The IRB office has received your signed assurance for exempt research. A copy of this signed agreement is appended for your information and records. Renewals: Exempt protocols do mt need to be renewed. If the project is completed, please submit an Application for Permanent Closure. Revisions: Exempt protocols do rut, require revisions. However, if changes are made to a protocol that may no longer meet the exempt criteria, a new initial application will be required. Problems: If issues should arise during the conduct of the research, such as unanticipated problems, adverse events, or any problem that may increase the risk to the human subjects and change the category of review, notify the IRB office promptly. Any complaints from participants regarding the risk and benefits of the project must be reported to the IRB. Follow-up: If your exempt project is not completed and closed after three years, the IRB office will contact you regarding the status of the project and to verify that no changes have occurred that may affect exempt status. Please use the IRB number listed above on any forms submitted which relate to this project, or on any correspondence with the IRB office. Good luck in your research. If we can be of further assistance, please contact us at 517-355-2180 or via email at IRB@msu.edu. Thank you for your cooperation. Sincerely, M”) W Gail M. Dummer, Ph.D. SIRB Chair c: Colette Moon 22579 Deerfield Rd Novi, MI 48375 62 Dear Parent: Thank you for taking the time to complete these questions. I am a Master’s Student in Child Development major at Michigan State University, and I am conducting a study of Korean-American parents currently living in the United States. The objective of this research project is to better understand parenting experiences of Korean-American parents who have immigrated to the United States. Enclosed with this letter is a questionnaire that asks a variety of questions about your experiences as a Korean-American and about your experiences as a parent. I hope you will take a few minutes to complete this questionnaire. This questionnaire packet should take about 20 minutes to complete. Without the help of people like you, research on child development could not be conducted. Please note, if you have received this questionnaire via email, please do not respond to the email with survey responses. Instead, please mail the completed questionnaire without return address on envelope. The address will be informed on the email. You time and your help are very appreciated! Sincerely, Colette Heejin Moon Master’s Student Child Development Michigan State University 63 Family Information The following items and questions 1-7 are concerning yourself and your family. Please provide the requested information in the blank line or indicate the most accurate response by circle the letter next to the response. 1.What is your age? Please write your answer here: 2.How many children are in your family (currently residing in your home with you)? Please write your answer here: 3.If you have more than one child, please keep one of your children in mind as you answer the questions in this packet. Please tell us the age of this child. Please write your answer here: What is this child’s gender? _Boy Girl Is this child: _1” born _2"d born _3rd born 4‘h born __other 4.What is your type of occupation? a.Professional (e.g. Professor, attorney, accountant, physician, teacher, etc.) b.Small business owner (Dry cleaner, beauty supply, etc.) c.Laborers and helpers (Construction worker, janitor, etc.) d.Foreign residence employer employed by a Korean company e.Service Workers (e. g. Secretaries, clerks, cashiers, bank employees) f.Student g.Full time parent in the home h.Other: 5.What is the highest level of school you have completed? a.Some high school b.High school graduate e.Some college d.College graduate e.Graduate or professional school f.Other: 64 6.What is your family income for 2008? a.Less than $10,000 b.$10,000-$ 19,999 c.$20,000-$29,999 d.$30,000-$39,999 e.$40,000-$49,999 f.$50,000-$59,999 g.$60,000-$69,999 h.$70,000-$79,999 i.$80,000-$89,999 j.$90,000-$99,999 k.$ 1 00,000-$ 149,000 1.More than $150,000 7.How long have you lived in the United States? Please write your answer here: years and __ months 8.How many Korean friends do you have that you socialize with on a regular basis? Please write your answer here: 9.What language do you speak at home? Please write your answer here: 10.How many Korean neighbors live in your neighborhood? Please write your answer here: 65 Your Experiences as a Korean-American Below are listed a number of statements. For each statement, write the appropriate number (1-7) listed below to indicate your level of agreement or disagreement. Some of the statements are worded positively and others are worded negatively. 