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This is to certify that the
dissertation entitled

PERCEPTIONS OF POLICE CORRUPTION AMONG
TURKISH POLICE CADETS

presented by

Nebi QETINKAYA

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for the

Ph.D. degree in Criminal Justice

 

 

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5/08 K:lProj/Aoc&Pres/ClRCIDateDuo.indd

PERCE PTION S OF POLICE CORRUPTION AMONG TURKISH POLICE
CADETS

By

Nebi CETINKAYA

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
In Partial fulfillment of the requirements
For the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Criminal Justice

2010

ABSTRACT

PERCEPTIONS OF POLICE CORRUPTION AMONG TURKISH POLICE CADETS

By

Nebi CETINKAYA

Literature in police corruption in Turkey mostly involves police officers in active duty.
Empirical research that aims to discover police cadets’ attitudes toward the phenomenon is rare.
A comparison between future supervisors' and line officers‘ perceptions on specific aspects of
corruption is lacking. This dissertation attempts to explore and delineate a variety of factors that
may influence police cadets‘ perception about some basic types of police corruption, namely, gift
giving to obtain favored status, bribes to fix a desired outcome in a legal issue, and “speed
money” to hasten or secure one's rightful and legal administrative process. In addition, this study
aims to explore any differences among police academy and police vocational school cadets~
perceptions of petty corruption and their attitude toward reporting corruption. It is expected that
this study will provide important and useful information to policy makers and leadership cadres

responsible for police training in the Turkish National Police (TNP).

Copyright by
Nebi CETINKAYA
2010

I dedicate this work to the Turkish National Police

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

A project at this magnitude requires a lot of supporting elements of vital value. I
would therefore thank those who were always there to support and encourage when it is
desperately needed.

First of all I would like to thank my dear wife Hatice for her patience and
encouragements during all stages of this stressful process; Holding things together in a
foreign country with the responsibility of our children Alikasrm and my daughters
Aysenur and Rukiye was a herculean task alone.

I especially thank to my committee chair Doctor Mahesh Nalla who never ceased
his continuous and precious support. His vision and guidance helped me a lot for
reaching to my goals.

Special thanks to my committee members Doctor Sheila Maxwell, Doctor Charles
Corley and Doctor Steve Kozlowski for providing guidance that fostered my
development, stimulated creative thinking, and tapped independent initiative taking.

I also thank to the Turkish community of the MSU that created a warm and

supportive environment during our stay in the US.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................... viii
LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... x
CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION and STATEMENT of PROBLEM ............................. 1
Rationale of the Study ..................................................................................................... 2
The Significance of the Study in the Turkish Context .................................................... 2
Organization of the Study ............................................................................................... 4
CHAPTER 2 - CONCEPTUAL and THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ......................... 6
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 6
Police Corruption as a Distinct Form of Corruption ........................................................ 7
Definition of Police Corruption ....................................................................................... 8
Types and Taxonomies of Police Corruption .................................................................. 9
Adopted Theoretical Framework ................................................................................... 12
Adopted Concept Pertaining to Corruption .................................................................... 13
Petty Corruption as a Slippery Slope ............................................................................ 15
Theoretical Explanations of Police Corruption .............................................................. 16
Individual level explanations ...................................................................................... 16
Organizational level explanations ............................................................................... 17
Societal level explanations ......................................................................................... 19
A Multidimensional Approach ...................................................................................... 21
CHAPTER 3 - LITERATURE REVIEW ...................................................................... 22
The Scope of the Study ................................................................................................. 22
Administrative Aspects and Organizational Structure of the TNP .................................. 23
Organizational and Administrative Aspects of the Police
Academy and Dependent Police Training Institutions ................................................... 24
Police Academy ......................................................................................................... 24
Police Vocational Schools of Higher Education ......................................................... 26
Corruption in the Turkish Context ................................................................................. 27
Macro-level Changes That Affected the Rise of Corruption in Turkey ........................... 28
Societal Factors in the Turkish Context ......................................................................... 29
Societal and Organizational Factors Affecting Police
Cadets’ Perceptions of Petty Corruption ........................................................................ 3 1
Parents’ income ......................................................................................................... 32
Family occupation: Socialization within the police environment ................................ 32
City of origin ............................................................................................................. 33
Organizational factors: Police academy vs. police vocational school ......................... 34
Hypotheses .................................................................................................................... 35
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 39

vi

CHAPTER 4 - PRESENT STUDY ................................................................................ 40

Police Cadets’ Perceptions ............................................................................................ 40
Research Questions ....................................................................................................... 41
Methodology ................................................................................................................. 42
Measurement of the Variables ....................................................................................... 46
Measurement of Dependent Variable ............................................................................. 47
Measurement of Independent Variables ......................................................................... 48
Study Population, Research Sites, and Administration

of the Questionnaires ..................................................................................................... 50
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 51
CHAPTER 5 -ANALYSIS ............................................................................................ 53
Descriptive Statistics of the Participants ........................................................................ 54
Descriptive Statistics ..................................................................................................... 57
Mean Differences ......................................................................................................... 58
Regression Analyses ...................................................................................................... 75
Factor Analysis ............................................................................................................. 75
Principal Component Analysis (PC A) and Alpha Results ............................................. 76
Correlation Analysis ...................................................................................................... 78
Results of the OLS Analysis .......................................................................................... 79
Summary of the Findings .............................................................................................. 80
CHAPTER 6 -DISCUSSION ........................................................................................ 83
Key Findings ................................................................................................................. 83
Summary ....................................................................................................................... 94
Implications .................................................................................................................. 95
Societal Level Implications ........................................................................................... 95
Organizational Level Implications Regarding the Police Training Schools ................... 96
Leadership Implications ................................................................................................ 98
Limitations .................................................................................................................... 99
Future Research ........................................................................................................... 100
Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 10]
APPENDIX A (Survey Questionnaire) ........................................................................ 103
APPNDIX B (Factor Loadings for Outlook Scales) ..................................................... 106
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................... 107

vii

List of Tables

Table 1. Types and dimensions of police corruption ..................................................... 10
Table 2.Demographics of the Turkish Police Cadets ..................................................... 54

Table 3 Demographics of Police Cadets pertaining to
police Academy and Vocational Schools ........................................................... 55

Table 4.Demographics of police cadets pertaining to
Police Academy and Vocational Schools .......................................................... 56

Table 5. Scale characteristics of the dependent variables
pertaining to the total sample ............................................................................ 58

Table 6. Comparison of mean differences among police
cadets' school of origin (organizational differences)
for perception of corruption aspects .................................................................. 59

Table 7. Comparison of mean differences regarding to
perception of corruption aspects of families’ income groups ............................ 60

Table 8. Comparison of mean differences between income groups
of Academy and PVSHE cadets' families with respect
to corruption perception aspects ........................................................................ 62

Table 9. Comparison of mean differences of
perception of corruption aspects between
Academy and PVSHE pertaining to same income groups .................................. 63

Table 10. Comparison of mean differences among
cadets’ cities of origin with respect to
con‘uption perception aspects ............................................................................. 64

Table 1 1. Comparison of mean differences between cities
of origin of Academy and PVSHE cadets with respect
to corruption perception aspects ....................................................................... 65

Table 12. Comparison of mean differences of perception
of corruption aspects between Academy and

PVSHE pertaining to same city population Group ............................................ 66

Table 13. Comparison of mean differences among cadets’
families vocation groups with respect to

viii

corruption perception aspects ............................................................................ 68

Table 14. Comparison of mean differences between
family vocations of Academy and PVSHE Cadets
with respect to corruption perception aspects .................................................... 69

Table 15. Comparison of mean differences of perception
of corruption aspects between Academy and PVSHE
pertaining to same parent vocation group .......................................................... 70

Table 16. Comparison of mean differences among
educational level of the cadets’ parents with
respect to perception of corruption aspects ........................................................ 71

Table 17. Comparison of mean differences between parents’
education levels of Academy and PVSHE
Cadets with respect to corruption perception aspects ......................................... 73

Table 18. Comparison of mean differences of perception of
corruption aspects between Academy and PVSHE
pertaining to same educational levels of parent groups ...................................... 74

Table 19. Rotated component matrix involving factor
loadings for outlook variables ........................................................................ 106

Table 20. PCA factor loadings scales pertaining to two
outlook variables ............................................................................................... 77

Table 21. Correlation table pertaining to the dependent
variables involving perceptions of seriousness
and reporting behavior of the cadets ................................................................. 78

Table 22. OLS Regression of the aspects pertaining to

corruption perception and attitude toward reporting
for petty corruptions .......................................................................................... 8O

ix

List of Figures

Figure l. Cadets’ attitudes pertaining to corruption
scenarios with respect to their socio-demographical
and organizational background characteristics ................................................... 42

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION and STATEMENT of PROBLEM

Since the beginning of known history, corruption has been a part of society. It has
been a subject of inquiry for a wide range of disciplines. Despite a tremendous amount of
accumulated scholarship, corruption as a phenomenon still generates heated debates.
Police corruption remains a contested topic in criminal justice literature.

Successful corruption control measures require solid academic research backed
with sound theoretical foundations (Klockars, et al., 2000). Systematic studies of police
corruption are initiated primarily when societies become aware of scandals and reach a
certain democratic maturity necessary to discuss or criticize its causes and consequences
(Sherman, 1978). More specifically, police corruption in general began to receive
consideration from social scientists following the eruption of major corruption scandals
in the US. in the 19705. However, in democracies where organizational accountability is
not yet established, scandals rarely give rise to constructive debates and efficient reforms.

The primary aim of this study is to delineate the antecedents of the perceptions of
police cadets from different police training organizations, namely, police academy and
police vocational school of higher education, regarding petty corruption, both in terms of
seriousness and their reporting behavior involving hypothetical corruption scenarios. As
an explanatory study examining Turkish police cadets’ perceptions, this study promises a
wealth of information for researchers aiming to address the question in their respective

police training institutions.

Rationale of the Study

The extant literature about police corruption draws attention to a variety of factors
that affect the perceptions of police officers concerning the phenomenon. These factors
can be named as processes of recruitment and selection, formal training, and probation —
in other words, the phases through which rookies become part of the organization (e. g.
Haberfeld, 2003; Kleinig, 1990; Carter, Sapp, and Stephens, 1989; Lynch, 1976). The
recruitment and selection practices of police organizations are important indicators of the
diligence with which the organization aligns itself with societal demands in general. The
education and training programs and processes’ success in shaping the cadets according
to the desired organizational and societal values merits an empirical assessment. Such as
assessment necessitates deciphering the attitudes of police cadets about corruption, which
taints the image of their institution.

It is necessary to mention that this study does not attempt to develop an index for
predicting potential corrupt behavior of Turkish police personnel. Instead, it aims to
expose current attitudes of cadets toward limited but prevalent types of corruption
scenarios involving police and some public institutions.

The data that is used in this dissertation has been collected from the Police
Faculty of Security Sciences (police academy) located in Ankara and from two Police
Vocational Schools of Higher Education (PVSHE or vocational schools) located in

Istanbul and Izmir, which were selected from among the existing 26 similar institutions.

The Significance of the Study in the Turkish Context
Since the contemporary emergence of attempts to address police corruption,

concerned authorities and scholars, as well as police professionals, have offered a variety

of remedies that focus on different aspects of the problem. These propositions range from
implementing structural or cultural changes, such as applying stringent control
mechanisms into work processes, to ameliorating recruitment criteria and training
standards of police candidates. Any of these solutions must take into account the crucial
importance of the quality of police training programs; accordingly, it is important to
collect data about police cadets’ attitudes toward corruption’s prevalence within society.

This study is exploratory in nature and is based on the theoretical framework of
police integrity developed by Klockars and colleagues (1997, 2000, 2004). The study
aims to capture the perceptions of police cadets who are not formally exposed to active
police duties. Given the secrecy of police work and police cadets’ limited opportunities to
be involved in or witness such transactions, the current study focuses on instances of
petty corruption that are reported to be the most prevalent forms of such within Turkish
social life and bureaucracy. Petty corruption was chosen as the survey topic in order to
compensate for the cadets’ lack of experience in encountering issues of corruption
through actual police work; comparatively, petty corruption is a topic about which cadets
may be reasonably expected to have formed perceptions. This study also will attempt to
uncover how cadets perceive their fellow officers’ attitudes toward the same
phenomenon, including their own and their colleagues’ reporting behavior when they
come across such instances.

In summary, this study is expected to contribute to the literature by delineating the
attitudes of future police officers who are going to occupy leadership positions as well as

rank and file positions in the Turkish National Police (TNP). Consequently, given the

scope of this study, presented findings are expected to guide responsible authorities in

taking appropriate measures.

Organization of the Study

This study involves six chapters. The first chapter, following the introduction that
summarizes the purpose of the study, includes the statement of the problem, the
significance of the study in the Turkish context, and a summary pertaining to the adopted
theoretical standpoint.

Chapter 2 focuses on the definition of police corruption, theories relevant to
police corruption with respect to their taxonomies, and the espoused conceptual and
theoretical framework pertaining to the adopted corruption framework. Additionally, it
discusses differences between major streams of corruption approaches, the state of the
current literature and the rationale of selecting the adopted conceptual framework.

Chapter 3 describes the contextual factors pertaining to the Turkish National
Police and the social, cultural, and demographic characteristics of the surveyed police
cadets. Additionally, it provides a brief summary of the engrained traditions of Turkish
public service in general, as well as a short history of the Turkish National Police, its
administrative structure, and its role in the Turkish criminal justice system. This chapter
includes detailed information about the Faculty of Security Sciences and its branches, the
Police Vocational Schools and the Police Academy, in addition to their roles in providing
the Turkish National Police with line officers and entry level supervisors.

Chapter 4 describes the research design and the adopted methodology.

Chapter 5 offers a comprehensive analysis of the project’s research questions,

including basic statistics and the dimensions of the research questions. Descriptive

statistics, mean comparison tests, and OLS regression analysis will also be provided in
this chapter.

Finally, Chapter 6 is devoted to a discussion of the potential utility of the study
findings. The discussion also includes recommendations for police administrators and

policy makers.

CHAPTER 2

CONCEPTUAL and THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Introduction

The fiinction of corruption is a highly contested topic. Due to the dynamic and
mostly elusive nature of the term it is a challenge to group some acts or processes under
clear cut corruption categories. The adopted point of reference and level of analysis
(individual, group or institutional) play an important role in identifying the characteristics
of the act or the processes in question. For example, according to Lipset and Lenz
(2000), corruption can serve as a mechanism to redistribute wealth, serve as a source of
efficiency in over-bureaucratized States/societies, and enable less powerful political
groups to access the political arena, and benefit those having little access to the
opportunity structure in a society due to the unfavorable effects of race, ethnicity or lack
of skills (Euben, 2004). On the other hand, some view corruption as one factor among
others that hamper the spirit of democracy within a democratic society.

This chapter comprises a review of major theories and the adopted theoretical
framework of corruption. Due to the scope of the current study, the reviewed literature
will not include studies that focus on morality or ethics and the dilemmas that arise from
a given adopted philosophical standpoint.

The current chapter contains two sections. The first delineates major differences
that distinguish police corruption from other corrupt activities occurring in public
domains. The second section provides an overview and theoretical background of

existing definitions and major conceptions of police corruption. Acknowledging that the

concept of police corruption overlaps in some circumstances with distinct concepts of
corruption specific to political, economic, and administrative spheres, I will limit my

discussion to the type known as petty corruption in police corruption literature.

Police Corruption as a Distinct Form of Corruption

The police occupy a distinct position among other public institutions because they
operate at a crossroads where they have the opportunity to serve as a hub between and
across layers of public and private institutions. Such multidimensional linkages create a
plethora of opportunities for the police to engage in legitimate as well as corrupt
transactions.

Analogous to other organizations, private or public, the police are not corruption
free. However, given their role within the society, behaviors that contradict the
established and espoused norms (by law, morality or ethics) are less tolerated when
perpetrated by the police (Huon, et al., 1995). The impact of police corruption on public
life is more intimidating and less tolerable compared to other types of corrupt activities
perpetrated by other institutions. As Barker and Carter ( 1991) noted, “what the police do
and how they do it affects the perceptions of how the public views the fairness and
honesty of the entire criminal justice system” (p. 3).

Police work is bound to enforce a vast area of law and regulations, and
consequently, it is an occupation rife with opportunities for misconduct. Police exercise a
discretion in enforcing laws that regulate individual or societal liberties that is far greater
than in any other profession (Sherman, 1982). This augments the chances of police
abusing the power entrusted to them in a variety of circumstances, especially those in

which they have legal control.

Police corruption is a form of organizational deviance in the public sector (Moran,
2005). However, despite the existence of some conceptual similarities to other forms of
deviance, police corruption has its own distinctions. Police practices and organizational
functioning cannot be understood either simply in terms of production economies or
solely from the perspective of technical efficiency and effectiveness. A police or-
ganization does not create a product which is exchanged in a market such that
organizations are rewarded for effective and efficient control of the work process (Crank
& Langworthy, 1992).

Police corruption is not specific to a distinct police branch or limited to the
personnel occupying lower levels of the organizational hierarchy. To the contrary, it is
pervasive, continuing, and not bounded by rank (Newburn, 1999). Its characteristics may
vary in terms of seriousness, according to the personnel involved at different hierarchical
and seniority levels or within performance domains such as specialized units or

departments within the organization (e.g., Klockars, et al., 1997).

