A STUDY OF SECULARIZATION IN THE RURAL PROTESTANT AREAS OF ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN BY Willis James Dunn AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and AnthropolOgy Year 1955 Approved % WW Reference Willis James Dunn A STUDY OF SECULARIZATION IN THE RURAL PROTESTANT AREAS OF ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN This is a study of the impact of complex, modern, technologically stimulated patterns of behavior, upon the hierarchy of importance given to non-rational and empirical value-judgments in their orientation to daily life. A review of the literature prompts the assumption that secularization is a social process, that secularization is not new, and that, as a social process, secularization takes place in a social situation in which there are discern- able and measurable trends in overt behavior patterns. On the basis of these assumptions three hypotheses are advanced, namely: (1) that secularization can be defined and related to a 10gical continuum between the poles of the Spiritual and the secular, and to which continuum overt practices can be measurably related; (2) that Specific overt behavior patterns which are sanctioned, encouraged, and endorsed by organized religion can be used as an index and arranged on such a logical continuum; (3) that by a scoring procedure this index can be measurably related to the continuum and a measure of the degree of congruity between the frame of reference of the study and family groups can be established. 1 £11115 0 v‘ 1 040, an.” w ‘I-“OJ ‘ , .(‘fin HIP-H“ ‘ fry... . “VU- «I 9,. ”is U. 8 Fr .13, m a Willis James Dunn 2 The data upon which this study is based, was gathered by fielding a pre-tested schedule in the rural Protestant areas of Isabella County, Michigan. Responses were placed on International Business Machines' cards and results tabulated. On the basis of these tabulations the data was analyzed in terms of secularization scores established for each family. Families were then grouped according to various factors covered by the schedule. These groups were compared on the basis of mean score ranges and averages. Theory and lOgic for the analysis of the data was drawn from the sociolOgy of religion, social psychology, and the theory of the measurement of value. In the light of these theoretical and.logical theorems certain statistically significant results were found which led, among others, to the following conclusions: 1. Church.and.non-church families were consistently different in mean scores, although church membership itself was not a scored item; 2. Some social, economic, and cultural factors were found to effect the church family differently from the non-church family; 5. There appears to be a relationship between willingness to sacrifice for a religious value, or to exercise self-discipline for a religious value, and secularization. A STUDY OF SECULARIZATION IN THE RURAL PROTESTANT AREAS OF ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN BY Willis James Dunn A THESIS Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology Year 1955 C> ( Approved 1 - lt‘hvfi’7fi’1b1ka /'7--:>'°' Chapter TABLE OF CONTENTS I INTRODUCTIONOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOCO0.0.0.000... PRESENTATION OF THE PROBLEM................ ASSUMPTIONS................................ THEOREMS................................... HYPOTHESES................................. METHODOLOGY................................ LOGICALLY ANTICIPATED CONCLUSIONS.......... II WHAT IS SECUMIZATION70000000OOOOOOOOOOOOCOC THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF SECULARIZATION...... HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF SECULARIZATION....... THE CULTURAL SPIRIT OF SECULARIZATION...... SECULARIZATION AS DESCRIBED BY CONTEMPORARY LEADERSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00.000.000.000... SECULARISM AS EXPRESSED IN SECULAR FAITHS.. SECULARISM AS EXPRESSED IN MODERN SOCIAL INTERACTIONOOOIOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCO SUhflMRYOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO III THE THEORY AND METHOD OF THIS INVESTIGATION.. THEORIES RELATED TO THE SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGIONOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.I... THEORIES RELATED TO THE MEASUREMENT OF VALIJEOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Summary of measurement theory as related to this StudYCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO iv Page (Orhml-J 10 IO 13 15 15 21 22 27 28 31 55 54 4O 48 Chapter Page LOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE AREA OF CONSIDERATION.. 49 Summary of the logical analysis of the data.. 55 THE LOGIC OF PROCEDURAL TECHNIQUES OF THIS STUDY...‘OCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.0.0000...O. 57 The continuum concept........................ 57 Specific frame of reference.................. 61 Personal items............................... 61 Family items................................. 62 Extra—family items........................... 62 Detailed scoring procedure................... 62 Ideal-typical classification of scored itemSOOOOOOO0.0.0.0000...0.0.0.000... 67 Summary of logic of procedural techniques.... 69 EXAMINATION OF THE DATA FOR VALIDITY........... 70 A test on the basis of inferred relations.... 72 A test on the basis of face-validity......... 74 A test on the basis of comparison with Other dataOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOO000.000.000.000... '75 EXAMINATION OF THE DATA FOR RELIABILITY........ 77 SUr'mIARY OF CHAPTER III....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 8]- IV SOCIAL STATUS OR POSITION IN RELATION TO SRULARIZATIONOOOOOCOOOO0......0.00.00.00.00. 83 ECONOMIC FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION..... 85 EDUCATIONAL FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION.. 96 TIME FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION......... 105 THE PROBLEM OF MEASURING COVERT QUALITY........ 109 DISCUSSION OF STATUS FACTORS RELATED TO SECUL‘ARIZATIONOOOOOOOCOOICOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOC 113 Chapter Page CATEGORIES OF BEHAVIOR.......................... 116 On personal items............................. 117 On familial items............................. 117 On extra-familial items....................... 118 Summary of categories of behavior............. 120 SUMMARY OF CHAPTER IV........................... 121 V CHURCH ORIENTATION IN RELATION TO SECULARIZATION.. 123 CHURCH MEMBERSHIP............................... 123 CHURCH SUPPORT.................................. 125 CHURCH COMMUNICANTS............................. 127 RELIGIOUS RADIO LISTENING....................... 132 CONCLUSION...................................... 132 VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS........................... 135 BIBLIOGRAPHY...................................... 142 APPENDIXO0.000000000000000000000000000000000000000 145 vi II III IV VI VII VIII IX XI XII LIST OF TABLES GROSS INCOME OF 193 FAMILIES INTERVIEWED IN ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN AND OF 306 FAMILIES IN OTHm AREAS OF P'IIICHIGANOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOCOCCO GRADE COMPLETED IN SCHOOL BY HUSBANDS AND WIVES IN 193 FAMILIES INTERVIEWED IN ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN AND OF 306 FAMILIES IN OTHER AREAS OF MICHIGAN...................... MODERN CONVENIENCES IN 193 ISABELLA COUNTY HOMES AND IN 306 HOMES IN OTHER RURAL MICHIGAN AREASOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOICOOOOOO00.0.0.0... SUBSCRIBERS TO SIX LEADING MAGAZINES IN ALL OF MICHIGAN AND IN 193 HOMES IN ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGANOOOOO0.0000COOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... TIE SPLIT-HAL}? COMPMISON.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCC COMPARISON OF SOURCE OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR TI-IE CHURCH FAMILIESOO00.00.000.000... COMPARISON OF SOURCE OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR THE LIOIq-CHURCH FAMILIES. o o o o o O o o o o o o o COMPARISON OF INCOMEINITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR CHURCH FAMILIESOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOCOOOCOOOOOOOOC COMPARISON OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR NON-CHURCH FAMILIESOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOCOCOOOIOOO COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FARM WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR FARM.... COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FARM WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN TIIEIR FARMOCOOOOO0..0.00.00.00.00...00.0.0000... COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORE FOR CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR HOME.......... vii Page 75 76 77 78 8O 86 86 89 89 91 91 94 g o O O I O a a I O I C D O o I O I v o O C TABLE XIII XIV XV XVII XVIII XIX XXII XXIII XXIV XXVI COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORE FOR NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR HOME...... COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR CHURCH FAMILIES WHO RENT THEIR DWELLING..... COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHO RENT THEIR DWMINGOCOO00....OOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOCOCOOOO0...... COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CWRCH FAMILIESOOOOOOOOOOCOOCOCCOOCCOOOOOO00.... COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIESOOOOOO0.0.0.0000...OOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOO... COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS AND WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON'CHURCH FAMILIESooooooo00000000000000.0000 COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAIVIILIESOOQOOOOOOOOOOO0.0000000000000000. COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIESooooooooooooooo00000000000000 COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS AND WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES....................... COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION IN NON-CHURCH ACTIVITIES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FMIILIESOOCOCOOOOOOOCOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION IN NON-CHURCH ACTIVITIES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON’CHURCH FAMILIESOCOCOOO0.0.0.0...O...O...O... COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION IN NON-CHURCH ACTIVITIES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF ALL FAMILIESOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCCOOOCOOOCOOOOO0.00... COMPARISON OF AGE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES........ COMPARISON OF AGE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH , SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES.... viii Page 94 95 95 98 98 100 100 101 102 104 104 106 106 107 “m. In}. . 4 t - INK-'3 DI: x I"? ' I y ‘- m, ‘y I A‘k." . TABLE XXVII XXVIII XXIX XXXI XXXII XXXIII XXXIV XXXVI XXXVII COMPARISON OF LENGTH OF RESIDENCE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES....... COMPARISON OF LENGTH OF RESIDENCE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES0.00.0.0...0.0.0.000...OOOOCOOOOOO0.0.. COMPARISON OF CHURCH MEMBERSHIP OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES................ COMPARISON OF CHURCH FINANCIAL SUPPORT WITH THE SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES... COMPARISON OF CHURCH FINANCIAL SUPPORT WITH THE SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES...0.00.00.00.00...OOOCOOOCOOCOOOOOOOOO COMPARISON OF COMMUNICANT PRACTICE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIBOO.......COOO0....OCOOCOCOCOOOOCOOOOOOC COMPARISON OF COMMUNICANT PRACTICE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES 0F NON- CHURCH FAMILIESOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOO A.COMPARISON OF SECULARIZATION SCORES 0F CHURCH AND NON-CHURCH FAMILIES HEADS WHO mE NOT COIMUNICANTSOCCOOCOOOOOC0.00000COOOOOCO A COMPARISON OF SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH AND NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHOSE HEADS ARE COPfiImNICANTSOOOOOOO0.0.0.0000...0.0.0.0.... COMPARISON OF RELIGIOUS RADIO LISTENING HABITS OF FAMILY HEADS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES IN CHURCH FAMLIESOOOOOOOIOOOOO00.0.0... COMPARISON OF RELIGIOUS RADIO LISTENING HABITS OF FAMILY HEADS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES IN NON-CHURCH FANIILIESOOOQOOOQOOOOQcoco. xix Page 108 108 124 126 126 129 129 150 150 155 153 W. *1. I.\& LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1. Logical Continuum of Selected Historical Thought and Social Forms...... 60 Figure 2. Percent of Total Score According to Category of Behavior Patterns......... 119 Figure 5. Percent of Church and Non-Church Families According to Range of Scores.... 119 I w ”.3“ 1o a» a.. 0. ‘" ”"W.v nv.‘ ‘ cult; .3 l ‘I 6.131 r 1.- (A) 5 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION PRESENTATION OF THE PROBLEM A fundamental problem of contemporary society is that of adjustment to the emergent contributions of modern science, invention, mass production, and technology, on the one hand, and to the traditional ethical, moral, and religious patterns, on the other. These latter, consisting more or less of non-rational values, antedated technology and form part of the cultural setting in which these recent empirical achievements have been made possible. The impact of these great changes in manner of securing nmn's daily necessities of life upon the traditional thought and value systems of modern man is the background problem of secularization.l Secularization is variously defined and analyzed. It is recognized among social scientists as a social process, along with accomodation, assimilation, competition, conflict, and others. Although secularization is not new, the dynamic changes of modern society within a short Span of time have LFor definition see Glossary in Appendix. 1 ': 2 caused the subject of secularization to receive considerable attention in recent years. This study proposes, on the basis of certain stated assumptions and theorems, to analyze this process, to formulate hypotheses about it, and,for purposes of demonstration, to measure within the limits imposed by the very nature of the data and the problem at hand the extent of secularization in the Rural Protestant Areas of Isabella County, Nfichigan. ASSUMPTIONS Secularization is a process which, for purposes of observation and measurement, must obviously be considered in terms of overt behavior patterns. It must, of course, be stipulated that there is a relation between overt and covert behavior.2 The present study is an investigation of a small geographical area and a rather limited cultural unit, which is examined for significance of relationship to this process,--namely, the degree of congruity between the overt religious behavior patterns endorsed, santioned, and 2"Religious cognition is an understanding which does not exist fully, prior to its cultic expression, but which has worship for a necessary vehicle of its own growth. Therefore, the religious act may be basically a mental act, but it is always a psychophysical, not one sidedly of a psychic nature." Max Scheler, quoted by Joachim Wach, Sociology of Religion. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1944. p. 19. :Mnu bud’u/ «L RTFC‘ ‘- '0‘ U . mwdm ._J. (D Finer-9- encouraged by organized religion, and the overt religious practices within the families interviewed. This assumption is in line with.Wach's statement: In a wider sense, all actions which flow from and are determined by religious experience are to be regarded as practical expression or cultus. In a narrower sense, however, we call cultus the act or acts of the homines religiosi worship......worship is not merely an accident but a genuine and essential expression of religion which likes to penetrate the totality of human life in making not only its spiritual and personal but also its material side, a vehicle and mediator of its effects.3 Traditionally among scholars, a dichotomic approach has been used in the study of the sacred and the secular. Units have been considered as being either sacred or secular. Modern social thought, however, seems to have found a study of extremes to be more logically and under- standably related in a continuum which is thought of as existing between two poles.4 3Joachim‘WacthE. cit. p. 26. 4Jessie Bernard, American Community Behavior. New York. The Dryden Press. 1949. passim Q as La; #4.. THEOREMS 5,6 Since the spiritual and the secular7 are opposites, it is proposed in this study to consider them as related along a continuum. It is further recognized that since overt behavior has covert linkages, one of the most signif- icant covert considerations related to the present study is 8 the distinction between (1) mere outward conformity to a behavior pattern, and (2) genuine concurrence9 (agreement) as well as conformity with the pattern.10 5Colloquialism seems to decree that secularization is a process moving life from the sacred over into the secular. This implies that "sacred" is one pole, and "secular" is the other. A movement from the secular to the sacred could hardly be termed "sacredization" as a meaning opposite to "secularization". The concept "sacred“ implies a relationship to deity in a rather direct and limited sense, usually based upon some form of non-rational thought processes. The move- ment from the secular toward the other extreme is in reality the recognition of the supremacy of the non-material, or incorporeal. It appears, therefore, that for the purposes of this study, the terms "spiritual" and "secular" are the most accurate designations for these extremes. With movement designated as spiritualization and secularization. 6For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 7For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 8For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 9For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 10Still another problem requiring examination is that of spontaneity and tradition in the expression of religious experience. we have learned that even primitive man's participation in social life is a process of give and take. He takes over what was handed down to him,but not without actively participating in the modification and transformation of the inherited concepts and institutions. 1;, Both concurrence and conformity are overtly expressed, but the difference between practice and agreement with the practice cannot be detected in any single act. However, it gagwbg detected'by g number 2; patterns expressive 3f intensity (qualitatively), g; interest and extent (quan- titatively), of congruity with the standard11 being evaluated. It is, thus, that covert motives become overtly evidenced, hence, observable and measurable.12 (patterns). Recent studies in the religion of primitive peoples have demonstrated great variability even within one ethnic or geographic unit, ranging from the passive acceptance of tradition to its creative transformation. Thus, it has been demonstrated that there is traceable through the whole history of worship an exceedingly intricate interplay between individual experience in religion and the various forms of traditional expression. Joachim Wach, 2p.‘gi§. p. 17. 11"Standard" is here used to refer to the overt pattern commonly accepted as that acceptable to organized religion. 