1 = STRONGLY DISAGREE 4 = DON’T AGREE OR 5 = AGREE SOMEWHAT 2 = DISAGREE DISAGREE 6 = AGREE 3 = SOMEWHAT DISAGREE 7 = STRONGLY AGREE l. I write better in English than in my native language (i.e. Korean) 2. Most of the music I listen to is Asian 3. I tell jokes both in English and in my native language (i.e. Korean) 4. Generally, I find it difficult to socialize with anybody, Asian or American 5. When I am in my apartment/house, I typically speak English 6. My closest friends are Asian 7. I think as well in English as I do 1n my native language (i. e. Korean) 8. I sometimes feel that neither Americans nor Asians like me If I were asked to write poetry, I would prefer to write it in English . I prefer going to social gatherings where most of the people are Asian . I have both American and Asian friends . There are times when I think no one understands me . I get along better with Americans than Asians . I feel that Asians treat me as an equal more so than Americans do . I feel that both Asians and Americans value me . I sometimes find it hard to communicate with people . I feel that Americans understand me better than Asians do . I would prefer to go out on a date with an Asian than with an American . I feel very comfortable around both Americans and Asians . I sometimes find it hard to make friends . I find it easier to communicate my feelings to Americans than to Asians . I feel more relaxed when I am with an Asian than when I am with an American . Sometimes I feel that Asians and Americans do not accept me . I feel more comfortable socializing with Americans than I do with Asians . Asians should not date non-Asians . Sometimes I find it hard to trust both Americans and Asians . Most of my friends at work/school are American . I find that both Asians and Americans often have difficulty understanding me r—Ar—Axo HO‘ Nr—at—Iu—hr—tr—nr—au—tr—a oxooouoxm-tawto QMAWNt—t MN OO\J 66 __29. I find that I do not feel comfortable when I am with other people 30.1 would not let my cousin(s) use my car (if I have one). 31 .It is enjoyable to meet and talk with my neighbors regularly. 32.1 would not discuss newly acquired knowledge with my parents. 33.It is not appropriate for a colleague to ask me for money. 34.1 would not let my neighbors borrow things from me or my family. 35.When deciding what kind of education to have, I would pay no attention to my uncles’ advice. __36.I would not share my ideas with my parents. __37.I would help, within my means, if a relative told me that he/she is in financial difficulty. _38.I am not interested in knowing what my neighbors are really like. ____39.Neighbors should greet each other when we come across each other. ___40.A person ought to help a colleague at work who has financial problems. 67 Your Experiences as a Parent 1. The following statements 1-13 represent matters of interest and concern to some parents. Not all parents feel the same way about them. Please circle the number which most closely applies to you and your child. Not at all Not Much Somewhat Pretty Much Very Much Exactly Like Like Like Like Like Like Me Me Me Me Me Me 1 2 3 4 5 6 —A o I encourage my child to talk about his or her troubles 1 2 3 4 5 6 2. I always follow through on discipline for my child, no matter how long it takes. 1 2 3 4 5 6 3. Sometimes it is so long between my child’s misbehavior and when I can deal with it, that I just let it go. 1 2 3 4 5 6 4. My child and I have warm intimate moments together. 1. 2 3 4 5 6 5. There are times I just don’t have the energy to make my child behave as he or she should. 1 2 3 4 5 6 6. Once I decide how to deal with a misbehavior of my child, I follow through on it. 1 2 3 4 5 7. I encourage my child to be curious, to explore, and to question things. 1 2 3 4 5 8. My child can often talk me into letting him or her off easier than I had planned. 1 2 3 4 5 9. I find it interesting and educational to be with my child for long periods. 1 2 3 4 5 10. I make sure my child knows that I appreciate what he or she tries to accomplish. 1 2 3 4 5 1 1. I believe that once a family rule has been made, it should be strictly enforced without exception. 