Definition of Police Corruption

Police corruption involves any proscribed act perpetrated by the misuse of the
officer's official position for actual or expected material reward or gain (Barker &
Roebuck, 1973; Barker, 1977). Based on their standpoint (e.g., ethical, moral, or legal)
social scientists and practitioners alike use that concept to refer to a variety of activities,
including bribery; violence and brutality; fabrication and destruction of evidence; racism;
and, favoritism or nepotism (Newburn, 1999). As noted by Punch (2000), corruption has
been referred to as a 'container' concept that is used for a much wider range of police

deviant behavior than traditional bribe-taking. McMullan (1961, p. 183-184) defines a

public official’s actions as corrupt “if he accepts money or money’s worth for doing
something that he is under a duty to do anyway, that he is under a duty not to do, or to
exercise a legitimate discretion for improper reasons.” Goldstein (1977, p. 188) identifies
corruption as “the misuse of authority by a police officer in a manner designed to produce
personal gain for the officer or others.” Cohen (1986) defines corruption as “acting on
opportunities created by virtue of one’s authority for personal gain at the expense of the
public one is authorized to serve” (p. 23). Looking at it from an organizational
perspective, Klockars and colleagues (2000, 1997) conceptualize the notion of police
integrity as “the normative inclination of police to resist temptations to abuse the rights
and privileges of their occupation.” Kleinig (1996), on the other hand, proposes that
“Police officers act corruptly when, in exercising or failing to exercise their authority,
they act with the primary intention of furthering private or departmental/divisional
advantage” (p. 599). Each of these definitions covers the phenomena to some extent, but

a universal definition is still to be found.

Types and Taxonomies of Police Corruption

The categorization of police corruption is also a contended issue. In particular,
most of the disagreements arise from the challenge of classifying misconduct of all sorts
perpetrated by the police in general. Depending on the scholar’s conceptualization of
corruption, specific actions may shift categories from unethical behavior to misconduct or
from pure criminal activity to police corruption.

For example, one of the earlier and widely used typologies of police corruption
developed by Roebuck and Barker (1974) and lately expanded by Punch (1985), shown

Table 1 (Punch, 2000, p.303), involves nine types of police corruption.

Table 1. Types and dimensions of police corruption.

 

.--.—'. “Wu..- “p...- -u--- ..........v .....-. .._.,--~.

Type Dimensions
§ C orruption of When an officer receives some form of materral gain Wby virtue of
authority’; their position as a police officer without violating the law per se

(e.g., free drinks, meals, services).

Aw;

3 ‘Kickbacks' i ,Receipt of goods, services or money for referring business to
particular individuals or companies.

 

-MH—O—u— .._.._---.-.‘- -..,._.... -__.._.w_.

‘Opporttmistic i Stealing from arrestees (sometimes referred to as ‘rolling’ ), from .
j theft' i traffic accident victims, crime victims and the bodies or property of
i idead citizens §

 

18'hakedowns" Acceptance of a bribe ~for. not following through on a criminal
’ V violation, 1.e., not making an arrest, filing a complaint or
i impounding property.

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘Protection of i Police protection of those engaged in illegal activities (prostitution,
illegal activities drugs, pornography) enabling the business to continue operating
T he fr iUndermining of criminal investigations or proceedings, or the ’loss’
of traffic tickets. :
5 Direct criminal A police officer commits a crime against person or property for
activities" personal gain ‘in clear violation of both departmental and criminal
' norms

 

W...- -......--.,. ”1.. WWIWL

illitel'lla/ [)Cli’Qz‘fS’ iPrerogatives available to police officers (holidays, shift allocations,
: , promotron) are bought, bartered and sold :

 

ow- v.4..-

‘Flaking' or Planting of or adding to evidence (argued by Punch to be
. ‘paddling’ partrcularly evident in drugs case—is).

 

The authors (Roebuck & Barker, 1974) embraced a broad concept of police corruption
that can be described as “deviant, dishonest, improper, unethical or criminal behavior
perpetrated by a police officer” (Newburn, 1999). In this framework, Punch (2000,
p.304-305) categorizes previous types of behavior into three broad categories, namely,
corruption, misconduct, and police crime. According to Punch’s (2000) perspective,

corruption refers to the conventional understanding of taking something against the duty

10

_. “fl”.-- .v‘

—.. _ ,- -.— .— .......-‘

to do or not to do something as an exchange for money or gifts from an external
corrupter. Misconduct refers to breaking internal rules and procedures; such instances are
analogous to inappropriate behaviors perpetrated in other organizations, such as sleeping
on duty or leaving early without valid excuse. These actions or omissions generally
involve infringements of disciplinary regulations; they are investigated and sanctioned
internally. Police crime, on the other hand, is not limited to accepting bribes but also
involves breaking the law in a serious manner. Police crime may also involve the use of
excessive force, criminal activities such as grand auto theft, cover-ups of burglaries or
drug sales, and the abuse of individual rights guaranteed by law. This category of crime
does not have a noble motive or involve a distinct criminal group and can be described as
crimes perpetrated by criminals in uniform (Punch, 2000).

According to Punch's (2000, p. 304) classification of police misconduct, indicated
in above, can be grouped as follows: kickbacks, shakedowns, protection of illegal
activities, and the fix are forms of 'conventional' corruption - and the rest are forms of
misconduct (corruption of authority) or of crime (opportunistic theft, direct criminal
activities, and flaking or paddling).

This new taxonomy is useful for considering new types of police misconduct that
fall outside the definition of an individual engaging in a behavior for the purpose of
seeking material gain, because it expands the definition to contextualize behaviors within
the social dynamics of the group or organization and the occupation. Following the
proposed definition by Punch (1984), it is possible to extend the three grouped
taxonomies in a way that distinguishes among diverse motives and a broad array of

patterned behaviors, the parties involved (e. g, such as internal or external), and the type

11

of action—Le, doing or not doing something with legitimate or illegitimate goals (Punch,
2000). In this vein, the new categorization yields seven types of police deviance as
follows: (1) police misconduct; (2) straightforward corruption; (3) strategic corruption;
(4) predatory corruption; (5) noble cause corruption; (6) police crime; and, (7) state
related police crime.

Strategic corruption occurs in cases when the police and organized crime
group(s) engage in a stable arrangement serving both groups’ interests via the non-
enforcement of the legal obligations of the police. In predatory corruption, the police are
the real culprits. They initiate the criminal activity, organizing and tapping into sources of
money by exploiting their advantages as members of a police organization. Noble cause
corruption involves using illicit means to attain approved social or organizational ends.
This category, from the organizational or agent's perspective, does not necessarily
involve a financial benefit per se but oils the criminal justice machinery. Klockars (1985)
refers to this type of misconduct as the “Dirty Harry problem,” where the legal process is
adulterated in order to attain desirable (social or organizational) ends. State related crime
primarily involves attaining political goals. In this type of crime, police officers are put
under political or administrative pressure to perpetrate criminal executions or torture

prisoners for forced confessions in order to secure convictions for the benefit of the state.

Adopted Theoretical Framework

The adopted general framework of this study relies on the theoretical principles of
police integrity set by Klockars and Kutnjak Ivkovich (2004); Klockars, Kutnjak
Ivkovich, and Haberfeld (2004); Klockars, Kutnjak Ivkovich, Harver, and Haberfeld

(1997); and Klockars, Kutnjak Ivkovich, Haberfeld and Uydess (2001). The scholars

12

define the concept of police integrity as “the normative inclination among police to resist
temptations to abuse rights and privileges of their occupation” (Klockars, et al., 1997,
2001, 2004, 2007). The theory of police integrity also makes reference to some basic
tenets of organizational studies. More specifically, police integrity is associated with: (1)
the quality of official rules and the manner in which they are made, communicated, and
understood; (2) the quality of detection, investigation, and disciplinary actions undertaken
by an agency; and, (3) the ability to curtail the code of silence.

In addition to purely organizational considerations, the problem of corruption
must also be considered within the social context in which the organization is embedded.
This study contributes to the literature by studying both the political and cultural context
of the research. area and police cadets’ individual characteristics, such as their social and
cultural orientation, in order to discover how both influence the cadets’ perceptions of

corruption.

Adopted Concept Pertaining to Corruption

As explained above, all definitions of corruption cover some aspects of the
phenomena. Narrower definitions, although more specific, are mostly concerned with the
material gain that police acquire in an illegitimate way or through the misuse of their
professional status; these definitions fail to embrace other instances that might involve
benefits having more subtle characteristics. On the other hand, broader definitions fail to-
draw a workable framework that clearly differentiates what constitutes corruption in
specific instances. Thus, an ideal definition of police corruption should not be limited to

the perpetration of specific acts but should also include the process that results in

13

achieving such ends and acknowledge the varying means, ends, and motives of corrupt
activities (Newburn, 1999).

Barker (1977) indicates three elements that must be present for an act to be
considered as corruption: the act must (1) be forbidden by some norm, regulation or law,
(2) involve the misuse of the officer's official position, and (3) involve the acquisition of
material gain. Accordingly, this concept does not include police occupational deviance
or police crime (Barker, 1977, 1978; Punch, 1984, 2000) that does not aim for any
material gain but still involves deviant acts, relevant to violations of the criminal law,
rules and regulations regulating police work and behavior, and ethical and professional
police standards. Due to the scope of this study, the adopted definition of police
corruption involves any proscribed act perpetrated by the misuse of the officer's official
position for actual or expected material reward or gain (Barker & Roebuck, 1973; Barker,
1977)

Police work involves a very diverse environment ripe to extract financial gain.
Since different types of exchanges occur in different contexts, from fixing a ticket, to
being paid off by organized crime rings, a meticulous differentiation of the illicit
financial gain is crucial for analyzing the root causes of a specific type of problem. Given
the variety of acts and processes named as police corruption, corrective and preventive
measures may change depending on a plethora of variables. Accordingly, in this study
our concept is limited to instances that are described as petty corruption, which includes

gratuities, free services, etc.

14

Petty Corruption as a Slippery Sl0pe

The intentions behind the offering of free services and goods to police officers are
not always benevolent. Although from the outside these transactions appear innocent,
they prepare appropriate grounds for corruption by working as slippery slopes (Kania,
1988)

One of the explanations for an individual’s descent into corruption is the famous
“slippery slope” analogy. The function of gratuities is interpreted by scholars in a variety
of ways; some see gratuities as a slippery slope leading to major corrupt acts in a steady
fashion (e.g., Malloy, 1982; Sherman, 1982) or as a pretext for the disproportionate
distribution of police services to the taxpayers.

Accordingly a police officer that tolerates even small gratuities finds himself or
herself in a position where he or she cannot refiJse to engage in transactions that lead to
greater instances of corruption. Sherman (1982) proposes that such minor transactions in
fact constitute preliminary steps that morally desensitize the perpetrator and encourage
further enterprises on a large scale. In cases where such acts are perpetrated or tolerated
in concert they bind the group together through the act of keeping their activities secret.
Those who do not engage in such groups face different treatment and are alienated from
the group. Peer pressure or pressure from senior officers involved in such activities
prepares adequate ground for officers’ initiation into corruption and the rationalization of
small gratuities that can facilitate the acceptance of more corrupt activities. Another
slippery slope typology, developed by Crank and Caledero (2000), is based on the notion
of the noble cause corruption. This kind involves a testing procedure in order to assess

whether or not a newcomer can be trusted in all circumstances. Briefiy, this type of

15

initiation aims to submerge the newcomer in such circumstances where stepping back
risks his or her interests in a severe manner. In organizations where such practices are
prevalent, new recruits face a challenging dilemma in terms of defining their position in

thejob.

Theoretical Explanations of Police Corruption
Scholars and practitioners alike propose several explanations in order to delineate
the underpinnings of corruption. These propositions can be grouped under three broad

categories: individual, institutional, and systemic explanations (e.g., Johnston, 1995).

Individual level explanations.

Literature dealing with an individual level of analysis, focuses particularly on the
police candidates’, cadets’, probationary officers’, and active officers’ background
characteristics, including their personality characteristics, SES background, and moral
stances toward ethical or unethical instances relevant to police corruption (e.g., Beck &
Lee, 2002; Chan, et al., 2003). The individual approach attributes the causes of corruption
to the individual and can be summarized under three major categories, namely, the rotten
apple, recruitment, and police personality approaches (Banks, 2004).

The rotten apple approach can be described as a classical defense mechanism
utilized by higher level stakeholders that may get harmed when their systemic linkages to
corruption are uncovered. In order to save the interest at stake, the act of corruption is
localized into one or a few corrupt officers (Barker, 1996).

The recruitment perspective emphasizes that selection procedures that are
designed to recruit individuals with similar backgrounds increase the potential for

involving them in corruption. This approach is mostly used in explaining police abuse of

16

authority of various kinds directed toward minorities and people belonging to the lower
social strata.

The psychological or personality approach is mostly concerned with the
personality attributes of the police personnel. This particular approach assumes that
personality attributes governing subsequent behavior are'less likely to change and will
govern the occupational behavior of the individual. This perspective draws attention to
the relatively stable aspects of the individual such as personality traits and value
orientations. For example, Caldero (1997) reports that police values over the past two and
one-half decades remained constant, emphasizing that people joining the police issued
from milieus holding similar values (cited in, Klockars et a1, 2004). Considering the
relatively stable nature of values, education is assumed to have little or no effect on them,
emphasizing the futility of higher education (Hunter, 1999). On the other hand, the socio-
psychological paradigm emphasizes the potential of change in the personality of police
officers during the course of their lives. This approach sees personality characteristics as
developmental, dynamic and changing with an individual’s life experience (Kappeler, et
al., 1998). Study results demonstrated a widening gap between officers’ initial idealistic
ethical values and the values they later espoused. In this vein, in researching the
Australian police, Chan and colleagues (2003) report that the real indoctrination phase
starts at the academy when students encounter police officers that attend the academy for

advanced courses or other activities such as in-training programs.

Organizational level explanations.
In the last decade, corruption studies have drawn more interest, especially from

the organizational perspective. Recent approaches relevant to studying police corruption

17

opened new avenues for the exploration of police attitudes toward corruption. The
measurement of ethical boundaries, tolerance for corruption, types of corrupt behavior,
and integrity level became some of the routine procedures for practitioners in their
attempts to reform a corrupt organization (e.g., Ivkovich, 2003). Most of the perception
studies involve police officers’ perception toward corruption and focus on the
organizational aspects of police work, such as length of service, size of the organization,
rank, type of police work, and policing context (e.g., Klockars, et al., 1996), with respect
to the socio-demographical aspects of the study participants, such as race, gender,
educational level (including attending ethics classes) (e.g., Chan, et al., 2003).
Additionally, research in this domain also includes perception studies at the departmental
as well as the interdepartmental, national and international levels. Additionally, there are
also studies that combine different methodologies such as field research and attitude
research together (e.g., Klockars, et al., 2006; Chan, et al., 2003).

Another approach pertaining to organizational aspects draws attention to the
police subculture, management and administration, or both (Pollock, 2005). Literature
about police corruption in this domain emphasizes the role of the existing occupational
culture in the ways police internalize norms and values that are developed through police
work (Kappeler, et al., 1998). According to this perspective, the police culture
reverberates with negative connotations (e.g., Reiner, 1992). It is associated with a
capacity for harboring tacit codes that foster and regenerate corruption. In organizational
culture literature, scholars discuss specific organizational and environmental factors
affecting the formation of the police culture (e.g., Manning, 1997; Crank, 2004) and

elements that shape police officers’ value orientations starting from their recruitment to

18

the police academy and continuing through subsequent phases of their career (e.g., Van
Maanen, 1974; Sherman, 1982).

Research involving the organizational approach offers supportive findings that
recruits’ and probationary officers’ attitudes and values are deeply affected by the formal
training and socialization they undertake (Kappeler, et al., 1998), as well as the following
field training and occupational socialization processes (Skolnick, 1966; Van Maanen &
Schein, 1979). The socialization processes within uniformed organizations such as the
police and military have their distinctions compared to other civilian public or private
organizations. Cultural influences prevalent at the training and educational institution are
found (e. g., Chan, et al., 2003) to influence the development of the cadets or their future

cultural profile as police officers (Caglar, 2001).

Societal level explanations.

Societal level explanations focus on forces beyond the control of the police. Some
scholars attribute the emergence of the problem of corruption to the moral pluralism that
characterizes a diverse society with inherently conflicting interests (e. g., Johnston, 1995).
In this vein, but more so in homogeneous societies, police departments are likely to
reflect the general characteristics of the communities where they police (Pollock, 2005).
A cultural reluctance to react to corrupt transactions within a given community may
encourage police officers not to enforce specific regulations and to take advantage of the
state of affairs. When society tolerates the perpetration of wrongdoings, it becomes a real
challenge for police officers to ensure equal implementation of the law and regulations.
More specifically, police units dealing with sensitive issues such as vice, drugs, and

gambling may encounter a variety of situations that have the propensity of procuring

19

benefits for individual or group level stakeholders. This may not be attributable solely to
the inherently tempting nature of these types of situations or actions but also to the lack
of enforcement of related laws and regulations by the entire criminal justice system or to
the tolerance by society of those who transgress these rules. As a result, the police tend to
rationalize their involvement in corrupt interactions by claiming such cases as victimless
crimes.