12The problem of detection of genuine agreement which makes the overt act an expression of personal experience of the holy is recOgnized by Alfred North Whitehead.when he says, "Religion is the art and theory of the internal life of man," which is the direct negation of the theory of religion that it is primarily a social fact. For Whitehead religion can be condensed into, “what the individual does with his solitariness." cf. Joachim Wach, gp. git. p. 35. That it is possible to detect this genuineness is further expressed by Wach when he says, "Religion as an inner state or as a subjective experience can have no effect upon reality until it has objectified itself into a concrete mood, atmosphere, attitude, or form." If we can only pierce deeply enough through the coating of customs and ideas which are really only outward manifestations, and lay bare the basic attitude conceived and nurtured by a decisive religious experience, then the various factors of religious eXpression will become immediately intel- ligible, and seemingly divergent and incongruent thoughts and acts will be found to contain one central motivation. Ibid. p. 44-46. The impact of modern life upon these religious patterns is not one of contradiction and denial of their value, but of hierarchically re-ordering their position of importance in daily life as shown by the orientation of value-judgments13 in life situations. Value-judgments, as used herein, are considered in terms of three types that can be variously identified: Moral14 (non-rational)}5 Factual16 (empirical), and EXpedient17 (situational). A moral value-judgment relates the decision to personal belief or dogma, the objective element being the degma. and the subjective element being the belief.18 A factual value-judgment relates decision to the knowledge confirmed by demonstrable experience, the objective being the concept, and the subjective the verification of the 1$F'or definition see Glossary in Appendix. 1 4For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 15For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 16 For definition see Glossary in Appendix. l"719‘or definition see Glossary in Appendix. 18A minimum of theoretical expression is always already present in the original religious institution or experience. This non-rationalism is often represented in symbolic form, which in itself implies elements of thought or doctrine. cf. Joachim'Wach. pp. git. p. 19. Doctrine in turn serves to initiate the first movements toward official organization within a unified group. Ibid. p. 37. 19 An expedient value- concept by personal experience. judgment relates decision to a current circumstance of strategic or tactical opportunity afforded by a given situation, the objective herein being the situation, and the subjective the personal awareness and analysis of it.20 Traditionalzl American culture tended to encourage evaluation of issues first according to non-rational value- judgments, with the empirical and situational aspects relegated to secondary consideration. Modern culture appears to have re-ordered this orientation of value- judgments. Today, a first consideration is the empirical, then the situational, and finally the non-rational. The moral or non-rational is not pushed aside as being without value, but merely as being less directly related to life's current daily decisions. Howard Becker develops an analysis of this modern trend by contrasting sacred and secular in their extreme mani- festations.’ He uses the essentially rural situation as being more typically sacred. In the rural area, where primary 19This is essentially identical with the concept of "rational" as used by Talcott Parsons. cf. Talcott Parsons, ‘Structure of Social Action. New York. McGraw-Hill, 1957. pp. 19, 56, 152, 162, etc. 20This is essentially the same as the concept "rationally efficient," as eXpressed by Loomis and Beagle, who define it as "the principle of maximazation of results for effort spent." Chas. P. Loomis & J. A. Beegle. Rural Social Systems. New York. Prentice Hall, 1950. p. 782. 21For definition see Glossary in Appendix. social attitudes are the main force of social control and where economic self-sufficiency is common, isolation and primary group relations are dominant. In the urban areas, where primary controls are less effective and all relation- ships tend to be treated as a means to an end, there is a 22 and criticism.2f5 maximum of individuation, rationalism, This process, however, is going on in the rural areas as well as in the urban areas. As an illustration of the difference between modern and traditional situations, consider the plowing of a field by a farmer. In the traditional pattern horses would be used, the day's work would be related not only to the endurance of the farmer and his team, but also to his awareness of the attitude of his neighbors toward him if he overworked his horses. In the modern setting, using a tractor, the farmer needs but to consider first, whether the tractor will hold together and if he has sufficient gas and oil. In the former case, there is an initially non-rational decision to be made, while in the latter case the initial decision is empirical, then ZgRational as defined in the Glossary follows the more classical use of the term. As it is used Specifically in this study there is a "positivistic" emphasis. Rational, as here used then, requires verifiable data as well as 10gic. Non-rational is that which lacks such verifiable data. 230f. Howard Becker, "The Process of Secularization." Anerican Sociological Review, 24:158-154; 226-286, 1952. ' ‘Qfi‘n ‘.l"'.-' I. . 'I-u. situational. In the latter case, the idea of stewardship of one's body and the obligation to go home on time to associate with the family would be a non-rational decision, but would tend to be considered last.24 HYPOTHESES 0n the basis of the considerations previously stated, this study proposes three basic hypotheses, namely: 1. That secularization can be defined.and that the extremes of the secular and the spiritual can be arranged on a 10gical continuum to which overt behavior patterns can be measurably related. 2. That specific patterns of overt behavior, expressive of the faith and tradition of organized religion, can be logically arranged on a continuum. 5. That by means of a scoring procedure, overt family religious patterns can be measurably related as to their congruity with the patterns endorsed, sanctioned, and encouraged by organized religion. 2iThe bias of Western Civilization is, of course, a penchant toward machinery: a concentration of interest and effort and ability upon applying the discoveries of natural science to material purposes through the ingen- uous construction of material and social clockwork.... material engines such as motor cars, wristwatches, and bombs, and the social engines such as parliamentary constitutions, state systems of insurance, and military mobilization time-tables." Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of gistory. New York.' Oxford University Press. 946. p. 42. 10 METHODOLOGY The method followed by this study is that of selection of a random sample of families for investigation, with which a pre-tested interview schedule was fielded.25 The items on the schedule are of two types; those related to religion,and those not related to religion. Related items are scaled according to differing degrees of conformity with the generally recognized standards of organized protestant religion, which is the frame of reference for this study. Non-related items direct attention to characteristics generally regarded as common to American family life. The analysis of the data includes weighting of the items related to religion, making it possible to calculate a family secularization score. A number of comparisons are made between selected groups of families. LOGICALLY ANTICIPATED CONCLUSIONS It is to be logically anticipated that the conclusions drawn from the data thus gathered and analyzed will be related to the hierarchy of value-judgments found present 253ee schedule and map, items II. and III in the Appendix. 195 families were interviewed. Iv 11 in all groups.26 It is also to be IOgically expected that the deviation of overt family behavior from those patterns sanctioned, encouraged, and endorsed by organized religion will tend to reflect the hierarchy of importance of norms used by the family in making value-judgments by which they orient their particular behavior patterns.27 It is further to be logically expected that the more the overt behavior patterns of a family or group of families reflect the primacy of empirical or situational value- judgments, the greater will be the degree of secularization indicated; while, on the other hand, the more the overt behavior patterns of a family or group of families reflect ' the primacy of non-rational value-judgments,a lesser degree of secularization will be indicated. 26Loomis and Beegle point out that "the social systems are organizations composed of persons who interact more with members than.with non-members when Operating to attain the system's objectives.“ They also assert that both social structure and value orientation are present. By value orientation they mean norms which can be either sacred or secular. The distinction between sacred and secular being, according to their definition, "If norms are thought of as ways of maximizing returns and minimizing effort, they are secular and rational. If they are reSpected and revered so that violation results in a general emotional upheaval which may require retribution, they are sacred." C. P. Loomis & J. A. Beegle. .22..git. p. 819-820. 2'7Secularization and Spiritualization (For definition see Glossary in Appendix) as processes are discussed at length in Chapter II. Secularization is the process of orienting value- judgments to overt behavior on the basis of data hierarchically arranged to give primacy to empirical and.situational data above non-rational data. Spiritualization is the process of orienting value-judgments to overt behavior on the basis of data hierarchically arranged to give primacy to non-rational data above empirical and situational data. Finally, some suggestions as to the factors which influence a family or group of families to select a particular hierarchy of data are to be anticipated. 12 CHAPTER II WHAT IS SECULARIZATION? THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF SECULARIZATION Theoretically, secularization describes what happens to the religious structure of a people when their culture increases in complexity and.specialization. Just as religion1 makes an impression and impact upon society, so also do changes in the social structure make an impact upon religion, an impact that, as has been commonly recOgnized, has tended in modern times to institutionalize what formerly was expressive of religion, and to minimize the importance of personal covert eXperience of the holy.2’3 lFor definition see Glossary in Appendix. 2This concept has been described by Rudolph Otto: "Religion is the experience of the holy." Quoted by Joachim Wach. Sociology of Religion. Chicago. University of Chicago Press. 1947. p.FI5. 3For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 15 14 This trend is recognized by Wach, who states, “Only with growing differentiation can a marked influence of social organization, upon religion, and vice versa, be discerned."4 It can be further pointed out that Christianity has given deeper and more comprehensive teaching on the ethics of work, occupation and profession than many other religions. It is this depth that has in part made possible the unique cultural and technical development of the Western world. Calvin, along with other Protestant thinkers, emphasized a certain assurance of salvation based upon work and success, which easily became secularized, as it produced a more complex society. This has been the object of the study of Max Weber and others.5 There is, therefore, an interrelationship and inter- action between religious thought and modern culture. Protestant values in part, cradled modern culture, and in turn the new complexity of social organization has diffused certain aspects of religious expression -- such as respect for individual life, care for the aged, for orphans, or the Poor, and so on -- into what can be preperly termed a 4JoachimWach. .22. 333. p. 207. 56f. Joachim Wach, gp. git. passim; R. H. Tawney, Reli-Ilon and the Rise of Capitalism. New York. New American Library, 1957. 280 pp. 15 "secular" and a "professional" social work. The covert experiences of the holy, once a necessary foundation for such expressions, were thus reduced in both prevalence and importance. What has been just described in the larger social pattern is also taking place in other ways in the lives of individuals, so that the day-to-day value-judgments of the common man in today's world are freed from taboo, super- stition, and.due more to neglect than to unbelief, are also freed from most theological concepts. By modern use of experimental science, applying information thus gained to the meeting of human needs, the common man of today makes many more empirical judgments than non-rational ones. This change, in itself, sets the stage for reducing the primacy of non-rational value-judgments and for the increasing of the ‘primacy of empirical value-judgments. HISTORICAL.ASPECTS OF SECULARIZATION Some of the changes that have occurred in recent years were at least in part anticipated by the Secularists of a generation ago who advocated the so-called doctrine of secularism.6 Secularism is defined as an ethical system founded on natural morality apart from revealed religion 01' Supernaturalism. Secularism does not declare that the 6For definition see Glossary in Appendix. fit, 5 O ,‘f' 16 good of the present life is the only good, but rather asserts that the good of the present life is a "real" good. It does not negate duty but does affirm that there is "light and guidance" in secular7 truth. Secularists themselves asserted that man should devote his time and attention only to duties and interests of this world.8 Secularism concentrates attention on the present life. It is an ethics not dependent upon religion. At one time this teaching was identified, for example, with a movement in England advocating the disestablishment of the Episcopal Church as the State Church of England.9 Events in the past half century in American life, as it has become urbanized and industrialized, have given a social setting wherein engrossment in the pursuits of the present life, with its commodity comforts, has been greatly stimulated. The increase in interest in the materials of life, and in the areas of knowledge about material develOpe ment, has of necessity crowded out many of the elaborate notions of the sacred of a century ago.10 7For definition see Glossary in Appendix. 8Americana Engyclopedia, 1948 edition, Vol. 24, pp. 521, Vol. 23, pL 560. 669_New International Encyclopedia, 1950 edition, Vol. 26, p' 40 1uld be eating° to sunset, watching; to tennis, playing the game.30 In the light of these rather discerning descriptive analyses, value can be stated in the formula: Value is a function of "feeling" tines "set" times "action." "Feeling" is indicative of attitude or a tendency to act in a formative state, "set" is indicative of the formative element crystalized into a definite attitude or tendency to act, and "action", is the consummatory overt manifestation of the feeling and set that lay back of the action. Value is thus, as Friedman states, feeling, set, and action.31 Recognition of values as being the combination of feeling, set, and action,establishes the logical basis for the analysis of the data of this study. Participation in overt behavior patterns which are sanctioned, endorsed, and encouraged by organized religion certainly can be reasonably assumed to involve feeling, set, and action. If so, this is a study of values: hence, the methodologically conventional techniques of locating and measuring values can be applied to the data at hand with.both logical and scientific consistency. 44 It should, of course, be pointed out at the outset that overt behavior as an index of values has limitations as follows: 1. It may show only what the person did, rather than what he tried to do, whereas future acts would be more in line with what he tried to do.52 2. It does not tell what the person would do under changed conditions. 5. It gives little hint as to whether the person would discard values he worked for in the past.53 4. It usually fails to locate the values, the necessity for filose recurrence is infrequent. 5. It makes no use of inner attitude toward a thing, which, because of subsequent reflection, no longer corresponds to the attitude evidenced in the previous value of behavior. 6. It may not always be clear whether the activity was consummatory or a means to bring about another activity that would be consummatory.34 In spite of these limitations -- which apply in measuring any overt data and interpreting it in terms of its covert linkages-- the assumption that there are such relationships is generally recognized by specialists in the sociology of religion, social psychology, and in the methodology of attitude measurement.55 52Regularity and repetition would logically imply covert intention according to this. SSCf. Footnote 16, comment by La Pierre. 34Bertha Friedman. .gp. cit., passim. 55Joachim Wach. pp. cit., passim; Gordon Allport, ‘22. cit., passim; Bertha Friedman, 22. cit., passim. ntz’. 45 Before proceeding to a consideration of the quantification of values, it is well to recognize that values tend to repre- sent objects toward which one directs desires and attitudes.36 Spranger named and described six types of value, namely: theoretical, economic, aesthetic, political, social, and 7 religious}.7 This study is, of course, concerned primarily ‘ with religious values, and such correlation as they may have with other types of value or behavior. Talcott Parsons defines value as an element of a shared symbolic system which serves as a criterion or a standard.for selection among the alternatives of orientation, ; i which are intrinsically Open in a situation.58 He also I recognizes that overt patterns are related to covert meanings: "Value-orientation59 patterns can only be internalized from outside through reciprocal attachments, with.possible creative modifications within the personality."40 Orientation has n-‘ —“_1_l“ certain categories, according to Parsons: (1) social object; (2) role; (5) facilities by which orientation is made; (4) rewards offered for making the orientation; and (5) cultural 366f. 8. Stansfeld Sargent. Social Psycholggy. New'York. Ronald Press. 1950. p. 143. 57Ibid. p. 143. 38Talcott Parsons. The Social System. Glencoe, Ill. Free Press. 1951. p. 12. ngor definition see Glossary in the Appendix. 40110101. p . 215. .\ w . ’ I . ‘ w . o . C . . U . h ‘ I n w . ‘ . z- ' .. . - . I O O ‘ . 9 . , U . c— 7 - » ...i. . - o , .- -.. a» — - 46 factors involved such as ideology, religion, and regulative social structures.41 The "types" of values named by Spranger, and the "categories" of orientation of Parsons reflect a rather similar analytical structure, which justifies the present interpretation that values find their expression in certain areas of life. The values are covert, but the expression is overt, hence observable and measurable. Value, then, can be considered as a magnitude encompassing covert and overt elements. When value is considered as a magnitude, every evidence of value is some degree or quantity of that magnitude.42 Any measurement of such a magnitude must be made with reference to some kind of starting point, and must be related to a "point of indifference" or neutrality.“5 A second requirement of measurement,is a unit-of-measurement. Such units must be assigned a numerical value and be capable of being handled statistically.44 This may be called "the quantification of values."45 Ibid. p. 157. 42Bertha B. Friedman. 22. cit. p. 77. 43Loc. cit. 44Ibid. p. 78. 45Ibid. Chapter VII. 47 Quantification can be made in two ways: (1) the value object can be evaluated in relationship to ratios of units of behavior to particular performance of value behavior, and (2) the amount of time, money spent, etc. as a quantity.46 These two methods of quantification are applied in this study. First, a family secularization score is established (this score based upon the units of behavior and their degree of conformity to the patterns commonly recognized to be fully sanctioned and encouraged by organized religion.) Second, these methods of quantification are applied in this study by establishing three categories of scores as indicative of the quantity of devotion to, indifference toward, and non-concurrence with, the values related to overt behavior patterns of organized religion. In assigning value to objective items, the scored items are listed, degrees of preference and ranking deter- mined, and a check-list procedure followed.47 The items are listed in this study, with a continuum of score values according to different degrees of conformity to the standard indicated; the standard is specified to be a pattern of behavior commonly recOgnized as indicative of conformity to the patterns sanctioned, encouraged, and endorsed by organized religion. 46Ibid. p. 85. 4VBertha Friedman. '22. cit. pp. 147-157. 48 Summary of measurement theory as related to this study. 