1 2 3 4 5 II. For each of the following statements 1-4, please circle the number which indicates how often the statement is true of your family. Once in Most of Never a While Sometimes Frequently the time Always 1 2 3 4 5 6 We have a regular dinner schedule each week. Our house is clean and orderly. Our family is organized. We get everything done around the house that needs to be done. 99531“ ,_.,_,,_,.-t NNNN wwww hhhb mmmm 68 O\O\O\O\ III. Listed below 1-5 are pairs of statements concerning parents’ thoughts about childrearing. For each pair, read both statements. Then determine which statement you agree with most, and circle the letter in front of that statement. Please circle ONLY ONE letter per item. I. 2. raw >W?W 57’ 93> . Nowadays parents place too much emphasis on obedience in their children. Nowadays parents are too concerned about letting children do what they want. Children need more freedom to make up their own minds about things than they seem to get today. Children need more guidance from their parents than they seem to get today. I care more than most parents I know about having my child obey me. I care less than most parents I know about having my child obey me. . I try to prevent my child from making mistakes by setting rules for his/her own good. I try to provide freedom for my child to make mistakes and to learn from them. . If children are given too many rules, they will grow up to be unhappy adults. It is important to set and enforce rules for children to grow up to be happy adults. IV. Listed below 1-5 are several situations, which frequently occur in childhood. You may or may not have had these experiences with your child. Imagine that each has just occurred and rate how likely it is that you would do EACH of the responses listed below the situation. 1. After arguing over toys, your child hits a playmate. (Circle a number for EACH response.) Very unlikely Very likely to do to do a. Let situation go 0 1 2 3 b. Take something away (e.g., no dessert, no TV) or add an additional chore (e. g., clean up toys) 0 2 3 c. Send to room or isolate by sitting in a chair 0 1 2 3 d. Spanking or hitting 0 1 2 3 e. Talk to the child (e.g., discuss alternatives, discuss your reasons for wanting the child to do or not to do something) 0 1 2 3 f. Scold the child 0 1 2 3 g. Remind your child of the rule or repeat the direction 0 1 2 3 69 2. Your child becomes sassy while you discipline him or her. (Circle a number for EACH response.) Very unlikely Very likely to do to do a. Let situation go 0 l 2 3 b. Take something away (e.g., no dessert, no TV) or add an additional chore (e.g., clean up toys) 0 l 2 3 c. Send to room or isolate by sitting in a chair 0 2 3 d. Spanking or hitting 0 1 2 3 e. Talk to the child (e.g., discuss alternatives, discuss your reasons for wanting the child to do or not to do something) 0 1 2 3 f. Scold the child 0 1 2 3 g. Remind your child of the rule or repeat the direction 0 1 2 3 3. You receive a note from your child’s teacher that your child has been disruptive at school. (Circle 3 number for EACH response.) Very unlikely Very likely to do to do a. Let situation go 0 1 2 3 b. Take something away (e.g., no dessert, no TV) or add an additional chore (e.g., clean up toys) 0 1 2 3 c. Send to room or isolate by sitting in a chair 0 2 3 d. Spanking or hitting 0 1 2 3 e. Talk to the child (e. g., discuss alternatives, discuss your reasons for wanting the child to do or not to do something) 0 1 2 3 f. Scold the child 0 1 2 3 g. Remind your child of the rule or repeat the direction 0 1 2 3 70 4. You catch your child lying about something he or she has done that you would not approve of. (Circle a number for EACH response.) Very unlikely Very likely to do to do a. Let situation go 0 1 2 3 b. Take something away (e.g., no dessert, no TV) or add an additional chore (e.g., clean up toys) 0 2 3 c. Send to room or isolate by sitting in a chair 0 2 3 d. Spanking or hitting 0 1 2 3 e. Talk to the child (e.g., discuss alternatives, discuss your reasons for wanting the child to do or not to do something) 0 1 2 3 f. Scold the child 0 1 2 3 g. Remind your child of the rule or repeat the direction 0 1 2 3 You see your child playing at a busy street that you have forbidden him or her to go near for safety reasons. (Circle a number for EACH response.) Very unlikely Very likely to do to do a. Let situation go 0 1 2 3 b. Take something away (e.g., no dessert, no TV) or add an additional chore (e. g., clean up toys) 0 1 2 3 c. Send to room or isolate by sitting in a chair 0 1 2 3 d. 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