In parallel research, cross-national as well as national studies involving different
countries demonstrate that their respective cultural, legal, societal, and political
background characteristics play a significant role in the perception of seriousness or
reporting behavior of corruption. Comparative study results (e.g., Ekenvall, 2003;
Ivkovich and Shelley, 2008) also report differences between police organizations’ (as
well as their respective societies’) perception of petty corruption. Ekenvall's (2003) study
points out that in countries that are sensitive about alcohol-related misconduct, police
officers were also stricter in their ratings of the seriousness of such case scenarios
compared to officers in other countries. Additionally, Beck and Lee (2002), in their
study involving Russian police cadets' and graduates' attitudes toward corrupt behavior,
focused on specific aspects such as the moral acceptability of the act or process,
underlying motivational aspects, and justifications for engaging in corruption. Their
findings (Beck and Lee, 2002) demonstrate how police trainees perceive linkages
between economic, cultural and organizational factors that facilitate the perpetration of
corrupt behavior. Research findings yield evidence that a considerable number of cadets
perceived corruption as justifiable or morally acceptable in specific circumstances or in

order to attain specific goals. The research was particularly important in terms of

20

deciphering the factors, such as economic, organizational, and external pressures and
close family friendship ties, that facilitate turning a blind eye on corrupt activities despite

the existence of institutional or individual level norms proscribing such behavior.

A Multidimensional Approach

Corruption in police organizations have multiple causes and merit a
multidimensional approach. Punch (2000) draws attention to the mostly intertwined
nature of the problem and proposes that behavior is learned in small groups within the
context of police culture, work, and structural organization, and shaped by the
perceptions of society. Accordingly, police officers have to be initiated into these
practices, rationalizations have to be produced to accept them, supervisors have to
collude or turn a blind eye, justifications have to be sought to continue them, and
organizations have either in some way to condone or encourage these activities—or else
fail to tackle them (Punch, 2000). Considering the scope of our research, which involves
the initial phase of the formal socialization of the police cadets, it is important to look at
the existence of potential familial or societal influences that affect the cadets' perceptions

toward petty corruption (Cerrah, 2008).

21

CHAPTER 3

LITERATURE REVIEW

The Scope of the Study

The initial formal training phase is a crucial facet in the formation ofa relatively
corruption-free police agency. The influence of education and training in instilling the
cadets with ethical police behavior depends heavily on the quality of the recruitment and
subsequent formal and informal training phases. Thus, this study involves one of the
important socialization mechanisms of the police organization where future police line
officers and administrators are formally prepared to become a part of the criminal justice
system.

The current study will focus on two educational institutions that provide the
Turkish National Police (TNP) with middle managers and no rank police officers,
namely, the police academy and the police vocational school of higher education. It
attempts to discover police academy and police vocational school cadets’ perceptions of
petty corruption with respect to their socio-demographic background characteristics.

Studying police cadets’ perceptions in centralized structures offers an opportunity
to make generalizations across similar institutions. In Turkey, the centralized nature of
the police academy and police vocational schools enables the State to provide police
cadets with relatively homogeneous training and education across classes (promotions).
The following describes the general contextual and administrative characteristics of the
Turkish National Police. It is followed by a detailed description of the TNP’s police

training system.

22

Administrative Aspects and Organizational Structure of the TN P

Besides the duties relevant to administrative aspects of the citizenry, the Ministry
of Internal Affairs is responsible for assuring national security within the inhabited
regions of Turkey. The TNP, as a general directorship, is under the authority of the
Ministry of Interior, along with the General Commandership of Gendarme and the
Commandership of Coast Guard.

Turkey is divided into 81 provinces, similar to the French prefectural concept.
Depending on its population, each prefecture or province is categorized as an urban or
rural area. Accordingly, the National Police exercises its duties in the urban areas, the
gendarme in the rural areas, and the coast guard along the Turkish coasts. The Gendarme
and the Coast Guard report also to the Ministry of Defense.

The founding of the Turkish National Police (TNP) dates back to 1845, before the
establishment of the Turkish Republic in which it perpetuates its existence. The TNP is
one of the largest public organizations in Turkey. It is highly centralized and has more
than 200,000 sworn officers. Using Bayley’s (1992) police organization taxonomy, the
TNP resembles the multiple coordinated type, where each institution operates in its own
jurisdiction.

The TNP is under the supervision of the Director General, who is appointed from
among high-ranking civil servants entitled to hold the rank of governorship. The Director
General coordinates and supervises the central administrative structure of the police
organization, which in turn coordinates the day to day policing operations and policies

throughout the central operational departments and prefecture level branches.

23

As a national police force, the TNP is responsible for enforcing a wide variety of
law and regulations ranging from crime fighting to public order (e.g., Cerrah, 1996;
Caglar, 2004), whereas in the US, such domains are the responsibilities of distinct
federal law enforcement agencies. The administrative structure of the police and its
highly specialized departments has considerable power in terms of solidifying its

monopoly in assuring the security services within the urban areas of the Turkish territory.

Organizational and Administrative Aspects of the Police Academy and Dependent

Police Training Institutions

Police Academy.

The Police Academy figures among the main institutions affiliated directly with
the central structure of the TNP. The academy is governed by the president, a high-
ranking police director, for a (renewable) four-year term. The president reports directly to
the Director General of the National Police and is responsible for the overall fimctioning
of the Faculty of Security Sciences, Institute of Security Sciences, and 26 Police
Vocational Schools of Higher Education. The president of the academy reports also to the
Higher Education Board that supervises public and private universities in Turkey.

The Police Academy was founded in 1937 as an in-training high school in order
to provide the TNP with middle and high level managers. Initially the school was called
Police Institute and provided a one-year-long program of lectures and applied police
training courses. In The program length has been extended three times—in 1940, 1962,
and 1980—by one year each time. In 1984, the Police Academy became an institution of
higher education granting bachelors degrees. Now, the Police Academy delivers five

distinct police formation trainings, namely, a pre-license training equivalent to a two-year

24

associate college degree, the bachelors degree, masters degree, faculty and high school
training, and leadership training. The centralized nature of the training institutions
enables the TNP to provide police cadets with relatively homogeneous training and
education across classes (promotions).

The curriculum of the academy as well as the vocational schools is
simultaneously adapted according to the changes in the law and procedures. in particular,
new techniques for avoiding the illegal use of police powers are meticulously developed.
Besides the requirements of the EU standards in terms of policing, harsh criticism from
the media and public intolerance of police misconduct compared to other public
organizations have a considerable share in these timely updates. The training of academy
students occurs in virtual seclusion from civilian social life. From a socialization
perspective, as a fiJll-time boarding school, the academy generates a unique environment
for influencing the cadets in the desired way. The campus is located on the hills of the
town of Golbasr, 20 minutes from Ankara.

Although the police academy has been highly criticized for lax and populist
recruitment policies (e.g., Caglar, 2004; Mutlu, 2000), discretionary recruitment has been
significantly reduced thanks to the centralized testing system administered by the Higher
Education Board. Each year, in addition to those recruited from police high schools
(similar to military high schools), approximately 100 students from civilian high schools
that pass the selection procedures are accepted to the Police Academy. Ten percent of the

cadets are female.

25

Police Vocational Schools of Higher Education.

Police vocational schools are responsible for training future line officers of the
TNP. The timeframe dedicated for training in police vocational schools is significantly
longer than that in most Western countries. In 2001, following the restructuring phase of
the Police Academy, the TNP changed the nine-month-long education phase to two years.
Accordingly, former police schools have been transformed into Police Vocational
Schools of Higher Education (PVSHE), which grant associate degrees. Strict discipline
and rigorous formal education give administrators ample opportunities to indoctrinate
cadets into the expectations of the occupation. Each year, 26 police vocational schools

throughout the country graduate 10,000 line officers in total.

Extracurricular training activities.

Orientation course.

Before their formal education starts, police college graduates and high school
graduates that successfully pass the qualifying exams go through an orientation program.
The orientation course for each group occurs in detached environments. The content of
the orientation program includes the formal and informal requisites of daily life within
the school. Cadets, especially those who come from the civilian high schools, are exposed
to drastic disciplinary applications of the police training system.

Summer camp.

Students that pass to the second and third grade or who must redo these classes
participate in a one-month-long hands-on training camp program in the academy’s
facilities at Didim, Aydin, a small, touristic sub-province on the coast of the Aegean Sea.

The camp curriculum is designed in a way that aims to develop, strengthen and enhance

26

students’ endurance under the most challenging physical and psychological
circumstances.

Apart from enhancing the technical side of policing, the camp program serves to
inculcate police discipline, solidify friendship bonds, generate sympathy for police work,
and generate the respect and pride required for wearing the police uniform.

Field training.

Cadets spend only three months in the field during the summer just after the third
grade for the police academy students and following the first year for the police
vocational school students. The field training is mostly carried out in large cities where
the cadets may have the opportunity to come across a variety of policing instances that
may not be experienced in small cities. The field training lasts one month in total. It is
rotational. Cadets spend equal amounts of time in different police work domains such as
police stations and a variety of specialized police units, including the vice department,
intelligence department, anti-terror department, and anti-smuggling department, as well
as other administrative and support units. Since cadets do not have sworn officer status,

they do not engage in active police operations that may have legal consequences.

Corruption in the Turkish Context

In Turkey, the criminal justice discipline is still in its infancy. Although interest in
this domain increases rapidly, it is very challenging for researchers to get access to
criminal justice institutions in order to conduct studies involving sensitive topics that may
harm the image of the organization. Especially because of the quasi-militaristic
organizational structure of the police organization and its resulting secretive nature,

empirical research dealing with sensitive topics such as corruption is nearly nonexistent.

27

Existing studies (e.g., Cerrah, 1996; Caglar, 1996) conducted in the Turkish context
covered the police vocational schools and revealed some distinct socio-demographical
characteristics of the police cadets. On the other hand, police academy students and their
background attributes are under-researched.

The following sections will describe some significant events that affected Turkish

society and, consequently, its perceptions about corruption among the general public.

Macro-level Changes That Affected the Rise of Corruption in Turkey

Afier the military coup in 1980, Turkey experienced significant changes affecting
the country’s social, economic, and political life. Major restructuring policies enacted by
the government in power during the 19805 involving the Turkish economic system
affected the social sphere, including the bureaucratic mechanisms of the State. In this
context, new economic arrangements without a solid foundation in community life
prepared an adequate environment for corruption.

According to Ozyurek (2005), the value system pertaining to the new economic
policies has been perceived as limitless or ethics/morals free instances for acquiring state
funds. Accordingly, during the 19903, the pace of corrupt activities, especially grand
corruption, expanded in volume. Findings of the field research conducted during the
19905 and early 2000 indicate that participants perceived corruption in the public
bureaucracy as one of the major problems of Turkey (Ozyurek, 2005).

Ozyurek (2005) mentions the lack of consciousness of rule of law as one of the
elements fostering corruption in public service. According to this mentality, the lack of
accountability in bureaucracy facilitates the incumbents to engage in corrupt activities

with confidence that their actions will not result in any negative administrative or judicial

28

consequences. Such a permissive environment is a major impediment to the
establishment of ethical norms in the public sector (Ozyurek, 2005). Although
international norms have been transplanted into the Turkish public administration without
establishing a culture of the rule of law, improvements in the formal system do not
promise a viable solution for the overall problem.

In summary, despite radical changes in the type of regime, the newly established
modern Turkish State was strongly influenced by the heavily centralized and
bureaucratized Ottoman administrative traditions (Ozbudun, 1996). The current
formation of the public institutions reflects to some degree the strength of the State and
their status with respect to the civil society. Accordingly, in the Turkish context, in
addition to other state branches such as the military, court system, and national security
council, the centralized nature of police services also reflects the stance of the State polity

with respect to its relations involving the civil society (Sozen & Shaw, 2002 ).

Societal Factors in the Turkish Context

The Social Research Center’s (SAM) study findings emphasize that corruption in
the Turkish context is a problem that has its roots primarily in the society rather than the
public sector alone (Akozer, 2003). Additionally, researchers draw attention to the
potential influences of the social environment, such as family socio-economic and
cultural characteristics (Mutlu, 2000; Caglar, 2004; Cerrah, 2008), on cadets’ perceptions
of corruption within the police environment.

SAM (Akozer, 2003) results suggest that the perception that petty corruption is
prevalent in the public sector is supported by the public’s conformity to such traditions.

In particular, petty corruption, such as regular bribes or speedy money, is perceived by

29

24.2% of the study participants as at least partly acceptable. The ratio between those who
did not have any public sector job experience is 24.9%, significantly different from those
who work or worked in the public sector, 18.3%. Similarly, the type of corruption is also
a factor that influences the perception of seriousness among the public. Study participants
classified the first and second degree of importance depending on the type of corruption
and its perceived harm. Accordingly, corruption that is perpetrated with the involvement
of high-level public officials, Such as appropriating public money, was considered the
gravest offense, 27.4%, followed by extracting money by abusing State power for
personal benefit. Petty corruption/bribery that may involve considerable amounts of
financial gain is ranked as number three at 19%. According to the terms used by
Transparency International, petty corruption in this study was grouped into two
categories: according to the rules (bribery for speed money and bribery for doing
something not against the law or regulations) or against the rule (when the public official
accepts bribes in exchange for taking or not taking action in contradiction to what is
required of him or her by law).

SAM results also indicate the existence of generational differences in the
perception of corruption (Akozer, 2003). The young generation (18-24), with a ratio of
28.2%, seems particularly more lenient in terms of tolerating petty corruption. According
to SAM findings, economic causes, such as lower salaries, is one of the factors that
facilitates tolerating petty corruption (Akozer, 2003). Despite the fact that study
participants were reminded that such an action is a breach of legal and moral norms,
24.6% of them at least seemed sympathetic to taking baksheesh. Those who had a public

service background responded to that question with modest support. The striking finding,

30

however, is that one third (33.2%) of those in the lowest SES group supported the
proposition of speedy money in exchange for public services due to low salaries.

The code of silence fostering the practice of corruption is not a specific attribute
of the police organization itself; it has roots in the greater society. The SAM findings
discovered that only 62% of the study participants claimed that they would absolutely
disclose to the authorities the names of those who asked for bribes, whereas the
remainder agreed with disclosing names under certain conditions (Akozer, 2003). The
findings suggest that most ofthose who are not willing to disclose the bribers (14.7%) are
not confident that their disclosures will result in sincere interventions by responsible
authorities. Moreover, they are suspicious of being retaliated against by those who are
harmed by that act, and 6.1% of these respondents think they would abstain from
disclosing due to their fear of getting into more trouble. Those who reported that they
would not disclose the bribers, under the pretext that public officers would not ask for

bribes ifthey were not in serious need, are in a negligible minority (Akozer, 2003).

Societal and Organizational Factors Affecting Police Cadets’ Perceptions of Petty
Corruption

Prevalent values within a society are some of the major elements shaping
individuals’ attitudes toward everyday life. Members of the police service coming from
the same population to which they offer their services are not exempt from these
influences. Research findings reveal salient differences in socio-economic background
characteristics and cultural attributes of people relevant to their perception of corruption.

Such differences create distinct categories within the society in which members of

31

specific classes or groups are distinguishable from other groups in terms of their

perception of everyday corruption.

Parents’ income.

Most of the police cadets interested in police work originate from middle-class or
economically disadvantaged families (Caglar, 2004). In general, most of the parents
consist of blue-collar workers, farmers, and low-level civil servants. In a survey
conducted in 1997, 20% of the police vocational school cadets did not respond to the
question regarding the education level of their mothers, while 75% indicated that their
mother had a primary school diploma. Only 4% of the cadets’ mothers had graduated
from middle or high school and only 0.4% from college (Cerrah, 2008). A low level of
education is also mentioned as an indicator of low income. The same survey revealed that
approximately 85% of the participants had grown up in households with a modest income
due to their parents’ occupations. Accordingly, police cadets coming from low-income
families are expected to be influenced by this financial disadvantage in a way that reflects

on their perceptions of corruption.

Family occupation: Socialization within the police environment.

Police organizations, due to their quasi-militaristic nature, more or less share
specific characteristics with military organizations (Soeters, 2004). These organizations
are more parochial in nature compared to other public or business organizations. In
studies involving international settings, researchers (e.g., Hofstede, Neuien, Ohayv, and
Sanders, 1990) indicated that in such organizations, members of these institutions reflect
the adopted professional norms in their daily lives to a significant degree (Soeters, 2004).

More specifically, parents’ occupations, especially uniformed vocations, tend to influence

32

family members. In this vein, police cadets from such families tend to be more influenced
by the reigning police culture and its values, including its attitudes toward specific perks
of the occupation.

Another factor that fosters a distinct police culture compared to civilian society
rests on the vocational necessities that virtually seclude police families from civilian
social life (Cerrah, 2008). Secluded social interactions facilitate the formation of a
subculture specific to distinct public officials including their family members. Such social
environments enable interacting with other police families at different hierarchical levels
and with different levels of experiences and cultural traditions. In this way, cadets raised
in these environments are more likely to internalize police values compared to those who

do not have access to these milieus.

City of origin.

Corruption thrives in environments where anonymity is more assured. Although
corruption is not exclusive to populated cities, the potential for engaging in such activities
is higher in large urban settings compared to small cities. The anonymity of well-
populated cities enables the appropriate environments for public officials and their
civilian counterparts to become involved in corrupt exchanges. Accordingly, police
cadets fi'om larger cities are expected to be more familiar with the way the work is done
in large cities and to be more tolerant of such cases (e.g., involving speeding bureaucratic
procedures) compared to police cadets from small cities. From this perspective, cadets
from larger cities are expected to consider transactions like speeding administrative
procedures or fixing a ticket to be less serious infractions than would cadets from less

populated cities. The data on their perceptions of the seriousness of corrupt actions may

33

be similar among the police cadets. However, given the idealistic nature of the academy
cadets, they are expected to grade the corruption transactions more seriously than

vocational school cadets.