1. .Emphasis in contemporary measurement methodology accents, in part at least, analyzing attitudes and their relationship to value-judgments. 2. Values are recognized as a part of as well as independent of the individual person. 5. Whatever theory of value is embraced, it is value consciousness that serves an important integrative function on the basis of such concepts as "deity," "nature,“ "develop- ment of the total self," or of "the rational self." 4. Values refer to both feeling and behavior. 5. Overt behavior, as an index of value, has definite limitations. 6. In spite of such limitations, it is generally recognized that there are sufficient covert linkages to make masurement possible. 7. Measurement of value requires a logical quali- tative continuum and a quantitative evaluation in terms of some type of number system that can be statistically analyzed. 49 LOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE AREA OF CONSIDERATION Secularization is a social process; as such, by definition, it may be said to take place in a social setting. As previously defined, it is herein considered as the "orientation of overt behavior tO'value-judgments arrived at upon the basis of empirical data." Just as the process of assimilation, for example, assumes the existence of a majority and a minority group and the process is a social movement by which the majority group envelope the minority but in.which certain modifications occur, so in the case of secularization certain social adjustments are made. Secularization, as a process, assumes, as we have seen, the existence of two types of data upon which value-judgments can be based, namely, the non-rational and the empirical. By non-rational is meant (by way of an Operational definition for the purpose of this study) all data that cannot be demonstrably verified as objective data. This conception does not intend to imply that non-rational phenomena are unreal or non-existent, but it does assert that judgments about them rest upon non-experimental, speculative basis. By empirical is meant objective data which.can be approached and analyzed in terms of observable and observing experience, data, in other words, which are or can be under- stood as verifiable, sense-perceived: i.e., categories of observation and analysis. 50 The social process of secularization is a movement or trend in the life of individuals and groups. It is generally regarded, both by theological and non-theological writers alike, as we have seen, as a trend away from a spiritual understanding and interpretation of life toward an empirical, technological understanding and approach to life. The process of secularization is the opposite of the process, which, for operational purposes, can be termed "spiritualization." Between the pole of the spiritual and the technological (or secular) is a continuum that can be viewed in several different ways: as being (1) from simple to complex intellectual factors, (2) chronologically from primitive to modern, and (5) logically from the "least materialistic“ to the "most materialistic" in content. This variety of analysis is cited to reflect the fact that the process of seculariza- tion is a movement which is stimulated by a social situation and which in turn modifies and directs the social situation by which it is stimulated.48 Although some confusion seems to exist in the use of terms, there is little doubt that the terms "sacred" and “secular“ can be in some ways identified.with "religion" and "science" respectively. C. H. Toy, in his classic study of the history of religion, states: 48Joachim'Wach. ‘22. cit. Chapter VI deals at length Wi th this line of thought. 51 Science and.religion are coeval in man's history. Both are independently continuous and progressive. So far as they (sequences of phenomena) are held to act upon him (man) intentionally, the knowledge of them constitutes his theory of religion. So far as they (sequences of phenomena) are not regarded as acting intentionally upon him £8an) (they) constitute man's science and philosophy. Similarly, in discussing the nature and function of religion, Professors Loomis and Beegle, quoting Malinowski, point out: Ritual prevails only when there are factors in the situation beyond rational understanding and control. In situations where participants can accurately predict and control the outcome, such as shollow-water fishing among the Trobriand Islanders, activities gan be explained in terms of rational norms of efficiency.5 In the preceding statements, two distinctions are made between the spiritual and the secular. One concerns purpose: thus when man conceives the purpose of a phenomenon to be other than of his own choosing, then his relation to that phenomenon is religious and the situation is spiritual. On the other hand, when man conceives of the Purpose to be either lacking or under his own control, man's relation to that phenomenon is scientific. The second -'_" L p ' .‘ 'F'r‘ I. . I‘ 9 I f 5 '2..-'., -. ‘ 'C‘w . ‘ .‘ 31"};55'. w- r' ""‘v "1 pi Ii.‘ 0 .1 .',.' no r. - ’l ‘ 5'1 ‘ ‘— ‘ a ‘ C ('1' ;‘ I '0 ‘. '— r " -‘ -;;y-r; '! '.r.; 1 a, "n. I -' ' a - ‘0 ‘I ,a ,. ' jl 'a- f". .‘ v’. ' - .'- I .' ' '. I .f 9 ‘ O 4'; ‘ '0 o . , kt vl 60 Figure 1. Logical Continuum of Selected Historical Thought and Social Forms. SPIRITUAL POLE Mans61 or animatism Animism Pantheism Polytheism Monotheism Revelationism Theologism PhilosOphicalism Ethicism Speculative scientism NATURALISM Experimental scientism Science and invention. (Secularism as a teaching) Mass Productionism High Finance Capitalism Non-Transcendental ideologies (non-theological integrationism.) Greatly advanced technological development. SECULAR POLE It is the purpose of the preceding diagram to set forth the fact that a spiritual interpretation of natural phenomena contains a minimum of the secular and decisions based upon 61For definition see Glossary in the Appendix. 61 empirical data. A belief in linear evolution and the inevitability of progress exists at a point of relative indifference between faith in a non-material, uncaused, cause (numen or deity) at the one extreme, and faith in a completely controlled environment in the hands of man, made possible by the advanced application of science to control natural phenomena to man's own purposes, which is the other extreme. The decisions in a technological interpretation of phenomena tend to be based upon empirical value-judgments. As previously stated, human beings have always employed a technological and a religious interpretation of the world; the differences are in the quality of the concepts, and quantity of the applications of the two thought systems. Specific frame of reference. The specific frame of reference used in this study is that of behavioral practices which are accepted forms of organized religious expression. These forms are as follows: Personal Items (related to interviewee)62 1. Reasons for church membership. 2. Reasons for not belonging to the church. 5. Prayer patterns of the interviewee. 4. Interviewees self-interpretation as to whether he or the family is of a particular denominational faith or belief. 5. Patterns of religious radio listening. 6. Patterns of religious radio support. 7. Approval or disapproval of drinking, drunkenness, and dancing.6:5 6296% of all interviewees were male or female family heads. 65These items are grouped here, but were separate items on the schedule. 62 Family Items (involving only household members) 1. Practice of saying table grace. 2. Patterns of family prayer, other than interviewee. 5. Bible reading practices. 4. Possession of religious relics or mottoes. 5. Number of religious magazines in the home. 6. Number of Bibles or Testaments owned. Extra-family Items (involving social relations) 1. Attendance at Church or Sunday School. 2. Attendance at other church functions. 5. Financial support of the church. Responses to each of the above items are of such a nature that they reflect varying degrees of conformity to the most religiously ideal pattern cf behavior, or, stated conversely, they also reflect degrees of non-conformity to the most religiously ideal behavior.64 These varying responses are related to a five point continuum: for example, reasons for church membership on the schedule used were, "beliefs," "it helps me," and "other reasons." It is assumed that "beliefs" express spiritual values to a greater degree than "spiritual help" or any of the other reasons given. Detailed Scoring Procedure. All items on the index list could be answered in any one of four ways: (1) Yes or No; (2) Yes, No or Doubtful; (5) Regular, Occasional, Sekiom, 64According to conventional Protestantism. 65 Never; (4) Regular, Frequently, Occasionally, Seldom, Never. Actual wording varied but the lowest number of alternatives was two, the highest five. The answer most congruent with fine frame of reference was evaluated '0", next "1“, next “2“, next "3", and least "4".65 In cases where the answer had two alternatives "yes" was scored either "0" or "4" and "no" was scored the Opposite, according to the meaning of the response. It is in this way that the higher the family score, or the mean.score of a group of families, the greater the deviation of practice of the group concerned from the frame of reference used. The following listing shows the index items as they are logically arranged between the poles of the continuum and the point values assigned to each.66 SPIRITUAL POEE (Items here listed are most ideal according to the frame of reference used for this study, namely, that of organized protestant religion.) "0" Zero scored items. 65Agreement with this procedure was expressed, after conferences on the matter, by two independent consultants locally available. 66Note, the items here listed are not a listing of the items on the schedule but a list of the overt behavior patterns covered by the scheduled items. The items them- selves were selected on the basis presented on page 51, namely, ”that of certain overt practices which are accepted forms of organized religious expression." For specific items see schedule in Appendix. (I.l'»~.° 5‘. .1 64 Personal items Church.membership because of belief. No church membership due to neglect. Interviewee prays regularly. Interviewee considers self or family as of a specific denominational faith of some kind. Regular listening to religious radio programs. Regular financial support of religious radio programs. Disapproval for religious reasons of drunkenness, drinking, or dancing. Familial items Regular table grace. Bedtime prayer for children regularly. Other family head prays. One or both family heads reads Bible. Religious mottoes or relics owned by purchase. Some religious magazine subscribed to. Five or more Bibles and Testaments in the home. Extra-family items Attend church 1-5 times a.month or more. Attend Sunday school 1-5 times a month or more. Attend other church functions regularly. Support the church proportionately to income. “1" One point scored items Personal items Interviewee prays once a day. Familial items The Bible is read regularly by someone other than family head. Table Grace is observed when the family is without gue Sta 0 Extra-family items Church attendance once per month. Sunday school attendance once per month. ‘..p,‘.l. ..... . . ., (3.9.2.11 .r 1:. e. a I! 4 (.5: ‘- . . ct 65 MIDPOINT BETWEEN POLES. "2“ Two point scored items Personal items Church membership because it helps the member. Church membership omitted for some reason other than neglect. Occasional listening to religious radio. Occasional support of religious radio. Disapproval of drunkenness, drinking, or dancing for other than religious reasons. Familig; items Others than family heads pray. Bedtime prayers observed occasionally. Religious mottoes, relics owned by gift. One to four Bibles or testaments in the home. Extra-family items Occasional attendance at non-worship church functions. Support the church other than proportionately. "5" Three point scored items Personal items Interviewee prays occasionally. Familial items Bible is read occasionally by other than family head. Table grace is seldom observed. Extra-family items Occasional church attendance. Occasional Sunday school attendance. "4" Four point scored items Personal items Belonging to church for reasons other than belief or help it gives. Not belonging to the church because it is adjudged to have no value. Interviewee considers self and family of no church faith. Interviewee never prays. Religious radio never listened to. Religious radio never supported. Drunkenness, drinking, and dancing not disapproved. 66 Familial items No table grace. No bedtime prayer for children. No one prays. Bible is never read. No religious mottoes or relics. No religious magazines subscribed to. No Bibles or Testaments owned. Extra-family items Never attend church. Never attend Sunday school. Never attend other church functions. Do not support the church at all. SECULAR POLE OF THE CONTINUUM. The preceding listing of items and score values presents the distribution of the items covered in the schedule as they are related to the continuum and numerically evaluated. Every item in the schedule dealing with these factors was scored according to the response given in the interview. When the response on the schedule provided for a tally for each member of the family, it was so recorded and scored; when the response was made by the interviewee for the entire family, only one recording of the item was made. In order to make individual family scores comparable, the points recorded for each member of a family were averaged before becoming a part of the total score. For instance, a family of 5 all of whom never attended church would score a total of 20 points. A family of 5 would score only 12 points. To make 67 these comparable the 20 points would be divided by 5 and the 12 points by 5, which would, in each case, give the family a score of 4 for this item,---the same score for the same This practice was followed consistently, so that behavior. the family scores are comparable regardless of family size. Ideal-typical classification of scored items67 By checking the specific items against an ideal-typical family who behaves with utmost conformity to outward patterns of protestant religion but who does not evidence by its outward patterns more than conformity, the following possible score can be obtained: 1. Occasional church attendance 5 pts. 2. Occasional Sunday School attendance 5 pts. 5. Regular church support. (Not proportionate) 2 pts. 4. Membership for "other" reasons.(Not belief) 4 pts. 5. Interviewee does not pray. 4 pts. 6. Family does consider selves of faith. 68 0 pts. 7. Occasionally listen to religious radio. 2 pts. 8. Do not support religious radio. 4 pts. 9. Disapprove drunkenness, drinking, dancing for other than religious reasons. 6 pts. 10. Occasional table grace (seldom). 5 pts. 67This designation is used to denote an analysis of the data by which it is assumed that a so-called ideal-typical family is going to behave as religiously as possible but come short of genuine covert intention. A second ideal-typical family of whom it is assumed that they are in reality covertly in rebellion against the ideals and ideas of religion but they desire to behave in a manner that is beyond criticism by the community, hence a score is totalled assuming they behave as ir-religiously as possible without betraying their non- concurrence with religion. 681n the families covered by this study there is no evidence of any religious scruples against a religious use of radio. 68 11. No prayer. 4 pts. 12. No Bible reading. 5 pts. 15. Relics and Mottoes by gift only. 4 pts. 14. Own 1-4 Bibles. 2 pts. 15. Subscribe to religious magazines. 0 pts. 16. Attend other church activities. 0 pts. Total 44 pts. It may be argued, in the light of the foregoing theoretical arguments,that all overt action carries some covert intent, that aiming at conformity might possibly produce a somewhat lower score. A score of 44 points, however, is a reasonable estimate of the lowest score it would be possible for a family to obtain in behavior which is without any devout intentions, their concern being only the social implications of religiously acceptable behavior. At the other extreme our ideal typical family will aim at behaving as far from the accepted standard as possible, yet wishing to conceal any covert rebellion against the accepted standards. The following possible score would thus be obtained: 1. Some support of the church.(Not proportionately) 2 pts. 2. Occasional attendance at other activities. 2 pts. 5. Occasional church attendance. 5 pts. 4. Occasional Sunday school attendance. 5 pts. 5. Either not belong or for other reasons. 4 pts. 6. No table grace. 4 pts. 7. No bedtime prayer. 4 pts. 8. Family heads do not pray. 4 pts. 9. No one in home prays. 4 pts. 10. No one in home offers grace or bedtime prayer. 4 pts. 11. No one teaches children prayers. 4 pts. 12. No Bible reading. 4 pts. 15. No religious radio listening or support. 8 pts. 14. Approve drunkenness, drinking, dancing. 4 pts. 15. No religious decorations. 8 pts. 16. No Bibles. 4 pts. Total score points. 66 pts. 69 It might be argued that this latter family could go somewhat farther in non-conformity, but for purposes of making a definite line of demarcation at a lOgical point this score appears to be justified. A family could score as high as 66 points and still be religiously acceptable in the community and not necessarily be antagonistic to the general ideas of religion. Upon the basis of this classification of scored items it is anticipated that groups of families falling below a mean score of 44 will tend to be expressing greater devotion in their religious patterns. Groups of familkes scoring 67 points or above for a mean score, will tend to be expressing, in their neglect of religious patterns, varying degrees of indifference and antagonism to the covert ideals of religion. This will be given further consideration in the presentation of the analysis of the data in following chapters. Summary of logic ofgprocedural techniques. 1. The continuum concept is thought to exist between two poles, and at no point on the continuum is the presence of Opposite factors totally absent. 2. The point midway between the poles is thought of as the point of indifference, previously noted as essential in measurement of values. 5. The Specific frame of reference, location of each item on the continuum, and numerical value assigned, has been 6Xplained and related to the spiritual-secular extremes. {gr ,‘ 70 4. The total range of scores has been divided into three ranges by postulating two ideal-typical families, one desiring to highly conform, the other barely to conform, to accepted religious norms, neither possessing covert desires of devotion. 5. By dividing the Specific items between personal, familial, and extra-family items, the importance of these factors in determining degree of conformity can be subse- quently analyzed. EXAMINATION OF THE DATA FOR VALIDITY Validity is the ability of a measuring instrument to measure what it purposes to measure.69 In this study the proof that the measuring instrument is valid does 293 constitute 2322; that the index of overt behavior patterns acceptable to organized religion is a gpod index of seculari- zation, but that this instrument does measure with consistency such overt patterns previously selected as an index. The acceptability of the index chosen rests upon a lOgical and theoretical basis previously considered. Therefore at this point our only concern must be with the measuring instrument. Validity is established by checking one form of behavior measured by an instrument of measure with another form of behavior with which there is an inferred relationship.'70 69Cf. Paul H. Furfey. The ScOpg and Method of Sociology. New York. Harper and Brothers. 1955. p. 428. vof. T. M. Newcomb. Social Psychology. New York. Dryden. 1950. p. 162. "_'.‘I..‘ . .s‘io 'l .