Organizational factors: Police academy vs. police vocational school

Several studies (e.g., Reuss-Ianni, 1983) draw attention to the discrepancies
between line officers and ranking officers in terms of their perceptions of policing
processes. Country specific comparisons (e.g., McConkey, et al., 1996; Huon, Hesketh,
Frank, McConkey, and McGrath, 1995) as well as comparative (Ivkovich, 2005)
“intercultural/state level studies” indicate police officers’ rank is relevant to differences
in their perceptions of corruption. The differences in the entry requirements of the
academy and vocational schools, their respective training quality and experiences, as well
as the potential career options offered by each contribute to differences in their
perceptions of corruption. Thus, in this study, cadets are grouped as academy or
vocational school cadets depending on their training affiliation.

Accordingly, the quality and coverage of the ethical training and activities as well
as discourses are expected to play an important role in shaping the participants’
perceptions. This might be also due to the rigorous selection and training process of the
academy cadets. More specifically, due to their firture responsibilities as ranking officers,
academy cadets’ education in terms of length, quality and training content is more
demanding than that of the police vocational school cadets. Thus, we may expect that
academy cadets tend to be more idealistic in terms of judging police corruption compared

to the vocational school students.

34

Hypotheses

Main Hypothesis

HO: There is no difference between police cadets in terms of perception of seriousness
and reporting behavior pertaining to corruption scenarios.

Police cadets hold similar values including corruption. There is no difference
between police academy and vocational school cadets. Thus all police cadets, no matter
their future career paths, perceive corruption scenarios in the same manner and have
similar attitudes toward reporting such instances to the authorities.

H1: Police cadets’ perceptions of seriousness and their reporting behavior toward
corruption scenarios are different from each other.

Police academy and police vocational school cadets have different career paths
beginning with their entrance to their respective training academy. Thus their value
orientations and expectations as line versus career officers are different from each other.
Hla: Police cadets’ perceptions of their fellow officers’ perceptions of seriousness
pertaining to corruption scenarios are different from each other.

Hlb: Police cadets’ perceptions of their fellow officers’ attitudes pertaining to reporting
behavior are different from each other.

Sub-Hypotheses

Socio-demographic factors:

Socio—demographic factors do not affect cadets’ perceptions of seriousness and reporting
behavior pertaining to corruption scenarios.

Socio-demographic factors do affect cadets’ perceptions of seriousness and reporting

behavior pertaining to corruption scenarios.

35

Family income.

H2a: Perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to corruption scenarios
are different among police cadets from different income categories. Police cadets from a
higher income category perceive corruption with more seriousness and this is reflected in
their attitudes toward reporting behavior.

H2b: Police academy cadets from a higher income category perceive corruption and
reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to academy cadets from lower
income category.

H2c: Police academy cadets from a higher income category perceive corruption and
reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational school cadets
from the same income category.

H2d: Police academy cadets from a higher income category perceive corruption and
reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational school cadets
from a lower income category.

H2e: Police academy cadets from a lower income category perceive corruption and
reporting behavior compared to police vocational school cadets from a higher income
category.

H2f: Police academy cadets from a lower income category perceive corruption and
reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational school cadets

from the same income category.

36

Parents’ occupation.

 

Among police cadets from families working in the public sector, perceptions of
seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to corruption scenarios are different
compared to those in the private sector.

H3a: Police cadets from families working in the public sector perceive corruption and
reporting behavior with more seriousness.

Perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to corruption scenarios
are different among police academy and vocational school cadets from families working
in the public sector compared to those working in the private sector.
H3b: Police academy cadets from families working in the public sector perceive
corruption and reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to academy cadets
from families working in the private sector.
H3c: Police academy cadets from families working in the private sector perceive
corruption and reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational
school cadets from families working in the public or private sectors.
H3d: Police vocational school cadets from families working in the public sector perceive
corruption and reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational
school cadets from families working in the private sector.
Parents’ educational level.

Among police cadets from families with different educational levels, perceptions

of seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to corruption scenarios are dissimilar.

37

H4a: Police cadets from families with high educational levels perceive corruption and
reporting behavior with more seriousness.

Among police academy and vocational school cadets from families with different
educational levels, perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to
corruption scenarios are dissimilar.

H4b: Police academy cadets from families with high educational attainment perceive
corruption and reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to academy cadets
from families with low educational attainment.

H4c: Police academy cadets from families with high or low educational attainment
perceive corruption and reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police
vocational school cadets from families with high or low educational attainment.

H4d: Police vocational school cadets from families with high educational attainment
perceive corruption and reporting behavior with more seriousness compared to police
vocational school cadets from families with low educational attainment.

City population.

 

Among police cadets coming from cities with different population levels,
perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to corruption scenarios are
dissimilar.

H5a: Police cadets from small cities perceive corruption and reporting behavior with
more seriousness.

Among police academy and vocational school cadets from cities with different
population levels, perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior relevant to

corruption scenarios are dissimilar.

38

H5b: Police academy cadets from small cities perceive corruption and reporting behavior
with more seriousness compared to academy cadets from large cities.

H5c: Police academy cadets from large or small cities perceive corruption and reporting
behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational school cadets from large
or small cities.

H5d: Police vocational school cadets from small cities perceive corruption and reporting
behavior with more seriousness compared to police vocational school cadets from large

cities.

Summary

The purpose of this dissertation is to explore and delineate a variety of factors that
may influence police cadets’ perceptions about some basic types of police corruption,
namely, gift giving to obtain favored status, bribes to fix a desired outcome in a legal issue, and
"speed money” to hasten or secure onc's rightful and legal administrative process. In addition,
this study aims to explore any differences among police academy and police vocational
school cadets’ perceptions of petty corruption and their attitude toward reporting
corruption. The adopted theoretical framework is based on Klockars and colleagues’
(1996, 2000, 2004) police integrity approach. However, due to the contextual differences
at the national level and the distinct characteristics of the organization in which the study
is conducted, emphasis is given to both organizational and individual (i.e., demographic,
socio-economic, and cultural) characteristics in order to decipher the cadets’ perceptions

of corruption.

39

CHAPTER 4

PRESENT STUDY

Police Cadets’ Perceptions

Police corruption literature, especially in Turkey, rarely focuses on the
educational aspect of the organizational socialization processes and their consequences in
terms of affecting police cadets’ perceptions about police corruption before joining the
ranks (e.g., Cerrah, 1996; Mutlu, 2000). Thus, exploring police cadets’ perceptions at the
beginning of their career toward the most prevalent corrupt police behavior is an
appropriate starting point.

It is possible to argue that police cadets are less knowledgeable about police work
for a variety of reasons and, consequently, that it does not make sense to study their
perceptions concerning corruption. However, although the cadets are less experienced
and less knowledgeable compared to police officers on active duty about the dilemmas of
their future vocation and its extant corrupt activities, there is still valuable information to
extract from this group. Police socialization is a continuous process, starting from pre-
entrance to the police academy or vocational school to post-retirement. Thus, the study of
cadets’ perceptions may provide an important starting point for comparing and evaluating
those on active duty in different departments, at varying levels of the police hierarchy,
and according to categories such as seniority, experience, and specialization levels. To
rectify the lack of empirical studies in this specific domain, this dissertation aims to lay a
foundation that will contribute to extending the knowledge about perceptions of petty

corruption among Turkish police cadets.

4O

Research Questions

The current study compares the perceptions of petty corruption, as influenced by a
variety of factors, by TNP police cadets pursuing two different career paths. More
specifically, the study attempts to decipher any potential differences among police cadets’
attitudes in terms of perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior, due to their
background characteristics, including participants’ (a) social, (b) cultural, (c) economic,
and (d) demographic aspects, as well as (e) their organizational affiliations such as their
training institutions.

Basically, this research tries to answer the following questions: How do the police
cadets perceive petty corruption (e.g., speed money, gift giving, and abuse of authority)?
Do police academy cadets differ from vocational school cadets, depending on their
family background, in terms of their attitude toward the seriousness of corrupt behavior
(speed money, gift giving, and abuse of authority)? Do police academy cadets differ from
vocational school cadets, depending on their family background, in terms of their attitude
toward reporting the corrupt behavior in question (speed money, gift giving, and abuse of
authority)? Does the demographic background of police cadets affect their perceptions of
the seriousness of corruption? Does the demographic background of police cadets affect
their willingness to report the behavior in question? Does police cadets’ familiarity with
police culture affect their perceptions of the seriousness of corruption? Does police
cadets’ familiarity with police culture affect their willingness to report the behavior in
question? Do the demographic backgrounds of the police cadets affect their willingness
to report the behavior in question? Do police academy cadets’ perceptions differ from

vocational school cadets’ depending on their family background, in terms of their attitude

41

toward reporting the corrupt behavior in question (speed money, gift giving, and abuse of
authority)? This study does not attempt a causal explanation for this complex problem but
tries instead to shed light on some scientifically underexplored aspects of the
phenomenon.

In summary, the current study explores how several factors influence cadets’
perceptions of corruption, including demographic characteristics such as familiarity with
police work, family income and social standing as well as organizational factors, such as
general and specific courses intended to raise awareness about corruption and police
work training.

Figure l: Cadets’ attitudes pertaining to corruption scenarios with respect to their socio-
demographical and organizational background characteristics.

 

 

 

Socio-Demographic Background Own perception of seriousness

 

 

Family Income

 

Family Vocation Own attitude for reporting

 

 

 

Parents Education Level

 

 

 

 

City of Origin . .
Perception relevant to others
Organizational Affiliation attitude Of seriousness
Academy

 

Perception relevant to others’

Vocational SChOOI attitude for reporting

 

 

 

 

 

Methodology
The paucity of empirical research relevant to the educational and ethical facets of

the Turkish National Police as mentioned by policing scholars is a major drawback in

42

terms of building upon previous findings. This makes such research endeavors even more
challenging when they involve highly sensitive and multidimensional topics such as the
perception of police corruption among police (Caglar, 2003). Another challenge for
tackling the problem is the scarcity of academic literature based in theory and empirical
research. Much of the scholarship is built upon case by case scenarios and tainted with
political or ideological fanaticism.

Studying corruption empirically is one of the challenging endeavors in social
research. Despite their inherent limitations for gauging the actual extent of corruption
within a particular environment, surveys are a useful research method (Ivkovich, 2003).
The current study involves case scenarios and questionnaires parallel to relevant literature
and bears similarities to other studies that assess police integrity and misconduct in active
police officers (Klockars, et al., 2000). Many researchers have employed, adapted and
modified these scenarios and questionnaires both nationally and internationally in a
variety of countries having distinct cultural background characteristics (Klockars, et al.,
2004)

The current survey instrument was prepared by the author as part of the
requirements of an independent study guided by Professor Mahesh Nalla. The author’s
professional background in the police force for more than 19 years, inclusive of the
educational phase, also contributed in designing the research framework by providing
essential information about the cultural context of Turkish society and its police
organization.

The chosen theoretical framework is based on the foundations of Klockars and

colleagues’ (1996, 2000, 2004) theory pertaining to the contours of police integrity.

43

However, taking into account the contextual differences in terms of the attributes of the
organization in which the study will be conducted, the theory has been adapted
accordingly. Because the police academy and police vocational school constitute the
formal transitional stations between the civilian world and the formal police world, it is
important to take into account their organizational characteristics.

First, research findings emphasize the salient effects of the training process in
shaping recruits’ attitudes and values, but find little support, however, for the idea that a
police officer’s personality is shaped by peers in the early years of his or her career
(Kappeler, et al., 1998). The group approach of assessing friendship groups has been
omitted from this study.

Second, despite the length of their formal training in the schools, Turkish police
cadets, ironically, are less exposed to the real police world compared to cadets in
different countries. More specifically, the field training phases designed for such
exposure, for both types of cadets, are shorter compared to most police training schools in
Western democracies (e.g., the US, UK, Australia, France, and Netherlands). Police
academy and vocational school cadets spend one month in the field. The time spent
within special police units may not be enough for cadets to witness corrupt transactions,
and consequently, cadets may not have firm ideas about the conditions fostering
corruption. Additionally, because cadets have very limited access to real police work in
the field, an appropriate assessment relevant to organizational characteristics such as peer
pressure, leadership, and other potential variables cited in police literature (e.g., Crank,

2004; Skolnick, 1966) that affect involvement in corruption is omitted.

Moreover, close family ties in Turkish culture and their salient influences (Mutlu,
2000) over the cadets require examining their potential influence over the ways cadets
perceive instances of petty corruption. In this way, the present study expands Klockars
and colleagues’ (1996, 2000) framework by including the socio-economic characteristics
and cultural dispositions of the cadets’ families. On the other hand, it excludes specific
components of the above mentioned framework that are more suitable to police officers
having greater field experience, such as specific instances of police misconduct as well as
their opinions about the seriousness and reporting behavior of their colleagues. The scope
of the research is limited to assessing cadets’ attitudes toward petty corruption, and
therefore only relevant scenarios pertaining to corruption are selected.

One of the challenges pertaining to studies of corruption is the risk of intimidating
the participants by disclosing their attitudes toward acts that bear the risk of positioning
the person as morally inferior. Thus, the other rationale for this modification is to reduce
biases that may emerge due to social desirability concerns. For this reason, case scenarios
are modified to reflect situations that a regular citizen might encounter during her or his
day to day activities with the state or municipal bureaucracy.

Succinctly, the survey instrument asks questions relevant to the cadets’ social
background; the quality and adequacy of their police training in general and corruption
related programs in particular; their opinions about the seriousness of case scenarios
involving a range of instances from gift giving to bribery; their opinions about
rationalizing such acts; their perception of the seriousness of such acts; and, their

perceptions concerning the prevalence of such instances.

45

Since the original survey questionnaire was prepared in English, in order to
reduce reliability and validity problems because of its application in another cultural
setting, back translation and pretest methods have been applied. Specifically, the survey
instrument was translated by graduate students in the US and back translated into Turkish
by another group of graduate students familiar with police terminology. The instrument
was pretested on police cadets and was used as it had been translated into Turkish. Study
participants were informed about the confidentiality of their identity. The questionnaires

distributed to cadets in the police academy and police vocational schools were identical.

Measurement of the Variables

The survey (Appendix A) instrument used to collect the data comprised four
sections. The first section included questions pertaining to the socio-demographic
background information of the police cadets, such as family income, the occupations of
their families (e.g., public or private service), city population where they lived, and
parents’ education level. These questions enabled the authors to cOnduct comparative
analyses between different groups of police cadets. Other sections of the questionnaire
included instruments measuring how seriously the cadets perceived corrupt acts as well
as their perceptions about reporting behavior.

The questionnaire aimed to evaluate: (1) cadets’ perception of the seriousness of
corruption, (2) cadets’ attitude toward reporting corruption, (3) cadets’ perceptions of
their fellows’ attitudes about the seriousness of corruption, and (4) their reporting
behavior pertaining to the case scenarios.

Case scenarios utilized in our study are in line with our adopted definition (Barker

& Roebuck, 1973; Barker, 1977) of police corruption, in which the phenomenon is

46

considered to be any proscribed act that involves the misuse of the officer’s official
position for current or potential material reward or gain. Accordingly, our case scenarios
were developed in ways that did not require a total submersion of the cadets into very
specific and complex police work. Hypothetical scenarios contained three main elements
of the adopted concept: each scenario (1) was forbidden by some norm, regulation or law;
(2) involved the misuse of the officer’s official position; and (3) involved material gain
regardless of its value (Barker, 1977). The scope of the study limited the survey to
instances relevant to petty corruption, namely, gift giving, speed money, and bribery.

The first four dimensions are adapted from Klockars and colleagues’ (1996, 2000)

concept of the integrity measurement instrument.

Measurement of Dependent Variables

The previously mentioned four dimensions are used as dependent variables. Each
ofthe dimensions is measured by two to three items. Answers for the questions were on a
five-point Likert scale ranging from “strongly agree”=l to “strongly disagree”=5, or
“very serious”=1 to “not serious at all”=5, depending on their relevance. Additionally, the
following outlooks will be aggregated for Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) analysis to the
extent the statistical requirements for aggregation permit. Outlooks that are not suitable
for aggregation or do not measure the intended aspect of the phenomenon will not be
included in the OLS.

1. Own perception of seriousness: Three items were utilized in order to measure
cadets’ perceptions of seriousness involving petty corruption scenarios. Lower scores
indicate more seriousness about the relevant behavior. A sample item for this group is, “I

consider this behavior to be very serious.”

47

2. Own reporting behavior: Two items were utilized in order to measure cadets’
attitudes on reporting the case to the authorities. Lower scores indicate more seriousness
about the relevant behavior. A sample item for this group is, “As a future police officer,
if I see a fellow officer engage in this type of behavior I would report the matter to the
officials.”

3. Others’ perception of seriousness: Two items were utilized in order to measure
cadets’ attitudes on their fellows’ perceptions of seriousness involving petty corruption
scenarios. Lower scores indicate more agreement about the relevant behavior. A sample
item for this group is, “Most police officers I know would consider this behavior to be
most serious.”

4. Others’ reporting behavior: Two items were utilized in order to measure cadets’
perceptions involving their fellows’ attitude on reporting case to the authorities. Lower
scores indicate more agreement about the relevant behavior. A sample item for this

group is, “I think most fellow police officers would report this matter to the officials.”

Measurement of Independent Variables

Independent variables are grouped into two categories, namely socio-
demographic factors and organizational factors. The literature pertaining to perceptions
of police corruption in Turkey draws attention to the potential effects of the socio-
demographical background characteristics of the participants. However, rigorous research
that analyzes these aspects is rare in this domain. Accordingly, categories involving
socio-demographical characteristics, financial situation of the cadets’ families were
expended in a way that involves most plausible categories. However, Chi-Square

analysis, not reported here, did not reveal significant differences between the sub-

48

branches of the main categories and then these categories are collapsed as mentioned
below.

Socio-demographic characteristics of the cadets were measured by the following
survey items.

City Population of Hometown: The cadet’s city (where he or she lived with
family) population was measured as: (1) Less than 10,000, (2) 10,001 and 50,000, (3)
50,001 and 250,000, and (4) and 250,001 or more. Based on the survey responses, the
four categories were reduced into two categories as follows: (1) 250,000 or less and (2)
250,001 or more.

Parents’ Occupation: Cadets’ parents’ occupations were measured with the
following instrument: Have either of your parents ever worked in the following
profession (please select only one): (1) Police/Customs or other similar agencies, (2)
Medical/Health, (3) Municipal/Government, (3) School/College, or (4) Private sector.
Based on the survey responses, the categories were reduced to two general groups,
namely, (1) private organization and (2) public organization.

Parents’ Education Level: Cadets’ parents’ education level was measured as their
highest achieved education level: (1) Less than high school, (2) High school, (3)
Bachelor’s degree, or (4) Master’s degree and higher. Based on the survey responses, the
four categories were reduced to two categories as follows: (1) High school or less and (2)
Bachelors degree and above.

Parents’ income: Cadets’ family income on a monthly basis were surveyed
using the following measure: What is the best estimate of your monthly family income

before taxes last year?: (1) 400 Lira or less, (2), 401 — 600 Lira, (3), 601 — 1,000 Lira, (4)

49

1,001 — 1,501 Lira, or (5) Above 1,501 Lira. Based on the survey responses, the four
categories were reduced to the following two categories: (1) less than 1,000 Lira and (2)
1,001 Lira or above.

Organizational factors were measured by one item, namely, cadets’ affiliated
training school.

School: Each cadet’s school was measured as (1) Police Academy or (2) Police

Vocational School.

Study Population, Research Sites, and Administration of the Questionnaires
Following the permission acquired from the IRB, data for this study were
collected from Faculty of Security Sciences and two police vocational schools of higher
education during the first week of September, 2004. Three hundred questionnaires were
distributed to the Police Academy, and 200 questionnaires for each, or 400 in total, were
distributed to Rustu Unsal Police Vocational School in Izmir and Etiler Police Vocational
School in Istanbul, respectively. The survey was conducted while cadets were attending
the study hour in their classrooms. In the police academy as well as in both vocational
schools, police supervisors distributed the questionnaires in randomly selected
classrooms and instructed police cadets about the survey process. These instructions were
also clearly written in the consent form which appeared on the first page of the
questionnaire. According to the design of our research, although the distribution process
was similar, the selection of the participants was different. In the police academy, the
survey instruments were distributed to three promotions. The survey instruments were
distributed to the fourth, third and second class students. Since the timing coincided with

the opening of all the police training schools, we did not include the first grade academy

50

cadets or the first grade of the police vocational school students in our study because of
their lack of experience.

After administering the surveys, supervisors left the room in order to avoid
potential pressure on the cadets and ensure their anonymity. Cadets who were willing to
participate in the study filled out the questionnaire. After completing questionnaire,
cadets returned their scantron sheets to the designated box. Cadets were allowed to keep
the questionnaire. The boxes containing the scantron sheets were collected by the
supervisors. Although there was not any information on the scantron sheets that could
identify the participants, the answer sheets were shuffled in order to assure the
confidentiality of the classes before being mailed to the Education Department of the
Turkish National Police. All these processes were similar for the police vocational
schools and the police academy. The scantron sheets received from different schools
were scanned separately by the Data Processing Unit within the Education Department.
Data from different schools were sent separately to our e—mail address. Data were

received in a text file and transformed to a SPSS file in order to conduct our analyses.

Summary

This study attempts to discover in its capacity the perceptions of police corruption
(Klockars, et al., 2004) with respect to societal and cultural factors of future police
supervisors and line officers of the TNP. The majority of attitude research involving
police corruption, ethical climate, and lately, contours of integrity studies focus on active
officers’ perceptions about corruption phenomena. Ironically, very few studies (e.g.,
Beck and Lee, 2002; Caglar, 2004; Cerrah, 2008; Ivkovich, 2006; Mutlu, 2000;

Neiderhoffer, 1967), with their respective research approaches, looked at the formal

51

training stages of the cadets. Similarly, the nonexistence of any systematic attempt to do
so in the Turkish context requires urgent attention in order to fill that gap. The current

study aims to shed light on these under researched subjects, namely, Turkish police

cadets.

52

CHAPTER 5

ANALYSIS
This chapter involves the statistical analysis and methods that are used to evaluate
the research questions of the current study. The initial part of the chapter reports the
demographic characteristics of the study population. It follows with factor analysis,
principal components analysis, correlation analysis involving the dependent variables and
a T-test pertaining to specific corruption cases and related factors. Findings pertaining to

the mentioned tests are also reported.

Data for the dissertation is secondary in nature. Originally it was collected in
order to accomplish the requirements of an independent study conducted under the
guidance of Professor Nalla. Data was collected in September, 2004, from two police
vocational schools and from the police academy, located in three different cities of
Turkey, namely, Izmir, Istanbul, and Ankara.

A total of 700 questionnaires were distributed to the research sites; 200 to each
police vocational school and 300 to the police academy. At the police vocational schools,
subjects were second grade cadets with one full year of schooling experience including
two months of field training. Vocational school cadets have no previous police
experience and are recruited among candidates with a high school diploma or better. On
the other hand, the police academy cadets surveyed were second, third and fourth graders,
of which 80% were graduates of four-year police high schools. Two hundred and eighty
police academy students (93.3%) and 376 vocational school students (94%) responded to

the survey. In all, 596 of the questionnaires were returned. In order to analyze whether

53

the data conform with the basic requirements of further analyses such as accuracy of the
data entry, issues related to missing data, extreme values, and normality aspects, the
data’s variables were assessed via statistical analysis software SPSS.16. Following the
data screening procedure, 565 questionnaires satisfied the requirements for further
analysis. The response rate was more than 70%, enabling us to carry out our analyses
under the assumption that the data was representative of our cadet population and

diminishing the chances of response bias.

Descriptive Statistics of the Participants

The first section of our survey instrument involved organizational and socio-
demographical characteristics of the police cadets, such as their school of origin, family’s
monthly income, hometown city population, parents’ occupation, and the highest level of
education of either parent (see Table 2).

Table 2. Demographics of the Turkish police cadets (N=656).

 

 

N 0/0 x2 df
Organizational origin 656 14.05** 1
Police Academy 280 4 3
Vocational School 3 76 5 7
Parents’ Income 645 274.79** 1
Less than 1000 TL 533 83
More than 1. 00] TL 1 12 17
City population 651 14.45“ 1
Less than 250. 000 277 43
25 0. 000 and above 374 57
Parents' occupation 474 19.44** 1
Public Sector 285 60
Private sector 189 40
Parent's Education 648 170. 10* * 1
High school and less 490 76
Bachelor's and above 158 24

 

**p<.01.

54

A Chi-square goodness of fit test showed an uneven distribution among categories. The
majority of our study participants consists of vocational school cadets (n=376, 57% vs.
n=280, 43%). Most of the police cadets are coming from families that have an income
level lower than 1000 TL (n=533, 83% vs. n=1 12, 17%) and most of the cadets are form
large cities (n=374, 57% vs. n=277, 43%). Police cadets’ families have a predominant
public sector (n=285, 60% vs. n=189, 40%) occupational background with an educational

background equivalent to high school or less (n=490, 76% vs. n=158, 24%).

A two sample Chi-Square test revealed similar differences between organizational
affiliations of the cadets and their frequency distribution across socio-demographic

factors except their city of origin (Table 3).

Table 3. Demographics of police cadets pertaining to police academy and vocational schools

 

 

 

 

(n=656).
Police Academy Vocational Schools
(n=280) (n=376)

N 0/. N 0/. x2 df
Parents’ Income 272 373 20.99** 1
Less than 1000 T I. 203 75 330 88
More than [.00] TL 69 25 43 12
C it): population 279 372 1.95 1
Less than 250. 000 l 10 39 167 45
250. 000 and above 169 l 205 55
Parents' occupation 213 261 17.10““ 1
Public Sector 150 13 5 52
Private sector 63 30 126 48
Parent's Education 276 372 53.54“ 1
High school and less 167 61 323 87
Bachelor's and above 109 39 49 13
**p<.01

55

The education level of the parents of police academy cadets was predominantly (n=149,
49%) bachelors degree or more, whereas, the majority of vocational school cadets’
parents had less than a high school diploma (n=213, 57.3%). Most of the cadets from
both police training schools came from large cities having a population more than
250,000 (n=160, 60.6%, and n=205, 55.1%, respectively). Concerning the parents’
income, most of the cadets from the police academy are coming from families with an
income level with less than 1000 TL (75%, n= 203), whereas vocational students were
coming from families with more modest income levels such as less than 1,000 TL (89%,
n=330). More than one-third ofthe parents (n= 78, 36.6 % vs. n=71, 27.2%) as well as
relatives (n= 99, 40.4 % vs. n= 140, 40.6%) from both groups were working in vocations

having characteristics similar to police work-

Table 4. Demographics of police cadets pertaining to police academy and vocational schools

 

 

 

(n=656).
Police Academy Vocational Schools
(N=280) (N=3 76)

N 0/. 12 df N % x” df
Parents’ Income 272 66.02” 1 373 220.83” 1
Less than 1000 TL 203 75 330 88
More than 1.00] TL 69 25 43 12
City population 279 12.48“ 1 372 3.88** 1
Less than 250.000 1 10 39 167 45
250. 000 and above 169 61 205 55
Parents' occupation 213 35.54” 1 z 1 0.31 1
Public Sector 150 70 135 52
Private sector 63 30 126 48
Parent's Education 276 12. 19** 1 372 201.87** 1
High school and less 167 61 323 87
Bachelor’s and above 109 39 49 13

 

**p<.()l

56

When we take a closer look at the frequency distributions of the socio-
demographic characteristics of the cadets with respect to their schools of origin, an
uneven distribution among the these categories arises. The Chi-Square goodness of fit
test (Table 4) reveals an uneven distribution among socio-demographic’ categories
pertaining to the police academy cadets. For the police vocational school cadets, the
dissimilarity was also persistent except for the category pertaining to the cadets’ families’

occupational background.

Descriptive Statistics

Police cadets’ perceptions of corruption were measured using four outlooks as
follows: (1) perception of seriousness, (2) reporting behavior, (3) others’ perception of
seriousness, and (4) others’ reporting behavior. Perception of seriousness refers to the
level of seriousness of the given case scenario from a cadet’s own point of view.
Reporting behavior refers to the cadet’s attitude toward reporting the case when s/he
witnesses the occurrence of such a transaction. Others’ perception of seriousness refers to
the cadet’s evaluation of fellow officers’ perceptions of seriousness when they encounter
the relevant case scenario. Others’ reporting behavior refers to the cadet’s perception of
fellow officers’ reporting behavior of the case scenarios. Three different hypothetical
scenarios representing corruption were used to measure perceptions of the seriousness of
corruption and reporting behavior. However, the distribution of the outlooks is not similar
for all the hypothetical scenarios. For the first hypothetical scenario, all four dimensions
were used, namely, a cadet’s own perception of seriousness and reporting behavior and
others’ perception of seriousness and reporting behavior. The second case scenario used

three outlook questions: one question pertaining to cadets’ own attitudes of seriousness,

57

one pertaining to others’ perceptions of seriousness, and the third regarding others’
reporting behavior. The third case scenario measuring attitudes toward bribery included
one question regarding cadets’ own perceptions regarding the case and one question
about cadets’ reporting behavior. Answers to each question were coded on a five-point
Likert scale ranging from “strongly agree”=1 to “strongly disagree”=5. The properties of

the items are shown in Table 5.

Table 5. Scale Characteristics of the dependent variables pertaining to the total sample (N=656).

 

 

Description of item n Mean SD # of items Min. Max.
Petty Corruption

Own perception of seriousness 624 2.55 1.76 1 l 5
Own reporting behavior 626 2.76 1.33 l l 5
Others’ perception of seriousness 624 2.00 1.12 l l 5
Others reporting behavior 625 2.91 1.12 1 l 5
Gift Giving

Own perception of seriousness 607 2.66 1.43 1 5
Others’ perception of seriousness 601 2.96 1.17 1 5
Others reporting behavior 601 2.25 1.60 l 1 5
Bribing

Own perception of seriousness 601 2.25 1.60 1 1 5
Own reporting behavior 598 1.80 1.1 l l l 5

 

Note. Scales are derived from five-point Likert items ranging from (1) strongly agree to (3)
undecided to (5) strongly disagree. SD: Standard deviation

Mean Differences

T-Test and analysis of variance were used in order to test mean differences in
police cadets’ perceptions of the phenomena. Items represent perceptions pertaining to
each different scenario. Mean comparisons for police cadets yielded statistically

significant differences.

58

Organizational Differences

The first hypothesis purporting the existence of differences between police
academy and police vocational school cadets’ perceptions of case scenarios was tested
using mean differences tests. As hypothesized, police academy cadets’ attitudes
pertaining to the seriousness of corruption were greater than police vocational school
cadets’ for the first and second case scenarios (Table 6). A greater proportion of police
academy cadets defined the hypothetical cases as more serious than police vocational
school cadets did.

Table 6. Comparison of mean differences among police cadets' school of origin (organizational
differences) for perception of corruption aspects.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Police Academy Police Vocational School

VARIABLES N A/DA M/SD N AIDA M/SD t
Case 1 a 253 66/27 2.30/ 1.63 371 55/40 2.72/ 1.82 -2.80*
Case 1 b 258 43/31 2.78/ 1.26 368 44/31 2.74/ 1.38 0.43
Case 1 C 256 71/10 2.01/ 1.07 368 67/10 2.00/ 1.15 0.16
Case 1d 257 33/33 3.00/ 1.10 368 35/24 2.85/ 1.13 1.57
Case 2 a 245 54/24 2.50/ 1.35 362 47/33 2.77/ 1.47 -2.31*
Case 2 b 237 54/18 2.54/ 1.05 362 54/22 2.55/ 1.20 -0.10
Case 2 C 238 16/46 3.45/ 1.07 360 14/51 3.58/ 1.13 -1.14
Case 3 a 240 70/21 2.10/ 1.49 361 63/30 2.35/ 1.67 -l.88
C856 3 b 236 78/07 1.81/ 1.04 362 79/09 1.80/ 1.15 0.12

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*p<.05, **p<.001,

Case 1 a (own attitude for the first hypothetical case), Case 1 b (oym perception pertaining to
others’ perception of seriousness for the first case), Case 1 c (own reporting behavior for the first
hypothetical case), Case 1 d (oyyn perception of others' reporting behavior pertaining to the first
hypothetical case), Case 2 a (own attitude for the second hypothetical case), Case 2 b (own
perception pertaining to others’ perception of seriousness for the second case), Case 2 c (own
perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the second hypothetical case), Case 3 a
(own attitude for the third hypothetical case), Case 3 b (own reporting behavior for the third
hypothetical case),

A/DA: % Agree/% Disagree. M: Mean. SD: Standard Deviation. t: Mean differences t test value.

However, in contrast to the hypothesis expecting differences in cadets’ school of
origin with respect to their attitudes of reporting of the case scenarios by their fellow

officers, there were no statistically significant differences between police cadets in these

59

aspects. More specifically, t-tests regarding the seriousness of the behavior pertaining to
fellow officers’ own reporting behavior as well as others’ reporting behavior did not yield
statistically significant results. Police cadets from both training institutions were less
optimistic in their perceptions pertaining to their fellow officers’ willingness to report the

case to the officials.

Socio-demographic Factors

Family Income.

Findings pertaining to family income among police cadets in general indicated no
significant differences (Table 7). Findings did support our hypothesis that cadets from
lower income families would be less strict in terms of evaluating and reporting the
seriousness of the case scenarios.

Table 7. Comparison of mean differences regarding to perception of corruption aspects of
families’ income groups.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Income less than 1000 TL Income more than 1000TL
VARIABLES N A/DA M/SD N AIDA M/SD t
Case 1 a 512 60/35 2.53/ 1.76 104 56/34 2.61/ 1.72 -0.-12
Case 1 b 513 44/31 2.75/ 1.33 104 45/29 2,71/ L32 0.27
Case 1 C 510 69/90 1.98/ 1.12 106 67/12 2.07/ 1.07 -0.71
Case 1d 512 33/26 2.89/ 1.12 105 35/35 2.98/ 1.11 -0.75
Case 2 a 494 49/30 2.65/ 1.43 104 50/30 2.68/ 1.45 —0. 19
Case 2 b 490 53/21 2.56/ l. 15 100 57/17 2.48/ 1.10 0.67
Case 2 c 487 14/50 3.55/ 1.10 103 18/45 3.39/ 1.14 1.38
Case 3 a 489 66/26 2.25/ 1.61 103 65/29 2.31/ 1.63 -0.34
Case 3 b 489 80/03 1.77/ 1.11 100 73/08 1.92/ 1.03 -1.22

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*p<.05, **p<.001,

Case 1 a (own attitude for the first hypothetical case), Case 1 b (own perception pertaining to
others’ perception of seriousness for the first case), Case 1 c (own reporting behavior for the first
hypothetical case), Case 1 d (own perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the first
hypothetical case), Case 2 a (own attitude for the second hypothetical case), Case 2 b (own
perception pertaining to others’ perception of seriousness for the second case), Case 2 c (own
perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the second hypothetical case), Case 3 a
(own attitude for the third hypothetical case), Case 3 b (own reporting behavior for the third
hypothetical case),

A/DA: % Agree/% Disagree, M: Mean, SD: Standard Deviation, t: Mean differences t test value.