‘J-I’ . f. 71 There are three types of tests commonly used by sociologists, (l) psychometric scales, (2) demogrametrics, and (5) sociometric scales. The latter is the type used to measure social processes.71 The simplest test for validity is to compare the instrument used with a standard already recognized as valid. Such a standard is technically known as a criterion. The problem is, of course, to find an adequate standard or criterion with which to make the comparison. It may be possible to validate an instrument by showing that it distinguishes sharply between groups which are already known. This is called the known group or face-validity method.72 Another instrument used to reduce phenomena as gathered in raw data to an objective measuring instrument, is that of a weighted random check list in which the judge who applies the instrument checks descriptions in the instrument as the person or group being rated responds.73 The validity of data can be measured when there is some check between the data and an independent source of similar information which would indicate that the answers to an interview schedule or a questionnaire are honest answers. vlcf. Paul Furfey. ‘22. cit. p. 451. szbid. p. 429. 73Ibid. p. 456. ea.§-' ~ - l, :1!" ‘ah'I-ll, ‘ N“ 1 , _ o . . . y p . "\'- f1" ”’4. “-.‘ - " d". . ‘ . ' . I - ‘ .. ‘ I‘ ‘< ' :. .' -; 0 ' .. I I O ‘ . I, '1‘... I. . ‘ ’. .j - 1 ¢ . ' '7 Q l r' ‘M, ‘5 o .59," ff? ' ' . 1‘5 '- v_, ,. ", v. (- k ., \ .. - .. . . ,‘- -.‘ we ‘ O :47 ' .. a ' "".k' ’5‘ ':4 ' ‘ ‘ ‘4 .. .' 5-1 0. . - . ‘5 "'\'-L ' Plfiffi’ ‘ J. .| I Ti‘fim' a ,; "C- a‘ . I .‘ ‘i 7 4‘ “.3 ' ', «‘4' x . .. A‘ ‘ ‘ . . ,. . '-.§.fi_.‘f .' _, 4 72 The data of this study has been subjected to the following methods of validation: l. A test on the basis of inferred relations. 2. A test on the basis of face-validity. 5. A comparison of these data with other data from sources entirely independent of this study. _A_:test on the basis of inferred relations. The procedural techniques used in establishing a secularization 'score have been previously discussed, and the detailed scoring procedure explained. Since the index which is used is in a frame of reference of religious behavior patterns, and since the score is designed to show secularization, the lowest degree of conformity produces the highest score, and vice versa. Membership in the church was not scored because it is a static relationship, while in so far as possible scored items were functional, and, as previously explained, functional items have varying degrees of conformity with the ideal function according to protestant religious ideology. Although not a suitable item for scoring, very obviously, membership should have a high degree of correlation with functional practices. It is therefore reasonable and lOgical to assume that families whose heads are one or both church members would score lower than families wherein neither head belongs to the church. 75 The inference of relationship between the measuring instrument and church membership is vindicated by the data which shows that those families in which the husband is a church member there is a.mean score of 44.8 compared with a mean score of 69.0 for all families in which the husband is not a member of any church. This is a score difference of 25.8 points. This difference is statistically significant at the one percent level.”4 There is a further vindication of this inference when the scores of those families wherein neither husband nor wife are church members is compared with scores of those families where both are church members. Where both are members the mean score is 50.5, compared with 75.8 for families wherein neither family head is a church member, a difference of 25.5 score points, which is also significant statistically at the one percent level. The fact that the items in the instrument of measure- ment which are scored, when compared with an unscored item where a logical relationship can be inferred, indicates that the score variations follow the legically assumed.pattern and hence tend to validate the instrument. 74Here and throughout this study, statistical significance is based upon tables deve10ped by Vernon Davies, showing Significance of Differences Between Percentages and Between means, Pullman, washington. State College of Washington. June, 1951 Bulletin. 151. f, _.d’ ,4, ‘ I, r l ' b 7" 'h “ -.‘ ‘ __‘ . . I , . 'w .' - ' . J . . ‘1 .I.’ Q .mfif‘ I ' 'h r ,7). ‘w .‘Y‘Q . ’ .‘f '5. S .1” _ I .81!!! 7 ~‘ I. :01: l‘ A, '5. \ ..~I'-n ax- golJ" i. “'I 17"x'.-’;,w a f. .‘ I '. ' ' if {.3 ”a I . \ _" a I ’ . 9 . . ' 0' , ‘I , ' l ,t .. 74 A test on the basis of face-validity. The great majority of the.families in this study were totally unknown to this author; but since a few families interviewedv5 were within the geographical bounds of the parish in which the writer was Pastor, twenty families were known. These families were divided into two groups, those known to the writer to have definite interest in the church and known to be active participants, and those known to be indifferent to the church. The mean score of the families known to be interested in the church was 42.9 score points. The mean score of the group known to be indifferent was 77.4. This is a score difference of 54.5. These families were also known to the wife of the Pastor and she independently classified the twenty families into two groups. Her classification showed an average score for the church families of 51.2 and for the indifferent families 79.5. A score difference of 28.5. Such a score difference as 54.5 and 28.5, respectively can be compared with a score difference of 18.4 as the difference in mean score between all church families and all non-church families, according to the membership of one or more family head (for chuch families) or no membership held by family heads (non-church families). 75The interviews were conducted by a College Student of Central Michigan College of Education, Mount Pleasant, Nuchigan, not by the writer. 75 The foregoing is an application of the "face-validity“ test described by Furfey..76 The results of this test also indicate a valid instrument. A test on the basis of comparison with other data. Four different types of data have been selected for comparison between the data of this study and independent sources out- side the study. These types of data pertain to gross family income, years completed in school, the prevalence of modern household conveniences, and circulation of six leading magazines. Table I compares the data on income as shown by this study with data on income in Kent, Shiawassee, and Cheboygan Counties of Michigan, as reported in Special Bulletin 552 of September, 1948 of the Michigan State College Experiment Station.77 TABLE I GROSS INCOME OF 195 FAMILIES INTERVIEWED IN ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN AND OF 506 FAMILIES IN OTHER AREAS OF MICHIGAN W Income Groups Isabella Other Area Data County Data No Percent Ranka No Percent Ranka Under $1,000 20 ll 4 60 20 4 $1,001-2,000 28 16 5 69 24 5 2,001-5,000 54 51 2 89 27.5 2 5,001- up 76 45 l 88 29 1 a. Rank indicates group with largest number from 1 to 4 76Paul H. surrey. 2p. cit. p. 445-446. 770. R. Hoffer, Health anngealth Services for Michigan Farm Families. Bulletin 552. September, 1948. p. 50. MHChigan State College Bulletin. ‘ of, 76 Table II. makes a comparison between the data of this study and that of the study referred to above, on the matter of years spent in school. There is no difference in data on husbands, but a slight difference in data on wives. TABLE II GRADE COMPLETED IN SCHOOL BY HUSBANDS AND WIVES IN 195 FAMILIES INTERVIEWED IN ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN AND OF 506 FAMILIES IN OTHER AREAS OF MICHIGAN - t Educational Isabella Data Other Data Group No. Percent Ranka No. Percent Ranka WIVES Under 8 gr. 12 6 4 54 14 5 8 gr. grad. 67 55 2 112 58 2 9-12 grade 88 46 l 126 45 1 Over 12 gr. 24 12 5 l7 5 4 HUSBANDS Under 8 gr. 26 15 5 66 22 5 8 gr. grad. 75 45 1 154 44 1 9-12 grade 62 57 2 87 29 2 Over 12 gr. 8 5 4 7 5 4 a. Rank indicates group with largest number cases The data of this study is compared with the study of Dr. C. R. Hoffer, further in Table III, as it pertains to the prevalence of modern conveniences. A comparison of the data as it pertains to subscriptions to six leading magazines is shown in Table IV. In this comparison one magazine, "Successful Farming,“ is dispro- portionately high. Investigation revealed that a salesman 77 working full time for this magazine is located in the county studied and of course, works his home territory well. Although no one method of validation of data is entirely acceptable, nor can one method.prove data to be valid, it is evident from the feregoing facts that the schedule used and the data gathered in this study has yielded data that is valid on the basis of (l) inferred relations, (2) face-validity, (5) comparison with independent data. EXAMINATION OF THE DATA FOR RELIABILITY Reliability is the ability of a measuring instrument to yield consistent results, an obviously essential quality for any instrument. It is customary to report reliability TABLE III MODERN CONVENIENCES IN 195 ISABELLA COUNTY HOMES AND IN 506 HOMES IN OTHER RURAL MICHIGAN AREAS Conveniences Isabella Data Other Data Rank No. Percent Ranka No. Percent Ranka Diff. Electricity 191 99 l 260 84 l 0 Telephone 84 44 5 140 45 4 -1 Running Water 146 79 5 177 57 2 -1 Indoor Toilet 101 55 4 96 51 5 l Refrigerator 174 90 2 171 55 5 1 a. Rank according to size of group 78 TABLE IV SUBSCRIBERS TO SIX LEADING MAGAZINES IN ALL OF MICHIGAN AND IN 195 HOMES IN ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN Magazines Isabella Data National Datab Rank No. Percent Ranka No. Percent Ranka Diff. Colliers 24 14 5 189 26 l -2 Mich. Farmer 2O 15 4 154 18 5 -l Pathfinder 15 7 6 60 8 6 0 Farm Journal 56 54 1 165 24 2 l Cappers Farmer 16 10 5 85 15 4 -1 Successful Farming 55 22 2 81 ll 5 5 a. Rank in terms of volume of subscribers. b. National Data stated in thousands. Source: Standard Rate and Data Service, August 11, 1950. pp. 16 and 256. by giving a coefficient of correlation or standard error, or both.78 There are three common ways of determining this coefficient, namely, (1) the test and retest method, (2) the use of parallel forms, (5) the split-half method.'79 In this study the split-half’method is used as follows: 1. A random sample of 45 families was taken from the data of the study. 2. The score value for scored items was doubled and every other scored item used for computing a score. 5. Again, doubling the score value, a score was computed using the other half of the scored items. 78Paul Furfey. .gp. cit. p. 427. 790m. Paul Furfey. op. cit. pp. 427-428. 79 4. A coefficient of correlation was figured by the Product-moment method to which was applied the Spearman-Brown formula.80 This coefficient of correlation of .76. 5. The standard error of such a coefficient is .045.81 6. Table V contains the scores for the 45 cases, and the score as computed on each half of the scored items. It is evident, therefore, according to the split-half test, the measuring instrument of this study is reliable in that a schedule of half the items used would have given essentially the same results. 80Pauline V. Young. '22. cit. pp. 297-298. The actual computation was made by I.B.M. office statistician at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln, Nebraska. 81Karl J. Holzinger. Statistical Tables for Students iggEducation and Psychology. Chicago. University of Chicago Press. 1951. Table X, p. 66. ttttt 80 TABLE V THE SPLIT-HALF COMPARISON The following is a random sample of 45 of the 195 families covered in the study. Values of scored index items were doubled and scores computed on the odd and even items with results as follows: Family Number Odd Items Even Items 1 85 102 2 78 92 5 52 68 4 76 102 5 44 48 10 74 50 14 54 55 18 48 25 22 65 85 24 55 52 29 26 52 54 66 67 59 45 17 44 41 50 49 68 56 50 50 68 52 72 52 54 55 55 56 57 69 60 42 52 64 54 52 69 85 84 74 57 59 79 64 80 84 76 80 89 56 58 94 46 29 99 62 91 105 81 71 110 80 48 115 65 71 120 44 56 125 75 74 150 75 67 155 77 87 140 77 84 145 55 47 150 60 94 160 61 74 180 76 48 185 58 73 190 67 47 195 68 80 Titals 4:5 2578 2649 The coefficient of correlation after applying the Spearman.Bnown formula was .76. This was computed by the I.B.M. statistician at the University of Nebraska Bureau of Instructional Research. . Ilr‘. J; 0 .fl. . mud . i I (,r .- ..’t' 81 SUMMARY OF CHAPTER III In this chapter there have been presented the theories of the sociology of religion which are pertinent to the basic problem of this research, namely, that overt religious acts are expressive of covert experiences of the holy, these experiences being expressive either of non- rational intent or of a combination of intent and tradition. In this light, the selection of overt behavior patterns sanctioned, encouraged and endorsed by organized religion in the area of study, becomes a legical choice as one index of secularization, the index with which this study is concerned. The theories related to the measurement of value as they have been reviewed here indicate that value consciousness is an integrating factor in society, and that such judgments can be measured by overt behavior, due to covert linkages between overt acts and covert value-judgments. Such a measurement is achieved by setting up a logical continuum to which quantitative number values can be related and scores established. This approach has also been shown to be consistent with certain authorities in the field of Social Psychology. The area of consideration in this data has been considered, pointing out that secularization is a trend or movement in a social setting, that involves the decrease of non-rational and increase of empirical value-judgments in orienting overt behavior. ‘ .' C . O ‘5. . o. ' _ _ ' l u. hr. . J»... u . J. . .' ...... . , . . a!” t! z 0‘ ; 5., o 5.1 . n. V 82 The procedural techniques followed in this study have been theoretically anticipated and explained. The continuum concept has been used to align relationships between a spiritual and secular pole, and related to a set of specific behavior patterns. A numerical value was assigned, giving the highest value to those patterns indicative of the greatest secularization, and the lowest numerical values to those indicative of the least secularization. Both significant Score differences and three categories of scores determined by a classification of ideal-typical families representing extremes of a conformity continuum have been defined. Finally, this chapter has discussed the problem of validity and reliability, applying suitable tests to the data at hand, which indicates that the data satisfactorily meet these tests of validity and reliability. In the following chaptersis presented an analysis of the data in terms of both the logically anticipated relation- ships and those factors discernible by the use of this instrument which would otherwise not be discovered. . ...- . .717... a... . r. .. ., .... ....r... 55...! . .)(.fl..b - .. ... . . . . ..I . . 3 ...P. . .. . H.530 dna I (..-. . . ... . ... .d .,.l v.7 ..p.... .I. p v . 4. . . w . . I C plea... l. . .... , I. CHAPTER IV SOCIAL STATUS OR POSITION IN RELATION TO SECULARIZATION In the previous chapters it has been pointed out: 1. That secularization, as a process, involves the orientation of value judgments to overt behavior on the basis of a hierarchy of thought processes giving dominance to empirical value-judgments and giving a recessive position to non-rational value-judgments. 2. That religion is an experience of the holy, involving quantitative, qualitative, and expressive (capacity) experiences--quality being the depth of the experience, quantity being the amount of experience, and capacity being the effectiveness of expression of the experience.1 3. That overt action has covert linkages. 4. That covert experience, although delayed, tends ultimately to find overt manifestations. 5. That study of the process of secularization is implemented by the selection of an overt index, which can be theoretically and logically arranged on a continuum, with numerical values assigned for scoring. 6. That the index chosen in this study comprises certain overt activities endorsed, sangtioned, and encouraged by organized Protestant religion. 1Joachim Wach. SociOlogy of Religion. Chicago, Illinois. University of Chicago Press, 1951. pp. 576, 577. 2This is the frame of reference for this study. 83 a“. ‘l. s .\v\ ._...n . o. o. . .(‘vs ... \ ... as..- ...- film a. ,....4... INK!” fa. .. ‘. OI . .. I ,I. ..r ,. ...... o 2, r 84 Therefore it can be logically anticipated that: 7. Statistically significant differences will be found between groups of families when they are compared on the basis of secularization scores and factors logically or theoretically related to the frame of reference of this study. 8. The absence of statistically significant differences will be found between groups of families when they are compared on the basis of secularization scores and factors not related to the frame of reference of this study. 9. Significant differences between groups of families which do not appear to be logically or theoretically anticipated, (whether they be linear, curvilinear, unanticipated, or paradoxical) may or may not be explicable on the basis of the data of this study. 10. Significant differences herein discovered could lead to the discovery of factors related to secularization which would otherwise be unknown, or unanticipated. Every society is, at any given time, differentiated in many ways. The type of differentiation which is our concern in this chapter is a status differentiation of groups. By status is meant the relative position, rank, or standing of a person in a group, or of a group in reference to some other group or groups. In terms of this chapter, the status relation is between groups on the basis of certain specific factors involved.3 It is the purpose of this chapter to examine such factors as the source and amount of income, size of farm, the owning or 3Charles F. Marden. Minorities in American Society. Chicago, Illinois. American Book Company,41952. p. 26. r. l . s .- -l i p . ...-a .5 . .. r O - .. oi- . . .V s. . ,. .... .5 .. . .... ’b... p. u... Pt. : ; a. ‘ \ ii.- \‘.t MIA-...! ( .r’ '. 't’.... .4. ... ’. . t4. ... .. . .I. \1. - .. ...! I 1... .' .... 0.. x I , It... a . ...: .) if“! n 1. a l.’ a“ I A, 1.5;? ¢ 1,) ..." f.» o mfi. .3... 5 {.1 ; 85 renting of homes and farms, the amount of formal education of the family heads, the participation of the family in non- church community activities such as fraternal orders and clubs, the age of family heads, and the length of residence in the community, to see if there be a significant degree of association between these factors and secularization. If, for instance, high income, large acreage, and home ownership were associated with either high, medium, or low scores, to a significant degree, it would be concluded that there is a significant relationship between secularization and the status of families in the community. (1.6. such status as is gained by the factors found to have a positive relationship to the secularization score.) For purposes of organization.these factors have been designated as Economic, Educational, and Time factors. ECONOMIC FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION Since the role of economic factors in social life usually is important in a sociOIOgical investigation, analysis of the data was made with regard to the source of family income, whether from farm or non-farm sources. This comparison is shown in Tables VI and VII. In each case there is a significant difference between expected and observed frequencies. In the case of church families, those whose incomes are from non-farm sources, 7""? $0 86 TABLE VI COMPARISON OF SOURCE OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR THE CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Income Low Med. & High Totals Source of3 ef¥* ¢E¥* ef¥3 Farm -9 (15.1) 31 (24.9) 40 Non-Farm 23 (16.5) -20 (26.5) 43 Totals 52 51 85 ’V X - 8.92 significant at 1% level C.C.W is .097 & observed frequency 4* expected frequency 4*! C.C. is coefficient of contingency TABLE VII COMPARISON OF SOURCE OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR THE NON-CHURCH FAMILIES __g SCORES Income Low Med. & High Totals Source of"F ef" ofi ef** Farm 26 (11.2) -36 (50.8) 62 Non-Farm 2O (20) 28 (28) 48 Totals 46 64 110 V 12: = 14.5 significant at 1% level C.C.