60

Findings regarding police academy cadets’ from different income categories
indicate differences in perception between categories. Academy cadets’ attitudes
regarding reporting behavior and perception of seriousness were significantly different in
the first and third scenarios; cadets from lower income groups were stricter in terms of
evaluating such transactions as serious (Table 8).

Attitudes of the PVSHE cadet groups from different income groups were not
statistically significant for all the cases. Keeping with our hypothesis, although not
statistically significant, PVSHE cadets from the lower income category were more lenient
in grading the seriousness of corrupt transactions. For all three cases, the proportion of
students agreeing about each one’s seriousness was lower for the police vocational school
cadets from lower income families.

On the other hand, data comparing police academy and vocational school cadets
from similar income categories (Table 9) demonstrate significant differences. Findings of
the mean comparison test between cadets from the lower income category demonstrate
significant differences in perceptions of cadets’ own seriousness relevant to all three case
scenarios. As hypothesized, in all three categories, police academy cadets were stricter in
grading the seriousness of the case scenarios compared to vocational school students
from lower income families. When we look at the cadets from higher income families,
statistically significant findings pertaining to the cadets’ own and others’ reporting
behavior were only relevant to the first scenario. Contrary to our hypothesis, police
vocational school cadets were more willing than academy cadets from high income

families to report witnessed corrupt transactions. Additionally, although cadets from both

61

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63

institutions held significantly different opinions about others’ attitudes toward reporting

behavior, they also shared high levels of cynicism about their fellows’ reporting behavior.

City population.
Findings pertaining to the mean comparison statistics did not yield significant
differences for the police cadets from highly populated cities with more than 250,000

people versus less populated cities (Table 10). Additionally, findings did not yield

Table 10. Comparison of mean differences among cadets‘ cities of origin with respect to
corruption perception aspects.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

City Population
Lower than 250.000 More than 250.001

VARIABLES N AIDA M/SD N AIDA M/SD T

Case 1 a 259 59/35 2.54/ 1.75 360 60/34 2.54/ 1.76 003
Case 1 b 260 45/31 2.72/ 1.35 361 , 3/31 2.79/ 1.31 064
Case 1 c 258 70/11 1.98/ 1.18 361 68/9 2.02/ 1.08 050
Case 1d 261 35/27 2.87/ 1.16 359 32/28 2.94/ 1.09 -0.82
Case 2 a 251 40/30 2.68/ 1.43 351 50/29 2.64/ 1.43 0.31
Case 2 b 247 55/20 2.54/ 1.14 347 53/21 2.54/ 1.14 0.01
Case 2 c 247 13/52 3.59/ 1,12 346 15/47 349/ 1,1 1,08
Case 3 a 248 65/27 2.29/ 1.61 348 67/26 2.23/ 1.6 043
Case 3 b 245 80/9 1.78/ 1.13 348 78/9 1.82/ 1.09 -0.43

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*p<.05, **p<.OOl,

Case 1 a (own attitude for the first hypothetical case), Case 1 b (own perception pertaining to
others’ perception of seriousness for the first case), Case 1 c (own reporting behavior for the first
hypothetical case), Case 1 d (oym perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the first
hypothetical case), Case 2 a (own attitude for the second hypothetical case), Case 2 b (own
perception pertaining to others’ perception of seriousness for the second case), Case 2 c (own
perception of others‘ reporting behavior pertaining to the second hypothetical case), Case 3 a
(own attitude for the third hypothetical case), Case 3 b (own reporting behavior for the third
hypothetical case),

A/DA: % Agree/% Disagree, M: Mean, SD: Standard Deviation, t: Mean differences t test value.

statistical differences in terms of cadets’ school of origin with respect to their city of

origin (Table 11).

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From another perspective, when we look at the findings on police academy and
vocational school cadets from less populated vs. highly populated cities, differences are
more salient for the latter group (Table 12). More specifically, mean differences in the
perceptions of academy and vocational school cadets from populated cities about the
seriousness of the behavior yielded more significant differences. In the first group, which
included police academy and vocational school cadets from less populated cities, there
were no statistically significant differences. On the other hand, in the group of cadets
(both police academy and PVSHE) from highly populated cities, mean differences in
perceptions of seriousness were significant for all three scenarios. However, cadets’ own
attitudes as well as their perceptions involving others’ reporting behaviors did not yield
statistically significant differences. More specifically, as hypothesized, most of the

academy cadets graded the cases more seriously than did the vocational school cadets.

Parents’ vocation.

In general, findings on cadets’ family occupations did not yield significant
differences in terms of cadets’ perceptions of their own and others’ seriousness and
reporting behavior (Table 13). Similarly, statistics pertaining to academy or vocational
school cadets from families working in public or private sector occupations did not yield
significant differences in cadets’ attitudes (Table 14). On the other hand, findings
pertaining to the mean comparison between both academy and vocational school cadets
from family groups working in the public or private sectors yielded significant
differences in both groups (Table 15). The mean comparison of perceptions of both
police academy and vocational school cadets from families working in the public sector

yielded significant differences in their perception of

67

Table 13. Comparison of mean differences among cadets~ families vocation groups with respect
to corruption perception aspects.

Parents’ Vocation

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Public Service Private Service

VARIABLES N A/DA M/SD N A/DA M/SD t

Case la 267 60/32 248/175 181 55/38 2.7/ 1.78 -1.31
Case 1 b 269 45/27 2.66/ 1.29 183 45/31 2.77/ 1.38 -0.84
Case 1 c 268 66/13 2.08/ 1.2 182 65/8 1.99/ 1.06 0.82
0150 1 d 268 30/30 3/ 1.09 182 36/25 2.84/ 1.16 1.50
Case 2 a 261 51/28 258/1.45 178 45/32 2.83/ 1.4 -1.78
Case 2 b 255 57/20 2.47/ 1.12 177 50/22 2.58/ 1,12 -().96
Case 2 C 256 18/48 3.5/1-15 177 14/46 3.5/1.12 -().()6
C356 3 a 260 63/24 2.14/ 1.56 176 63/30 2.41/ 1.67 -1.77
Case 3 b 256 80/7 1.71/ 1.03 176 76/10 1.9/ 1.14 -1.81

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*p<.05, **p<.OOl,
Case 1 a (own attitude for the first hypothetical case). Case 1 b (own perception pertaining to
others’ perception of seriousness for the first case), Case 1 c (own reporting behavior for the first
hypothetical case), Case 1 (1 (mm perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the first
hypothetical case). Case 2 a (own attitude for the second h§pothetical case), Case 2 b (own
perception pertaining to others' perception of seriousness for the second case), Case 2 c (own
perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the second hypothetical case), Case 3 a
(own attitude for the third hypothetical case), Case 3 b (own reporting behavior for the third
h}pothetical case),
A/DA: % Agree/% Disagree, M: Mean, SD: Standard Deviation, t: Mean differences t test value.
others’ seriousness for the first scenario and their own reporting behavior pertaining to
the third scenario involving speed money.

In the first case, academy cadets from families working in the public sector were
more pessimistic in terms of others’ reporting behavior of the case compared to police
vocational school cadets from the same category. Another significant finding consists of
cadets’ reporting behavior involving the third case scenario. In this case, police academy

cadets demonstrated a statistically significant greater tolerance compared to the

vocational school cadets.

68

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70

 

Looking at the police cadets from families working in the private sector, cadets’
perceptions differed on their own seriousness with regard to the second case scenario. As
expected, police academy cadets perceived the case as more serious compared to the

vocational school students in the same category.

Parents’ education level.

In general, family education level did not yield significant mean differences in
perceptions of cadets’ own seriousness or their perceptions of others’ seriousness and
reporting behavior (Table 16).

Table 16. Comparison of mean differences among educational level of the cadets' parents with
respect to perception of corruption aspects.

Parents’ Education Level

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

High School and Lower Bachelors and Higher

VARIABLES N A/DA M/SD N A/DA M/SD t

Case 1 a 472 61/34 2.511/ 1.78 147 54/35 2.69/ 1.69 -l.15
Case 1 b 470 3/30 2.74/ 1.35 150 46/32 2.79/ 1.28 -0.46
Case 1 c 468 69/09 1.96/ 1.12 150 67/11 2.10/ 1.07 -l.33
Case 1 d 468 35/25 2.86/ 1.14 151 30/34 3.05/ 1.02 -l.75
Case 2 a 459 49/30 2.67/ 1.44 143 53/28 2.59/ 1.42 0.57
Case 2 b 455 55/22 2.55/ 1.18 140 50/16 2.55/ 1.00 0.01
Case 2 C 453 13/50 3.56/ 1.12 141 18/49 3.47/ 1.06 0.85
Case 3 a 452 68/25 2.18/ 1.60 144 60/31 2.47/ 1.63 -l.9l
Case 3 b 452 80/09 1.77/ 1.13 142 75/05 1.89/ 0.99 -1.17

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

*p<_05, **p<.01 (Two tailed)

Case 1 a (own attitude for the first h3pothetical case), Case 1 b (mm perception pertaining to
others‘ perception of seriousness for the first case), Case 1 c (own reporting behavior for the first
hypothetical case), Case 1 d (mm perception of others‘ reporting behavior pertaining to the first
h_\pothetical case), Case 2 a (own attitude for the second h}pothetical case), Case 2 b (own
perception pertaining to others‘ perception of seriousness for the second case), Case 2 c (own
perception of others’ reporting behavior pertaining to the second hypothetical case), Case 3 a
(own attitude for the third h3pothetica1 case), Case 3 b (own reporting behavior for the third
hypothetical case).

N: Sample size; AfDA: Agree/Disagree; M/SD: Mean Standard Deviation; t: Mean differenccst
test value

71

However, police academy cadets demonstrated significant differences when their
family’s education level was involved (Table 17). Disagreement was mostly relevant to
the cadets’ own attitude of seriousness in the first and third case scenarios, their own
reporting behavior and others’ perception of the first case, and their own attitude and
reporting behavior pertaining to the third case scenario. In summary, police academy
cadets from less educated families were stricter in their grading of seriousness and
reporting behavior compared to academy cadets from more educated families. On the
other hand, the case is not the same for police vocational school students from families
with different educational backgrounds. There is no statistical difference in vocational

school cadets’ perceptions with respect to their parents’ education level.

From another perspective, a comparison between police academy cadets and
vocational school cadets with respect to similar family educational backgrounds yielded
more diverse findings (Table 18). Statistics pertaining to academy and vocational school
cadets from less educated families yielded significant differences in their attitudes
pertaining to their own seriousness involving the first and third case scenarios. In keeping
with our hypothesis, academy cadets from less educated families were stricter in terms of
their attitudes of seriousness for both instances compared to vocational school cadets in
the same group.

Similarly, academy and vocational school students from families with higher
education yielded significantly different mean differences in their perceptions of the three
hypothetical scenarios. For the first scenario, academy and vocational school cadets

diverged in their perception of reporting behavior of their fellow officers; for the second

72

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scenario, in their own perception of seriousness; and in the third scenario, in reporting

behavior.

Regression Analyses

Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) multiple regression analysis was performed in
order to decipher to what extend the relationship between the mean score differences still
persists while controlling for the effects of the other factors. Independent variables were
divided under. two distinct categories namely socio- demographical factors and
organizational factors. The school of origin was considered as organizational level
variable. Socio- demographical factors include the following variables; family income,
education level of cadet’s family, occupation of cadet’s parents, and the population of the
cadet’s city of origin. In order to increase the variance, items pertaining to dependent
variables will be aggregated. In order to assess the feasibility of the aggregation, factor
analysis, PCA and correlation analyses were used. Reported OLS models include un-

standardized regression coefficients and standard errors.

Factor Analysis

Before aggregating the survey items pertaining to cadets' perceptions about the
seriousness and attitudes toward reporting exploratory factor analysis was used. Barlett's
test of sphericity (1.075, p<.OOOl) and Kaiser -Meyer Olkin measure of sampling
adequacy of .68 indicated the appropriateness of conducting factor analyses test. Based
on Kaiser Guttman criterion, factors with Eigenvalues less than 1.00 were ignored.
Survey items intended to measure four underlying variables loaded on three factors
having eigenvalues greater than 1.00. Results suggest that the items involve three

dimensions rather than four. The items pertaining to one outlook collapsed into two of the

7S

others. All the items relevant to cadets’ own perception loaded on the first factor and two
items measuring cadets' own attitude of reporting loaded on its intended factor. The
others' perception of seriousness and others' attitudes of reporting items split. One of the
items pertaining to these variables had moderate loadings to more than one factors. Such
distribution creates complexity their interpretation (Tabachnick & F idell, 2004).

The factor loadings pertaining to individual items did change following the
Varimax- ortagonal rotation. The table involving loading matrix for these factors is

shown in Table 19 (Appendix B).

Principal Component Analysis (PCA) and Alpha Results
Four of the outlook variables were subjected to exploratory factor analysis.
Following the analysis two of them namely, cadets' own perception of seriousness and

reporting behavior passed the statistical criteria, loading to their appropriate factors.

Cadets own perception of seriousness.

All the three items conceived to measure cadets' own perception of seriousness
were subjected to PCA loaded in their intended factor. The PCA revealed the existence
of a single component with an eigenvalue (2.61) exceeding the required criterion 1,
explaining 69% of the variance among the variables. Results reported in Table 18 shows
all items loading (with scores above 0.40) on the single factor. Cronbach's Alpha scores
were calculated in order to assess the reliability of the dimension. Perception of
seriousness variable with a Cronbach reliability score of 0.77, exceeded the 0.70

Cronbach's reliability threshold.

76

Cadets' attitude of reporting.

All the two items conceived to measure cadets' attitude of reporting were
subjected to PCA loaded in their intended factor. The analyses revealed the existence of
a single component with an eigenvalue (1.22) that exceeds the required criterion 1,
explaining 60% of the variance among the variables. Results reported in Table 20 shows
all items loading (with scores above 0.40) on the single factor. Cronbach's Alpha scores
were calculated in order to assess the reliability of the dimension. Cadets' attitude of
reporting variable with a Cronbach reliability score of 0.36, failed to pass the 0.70
Cronbach's reliability threshold and could not produce adequate reliability score.

Due to their complex natures items relevant to perceptions of seriousness and
reporting behavior is not summated and utilized in the OLS regression analyses. Only the

outlook pertaining to cadets own perception of seriousness is assessed.

Table 20. PCA factor loadings scales pertaining to two outlook variables.

 

 

 

 

 

 

j Scale / Scale Items Factor Eigenvalue Scale
1 ' Loading

l Perception of Own Seriousness (range 3-15) f 2.06 0.77

'3 A. l I consider this behavior to be very serious (Pety corruption). 0.853 = 5

A2 I consider this behavior to be very serious (Gift giving). 0765 l g

‘ A3 I consider this behavior to be very serious (Bribery). 0.865

é Own Attitude of Reporting (range 2-10) 1.22 g 0.36

g C. 1 As a future police officer, if I see a fellow oflicer engage in this l i

l type of behavior I would report the matter to the officials (Petty f 0.780 j

E Corruption). 1 i

C.2 As a civilian I would report this matter to the officials (Bribery). j 0.780 1

77

Correlation Analysis
The correlation matrix gives important information about the convergent and
discriminant validities of the constructs (Spector, 1992). Although eliminated, after the

factor analysis results correlation values pertaining to other cadets’ perceptions of

seriousness and reporting behavior are mentioned in the correlation table (Table 21).

Table 21. Correlation Table pertaining to the Dependent variables involving perceptions of
seriousness and reporting behavior of the cadets W: 570).

 

 

VARlABLES l 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Case 1 a 1.00

Case 1 b .41** 1.00

Case 1 c .05 .12** 1.00

Case 1 d .06 .19" .44** 1.00

Case 2 a .46** .26** .05 .06 1.00

Case 2 b .21** .44** .14 .21** .42** 1.00

Case 2 c -.()O .06 .10 .29** 08* .21** 1.00

Case 3 a .64** .39** .08 .06 .49** .22** -.01 1.00

Case 3 b .06 .05 .22 .l3** .2] .03 -.04 .l4** 1.00
M 2.55 2.76 2.00 2.91 2.66 2.96 3.53 2.25 1.80
SD 1.76 1.33 1.12 1.12 1.43 1.17 1.11 1.60 1.11,

 

*p<.05, **p<.001,

Case 1 a (own attitude for the first h}pothetical case), Case 1 b (mm perception pertaining to
others‘ perception of seriousness for the first case), Case 1 c (own reporting behavior for the first
hypothetical case). Case 1 d (oxm perception of others‘ reporting behavior pertaining to the first
hypothetical case). Case 2 a (own attitude for the second h3pothetical case). Case 2 b (own
perception pertaining to others‘ perception of seriousness for the second case), Case 2 c (own
perception of others‘ reporting behavior pertaining to the second hypothetical case), Case 3 a
(own attitude for the third hypothetical case), Case 3 b (own reporting behavior for the third
h}pothetical case),

A/DA: % Agree/% Disagree, M: Mean, SD: Standard Deviation.

Convergent validity requires that different measures of the same construct will relate
strongly with one another, whereas, discriminant validity requires a modest relationship
among different constructs (Spector, 1992). Findings (Table 21) indicate moderate

correlations among cadets’ own perceptions of seriousness pertaining to three

78

hypothetical corruption scenarios ranging between 0.46 to 0.64. Despite lower correlation
values, cadets’ attitudes toward the seriousness of the phenomena suggest consistency in
their perceptions. Correlations between items representing cadets’ own perceptions of
seriousness and attitudes of reporting are not significant. These findings, despite
supporting the discriminant validity of the previous construct raise serious concerns about
the validity of the scale items representing cadets’ own reporting attitude. Accordingly
despite the items pertaining to the cadets’ own reporting attitude loaded on its’ intended
factor, due to the lack of correlations among the items and a very low alpha reliability
score the mentioned construct will not be aggregated and assessed in the regression

analysis.

Resluts of the OLS Analysis

Table 22. shows the results of OLS regression analyses. OLS analysis pertaining
to cadets’ own perceptions of seriousness resulted in statistically significant findings.
Three of the five predictors are statistically significant.

Although statistically significant, only three percent (3.3 %) of the variability in
cadets own perceptions of seriousness can be explained with reference to the
organizational factor namely cadets’ school of origin, and demographical factors that
include parent’s education and parents’ occupation: R Square =0.033, F(5, 411) = 2.81, p
< .05. Adjusted R square = 0.021. Results of the analysis indicate that cadets’
organizational affiliation, parents’ occupation as well as their level of education showed
(Beta .110, .126, and .122 respectively) virtually similar effects in terms of predicting the
perception of cadets’ own seriousness in the model. More specifically, consistent with the

mean difference results, cadets coming from families working in the public sector,

79

educated parents, and students of the police academy were more likely to report serious

attitudes toward corruption scenarios.

Table 22. OLS Regression of the aspects pertaining to corruption perception and attitude
toward reporting for petty corruptions.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Own perception of
seriousness
Demographical Factors
Income (1= Lower than 1000 TL) -.017 (.51)
Education (High School and lower: 1) 1. 13* (.48)
Parents‘ occupation (Public scrvice=l) .99* (.42)
City Population (250.001 and less-=1) -.34 (.40)
Organizational Factors
Cadets’ School (.1=Academy) 897* (.42)
Intercept 4.76
R2 .03
F 281*

 

 

 

 

Notes: Entries are unstandardizcd regression coefficients, with standard errors in parentheses;
*p<.05, **p<.01. Income;0= Higher than 1000TL (Turkish Lira), Education; 0: Bachelors
degree and higher, Family occupation; 0: Private service, Population of the city; 0: More than
250.000.

Summary of the Findings

Mean differences tests demonstrated that police cadets’ perceptions were affected
by socio-demographical factors and their respective training institution. The summary of
the findings pertaining the T test and OLS regression analysis are as follows.

*Based on organizational category, cadets’ attitudes varied on the perception of
seriousness pertaining to all three hypothetical case scenarios. Police academy cadets had
a more serious attitude in evaluating the seriousness of the cases compared to police

vocational school cadets.

80

*Findings indicate that, based on the family income categories, academy cadets’
perceptions of the three hypothetical case scenarios differed significantly in level of
seriousness. On the other hand, income level did not affect vocational school cadets’
attitudes with the exception of their own perception of the seriousness of the case

scenario involving speeding money.

*Results indicated that police academy and police vocational school cadets

differed significantly according to their respective income categories.

*Statistical findings indicated that the size of the cadets’ city of origin affects
their perceptions of corruption among police cadets, both among police academy and

vocational school cadets.

*With the exception of one dimension, academy and police vocational school
cadets’ attitudes were not statistically different among their own group according to their
parents’ vocation categories. On the other hand, academy and vocational school cadets
were significantly different from each other in two different categories according to their

parents’ vocation groups.

*Parents’ education level had significant influence on academy cadets’ perception
of corruption, whereas, based on parents’ educational level, vocational school cadets’
perceptions were not statistically different from each other. On the other hand, police
academy cadets and vocational school cadets with parents having similar educational
backgrounds were significantly different with respect to their attitudes pertaining to the

seriousness of corruption.

81

*In parallel with findings pertaining to means scores tests, OLS regression results
showed that cadets’ socio-demographical background characteristics such as parents’
education level and type of occupation as well as their organizational affiliations had

significant effects on their perceptions of seriousness involving corruption scenarios.

82

CHAPTER 6

DISCUSSION

The main purpose of this study is to evaluate the perceptions of corruption held by
police cadets in the police academy and police vocational schools of higher education
who are the future rank and line officers of the TNP. The current study examines police
cadets’ perceptions of the seriousness of corruption and their reporting behavior, as well
as their fellow officers’ perceptions of the seriousness of corruption and reporting
behavior with regard to three different corruption types that are considered prevalent in
public bureaucracy in Turkey. This study also aims to extend our understanding of
whether socio-demographic background characteristics of the police cadets and the
organizational characteristics of their training institutions are influencing their
perceptions of petty corruption. The current study is based on police corruption literature

and makes reference to previous perception of corruption studies.

Key Findings

The current study tried to answer the following questions: How do police cadets
perceive police corruption? Do they differ in their perceptions about the phenomena? Do
socio-demographic characteristics have any effect on their perception of seriousness and
reporting behavior? How do police cadets perceive their fellow cadets’ perceptions of
seriousness and reporting behaviors?

Three different case scenarios were used in order to delineate the attitudes of the
cadets. Findings reveal that organizational and socio-demographic characteristics affect

cadets’ perceptions of seriousness of the phenomena.

83

The following section contains a summary of findings pertaining to the
perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior of cadets related to their organizational

or school affiliation and socio-demographic characteristics.

Organizational affiliation as training school of the cadets.

The organizational affiliation—whether the cadet was from the police academy or
the vocational school—affected cadets’ perceptions of the seriousness of corruption.
Based on their respective training school, cadets’ attitudes varied in all three hypothetical
case scenarios. Police academy cadets had a stricter attitude in evaluating the seriousness
of the three cases compared to police vocational school cadets. However, reporting
behavior was not statistically significant between these groups for any of the cases.

Police vocational school cadets generally apply to the police vocation as a last
resort for getting a job. Especially during the last decade and due to the economic
recession, stable and secure jobs have become more popular. Rising unemployment rates
have made police work quite attractive. At the same time, populist recruitment policies in
the public sector during the period of time when the survey was conducted might also
have influenced the opinions of police vocational school candidates about the state of
affairs during their job securing initiatives. For example, cadets who successfiilly secured
jobs might see using speed money as a viable practice and may not oppose engaging in
corruption practices of that nature even though their income level is low. In contrast,
those who did not need to get any support from powerfiil circles may not approve of
engaging in corruption.

On the other hand, recruitment mechanisms do not allow for any types of

financial interventions to be used to secure a position in the police academy, the previous

84

explanation may not be valid for the academy cadets. Thus, academy cadets, most of
whom enter into their career path at a very young age, may not have experienced the
functional role of corruption, and consequently, may hold more idealistic ideas about the
negative effects of corruption. Cadets from families that have scarce income may be
particularly against corruption (here, gifts and speeding money) compared to their fellows
who have the means for allocating some resources for speeding up procedures when
necessary. From another perspective, those from higher income families may have more
resources to get appropriate advantages that may put them ahead of their peers without
similar financial means (i.e., access to training and preparation for the entry exams).

The quality of the training the cadets get from their respective schools may also

be a significant factor affecting the survey results.

Income level of the cadets’ parents.

In general, police cadets from families with different income categories were not
significantly different in their perceptions of seriousness and reporting behavior
pertaining to corruption cases in all aspects. However, when we compared the
perceptions of seriousness or reporting behavior between police cadets of the same and
different training schools relevant to their income level, the differences were more
salient. Accordingly, based on family income categories, academy cadets’ perceptions
pertaining to the first and third hypothetical case scenarios differed significantly.
However, vocational school cadets from different income categories did not demonstrate
salient differences in their perceptions (Table 8).

For the first scenario, 74% of the academy students (with a mean score of 1.92)

from lower income households indicated that they would report such behavior, whereas

85

62% of the members (with a mean score of 2.23) of the higher income category indicated
that they would report such cases to the authorities. With respect to the case scenario
pertaining to speeding money, academy cadets from the lower income group were stricter
in their evaluations of seriousness compared to their fellow cadets from the higher
income group: 74% of the cadets from the lower income group (with a mean score of 2)
considered this act as serious, and only 17% of the cadets from the same group graded the
case as not serious at all.

In comparison, the group from higher income families was more lenient with a
mean score of 2.45, in which 59% found the situation serious and 30% not serious at all.
Police academy cadets from the lower income group were stricter in terms of grading the
seriousness of the cases and their attitudes toward reporting behavior compared to their
fellows from the higher income category. Additionally, the previous group was less
cynical in terms of fellow officers’ reporting behavior and their attitudes of seriousness
toward the hypothetical scenarios.

On the other hand, although statistically not significant, the pattern of reporting
behavior among cadets from higher and lower income families was different for the
PVSHE cadets. Cadets from lower income families were more lenient in evaluating the
seriousness of the cases as well as reporting behavior, and were more cynical about their
fellow officers’ reporting behavior compared to their fellow cadets from higher income
families.

When we compare police academy and vocational school cadets from similar
income categories (Table 9), cadets from the higher income group differed in their

perceptions pertaining to the first case scenario, whereas cadets from low income families

86

differed in all three case scenarios. More specifically, when we look at the case scenarios
separately, in all three categories, police academy cadets from lower income families
were stricter in terms of grading the seriousness of the case scenarios compared to
vocational school students from families with the same income level.

Accordingly, for the first scenario, 70% of the academy cadets vs. 55% of the
vocational school cadets described the scenario as serious. For the second scenario,
findings indicated statistically significant differences. In this case, 55% of the academy
cadets rated the scenario as serious, and 21% percent of them rated it as not serious at all.
On the other hand, the percentages among the vocational school students emphasize
significant differences with 47% finding the issue serious vs. 34% finding it not serious at
all. Similarly, for the third scenario involving speed money, 74% vs. 18% of the police
academy students found the scenario as serious, whereas the ratio for vocational school
students was 61% vs. 31%.

Although not statistically significant, both, academy and PVSHE cadets from
lower income groups differed in their attitudes toward their fellow officers’ perceptions
of seriousness as well as their reporting behavior. Academy cadets from the lower income
category were less cynical about their fellow officers’ reporting behavior. Looking at the
cadets from higher income families, statistically significant findings pertained only to the
cadets’ own and others’ reporting behavior relevant to the first scenario. In contrast to our
hypothesis, vocational school cadets were more willing to report witnessing corrupt
transactions. More specifically, 62% vs. 14% of the academy cadets from the higher
income category were willing to report such transactions compared to vocational school

cadets’ 75% vs. 10%.

87

When we compare the cadets from different institutions but from families with
similar income levels, we notice salient differences in seriousness perception for the
lower income group (here between academy and vocational school cadets). These
differences might be due to the inexperience of academy cadets who did not have to
spend anything to secure a job in the outside world. The difference between cadets from
the higher income group pertains only to the reporting behavior, emphasizing the
potential existence of loyalty among vocational school cadets and academy cadets. Police
academy cadets seem more loyal to their peers compared to vocational school cadets. In
this sense, the long training periods may be the cause of low reporting behavior for the

cadets.

Parents’ vocation

Generally, parents’ vocations do not significantly affect police cadets’ perceptions
of corruption and subsequent reporting behavior (Table 13). Likewise, police academy
and police vocational school cadets also reported similar perceptions of the seriousness of
the case scenarios for themselves as well as their fellow officers (Table 14).

However, significant differences emerged when we compared police academy and
police vocational school cadets’ attitudes with respect to their parents’ vocational
background (Table 15). Accordingly, police academy cadets and police vocational cadets
the same family vocational background characteristics were statistically different from
each other.

When we look at the case scenarios individually, for the first case, academy
cadets from families working in the public sector were more cynical compared to

vocational school cadets in terms of their attitudes pertaining to others’ reporting

88

behavior of the case scenario. More specifically, although the same proportion of cadets
(30% for both groups) thought that fellow officers may consider that case as serious, 38%
of the academy cadets indicated that their fellow officers would not report the case,
compared to 20 % of the vocational school cadets.

The second difference in perception of reporting behavior pertains to the third
case scenario. Here, 77% of the academy cadets vs. 83% of the vocational school cadets
indicated that they would report the behavior when they witness its occurrence. These
finding were against our hypothesis expecting that academy cadets’ perceptions of
seriousness (for the first scenario) and reporting behavior would be superior compared to
vocational school cadets.

When we compare perceptions of police cadets’ from families working in the
private sector, one case scenario yielded a statistically significant difference. The
difference involving the second scenario is as follows: 55% (vs. 22%) of the academy
cadets compared to 41% (vs. 37%) of the vocational school cadets reported that they
would grade this situation seriously.

Homogeneity in the perceptions of cadets from different family vocational
background categories emphasizes interesting interpretations. Based on the extant
literature, significant differences were expected between cadets from families with public
or private sector backgrounds. However, police cadets demonstrated homogeneous
perceptions with respect to their parents’ vocation categories. In the light of these
findings, it is possible to think that cadets are not under their families’ cultural influences
with respect to their attitudes toward corruption. The new generation, especially, has

more opportunities to experience close interactions with individuals from different social

89

and economic backgrounds. Changing societal characteristics close the gap between the
vocational categories (i.e., private and public sectors) that was more salient a couple of
decades ago. Additionally, heterogeneity in school populations with respect to family
background characteristics may also have contributed to changing police cadets’ attitudes

compared to the attitudes of their parents.

Parents’ education level.

Family education level is purported to be one of the salient factors influencing
individuals’ attitudes. Accordingly, in this study, it was assumed that police cadets from
more educated families were expected to consider all case scenarios more seriously
compared to their fellow cadets with less educated parents. When we looked at the grand
picture, family education level did not yield significant mean differences in terms of
perceptions of the cadets’ own seriousness as well as others’ perceptions of seriousness
and reporting behavior (Table 16).

However, when we looked at the differences pertaining to both police academy
and vocational cadets’ families’ educational backgrounds (Table 17), differences in
perception arose. Findings indicate that parents’ education level has significant effects on
academy cadets’ perceptions of corruption, but the same did not hold true for vocational
school cadets from highly educated families or the contrary. Disagreements were mostly
relevant to the first and third case scenarios, namely to cadets’ own attitudes of
seriousness, own reporting behavior and others’ perceptions in the first case as well as to
their own attitudes and reporting behavior in the third case scenario.

Accordingly, academy cadets from families with lower educational attainment

were more strict in their grading of seriousness with a score of 72% (vs. 23%) compared

90

to cadets from highly educated families with a score of 54% (vs. 32%), respectively.
Likewise, cadets from less educated families were more motivated in reporting such
cases compared to cadets in the opposite group with 76% (vs. 7%) versus 64% (vs. 13%)
ratios of agreement and disagreement, respectively. Attitudes toward the third scenario
also emphasized the same tendencies in degrees of seriousness and reporting behavior
with regard to families’ educational backgrounds. Specifically, 78% (vs. 16%) of the
cadets compared to 68% (vs. 29%) of the cadets in lower and higher educated families,
respectively, reported that they agreed on the seriousness of the first scenario. Similarly,
cadets from less educated families demonstrated more willingness to report corrupt acts
with a score of 87% (vs. 7%) comparing to cadets coming from highly educated families
(74% vs. %.8), respectively. In summary, police academy cadets from less educated
families were stricter in their grading of seriousness and reporting behavior compared to
academy cadets from highly educated families.

On the other hand, when we compared police academy cadets and vocational
school cadets from families with the same level of educational attainment, differences in
perceptions of seriousness appeared (Table 18). In the less educational background
category, police academy cadets were found to be stricter in their perceptions of
seriousness compared to police vocational school cadets in the same category. For the
first case scenario, 72% (vs. 23%) of the academy cadets compared to 56% (vs. 40%)
vocational school cadets reported finding the case to be serious. The pattern was similar
for the third scenario, in which 78% (vs. 17%) of the academy cadets reported finding the

case to be serious compared to 63% (vs. 30 %) of the vocational school cadets.

91

Although not statistically significant, in comparing their perceptions of their own
reporting behavior (64% vs.13% for the academy cadets and 72% vs. 9% for the
vocational school cadets), both categories were more cynical about their fellow cadets’
reporting behavior for the same case. Differences also appeared with the second case
scenario: 60% (vs. 21%) of the academy cadets were stricter in terms of their evaluation
of the seriousness of the case compared to vocational school cadets (40% vs. 44%).
Interestingly, when looking at cadets’ perceptions of others’ seriousness in terms of
evaluating the scenario, 28% (vs. 42%) of academy cadets reported that others may
perceive the case as serious compared to 40% (vs. 44%) of vocational school cadets.

Although their perceptions of seriousness were less than those of academy cadets,
vocational school cadets were less cynical compared to their academy counterparts.
Police academy and vocational school cadets also diverged in their reporting behaviors
pertaining to the third case scenario. For this particular case, police vocational school
cadets were more willing to report compared to academy cadets, scoring 74% (vs. 6%)
and 78% (vs. 4%), respectively.

There are some potential explanations for these differences. For example, the
seriousness of the academy cadets from less educated families may be due to their lack of
knowledge about the existing conditions involving corrupt transactions. Their lack of
access to influential spheres due to their parents’ education level may have contributed to
that perception. In other words, cadets from highly educated families might be more
aware about the existing state of affairs in terms of corruption’s place in public life and
thus have a more mitigated perception about the function of corruption. Since vocational

school cadets have similar attitudes, the effects of the education level of their parents

92

might be mitigated due to the cadets’ own higher involvement in social life. Instead of
adopting their parents’ perceptions, cadets may have developed their own sense about the
way the work is done and, consequently, their own perceptions about the seriousness of

corruption.