*** is .118 * observed frequency fifi expected frequency ***'C.C. is coefficient of contingency 87 tend to have a lower score than would be anticipated, those families whose income is from farm sources tend to have a higher score than would be anticipated. In the case of the non-church families the exact opposite trend is observed. For these families dependent upon farm incomes the scores are lower than eXpected frequencies,while non-farm income families are distributed according to expected frequencies. From the foregoing it is evident then,that farming as a source of income,tends to be associated with lower seculari- zation scores than other income sources for non-church families. In the case of church families there appears to be other bases of selection involved, so that church families not dependent upon farm income tend to have lower seculari- zation scores than those dependent upon farm income sources. Any speculation as to why this is, would be beyond the scope of this study, but the fact that this difference exists,would seem to indicate that church families constitute a select group based upon factors of selection different from source of income, while the non-church families follow a pattern that could be logically anticipated, namely, that those working close to nature in farm work would tend to be less secular than those working in occupations that give a greater sense of control over environment. The above is recognized by T. Lynn Smith in his Sociology of Rural Life where he says: 88 In rural religion there is a close association between the secular and the spiritual planes of life, or more properly the religious element may be said to permeate almost all activities of rural life. A second economic factor to be considered is that of the amount of income and its relationship to the seculari— zation score of the church and non-church family. Tables VIII and IX show this comparison. By means of the signs test it is evident that, although the amount of difference between expected and observed frequencies is not enough to be significantly different, there is a curvilinear tendency in the association between scores and amount of income for church families. (Table VIII) Here it will be noticed that observed frequency exceeds expected frequency for low score group in the low income group, for the medium and high score group in the income group receiving from $2001 to $4000 income, and again for the low score group for the highest income bracket. For the non-church families (Table IX) there is also a curvilinear relationship but not like that for the church families. In this group frequencies greater than expected are found in the low income, high score group, than in the low score group for both other income brackets. Since chi square is not statistically significant in either table,it is concluded that the amount of income is not a significant factor as related to secularization scores as established in this study. The curvilinear relationships —_ 4T. Lynn Smith. The Sociology of Rural Life. New York. Harper & Brothers, 1953. p. 456. O J. 5 ~ \ 7. '. .sf ( . Q 7..\ D» ‘- \\‘ . v D l ‘ I D. ' 5 1 .7 . f‘ l - ‘ u~.‘ ' I‘ “I A" ' \ k.” ... O. \ . s —‘1 \ .\ ~ .‘ .... 0‘ . .‘- '. . v t u a Q ‘- ‘ ' ' ' \. .. ,1 . ‘_ '. ‘ ..V} y. ' .3. “ ., P . " ... ,U " ' l '- z . , 1' .. ’ v '0 .‘ ‘ " In -. o. - ‘. _:.__‘ . 5 2,", . c . .1. .Jv" .. ‘ - -_ . I? y . . ... ' ‘ ‘ U. " ' u . ~- . of 5. ~: v. v " ; .\ 1‘; ‘ v.1 If . :1 ‘. p " ‘v - "‘~ 1 ' . ' - : ..‘ '5. . -‘ '\ v’ u . P o. "l . \ ,3, -.‘) ‘ . f . ' ._ 3’ a f '4 "' .1 , I. .' 'v "I ' , - mo , ' 'c' A 5‘ o « “ | . - I , d ._ ‘ .'.’ .... '..£._; " a, '7 .4, a .‘ v '1 ‘ _' 0. . " if ,. ‘- ¢-‘ ‘ 5' I 'i 1' . '1‘. ' 1' I. I - I. . ‘9 y u o 3‘ D‘ I 0 a." .’.I "J ’Jfl “ I c- ‘ . v v '1' O I! J TABLE COMPARISON OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES VIII FOR CHURCH FAMILIES 89 SCORES Income Low Med.& High Totals offi effifi of% ef%% Under $2000 10 (9.5)’ -15 (15.5) 25 82001-54000 -14 (15.5) 25 (21.7) 57 $4001-up 7 (5.2) -8 (8.8) 15 Totals 31 44 75 / TOE = .41 not significant at 5% level C QC ofi‘fl. = .074 % Observed frequency fifl Expected frequency «8* Coefficient of contingency TABLE IX COMPARISON OF INCOME WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR NON-CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Income Low & Med. High Totals offi ef%* offi ef** Under $2000 -8 (10.5) 18 (15.7) 26 $2001-$4000 28 (25.8) -57 (59.2) 65 Totals 42 64 106 9' 2f = 1.15 not significant at 5% level C.C.*** = .0105 * Observed frequency fifl Expected frequency 32* Coefficient of contingency I ...-f. . 'f. .H" 5!. 1 s. - ...4 III... ......d ‘ . I . . .. ..., r I .4 v a. I .. r ‘ .“ n .. | .- 5 E1.- (ll 90 ? I r noted are slight, and although worthy of note, are not sufficiently large to lead to any definite conclusions. The distinction made by Charles F. Marden (in consideration of minority groups,) that a change of status is not necessarily identical with a change in welfare? is a pertinent observation here, for as we have observed, the association of source of income with secularization scores, appears to be different for church families than for non- church, so here we note that the distribution of families according to income when compared to scores,does not point to any great difference of status factors as seem to be related to the secularization score. Economic welfare,as measured by amount of income,is apparently not related to secularization score. A third economic factor considered by this study and tested for a relationship to secularization is that of the size of farms. This comparison is shown in Tables X and.XI. In the case of church families those with farms under 80 acres tend to score high, or low, in numbers greater than the expected.frequency. Those with farms of more than 80 acres tend to score in the medium score group in numbers greater than expected frequency. There is thus established a curvilinear relationship between size of farm and seculari- zation scores. It appears that smaller farms tend to be 5Charles F. Marden. ‘gp. cit. pp. 58, 59. O .’ -' o. - ‘ . , . .b‘"° ’ f. I ..K - “I ... .’ ‘ .0)" . I. 91 TABLE X COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FARM WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR FARM SCORES Low Medium High Totals Size of Farm of* ef** offi ef%% of* ef%* 1-80 Acres 9 (7.5) -15 (17.7) 8 (5.0) 50 81-up -7 (8.7) 26 (21.5) -5 (6.0) 56 Totals 16 59 ll 66 y x = 6.07 significant at 5% level C.C.*** - .084 * Observed frequency *fi-Expected frequency *** Coefficient of contingency TABLE XI COMPARISON OF SIZE OF FARM WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR FARM SCORES Low & Medium High Totals Size of Farm of* ef*% offi eféfi 1-80 Acres -16 (17.9) 28 (26.1) 44 Totals 51 45 76 ‘Q: I .81 not significant at 5% level C.C.*%* 3 .0105 * Observed frequency 8* Expected frequency fififl Coefficient of contingency 92 associated with either those who are most, or those who are least secular, while the larger farms are associated with families mid-way between the extremes of high and low. These differences are statistically significant at the 5% level for church families. In the case of non-church families the differences are not statistically significant at the 5% level, but a different trend is present in the relationship as indicated by the signs test. For these families low scores are associated with the larger farms and high scores with the smaller farms. Since chi square is not statistically significant,no definite conclusion is drawn on this trend. T. Lynn Smith, in his book, The Sociology of Rural Life, indicates that widespread distribution of land is usually associated with steady work, high standards of living, mid fewer class distinctions and less stratification.6 If one were to assume that secularization increased.with the increase in stratification,Table X would seem to disprove this assumption, for as holdings increase there is a strong central tendency for secularization scores. The trends noted in Table XI, however would seem to affirm this assumption, but since the differences are not significant,the matter can only be alluded to without a definite conclusion. 6T. Lynn Smith. .22. cit. p. 297. ..Q‘:. -' .0!” r. 95 Having considered the size of farms, the next economic factor to be considered is that of acreage,7 and whether the family owns or rents their farm. Tables XII and XIII present a comparison between secularization scores and acreage for those families who own their own home. There is no significant difference in either table and the trends seem to be the same for both the church and non- church families. Tables XIV and XV make a similar comparison for those families renting their dwelling. Neither presents a significant difference, but it is to be noted that the trend of relationship as shown by the signs test, is the opposite for the church families from the same trend in the other three tables. In the case of church families who rent, those with acreage tend to have lower scores than expected frequency, while those without acreage tend to have higher scores than eXpected frequency. Here again, there seems to be a selective factor but since it is not statistically significant no conclusion is drawn. In the light of the four preceding tables XII, XIII, XIV, and XV it is concluded that whether a family owns or rents, 7WNith acreage" indicates the family owns or rents land around or near their home. "Without acreage" indicates the family owns or rents only their dwelling but do not farm. '9' 1"- , l‘ I I" - _, . .‘ a _ . 'l ‘ h 94 TABLE XII COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORE FOR CHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR HOME SCORES Low Med. & High Totals offi effifi offi effifi With Acreage -21 (22.8) 42 (40.2) 63 Without Acreage 5 (3.2) -4 (5.8) 9 Totals 26 46 72 y’ 3*; = 1.79 not significant at 5% level C.C.*** ' .154 a Observed frequency ufl’Expected frequency asa-Coefficient of contingency TABLE XIII COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORE FOR NONFCHURCH FAMILIES WHO OWN THEIR HOME SCORES Low & Med. High Totals effi of%* of* effifl With Acreage -59 (40.5) 52 (50.7) 91 Without Acreage 8 (6.7) -7 (8.5) 15 Totals 47 59 106. 9/ at = .52 not significant at 5% level C.C.*** ' .022 * Observed frequency ** Expected frequency *fifi Coefficient of contingency O . 4.. . ... ‘1 . I ‘4. . . o . . .. ..f ~. 1 v , ...o . \ e ., .... A ‘ I. u... r r. d .J.: pit... ...,V ...— ( I i. ..v, .... ..k.r.\ ..‘i..c~ ‘- \ .. o... C y .. ., I. .1. 7‘ v. .r. .4 . a . ...r_.a . . C.’ v . 4., I I. .1 ’ 95 TABLE XIV COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR CHURCH FAMILIES WHO RENT THEIR DWELLING SCORES Low Med. & High Totals offi ef%% offi effifi 'With Acreage 8 (7.9) -7 (7.1) 15 ‘Without Acreage -5 (5.1) 5 (2.9) 6 Totals 11 10 21 s/ 3% = 0 not significant c.c.‘»'~'~'* ' 0 & Observed frequency Ga-Ezpected frequency «ta Coefficient of contingency TABLE XV COMPARISON OF ACREAGE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES FOR NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHO RENT THEIR DWELLING SCORES Low & Med. High Totals offi ef%% offi ef** With Acreage -8 (8.7) 15 (12.5) 21 Without Acreage 4 (5.5) -4 (4.7) 8 Totals 12 17 29 ,1 3r : .55 not significant at 5% level 0.0 em = ‘109 * Observed frequency «*IExpected frequency *** Coefficient of contingency 96 or whether they are with or without acreage, none of these factors has a significant relationship to secularization scores as herein established.8 We have considered, thus far in this chapter,some of the economic factors that might be associated with seculari- zation. It has been found that farm sources of income are associated.with high scores for church families and low scores for non-church families. It is further evident that the amount of income does not appear to have a significant association with secularization. Size of farms is significantly related to secularization only in the case of church families owning their farm, in which case there is a tendency for them to have secularization scores in the medium category at a rate beyond expected frequency. Acreage does not appear to have a relationship to secularization in this data. EDUCATIONAL FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION Because the rudiments of an education, especially the ability to read, write, and calculate, today are among the basic necessities of life, years spent in school is another important characteristic to be examined for a relationship to secularization. 8A comparison of renters with owners for both church and non-church families did not indicate any statistically significant trend. Tables showing this are not given since they were deemed unimportant. r ‘ I - ,. ’. . 0/ o : , u A ‘ 11"! (f 97 It is a well established fact that significant educational differences do exist between urban and rural areas as to the availability and amount of years spent in school, with the educational advantage being on the side of the urban popula- tion.9 This being true,one would anticipate certain associa- tions to exist between education and secularization within the rural area studied. Tables XVI through XXI present these comparisons. As to a comparison of the effect of years spent in school upon the secularization scores of church and non-church families, it is noted in Tables XVI and XVII that for church families there is no significant difference, but for non-church families there is a significant difference. The signs test indicates a trend among church families for low scores to be associated with those families whose female head has either eighth grade education or less, or, more than a High School education. High school training seems to be associated.with high scores, among church families, considering only the formal education of the wives. For non-church families there is a significant trend. The observed frequency is curvilinear in its relation to secularization for scores at greater than expected frequency are in either the low or high categories for the family 9T. Lynn Smith. 22. cit. pp. 423, 424. COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF WIVES TABLE XVI WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES 98 Grades SCORES Completed Low Medium Hi h Totals In School of* afar of* efee ofr afar 1-8 5 (5.4) -15 (16) -27 (27.6) 47 9-12 -1 (5.4) -14 (16) 52 (27.6) 47 Over 12 2 (1.1) 8 (5.1) -5 (8.8) 15 Totals 8 57 7 64 109 V 72C = 7.49 not significant at 5% level C.C.*%* I .255 * Observed frequency flfi'EXpected frequency «4* Coefficient of contingency TABLE XVII COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES Grades SCORES Completed LOW Medium High T015313 In School offi eras of& effifi offi effis 1-8 5 (5.0) -5 (10.1) 27 (25.9) 57 9-12 -1 (5.8) 14 (12.8) 52 (50.4) 47 Over 12 2 (1.2) 8 (4.1) -5 (9.7) 15 Totals 8 27 64 99 ~/ . 3K = 12.88 significant at 2% level .444 I .107 a Observed frequency aw-ExPected frequency a** Coefficient of contingency .‘.¥' I .I t .f Ic$ Do. ‘ [Ill .7. a r . c .. 0 ) ../ . .. w . . . 1.. .. . . a .. . Ir- - . .. p 1 II I t t v ea I-.w 0" far): I».- 99 heads with the least formal education. There is a trend for nedium or high scores for the 9-12 grade educational group, and a trend toward low and medium scores for the highest educational group. It is apparent that education is related to seculari- zation differently in non-church than in church famdlies,with increased education tending to be associated with a lower secularization score in non-church families. In the case of the church families, since the amount of difference is not statistically significant,we might conclude that education is not a significant factor as related to female heads of church families. A comparison of formal education of husbands (male heads of families), with secularization scores for church and non-church families,presents still other differences. Tables XIX and.XX show these comparisons. It is to be noted that low scores are associated with the greater amount of formal education of male family heads in church families, while low scores are associated.with the lesser amount of formal education of male heads in non-church families. Among church families, medium and high scores are found in families whose heads have the least formal education, while among non-church families medium scores are associated with the more educated, and high scores with the least educated. TABLE XVIII 100 COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS AND WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Grades d1 1 t 1 Completed Low Me um H gh To a s In School 51* 51F” 51* EIFF 51* 51*” 1-8 11 (7.9) -17 (26.7) 68 (61.4) 96 9-12 -5 (6.6) 26 (22.5) -51 (51.1) 80 Over 12 ' 2 (1.5) 11 (5.0) -5 (11.5) 18 Totals 16 54 124 194 J X = 19.14 significant at 1% level c.c.*** ' ~298 * Observed frequency afi-EXpected frequency 45* Coefficient of contingency TABLE XIX COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES ‘ SCORES Grades Completed Low Medium High Totals In School of* efflfi ofa effifi offi ef** 1-8 -9 (12.2) 17 (14.1) 5 (4.7) 51 Over 8 17 (15.8) -15 (15.9) -5 (5.5) 55 Totals 26 50 10 66 J :f' = 2.75 not significant at 5% level c,c,**% I .20 * Observed frequency as-Expected.frequency «4* Coefficient of contingency 101 TABLE XX COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON—CHURCH FAMILIES G d SCORES ngpizted LOW Medium High Totals In School 0 e »w of¥ effiR '5f¥""5f¥% Over 8 -2 (5.4) 15 (7.2) -19 (25.4) 56 Totals 8 17 6O 85 y 3" 3 18.46 significant at 1% level 6 .C .m ' 0135 4 Observed frequency a*»Expected frequency «fir Coefficient of contingency These trends are statistically significant only for the non-church families, it is therefore further confirmed that education of family head, effects the non-church family different from the church family. It is further evident that formal education is related to secularization in non- church families, but not significantly related in the church family. Finally it is evident that the effect of education on the non-church family is to reduce the secular- ization score to a figure below the high score group. In the case of the church families, the trend indicated by the signs test is for a curvilinear relationship between formal education and the secularization score. High school o a u \ . .\" I V ... .I.. ..v. D I . a . ..V. 1.‘ I.\ . ... v i. . ~‘ 5 .. .00- ,I I I . .n . . , ... a, . ...! . . u . at...“ o.D.a.‘ v.v., ,I. J‘ \ V¢.I c.’. .‘e 7.. b ... ... «...... ...._.. . . . .. O . I .... .r r ’ t 3‘ o- .. . . . .. V .e u.. .- "r.... > 0 mu 2 .. ....rmw .IMJ... 4.3.7 .,’ Q A .~ . . : .. . . (a r . L A? . H. V. k .1 L: . . . . .0. .e . l .. . r l O I. ‘. I . ... r 141.. ‘ I‘. g I I. p . ... ’.p I ...C .. . u . .. . 9 I 5 [Div I R p.r\. Qr.w.- real'cfl 102 seems to be associated with high scores in the case of female family heads, but in the case of male family heads, education more than the eighth grade seems to be associated with low scores. Since the differences are not statistically significant, these trends are noted and no conclusions drawn. Tables XVIII and XXI compare the church and non-church families according to education of husbands and wives. For church families the difference is not significant, but for non-church families it is. In the case of the non-church families, low or high scores are associated with education of eighth grade or less, medium scores with High School training, and low or medium scores with formal education beyond high school. TABLE XXI COMPARISON OF AMOUNT OF FORMAL EDUCATION OF HUSBANDS AND WIVES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES Completed Low Medium High Totals In S°h°°1 offi effis offi ef%* offi ef*% 1-8 -2O (25.1) 54 (28.5) -8 (8.5) 62 Over 8 59 (55.9) -55 (58.5) 12 (11.5) 84 Totals 59 67 20 146 V 7( = 5.71 not significant at 5% level C QC 0““ I '155 *Observed frequency fifiExpected frequency «4*Coefficient of contingency 105 Concluding the consideration of educational factors, it would appear that the effect of education on non-church families is to reduce the degree of secularization as neasured by the score herein established, while education is not significantly related to the secularization of the church.family. TIME FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION Included in this concept is time spent in non-church community organizational activities, the age of the family head, and the length of residence of the family in its present location. Table XXII presents the comparison of participation in non-church activities for church families, as related to the secularization scores. There are no significant differences, and even such trends as indicated by the signs test, are only very slight. Such participation does not appear to be related to the secularization of church families. Table XXIII presents the comparison of participation in non-church activities for non-church families, as related to the secularization scores. Here, again, there is no significant difference, but the trends are stronger as shown by the signs test. Participation is associated with medium scores and failure to participate is associated with either high or low scores. 104 TABLE XXII COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION IN NON-CHURCH ACTIVITIES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Participation Low Medium High Totals ofa ef42 ofé efaa ofa ef** No -16 (16.2) 16 (15.5) -5 (5.4) 57 Totals 56 54 12 82 a/ 3r = .11 not significant at 5% level 0.00%: ’036 * Observed frequency &* Expected frequency *** Coefficient of contingency TABLE XXIII COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION IN NON-CHURCH ACTIVITIES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES P ti 1 ti Low Medium High Totals 3" ° pa °" W W W Yes -5 (5.9) 28 (25.5) -55 (58.8) 66 No 4 (5.1) ~14 (18.7) 55 (51.2) 55 Totals 7 42 70 119 y . :D( =_ 5.45 not significant at 5% level C.C.*** =- ‘167 * Observed frequency 4* Expected frequency flea Coefficient of contingency 105 Table XXIV combines the data for church and non-church families to test participation as such. The differences are not significant,but the trend indicates that non-participation is to be found with high scores, and participation with medium scores. On the basis of these comparisons,it can be inferred that participation has a greater effect on secularization for non-church families than for church families, with participation to be associated with medium secularization scores, and non-participation with high secularization scores. Since the chi squares on these tables are not statistically significant, only inferences can be made. The second time factor is that of the age of the family head. Table XXV shows this comparison for church families. The signs test indicates a trend for high or medium scores to be associated with older ages, but a trend that is not statistically significant. Table XXVI shows this comparison for non-church families. Here the trend is significant and in the inverse relationship to that of the church families. High scores tend to be associated with younger ages of family heads in non-church families, while low scores are associated with the older ages. Upon the basis of these associations between age and secularization,it is concluded that for church families the age of the family head is not a significant factor in the O - . 106 TABLE XXIV COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION IN NON-CHURCH ACTIVITIES WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF ALL FAMILIES SCORES Low Medium High Totals Participation UTE—“Era? offi ef4fl of% efRE Yes ~25 (27.9) 46 (40.0) ~42 (45.1) 111 No 5~ (25.1) ~50 (56) 40 (58.9) 100 Totals 26 76 82 211 ‘V 3t, I 5.78 not significant at 5% level C .C 0*“ . .151 * Observed frequency 4* Expected frequency *flfi Coefficient of contingency TABLE XXV COMPARISON OF AGE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES 0F CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Low Medium & High Totals Age of* ef** offi effifi 0-55 yrs. 12 (9.8) -11 (15.2) 25 56~up ~20 (22.2) 52 (29.8) 52 Totals 52 45 75 ‘V 3‘ = 1.24: not significant at 5% level 0.0 .m . .016 *Observed frequency fiflExpected frequency «4*Coefficient of contingency ...... 107 TABLE XXVI COMPARISON OF AGE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Low & Medium High Totals offi effifi Raffi ef** Age 0-55 yrs. ~8 (12.7) 21 _(16.5) 29 55-up 58 (55.5) -58 (42.7) 76 Totals 46 59 105 4’ it : 4.28 significant at 5% level C .C em. = .198 * Observed frequency ** EXpected frequency 4&2 Coefficient of contingency secularization score, but for non-church families, the older the family head the lower the secularization score tends to be. The third and final time factor to be considered is that of the length of residence. Table XXVII presents this comparison for church families. Although the differences are not significant, low scores tend to be associated with longer length of residence. Table XXVIII presents this comparison for non-church families. Here the same trend is noted, only the differences are significant. It would appear therefore,that length of residence is a significant factor that tends to reduce secularization for non-church families, while it has the same trend for the o, 108 TABLE XXVII COMPARISON OF LENGTH OF RESIDENCE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES Years SCORES of Low Med. & High Totals Residence of* area of% efaa 0-5 ~12 (14.8) 25 (20.2) 55 Over 5 15 (10.1) -11 (15.9) 24 Totals 25 54 59 J ‘9: = 1.50 not significant at 5% level c.c.*** 3 -091 fl Observed frequency ** Expected frequency #44 Coefficient of contingency TABLE XXVIII COMPARISON OF LENGTH OF RESIDENCE WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES SCORES Years of Low & Medium High Totals Residence of* effifi ofa effifi 0-5 ~16 (17.8) 51 (29.2) 47 Over 5 11 (6.5) ~15 (17.7) 24 Totals 27 44 71 1/ 9C 3 4.4 significant at 5% level C.C.***" ~058 * Observed frequency fifi Expected frequency 22* Coefficient of contingency 109 church family it is not statistically significant in its trend, as indicated by this data. Concluding consideration of time factors, it appears that significant relationships do exist between age and length of residence for non-church families. It further appears that participation, although not significant statistically, has a different effect on church than on non-church families, namely, participation lowers seculari- zation for non-church families beyond expected frequency in the medium score category, while non-participation increases the secularization of church families to beyond expected frequency in the medium score category. Finally, it would appear that length of residence effects the church family the same as the non-church but to a less significant degree. THE PROBLEM OF MEASURING COVERT QUALITY Up to this point in this chapter;the factors of source and amount of income, the size of farm, home ownership or renting, the amount of formal education of family heads, participation in non-church community activities, age of family heads, and length of residence,have been considered. Statistically significant differences have been found among church families as related to source of income and size of farm. Amount of income, ownership, formal education, participation and age factors have not been found to be significant for church families. 110 Statistical significant differences among non-church families have been found as related to source of income, formal education of family heads, age of family heads, and length of residence. Those factors effecting the non-church family that are not significant for the church family are, formal education, age of family heads, and length of residence. Those factors not significant for either_group are, amount of income, ownership, and participation. The one factor which is significant for both is source of income, but the trends were opposite, the non-farm source being the least secular for the church and the most secular for the non-church families. Differences were noted where the church and non-church group tended to be inversely related to the same factor. Back of these differences is the problem of covert quality. In the process of secularization, as considered previously, there are both overt and covert elements. Instruments of measure and indices for that purpose, must of necessity be related to overt practice and their significance be based upon the theoretical assumption, already cited, by authorities in social psychology, namely, that there are covert linkages. It is upon this assumption that note is given to variations, already cited, which theory and logic could not alone detect without some instrument of measurement. . I . 111 As a working definition, the term "covert quality" is used to make reference to the quality of intention that exists covertly in relation to family behavior patterns, which fall into the categories of "ideal-typical" families as eXplained in the preceding chapter. By means previously explained, a score of forty-four points was established as the minimum score possible for a family with their goal only "outward," formal, and socially accepted conformity to the religious patterns of the community. It was further established that the maximum score possible for an ideal-typical family whose aim was conformity (but with the least overt activity possible and still be socially acceptable religiously) was established at 67 points. The two scores, namely, 44 and 67, divide the entire group of families into three categories: (1) those with scores less than forty-four; (2) those with scores between forty-four and sixty-seven; and (5) those with scores above sixty-seven. Theoretically and logically, families whose score was less than forty-four were covertly involved in a manner that became expressive in a devotion that resulted in behavior patterns which, when scores as herein evaluated were established, placed that family in the lowest range. Families whose scores were higher than sixty-seven, it is logical to assume, were reflecting by their non-conformity of overt behavior, a O‘ C h " - - a 112 different covert reaction, possibly rebellion, or indifference toward religious practice as acceptable to organized Protestant religion. It is admittedly much safer ground to assume covert intention for low scores than it is to assume covert rebellion for high scores; because simple neglect of acceptable items would produce a high score. There is, therefore, no attempted dogmatism at this point. In fact the mean score of non~ church families who indicated neglect as the reason for non- nenbership, compared with families indicating any other reason but neglect for non-membership, showed a mean score of 75.4 for the former and 72.2 for the latter. A difference that is not statistically significant. In the preceding tables, the placing of the data in groups large enough to calculate chi square,frequently necessitated grouping the low and.midd1e group together for the non-church fanilies, and the middle and high group together for the church families. This would therefore,tend to weight the significant differences, theoretically, so that one might affirm that a significant difference among church families involved more covert intent, than such a difference would involve in a table indicating non-church families. '__ .. ..... {7‘5 ..: 9. r“... .. . 11...?! a. [/i. . . V. a _ .. . r . r Cm .’.o 115 DISCUSSION OF STATUS FACTORS RELATED TO SECULARIZATION In this chapter status factors considered have been economic, educational, and time factors. With regard to the economic,it has been found that church families in this study whose scores were low at a frequency higher than anticipated,tended not to be economically dependent upon agriculture, while non-church families with low scores at a frequency higher than anticipated,statistically, were dependent upon agriculture. This would certainly imply then, that church families 10 and that the degree of secularization are a select group, of the non-church agricultural family is much less than the non-church non-agricultural family. As to educational factors,it has become evident in this chapter,that education has little or no effect upon the degree of secularization of the church family, but it tends to reduce secularization among the non—church families. This would possibly infer that church membership gains a status for some uneducated family heads which education gains for some non-church family heads. 10Louis Bultena in his study of church membership and church attendance in Madison, Wisconsin (an urban study) found no significant relation between different occugitional status groups and church attendance. The range of difference he found was between 27.8 and 52.5 per cent. American Journal of Sociolqu. Vol 14 (June, 1949), p. 586. . .. O - .. . '0 114 As to time factors, time spent in participation in non-church community activities does not appear to be related to secularization, such trend as is manifest is that partici- pation is associated.with medium scores, while non-participation is associated with either high or low scores. This trend could be important if viewed in the light of its covert quality. Participants tend to be social conformists, while non-participants tend to be such, either due to definite convictions (covert intent) or due to indifference or neglect. Hence some high and some low scores at frequencies greater than statistically anticipated, would tend to confirm this theory. What has been evidenced.with regard to participation is further confirmed in regard to age. For church families it did not appear significant,but for non-church families, younger ages were most secular. This would imply that maturity and the outward conformity it engenders, would eventually produce a covert linkage so that the older are associated with less secularization. Youth, on the other hand, is idealistic and both more excessive and expressive, therefore when youth are church oriented their covert linkages are conformist, when they are not, their covert linkages tend to be non-conformist with regard to the patterns acceptable to Protestant churches upon which the score in this study is based. 115 Length of residence, the other time factor, follows the same trend, namely, greater length of residence lowers secularization scores for non-church families. In all three time factors there is the principle that, if covert quality is rec0gnized, as a factor in lowering scores, then participation, age, and length of residence will produce covert qualities of intention that will result in greater conformity of behavior to the expressed value- standards of religion. Whether status is gained.by conformity or conformity is produced by a status situation,cannot be determined by this study. Evidently the two do tend to be associated together. It is a well-known fact that Farm Tenancy contributes to the decline of the rural church, for instance. In shifting from one community to another the tenant loses interest in and contact with the church; therefore church memberships are fewer and attendance is less frequent among tenants than among owners.llg It is further evident that in Rural Society there does not tend to be a pinnacle in the social hierarchy while such is found in the city. Some even assert that "There probably can be no real Democracy in a highly specialized society."12 11Paul H. Landis. Rural Life in Process. New York. McGraw Hill, 1948. p. 429. 12Paul H. Landis. Ibid. p. 268. 116 CATEGORIES OF BEHAVIOR The index items used in this study can be classified into (1) items of personal behavior of the interviewee, (2) familial items of behavior in the home, (5) items of social participation outside the home.13 All three categories pertain to the overt behavior patterns indicated in the frame of reference of this study. As previously explained, using the score of two ideal- typical families, one scoring 44 and the other 67, all groups studied.can be divided into three divisions, those scoring (0-44) (45-66) (67-up). For purposes of analysis let us assume that the ideal score would be zero, which would mean complete congruence of family practice with all the standards of organized Protestant religion as represented by the frame of reference upon which the scores are based. The volume of scores is divided into three categories, as previously indicated, (1) personal, (2) familial, (5) extra~ familial or social. The families are divided into three groups a low (0-44), middle (45-66), and high (67-up) group. It is interesting to compare each of these groups as to the quantity of their score points obtained in each of the three categories described above. 13Such as Sunday School attendance, Church attendance, and attendance at other church functions. 9.. 117 On personal items. The low-score group averaged 14.5 points or 42% of their total score; the mid-group averaged 20.2 points or 56% of their total score; and the high-scoring group averaged 27.5 points or 55% of their total score. The nean.score difference between these groups is 5.7 between the low and mid group and 7.1 between the mid and high group, on personal items. It is to be noted that there is a difference between these groups of families in this category of behavior, but not a large difference, which would imply that secularization in personal life is not too different between the least and most secular homes. On familial items. The low-score group averaged 17 points or 46% of their total score; the mid-group averaged 25 points or 42% of their total score; and the high-group averaged 28 points or 54% of their total score. The mean difference between the groups in this category is 6.0 and 5.0, respectively. In this category of behavior the difference between the low-scoring and the mid-score group is essentially the same as in the previously cited category, but the differ- ence'between the mid-group and the high-group is 2.1 points less. This would imply that when secularization increases, family practices do vary about equally between the mid-group and the low—group. This variation, however, is less between .3 -- ' - . 118 the mid-group and the high-group in this familial category of behavior. On extra-familial items. It is in this category of behavior that the greatest deviation appears, according to this instrument. Low-scoring families averaged 4.7 points or 12% of their total score in this category; the mid-group averaged 12.8 points or 22% of their total score; and the high-group averaged 25.2 points or 55% of their total score. The nean.difference between the groups is 8.1, and 15.6 respectively. When it is remembered that the same activities tend to effect church and non-church families inversely, and that the higher the score the greater the percent of that group of families which are non-church families, it becomes clear that it is in the area of extra-family social participa- tion that the most secular family evidences the greatest deviation from the patterns of organized religion. Figure 2. illustrates the different percents of the total score each score group accumulated in each category of behavior in the instrument used for this study. Low-scoring families deviated 42% of their total on personal items, 46% on familial items, and only 12% on extra-familial items. Mid-scoring families deviated 56% on personal, 42% on familial, and 22% on extra-familial items. High-scoring families deviated about equally in all three categories. . .. O - . ' ' C n . I - a Score 0-44 low-score group Score 45-66 Mid-score group Score 67~up High-score group Scores 0-44 Low-score group Scores 45-66 Mid-score group Scores 67-up High-score group FIGURE 2 1'19 PERCENT OF TOTAL SCORE ACCORDING TO CATEGORY OF BEHAVIOR PATTERNS Familial Items 46% Personal Items _42% I: : xxxxxyxyx 1 5g \ Extra-familial \ \ \ \ ‘ Items 12% \‘ '- \XX\\ ./\/\/\/\/\/\y' 15¢ Personal Items 36% ;;fl xy\yyyyxx .- - Q, Familial Items 42% 1 ;§I \V V \ \ \.‘ ‘ \- ' ('31 Extra-familial \\\\\ jj‘ \\\\ Items 22%/ <::\\ ;}a \\\\\\ vyvyvyvvy ‘ f: Personal Items 33% 5:} .x.>.x7x X.):>.>. _ - by, Familial Items 34% 2:7 \\\\\ \\\ V — _ :3- T Extra-familial \\::: ff' \ 135311 33% \\\ ' .u FIGURE 3 i." PERCENT OF CHURCH AND NON-CHURCH A”; FAMILIES ACCORDING TO RANGE OF SCORES fl? 97% Church Families ] ,fiif ' {if ::\\ 3% Non-Church families ;.: i q -. 72% Church Families I f:' \fi" \\ \ \fi 7 ‘ > \\Ef% Non-church ' :1 s \ {831113.8‘3 \ g d. . 37% Church ' . Families '~ g 1 \ ‘ V‘ \ x x ’ ( 63% Non-church \\\\ I \\ families ;\<\\ ' 1 ' 1 120 Figure 5. presents graphically the proportion of church and non-church families in each score—group. The low-score group consisted of 97% church and 5% non-church families; the mid-score group consisted of 72% church and 28% non-church families; while the high-score group included 57% church and 65% non-church families. Summary of categories of behavior. Taken altogether, it would appear that the lack of eXpression of devotion among high scoring families (65% non-church) is approximately twice as great as among low scoring families in the realm of personal items, it is slightly less than twice as great in the realm of familial items, but it is over six times as great in familial items. 0 - . . 