The city of origin: Size of the city.

The size ofthe city did not affect cadets’ perceptions in a statistically significant
manner (Table 10.). Similarly, academy cadets from less populated or more populated
cities perceived the corruption phenomena with virtually the same level of seriousness.
Police vocational school cadets’ perception scores also did not yield significant
differences (Table 1 1).

When police academy cadets and vocational school cadets were compared to each
other with regard to their city of origin (Table 12), findings did not yield statistically
different outcomes in the perception scores of cadets from small cities. However, for
those from large cities, the comparison of mean differences between academy and
vocational school cadets’ perceptions of seriousness were significant for all three
scenarios. As hypothesized, most of the academy cadets graded the cases as more serious
than did the vocational school cadets. For the first scenario, 67% vs. 25% of the cadets
graded the scenario as serious, whereas 54% vs. 41% of the PVSHE cadets reported
strong perceptions of the seriousness of the instance. For the second scenario, 56% (vs.
21%) of the academy cadets compared to 46% (vs. 35%) of the vocational cadets
reported such instances as serious. For the third scenario, too, academy cadets reported
greater concern with a mean score of 2.02 vs. 2.39, respectively. Specifically, 72% vs.

17% of the cadets indicated that they considered bribery to be a serious infraction

93

compared to vocational school cadets, who reported, 63% vs. 31%, such transactions as
serious and not serious at all, respectively.

The lack of significant differences correlated to the city of origin among cadets at
the same training institution might be due to the extended travel and communication
opportunities that we are experiencing in this era. Increasing mobility and access to urban
areas give people living in small cities more opportunity to travel and experience life in
larger cities.

Broader access to communications technology and media also enables individuals
to follow trends in public life and society with respect to the prevalence of corruption in
general. However, differences among vocational school and academy cadets were more
salient for those from larger cities. As expected for all the case scenarios, academy cadets
from large cities perceive corruption more seriously compared to vocational school
cadets. The relative gap between cadets from different cities of origin might be due to the
fact that vocational school cadets are more exposed to society compared to the academy
cadets. Accordingly, their more frequent exposure to the existence of corruption might
have mitigated their perceptions of its seriousness compared to those of academy cadets

living in a more isolated social environment.

Summary

In summary, rather than an isolated incident, corruption should be perceived as a
symptom of a deeper “malaise” (Chan, Dixon, et al., 2007). In general terms, the study
found that organizational and socio-demographic characteristics affect police cadets’

perceptions of corruption.

94

Implications

Eradicating corruption is a giant task that requires a multidimensional approach.
Based on the study findings, it is possible to propose specific policy implications
involving not only the police organization but also society in general. Because police
organizations are a part of the society in which they are embedded, it is necessary to take
multiple levels of analysis into account, including individuals, organizations, and cultures

(Kleinig and Heffernan, 2004).

Societal Level Implications

Corruption as a phenomenon should be considered from a larger perspective, not
only within the limits of the public sector in general and the criminal justice system in
particular, but also in the context of the greater society (Akozer, 2003). The responsibility
for raising awareness about the negative consequences of corruption belongs to a wide
spectrum of agencies and institutions, ranging from the family environment to local or
national level institutions.

In order to reduce corruption, it is important to understand the nature of the
existing value system in a society and the direction in which it is evolving. Public
agencies that fail to synchronize their operations with changing societal values become
obsolete and irrelevant to their environment. This proposition is especially important for
leadership cadres responsible for developing policies relevant to the fight against
corruption. It might be usefiil to design educational programs aimed at raising awareness
about the secondary effects of corruption for audiences ranging from primary schools to

public organizations.

95

Organizational Level Implications Regarding the Police Training Schools

Police organizations reflect the cultural attributes of their national culture
(Hofstede, et al., 1990). In this vein, interventions should be designed primarily
according to the characteristics of the society in which the organization is embedded.
Additionally, due to the effects of globalism over such agencies, international norms
pertaining to corruption should also be taught to police cadets as well as officers
occupying all levels of the hierarchy.

The police culture has been described as a corrupting influence adulterating all
good intended initiatives and rehabilitative elements in an efficient organization.
However, it also contains some attributes that may be utilized as solid bases against
corruption if used in a timely and efficient manner. Experiences from international
settings suggest the possibility of changing at least some parts of the culture that foster
corruption (e.g., Chan and Dixon, 2007). The unusually long education and training
process for the grand majority of future police administrators of the TNP permits such an
initiative. The early recruitment age (14- to lS-year-olds) of police college students and
the cultural context of their educational environment may aid in this goal if intervention
programs are designed efficiently.

Perceptions of corruption are also relevant to developing awareness of the
phenomenon. A good understanding of cadets’ perceptions about corruption may enable
authorities to take appropriate measures to rearrange their training programs. Scholars
emphasize the importance of developing cognitive capacity and awareness within police
cadets in order to help them differentiate right from wrong and to see the potential harm

that corruption can cause at different levels of analysis. The positive role of training is

96

one crucial element that promises significant contributions to decreasing the rate of
corruption detailed in major reports issued by international organizations (Ozyurek,
2005)

Police cadets in the academy and the vocational schools have differing
perceptions about corruption. In order to mitigate the differences, stemming from their
different social background characteristics, among police academy cadets’ perceptions of
corruption, it is important to place more emphasis on training interventions that may
raise more awareness and uniformity about the corruption phenomena. In order to
develop more precise policies, it is important to discover the dynamics that give rise to
such differences. Additionally, given the existence of cognitive differences and age-
related gaps between academy and vocational school cadets, training processes should be
adapted according to the developmental stages of the cadets. However, one of the greatest
challenges is to find appropriate and proven training strategies. Unfortunately, in most
circumstances, the purpose of education in police ethics within institutions preparing the
future cadres of the law enforcement agencies is not clear (Heffernan, 1982).
Additionally, it is very difficult to predict how police work requirements will evolve one
decade later and thereby forecast the traits of an ideal future police of‘ficer ahead of time.
The length of the education program at the police university is one of the obstacles for
keeping pace with the dynamic nature of society. Given the eight-year-long police high
school and college recruitment and education process, future officers may risk growing
up detached from the exigencies of the society they are going to police.

Despite the shared experience of cadet life in a boarding school, police vocational

school cadets undergo a different training process from their academy peers. Initially,

97

police vocational school cadets join the police vocational school after graduating from
high school. Most of them have previous job experience and a more accurate
understanding of the nature of the outside world (Cerrah, 1996). In contrast, academy
cadets, who are mostly isolated from a broader social life, may experience frustration in
trying to embrace and enforce their conservative values relevant to corruption. In other
words, cadets who experience “real” life more easily shift from their idealistic
approaches to more practical ones that enable them to survive the troubles within their
occupational lives (e.g., Crank, 2004). In order to reduce potential discrepancies between
the real and anticipated world, police organizations should prepare their personnel before

letting them join active duty.

Leadership Implications

The role of leadership in organizations has been indicated as an important factor
influencing the values and, consequently, the environments that foster specific attitudes
toward certain phenomena. The leadership process plays an important role in fostering or
preventing the occurrence of corrupt transactions. In this vein, concrete, living examples
of integrity in police work can generate more powerful influences on students than the
analysis of moral values and ethical rhetoric alone (Heffernan, 1982). More specifically,
when training schools are in question, the incumbent leadership of training schools
should demonstrate a substantive commitment to fostering an anti-corruption climate in
their respective training school. Such a climate can be established via appropriate
recruitment and selection criteria and police cadet training processes, establishing and
strongly enforcing fair discipline measures, and encouraging appropriate behavior.

Additionally, the top leadership and middle level managers appointed to training schools

98

should not have records tainted with corruption charges. Police training schools should be

staffed with role models who stand out for their integrity as well as for their success.

Limitations

As in other disciplines, empirical research in criminal justice studies involves
limitations. Some ofthe limitations are inherent to the adopted research design. As in this
study, although abundantly used in attitude research, cross sectional research design has
its specific shortcomings. Since the data represent the perceptions of police cadets in one
single picture, it limits our ability to issue solid causal explanations. The lack of robust
scales measuring the cadets’ or police officers’ perceptions of phenomena like corruption,
coupled with the lack of empirical research in the Turkish context, is another significant
limitation. Additionally, one of the challenges of attitude research to date is
demonstrating solid linkages between measured attitudes and subsequent behavior (e.g.,
Crank, 2004). Police corruption involves a wide variety of instances depending on a
variety of factors. Thus perceptions of the phenomena may represent diverse opinions
depending on unofficial or official affiliations ofthe involving subjects. In this study, the
selection of the cases was based on widespread corruption practices familiar to the cadets
through hearsay or the occurrence of daily life, even if they had no direct, personal
experience with these practices. Social desirability concerns are part of the very nature of
our topic of study. Although anonymity was assured at the beginning of the data
collection procedure, cadets may have answered the question in a way that is more likely

to please the administration, rather than reflecting their genuine perceptions.

99

Future Research

The current study is one of the pioneering empirical studies that compare police
cadets’ perceptions in the context of organizational and socio-demographic factors in the
TNP. However, despite its contribution to laying the groundwork for future endeavors,
there are several aspects that still need to be considered. The initial issue pertains to the
revision of the sample. TNP has extended its recruitment and selection pool in recent
years. In addition to the regular recruits for the police vocational school of higher
education, TNP has started recruiting cadets with bachelor’s degrees. Given such changes
in recruitment practices, it is important to expand the sampling in a way that includes all
categories of police cadets. It is important to decipher the moderating and mediating
factors that influence basic SES characteristics in cadets’ perceptions of the phenomena.
Additionally, the potential effects of significant turning points during cadets’ training
programs, such as social, economic, and political factors, should be considered. Although
the perceptions of study participants suffice for conducting attitude research, the
perceptions of leadership cadres toward corruption should also be included in future
research designs. In-depth qualitative studies should be conducted to understand the
underlying motivations that guide cadets in selecting their respective career paths. A
longitudinal study should complement fithher understanding by delineating underlying
factors and causal relationships.

Corruption has also been approached from a moral perspective. Morality is a
relative phenomenon; it is experienced by individuals and groups at different levels of
intensities depending on the governing ideological, philosophical or religious principles.

Accordingly, a relationship between the adopted moral principles and perceptions

100

concerning corruption merits an empirical investigation. Islam, as the predominant
religion in Turkey, has specific regulations relevant to corrupt transactions. Turkey is a
secular country where the grand majority of its population is Muslim. In the Turkish
context geographical differences are salient factors that differentiate such experiences. It
may be possible to argue that the majority of the Eastern part of Turkey can be described
as more conservative in terms of espousing more traditional values. Accordingly future'

researches may take into account geographical origins of the study participants.

Conclusion

In general terms, the conclusion of the current study is that socio-cultural factors
and organizational characteristics significantly affect cadets’ perceptions of corruption.
The purpose of the study is to evaluate socio-cultural and organizational characteristics of
police cadets with respect to their influence on perceptions of corruption. The findings,
based on empirical data analysis, provide quantitative outcomes that offer important
information about factors that affect the perceptions of police cadets and their differences
among each other with respect to these factors. This study offers substantial information
with which to initiate an evaluation of current policy applications pertaining to police
cadets’ value orientations in order to predict future intervention plans. This study has
reached the conclusion that uniform training strategies are not fit for all types of police
training institutions and should be adapted depending on the characteristics of the cadets

and their respective training schools.

101

APPENDICES

102

APPENDIX A

SURVEY PERTAINING TO POLICE CADETS/TRAINEES PERCEPTIONS OF
CORRUPTION IN TURKEY

The aim of this study is to broaden the scope of existing knowledge regarding a range of attitudes
and beliefs police cadets toward issues relating to corruption in your country. Efforts will be
made to share the preliminary findings with the students before the end of the semester.

In this study we refer to corruption as "political and bureaucratic misuse of power through bribery
and destruction of integrity.” It refers to public officials taking bribes to engage in public affairs
for which they are paid salaries. Examples of public officials include politicians, police officers,
customs officers, public hospitals, public schools and colleges. etc. Taking bribes in cash or kind
to grant licenses, speed up work. give admission in schools or release you if you are caught
speeding on the highway are all examples of corruption. In this survey, we would like you to
answer the questions relating to this topic to the best of your ability.

Please fill the questionnaire as completely as possible. Mark your alswers on the bubble
sheet (Scantron). The survey administrators do not know the names of the respondents
who choose to participate in the study nor do the surveys have any identification marks. All
responses are completely confidential and will not be used in anyway that may identify the
participant. Your privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. Please
refill}! the filled-in Scantron sheets to the survey administrator. You do not have to return
the survey form.

Participation is voluntary, you may choose not to participate at all, or you may refuse to
participate in certain procedures or answer certain questions or discontinue your participation at
any time without penalty or loss of benefits. You indicate your voluntary agreement to participate
by completing and returning this questionnaire. This survey will take about 25 minutes to
complete.

If you have questions about the study please feel free to call Professor Mahesh Nalla, School of
Criminal Justice at MSU (Tel.001-517-355-2197; e-mail: Nallar’Qmsuedu) who is the responsible
project investigator or lst Class Police Director Tuneay Yilmaz, President of the Police
Academy, Professor Tulin Icli, Dean of Faculty of Security Sciences at Ankara (Tel: 011 90
312.499 70 02). If you have questions or concerns regarding your rights as a study participant, or
are dissatisfied at any time with any aspect of this study, you may contact - anonymously, if you
wish —Peter Vasilenko, Ph.D., Chair of the University Committee on Research Involving Human
Subjects (UCRIHS) by phone: (517) 355-2180, fax: (517) 432-4503, e-mail: ucrihsfilmsuedu, or
regular mail: 202 Olds Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824. ”

 

103

 

[Part 1. Background information: Please use the enclosed bubble sheet the fill your answers.

 

1.. You are a student of: A. Police Academy (Academy) B. Police Vocational School (Vocational)

2. Before joining the academy/vocational school you came from a city with a population of :
A. Less than 10.000
B. 10.000 and 50.000
C. 50.000 and 250.000
D. 250.000 and above

1;)

. What is the best estimate of your MONTHLY family income before taxes last year?
A. 400.000.000 Lira OR LESS
B. 400,100,000 to 600.000.000
C 600.100.000 — l.000.000,000
D. 1.000.100.000 — 1500000000
E Above 1.500.000.000 Lira

4. What is the highest educational level achieved by either of your parents?
A. Less than high school
B. High school
C. Bachelor‘s degree
D. Master’s degree and higher

U:

. Have any of your parents ever worked in the following profession (please select only one):

A. Police/Customs or other similar agencies
B. Medical

C. Municipal Goverrunent

D. School/College

E. Private sector

 

II. In this section we would like your views on why people engage in corruption. For example, an
officer who takes a bribe for not giving a speeding ticket or a principal of a scth taking bribe to
admit your child. Given below are case scenarios. Please answer the following questions by filling the
bubble that best expresses your personal view: A (Strongly Agree). B (Agree). C (Not sure or unclear) D
(Disagree). and E (Strongly Disagree). If your answer is strongly agree mark the space with A etc.

 

 

 

Case 1 Petty Corruption. A police officer stops a motorist for speeding. The officer agrees to accept a
personal gift of half the amount of the fine in exchange for not booking the case/issuing a citation.

6. I consider this behavior to be very serious.

7. Most police officers 1 know would consider this behavior to be most serious.

8. As a future police officer, if I see a fellow officer engage in this type of behavior
I would report the matter to the ofiicials.

9. I think most fellow police officers would report this matter to the ofiicials.

Case 2 Gift Giving. An official in the municipal government is well liked by the local community.
During holiday season, local merchants, restaurant owners and other business people show their
appreciation by giving gifts of food and liquor, etc.

10. I consider this behavior to be very serious.

11. Most police officers 1 know would consider this behavior to be most serious.
12. I think most fellow municipal officers would report this matter to the officials.

104

Case 3. A govemment employee in charge of processing applications for a seat in a government
school asks for a bribe for speeding up your application process.

13. I consider this behavior to be very serious.
14. As a civilian I would report this matter to the officials.

105

APPENDIX B

Table 19. Rotated component matrix involving factor loadings for outlook variables (n=656).

 

 

 

 

 

 

officials (Gift giving).

 

 

 

 

Scale Items Outlook Factor 1 Factor 2 Factor 3
1 consider this behavior to be
very serious (Pety corruption). Perception .83 .01 -. 12
I consider this behavior to be of Own
very serious (Gifi giving). Seriousness .73 -.06 -. 16
I consider this behavior to be (range 3-15)
very serious (Bribery). .83 .13 -. 12
Most police officers I know
would consider this behavior to Perception
be most serious (Petty corruption). of Others‘ .61 .1 l -.29
Most police officers I know would Seriousness
consider this behavior to be most (range 2-10)
serious (Gif‘t giving). .48 .03 .57
As a future police officer, if
I see a fellow officer engage in this Own
type of behavior I would report the Attitude
matter to the officials (Petty of Reporting .02 .76 .23
Corruption). (range 2-10)
As a civilian I would report this .01 .71 -.33
matter
to the officials (Bribery).
I think most fellow police officers
would report this matter to the Others’
officials (Bribery). Attitude of .01 .61 .53
I think most fellow municipal Reporting
officers (range 2-10)
would report this matter to the -.04 .03 .73

 

Extraction Method: Principal Component Analysis.

Rotation Method: Quartimax with Kaiser Normalization.

Rotation converged in 4 iterations.

106

 

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