121 SUMMARY OF CHAPTER IV Status, when considered on a national basis in the United States,cones from performing unique and specialized functions rather than performing tasks that require little training, skill, or ability. Vocations tend to bring status because of their distinctive social functions. Since farming generally, and rural areas covered by this study do not have too great a variation in such Specialized functions,a consideration of status leads directly to recognition of the fact that such status as is involved in the data for this study is gained, not by the personal items of behavior, but by "familial" and “extra-familial" behavior patterns. Since the significant score differences tend to be more common to the non-church group in status factors, compared to secularization scores, (i.e. Economic, Educational, and Time factors) the low score group score is made up only 58% by items of familial and extra familial behavior, while the high score group score is made up of 67% of familial and extra-familial items. In other words, in the status category of behavior, the non-church families draw more heavily from non-conformists in non-personal behavior than do church families, and this is a factor in producing the statistically significant differences observed in this chapter. 14Paul H. Landis. Ibid. p. 105. .Arl. '4 §.O-|l.l3 '0?" Ir‘fp .' IV. 3“ 1.3} 0' W's; 122 It is concluded therefore that economic, educational, and time factors are related to secularization, with greater significance for non-church than for church families. .5 (PIE. .5 . I." It, . CHAPTER V CHURCH ORIENTATION IN RELATION TO SECULARIZATION Up to this point our consideration has been given to the theoretical analysis of the problem of secularization and the application of this analysis to the data at hand in terms of a theory and method of investigation as set forth in Chapter III. In the preceding chapter,consideration has been given to Social Status factors such as economic differences, educational differences, and such time factors as participation in non-church community activities, age of family heads, and length of residence. It is the purpose of this chapter to compare such factors of church orientation as church membership, church support, partaking of communion, and listening to religious radio, in their relation to secularization scores. CHURCH MEMBERSHIP A comparison of church membership of one or both family heads with secularization scores is shown in Table XXIX. Here it is to be noted that low scores and medium scores appear at a frequency greater than anticipated and at a rate that is statistically significant. It is to be further noted 125 TABLE XXIX COMPARISON OF CHURCH MEMBERSHIP OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES 124 SCORES Low Medium High Totals Membership of* afar ore afar oft efra One or both family heads belong 56 (17.5) 54 (51.0) -12 (55.5) 82 Neither belongs ~7 (25.5) ~42 (44.5) 70 (48.5) 119 Totals 45 76 82. 201 V PC = 56.6 significant at 1% level C QC 041.25% . .149 * Observed frequency 2* Expected frequency 24* Coefficient of contingency that high scores are associated.with the absence of church membership at a rate greater than anticipated and at a statistically significant rate of difference. This table certainly confirms the assumption that church membership is significantly related to secularization, so much more when we are reminded that church membership was not scored. ..V..a.mu. '7 :4 ' v‘I‘ . 'kf'. 125 CHURCH SUPPORT There are those families who do and do not support the church whose heads are members and whose heads are not members of the church. It is therefore consistent to make the comparisons shown in Tables XXX and XXXI which present for church and non-church families, respectively, a comparison between church support and secularization scores as herein established. In both tables the differences are statistically significant. In both tables,1ow scores are associated with church support, and high scores with failure to support the church. In both tables,nedium scores at a rate higher than anticipated, are associated with church support. It could be stated therefore,that low and medium scores are associated with church support and high scores with non-support of the church among both church and non-church families. In view of the fact that church and non-church families are apparently not affected alike by such factors as size of farm, education, and length of residence, this would make church support a rather significant index of secular- ization. "Q‘ TABLE XXX COMPARISON OF CHURCH FINANCIAL SUPPORT WITH THE SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES 126 SCORES Families who Support Low Medium High Totals Church of* ef** Of* effifi offi afar Yes 54 (50.8) 56 (54.4) -7 (11.8) 77 No -0 (5.2) ~2 (5.6) 6 (1.2) 8 Totals 54 58 15 85 ..,/ 7K: = 25.46 significant at 1% level C QC 0*“ = .154 * Observed frequency *4 Expected frequency fififi Coefficient of contingency TABLE.XXXI COMPARISON OF CHURCH FINANCIAL SUPPORT WITH THE SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES Families SCORES who S ort ChurchuPP Low Medium High Totals offi effifi of* afar offi ef*% Yes 6 (5.6) 28 (19.5) ~22 (52.9) 56 Totals 7 58 64 109 1/ 7k - 28.54 significant at 1% level C no em = 0142 # Observed frequency *2 Expected frequency awe Coefficient of contingency \ ‘.,‘ ‘l l I ‘0 . I .' 127 CHURCH COMMUNICANTS Whether any members in a family took communion or not was not scored, therefore any comparison of church and non- church families with regard to this item becomes the more important. A communicant, as here used, refers to a person who at some times does attend church and partakes of the bread and wine used as symbols of the body and blood of Christ in the communion service. A non-communicant is one who does not attend and partake of these elements at a church service. Although this is a service generally recognized among Protestants as a sacred service of more than ordinary significance, there are many Protestant denominations which do not limit participation in a communion service to members. It is also true that some members of Protestant churches, although devout, decline to ever partake of communion elements. For these aforesaid reasons, then, the families in this study were divided into four groups, according to the practice of the family head interviewed, with regard to communion, namely, (1) members who are communicants, (2) non-members who are communicants, (5) members who are not communicants, (4) non- members who are not communicants. Four sets of comparisons are made (1) comparing church families whose heads do or do not take communion, (2) comparing 9‘.‘ 128 non-church families whose heads do or do not take communion, (5) comparing communicants for church relationship and (4) comparing non-communicants for church relationship. Tables XXXII and XXXIII indicate that failure to take communion among church family heads does not have a signifi- cant relation to the secularization score, while taking communion by non-church family heads does have a significant relationship to the family secularization score. Church orientation through communion is a significant factor for a non-church family. While not statistically significant it is to be noted that even among church families, high scores are found among families whose heads are non-communicant family heads, while low scores are found among families whose heads are communicant family heads. In both cases the frequency exceeds the anticipated frequency, but not at a rate that is statistically significant. This neans that communion is a factor with the same trend for church families as for non-church but statisti- cally significant only for the non-church family. Tables XXXIV and XXXV compare communicants with non- communicants as to their church relationship. Among non- communicants, church membership of the family head has no significant relation to the secularization score of the family. Among communicants however, church relationship does have a significant relationship but in a reverse trend. ' ' 129 TABLE XXXII COMPARISON OF COMMUNICANT PRACTICE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH FAMILIES mm ...... Commion LOW Med. 86 High T013818 ofe effifi offi efer Yes 27 (22.5) -29 (25.5) 56 No -6 (10.5) 20 (15.5) 26 Totals 55 49 82 V ?C = 5.0 not significant at 5% level 0 .C .flq" = 0055 * Observed frequency ss-EXpected frequency *%* Coefficient of contingency TABLE XXXIII COMPARISON OF COMMUNICANT PRACTICE OF FAMILY HEAD WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES OF NON-CHURCH FAMILIES Family head SCORES takes Low & Med. High Totals C °mmuni on ores eras:- ore 915:?- Yes 18 (8.5) -2 (11.7) 20 No -28 (57.7) 65 (55.5) 91 Totals 46 65 111 e/ 3X’ = 25.64 significant at 1% level C.C 0W 8 .131 * Observed frequency ** Expected frequency %** Coefficient of contingency w'.‘ a. sly... - Q. :4. I.. ,4 ‘ ... a” ssuz 1"! I... e‘rvdl. a .. I . '4. .I ......o‘4 ‘5... .. . .. I‘r’H ....L). . '1. ll. 150 TABLE XXXIV A COMPARISON OF SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH AND NON-CHURCH FAMILIES HEADS WHO ARE NOT COMMUNICANTS SCORES Church Low Med. & High Totals Relation o 2 e 2* 3T} effifl Church -6 (7.5) 20 (18.5) 26 Noanhurch 28 (26.4) 65 (64.6) 91 Totals 54 85 117 Av 3X: = 1.45 not significant at 5% level C.C.*** B .012 & Observed frequency %* EXpected frequency *fifi Coefficient of contingency TABLE XXXV A COMPARISON OF SECULARIZATION SCORES OF CHURCH AND NON-CHURCH FAMILIES WHOSE HEADS ARE COMMUNICANTS SCORES Church Low Med. & High Totals Relation of* ef** offi ef** Church -27 (55.1) 29 (22.9) 56 Non-Church 18 (11.8) 2 (8.2) 20 Totals 45 51 76 v '94 9r = 24.58 significant at 1% levelSfi" C .C .6889}!- .242 * Observed frequency ** Expected frequency *fifi Significant at the 5% leVel omitting the cell with only two cases. ( of 5.16) aafifi-Coefficient of contingency 151 Here it is to be noted that high scores are associated with church membership at a rate greater than anticipated, while low scores with non-members. At this point a comparison of mean scores is interesting. All non-church families have a.nean score of 70.9. All church families a.nean score of 52.4. A difference of 18.5 that is statistically significant. A comparison of means of non-church communicants with non-church non-communicants shows a difference of 51.9 which is significant and still a greater difference. A comparison of church communicants with church non-communicants shows a difference in means of 11.9, another significant difference but the lowest of all the comparisons stated thus far. The nean.score of the church communicant families is 50.0, compared to a.uean.score of 59.1, for the non-church communicant families. This difference is 10.9 and is significant statistically, and further, indicates that the scores of non-church families whose heads take communion is lower on the average than church families whose heads take communion. This confirms the same trend noted in Table XXXV. From the foregoing it is evident that communicant practices are significantly related to the secularization scores of families in this study, even though this item was not weighted and counted in the secularization score established from this data. I’o . _ ‘. -l‘-l x“ . I. i 152 RELIGIOUS RADIO LISTENING The practice of listening to religious radio programs was subjected to the same analysis as the foregoing factors, but in the case of both the church and non-church families the differences were not statistically significant as shown in Tables XXXVI and XXXVII. Low scores are associated with listeners to religious radio programs, and high scores with those who do not listen, in both church and non-church families as shown by the signs test, but not at a statistically significant rate. CONCLUSION Although, as seen in the preceding chapter, factors of social status or position appear to effect church families in a manner different from the way they effect the non-church family, such is not the case with factors of church orientation. Church membership itself, of course, shows a positive correlation to low and medium scores, lack of membership shows such a correlation to high scores. Church support has a significant correlation in both church and non-church families, with low and medium scores. Failure to support the church is correlated with high scores. Partaking of communion by family heads among church families does not show a significant correlation to low scores, - Q ’ u ‘ ; A c 155 TABLE XXXVI COMPARISON OF RELIGIOUS RADIO LISTENING HABITS OF FAMILY HEADS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES IN CHURCH FAMILIES ._‘.",-.’...‘lrv.t Family head SCORES Listens to Religious Radio Low & Med. High Totals Broadcasts of% efsfi ofs efss Yes 90 (89.5) -15 (15.7) 105 No -55 (55.5) 10 (9.5) 65 Totals 145 25 168 y 3%. = .02 not significant at 5% level c.c,*** = .0001 * Observed frequency ** Expected.frequency *** Coefficient of contingency TABLE XXXVII COMPARISON OF RELIGIOUS RADIO LISTENING HABITS OF FAMILY HEADS WITH SECULARIZATION SCORES IN NON-CHURCH FAMILIES Family head Listens to SCORES Religious Radio LOW & Med. High Totals Broadcasts of* ef*% offi ef*% Yes 76 (71.4) -80 (84.6) 156 No -52 (56.6) 48 (45.4) 80 Totals 108 128 256 V St = 1.65 not significant at 5% level C.C.%%* = .006 * Observed frequency 2* Expected frequency *** Coefficient of contingency 4:; "$4.5 I.“ "3- . C .' ..yu..... 2...... ...... ...t? .... 1.9.”. 0.4.1.}. .‘ .3.... ‘Hn...i.l.o .v... F... ., 154 while for non-church families it does have such a significant relationship. This is understandable when it is realized that some who refrain from communion do so because of extreme devotion, while others do so from a spirit of indifference or neglect of their full privileges as a church member. When a family head of a non-church family takes communion, it requires, viewing it from the social situation, a definite desire to do so on the part of such a person, which, in the light of the theoretical analyses explored in previous chapters, would.make the partaking of communion to be theoretically more expressive for the non-church family head than failure to take communion would be expressive for the church family head. This is verified by the statistical differences observed. Religious radio programs do not appear to have any significant relationship to church orientation, as compared to membership, support, and taking communion. The signs test does show, however, that those who listen tend to have low scores while the high scores are associated with those who do not listen to religious radio, and the observed frequency exceeds expected frequency (though not with statistical significance), in the same relationship for both church and non-church families. It is therefore concluded that orientation to the church by means of membership, support, and taking communion does have a significant relationship to secularization scores as established in this study. .' Q- .‘ a ' I'.‘ CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The problem to which this study is addressed is, the process of secularization. This is a study of the impact of complex, modern, technologically stimulated, patterns of behavior, upon the hierarchy of importance given to non-rational and empirical value-judgments in their orientation to overt behavior. It is assumed that secularization is a social process taking place in a social situation and being evidenced by certain trends of overt behavior much the same as other social processes such as accomodation, or assimilation. Moreover, in a survey of the literature on secularization it became evident that there is an essential agreement among writers on the fact that the complex, modern, technologically stimulated, way of life has initiated and is continuing a trend away from giving primacy to the Spiritual toward giving primacy to the secular in daily life. The literature on secularization, furthermore, shows that the process of secularization is not new. This is eSpecially obvious when one is reminded that the alternatives of sacred-secular, religion-science, ritualism-rationalism, non-utilitarian- utilitarian, non-rational-empirical, divine (and/or natural) 155 156 purpose-(human and/or) no purpose, are seen to be present in nearly all cultures, whether simple, complex, primitive, or modern. In addition, the trend of secularization is also made apparent with the consideration that the generally recognized function of the sacred aspect of society is that of integration; while the secular aSpect of society appears, in one way or another, to increasingly demand a position of primacy over the sacred, in the orientation process of applying value-judgmmlts to overt daily behavior. On the basis of these preceding considerations, this study has advanced three basic hypotheses, namely: 1. That secularization can be defined and that the extremes of the secular and.the spiritual can be arranged on a logical continuum to which overt behavior patterns can be measurably related. 2. That Specific patterns of overt behavior, eXpressive of the faith and tradition of organized religion can be logically arranged on a continuum. 5. That by means of a scoring procedure, overt family religious patterns can be measurably related as to their congruity with the patterns endorsed, sanctioned, and encouraged by organized religion. The data of this study was gathered by the fielding of a pre-tested interview schedule in the rural Protestant areas of Isabella County, Michigan. The information thus gathered has been.validated on the basis of inferred relationm face-validity, and by comparison with other data of entirely independent sources. The reliability of the data has been established by a coefficient of correlation of .76 using the '-.‘." ...- 157 split-half test and the product-moment method of computation. Theoretically, this study of behavior has utilized-- from the sociology of religion and social psychology-- the principle of overt-covert linkages. The general theory of the measurement of value was found to be helpful in the selection of an index, as well as in the construction of a logical continuum between the poles of the spiritual and the secular. In addition, value measurement theory was useful in developing a scoring procedure for the reSponses to the interview schedule. By means of this scoring procedure, various groups of families were compared as to detailed social settings and trends of secularization contained in the data and analyzed in terms of the hypotheses outlined above. The scoring procedure required the selecting as an index, certain overt behavior patterns that are sanctioned, encouraged, and endorsed by organized religion. These index items were then.neasureably related to the logical continuum by assignment of highest values to those patterns judged to be closest to the secular pole and assignment of lowest values to those items judged to be closest to the spiritual pole. In a series of tables,comparisons have been made between the secularization scores as herein established and factors related to social status and church orientation. With regard to status factors; the economic considerations of source and amount of income, size of farms, acreage, and 158 ownership were compared to secularization scores; the educational factors of the amount of formal education of the male and female family heads of church and non-church families were compared to secularization scores; the time factors of participation in non-church community activities, age of family head, and length of residence were compared to secularization scores. With regard to church orientation factors; secularization scores were compared with church.membership, church support, the taking of communion by family heads, and listening to religious radio programs. In these comparisons it was found that (1) in some instances the same factors have the same trend of association . with the family scores in both church and non-church families; (2) in a number of instances other factors have from varying to opposite trends of association between family scores of church and non-church families. Factors adjudged not to be related to secularization for either church or non-church families due to lack of significant statistical differences between eXpected and observed frequencies include: (1) Amount of income; (2) Whether the home is owned or rented with or without acreage; (5) Participation in non-church community activities; (4) Listening to religious radio prOgrams. ... ll".\‘.. [qut ...:I'.» v. .2... .. .4 ...-Kn... L a... n... a ...c, ..J... .l.v'l.. .h.;:r.r..a ..L '90.. II If: 159 Factors adjudged to be significantly related to secularization scores of both church and non-church families include: (1) Source of income whether from farm or other source. Among church families a farm-source income was found to be associated with middle or high score categories. Among non-church families a farm-source income was found to be associated with low and middle score categories. (2) Church membership. ((5) Church support. Factors adjudged to be significantly related to seculari- zation scores of non-church but not church families include: (1) Formal education of husbands and wives. (2) Age of family head. (5) Length of residence. (4) Communicant practice of family head. In a number of instances the relation, where found to be significant, was curvilinear, that is, the observed frequencies were not always high er low, but at times were medium, or were low and high, with the middle score category having less than anticipated frequencies. In some instances the same trends were noticeable among church families as non-church but not to a significant degree. In other instances the trend was different between church and non-church families but, as in the case of education of family heads, the trend in church families was not statistically significant. 140 On the basis of the foregoing, certain facts seem to be evident: 1. Statistically significant differences in scores have prevailed throughout the study between church and non-church families. 2. The factors that appear to be related to the secularization of the church family are: 5. a. Secularization tends to increase as the formal education of the family head increases; b. Secularization is increased if the source of income is from agriculture;2 c. Non-participation tendi to be associated with either high or low scores; d. Younger aged family heads tend to have families with log scores, older aged with middle and high scores; e. Residence under five years tends to be associated with middleland high scores, longer residence with low scores; f. Scores lower than 44 tend to indicate a high degree of willingness to sacrifice and oi the exercise of self-discipline for religious values; The factors that appear to be related to the seculari- zation of the non-church families are: a. Secularization tends to decrease as the formal education of the family head increases;2 b. Secularization is decreased if the source of income is from agriculture; 0. Participation is associated with medium scores, while non-participation is associated with high scores; 1A noticeable trend but not statistically significant. 2A statistically significanttrend. 141 d. Younger aged family heads tend to have families with high and medium scores, older aged low scores. e. Residence under 5 years tends to be associated with medium and high scores, longer residence with low scores. f. Scores lower than 44 were not obtained by any group of non-church families except those who partake of communion elements, this would suggest a possible generalization that the more sacred the overt act is thought to be, the more willingness to sacrifice and the more self-discipline required. 4. This study suggests that there is need for inclusion in religious census data significant status and church orientation factors as found herein significant. 5. The specific index of this study may not be applicable to all communities, but the principle of selecting an index related to organized religion as a tool to be used for the measurement of secularization has been demonstrated to be a valid procedure. 6. This study is confined to the rural protestant area of a single Michigan county. Any generalizations, there- fore, would need to be verified by further, similar research, in other areas, before such generalizations would be scientifically justified. 2A statistically significant trend. 10. 11. 12. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allport, Gordon. Personality. New York: Holt, 1957, 588 pp. Americana Encyclopedia. 1948 ed. New York: Americana Corp. Vol. 24. Barnes, H. E., and H. Becker. Contemporary Social Theory. New York: Appleton-Century, 1940, 947 pp. Becker, Howard. "The Process of Secularization," American Sociological Review. 24:158-154; 226-286, 1952. Bernard, Jessie. American Community Behavior. New York: The Dryden Press, 1949, 688 pp. Bogardus, E. 3. Fundamentals of Social Psychology. New York: Appleton-Century, 1942, 558 pp. Bultena, Louis. American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 14 (June, 1949), p. 586. Davies, Vernon. Tables Showing Significance of Difference Between Percentages and Between Means. 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New York: Abingdon Cokesbury, 1952, 225 pp. Hart, H. W. "Note on the Secular Mind," Catholic World, July, 1949. Hoffer, C. R. Health and Health Services for Michigan Farm Families. Bulletin 552, September, 1948. Michigan State College Bulletin, East Lansing, Michigan, 54 pp. Holzinger, Karl J. Statistical Tables for Students in Education and Psychology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951, 104 pp. Landis, Paul H. Social Policies in the Making. New York: D. C. Heath Co., 1952, 617 pp. . Rural Life in Process. New York: McGraw Hill, 1948. p. 429. LaPierre, R. T. and P. R. Farnsworth. Social Psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956, 511 pp. Loomis, C. P. and J. A. Beegle. Rural Social Systems. New York: Prentice Hall, 1950, 875 pp. . Tonnies, Ferdinand. Fundamental Concepts of Sociology. Translation by C. P. Loomis, New York: Awerican Book Co., 1940, 295 pp. Malloy, J. I. "Bishops warn of Secularism," Catholic World, January, 1948. Marden, Charles F. Minorities in American Society. Chicago: Anerican Book Co., 1952, p. 26. Merrill, Francis E. Social Problems. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950, 424 pp. .' Il’ltIl.’ -. ).VII .pr. ryl’ u I 28. 29. 50. 51. 52. 55. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 40. 41. 42. 45. 144 Morrison, C. G. Editorials. "Can ProtestantismTWin America?“ Christian Century, April 5, 10, May 8, 15, 1946. Newcomb, T. M. Social Psychology. New York: Dryden, 1950, 690 pp. New International Encyclopedia, 1950 ed. New York: Dodd Mead Co. Vol. XX. Nordskog, J. E. and.Vincent, McDonach. Analyzing Social Problems. New York: Dryden, 1950, 818 pp. Parsons, Talcott. Structure of Social Action. New York: McGraw Hill, 1957, 817 pp. . The Social System. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1951, 575 pp. Rall, Harris F. Christianity. New York: Scribners, 1945, 565 pp. Sargent, S. Sansfeld. Social Psychology. New York: Ronald Press, 1950, 519 pp. Smith, T. Lynn. The Sociology of Rural Life. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1955. p. 456. Sorokin, Pitirim A. Society, Culture, and Personality. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947, 742 pp. Spann, J. Richard. The Christian Faith and Secularism. New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1955, 296 pp. Tawney, R. H. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism. New York: New Anerican Library, 1957, 280 pp. Toy, C. H. Introduction to the History of Religion. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1924, 659 pp. Toynbee, Arnold J. A Stugy of Histogy. New York: Oxford University Press, 1946. Abridgement, Vols. I-VI by D. C. Somervell, 617 pp. Wach, Joachim. Sociology of Religion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944, 418 pp. Young, Pauline V. Scientific Social Survey_. New York: Prentice-Hall, 1944, 619 pp. I I APPENDIX GLOSSARY GLOSSARY CONCURRENCE - The more or less deliberate c00peration of the individual or family with the covert and overt patterns of behavior encouraged, sanctioned, and endorsed by organized religion. CONFORMITY - The conscious or unconscious acceptance of or acquiescence to the folkways, mores and other usages, in the framework of behavior patterns encouraged, sanctioned, and endorsed by organized religion. EXPEDIENT - The recognition of societal meanings attached to situational relationships. FACTUAL - The recognition of societal meanings attached to rational, empirically validated data. FRAME OF REFERENCE - The basic or core concept to which data are related by logical analysis. HIERARCHY OF VALUE-JUDGMENTS - The scale of priority of (values) meanings according to the type of data upon which the meaning is based. HOLY - The matrix of the true, the good, and the beautiful. It is that aspect of value that reflects the totality or God. It is the totality of value. INTEGRATION - The act or process of making a unitary whole out of parts. This is usually productive of increased complexity although complexity in and of itself does not produce integration. Integration is the inverse of differentiation. It is sympathetic inter-relatedness. INTERACTION - (Social) - The process by which the direction, form, or function of individuals, groups, or institutions, are reciprocally modified in a more or less enduring manner . MAGIC - A system of manipulation or control of the unknown, usually by traditional methods. Compared with religion magic seeks control while religion implies communication with higher power without implying control. 146 147 MANA - Similar to Spirit. The supersensuous ideal order of being or realm of the universal mind. MORAL - The rec0gnition of societal meanings attached to non-rational data such as spiritual, traditional, or emotional norms. MORALE - That aspect of consensus in a group that involves serious, persistent, determination to achieve mutually accepted goals. NON-RATIONAL - This term refers to those phenomena, whose supposed existence and nature cannot be demonstrated by logical means. NORMATIVE - Overt forms that are expressive of societal values. A general standard of measure varying in detail according to the field of thought. NORMATIVE INTEGRATION - A sympathetic inter-relatedness that conforms to societal values or norms. This need not be based on empirical data. RATIONAL - That is rational,which claims to obtain “truth" through the use of logical processes. RELIGION - A more or less coherent body of beliefs and practices concerned with the realm of the non-rational, together with the emotional states rising in collective behavior. Religion must be understood apart from theology (i.e. speculation about the nature of God), and the church (1. e. an institutional pattern of belief and practice.). SACRED - That which is part of, related to, or sanctioned by deity. Emil Durkheim defines sacred as things set apart and/or forbidden. SACRIFICE - Any voluntary modification of overt behavior by which there is a forfeiture of immediate or obviously desirable goals or values for the purpose of obtaining or expressing devotion to more remote, less obvious, non-rational goals or values. SCIENCE - The organized body of knowledge, empirically validated, by which environment is controlled or understood. 148 SECULAR - Any person, act, or process, giving primacy and/or priority to empirical values to the neglect, denial, or ignoring of non-rational values. SECULARISM - An ethical system founded on the concept of natural morality entirely apart from revealed religion, supernaturalism, or spiritualism. SECULARIZATION - The process by which the behavior of man is oriented to a hierarchy of value norms that give priority or primacy to or extend the scope of empirical data to the neglect, denial, or exclusion of non- rationally established norms. ELF-DISCIPLINE - Voluntary sacrifice by the individual of a sort that is permissive but not in the least demanded by the group. SOCIETAL - The adjective used to describe large-scale inter group relationships. SOLIDARITY - A group consensus characterized by a high degree of integration, high morale, and by the absence of great social distances. SPIRIT - The supersensuous ideal order of being or realm of infinite mind. SPIRITUAL - That is spiritual which is a non-rationally conceived entity of supreme non-human reality which has purpose different from and other than purpose of human origin or design. SPIRITUALIZATION - The process by which the behavior of man is oriented to a hierarchy of value norms giving priority or primacy to or extending the scope of application of non-rational data, with or without reconciling them to empirically established norms. STATUS - Relative position, rank, or standing of a person in a group, or of a group in reference to some other group or groups. TECHNOLOGICAL - That which applies empirically verified informa- tion for and instrumentation of the satisfaction of human wants or needs. TRADITIONAL - A way of thought or action that has come down from the past. A body of accepted group beliefs and practices. This is often associated with magic, and is related to customs, folkways, and mores. 149 VALUES - Any objects, conditions, or principles around which meanings have grown due to the experience of social interaction. Values involve attitude (a tendency to act), expression (consummatory action), and the shared symbolism of a given Society. VALUE-ORIENTATION - Relating societal meanings to personal experience in any given realm. VALUE-JUDGMENT - The recOgnition of a given object or course of action to be in terms of conformity with previously learned, socially desirable, norms. 15C) SCHEDULE FOR THE STUDY OF SECULARIZATION IN RURAL PROTESTANT AREAS OF ISABELLA COUNTY, MICHIGAN Name of informant Township Section I am , working as a graduate student in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Michigan State College. We are making a study of how interested rural people are in community organi- zations, especially the church, and to what extent their ideas of religion in- fluence daily life. SECTION I Nearly all of us either belongs or attends some community meetings. l. r99.l°9.b§l098.t° any Lodges? Farm organizations?_‘8uch as: _ LODGE II ' ."' (Family Membe§_ Masons 100F ‘KPI:AElk oy Sc. GirIch. _cher_ Group ,Husband ‘ __ __ I (Wife ._.__ ___ ___ II !Son ___ _ ,_ .. III”, :Daughter IV 'Other 1 V [#h 1 Farm FamilyiMember) Bureau Gragge A—H Other Group -usband ____ VI ife !: . ____ on 1 VII aughter L:“ ____ ’ ther ! VIII la. Do you belong to any church? How about others in our household —- doithey belong? to what church? 2. If so which denomination? iFam..Mem. Appr Ass Husband Wife Son Daughter iSon Daughter (Oth er th. (D l 1 HHI Bapta, Pres. Luth. l God HllllE when!) r 1 per mo. Occasionally Group IX X XI XII XIII XIV XV Group XVI XVII” XVIII XIV XXI XXII 3. 5. Page 2 What part do you take in church activities? (What other church group or society is attended by anyone in your home?) 151. I Gr. XXIII U) 0 O p. (D d :4 ‘ Regs Gr. XXIV _Occas. lGr. XXV LNever Gr. XXVI __Youth __Prayer Gr. __Bible Std. __Adult Other I ...—5.... ”-1” If you are a church member nearly tells whv. (a Card Because of: ___Sense of duty ___My friends belong ___My beliefs ___It helps me ___Other I please check on this card the answer which most will be given with the same questions, but transfered to this sheet for convenience) Gr. XXVII If you are not a church member please check the answer below that most nearly tells why. Because: ___I disagree with what ___I have no time ___It is unnecessary ___I think it's a racket __‘Neglect ___Other Interviewers opinion. The doubtful ; to speak with confidence. it teaches person does if he understands enough of church affiliation SECTION II Habits reflecting secularization. 1. (to appear on above mentioned card) ;does not Gr. XXVIII Next, come some questions about other religious practices which some people take part in and others do not. Which of the following do you do, and how often? Grace at table __Yes _yNo __Regularly __Without guests __Seldon _;With guests __Never Gr. XXIX 1523 Page 3 Section II, Item I continued Gr. XXX ___?ray at bedtime yourself ___Regularly ___Seldom __4Never Teach children _gXes __No All Children ___Ceased at what age? bedtime prayers Gr. XXXI ___Pray alone at home ___Daily ;4;Occas. ___Never ___Pray family worship ___Daily ___Occas. __;Never 2. Who in your home other than yourself, does any of the following Gr. XXXII things? WHAT ___Personal prayer ___Mother ___Dad ___Other ___Leads family worship [__;Mother ___Dad ___Other - Gr. XXXIII ___Says grace ___Mother ___Dad ___Other ._._. ___Has bedtime prayers ___Mother ___Ded ___Other Gr. XXXIV ___Teaches children ___Mother ___Dad ___Other bedtime prayers 3. Do you or some other member of your family read the Bible? Gr. XXXV __I do __Begularly __Dccasionally __Never __Mother __Regularly __Occasionally __Never Page 4 SECTION II, Item 3 continued .___Dad ___Regularly ___Occasionally ___Never ___Other ___Regularly ___Occasionally ___Never 4. What religious magazines come into your home? Bought at Newstand We subscribe What religious book (3) have you read this year? Other Would you mind telling me what religion you consider yourself? What church were you brought up in? Who in your home takes communion and/or attends church? Leaner]: -- _gjifTIEIpagi ;‘L‘L: 'f "‘:”“‘“'“"f““ ' Yesfitfib. 1-3 per mo. jl per mo. Occasionally1° Husband ___ i__ 1 Wife I ' Son ; “Daughter ___ I LSon ._ , Daughter 4... Q POther l___ (P .-..“He-w ‘. l z-J .....1 1 .M ...? ——....- _agw “cu—v-o— on. . .. Quite often the way we amuse ourselves in free time shows what we believe. May I ask you now a few questions about recreation. 7. Do you attend the movies? ___Yes ’ ___No ___Twice weekly ___Weekly ___Once per month ___Under 6 times per year 6 times per year 153 Gr. XXXVI - Gr. XXXVII Gr. XXXVIII Group XXXIX XXXX XXXXI XXXXII___-__ XXXXIII_____ XXXII! XXXXV Gr.'XXXXVI 154: Page 5 Section II, Item 7 continued Gr. XXXXVII Do you play cards? ___Ies ___No ___At home ___At a club ___With friends Gr. HXXVII Do you dance? ___Xes ___No .___.___ ___At public dances ___Only private dances What one amusement is most popular in your home? Gr. XXXXIX Gr. L -..At home ___Anywhere ___Alone ___With others Gr. LI 8. Do you listen to religious radio programs? ___Local (nearest sta.) ___Regularly ___Seldom ___Never ___Regional (Chic.-Dt.) ___Regularly _;_National ' ___Begularly ___Seldom ;__Never Gr. LII (Old Fashion Revival Hour etc.) 9. Do you send money to help support any religious radio programs? Gr. LIII ___Local ___Regularly' ___Seldom ___Never __gRegional ___Regularly ___Seldom ___Never I155 Page 6 Section II, Item 9 continued “r LIV ___National ___Regularly ___Seldom ___Never _fi_ Sometimes we enjoy recreation connected with the church. Do you attend: 10. ___Suooers ___Church friends ___Societies Other What we do not approve of and what is do approve sometimes is related to our religion. —-Sometimes not. 11. Which of the following do you: Gr. LV Disapprove for Disapprove Approve religious reasons 0th. reasv~* Drunkeness . . Drinking Alcbhblic Bev. All dancing Gr. LVI Public dancing Gards Theater going , Other f Gr. LVII 12. Do you support the church financially? ___Yes ___No ___Pledge ___Offering only ___Proportionately (do you give more when you make more) 13. Do you have any crosses, crucifixes, or other religious decora- Gr. LVIII tions in your home? Yes ___No :::I bought them ___They were gifts 156 Page 7 li. I have owned these decorations: Gr. LVIIIcor __‘One year ___Five years ___Two years ___Over ten years A religious motto is some saying we have printed and hanging on the wall; a relic is some piece of wood, or stone that has religious meaning such as a crucifix or rosary. 15. Do you have any religious mottos or relics in your home? Gr. LIX __4Yes ___They were a gift or prize ___No ___I bought them 16. How many Bibles in your home? Gr. LX 17. How many New Testaments in your home? Gr. LXI V Gr. LXII ,SECTION III Now may I ask a few general questions? 1. Which of the following are you in your home? ___Male head of house :: ___Female head of house “I If ___Other adult in home VFW“ V ___Child under 16 -- number of 2. What is your approximate age? ___Under 23 ___23-25 ___36-50 ___SO-over Page 8 Section III continued 3. How long have you lived in your present residence? ___Under 2 years ___2-4 years ___5-9 years ___lO-lS years ___Over 15 years 4. How many males in your household? ___Male 4a. How many females in your household? ___Female 5. What is the chief source of your fwnily income? ___Farming ‘___Shop worker ___Oil worker ___Other ___I ruc ker 5a. What is your nationality background? __gEnglish ___German (other) name it ___Slavic ___Scandinavian ___Canadian 6. Which of the following conveniences do you have in your home? ___Electricity ___Running Water ___Car . ___Indoor Toilet ___Radio ___Deep Freeze ___Telephone ___Television ___Refrigerator 7. About your farm-~Do you ___Own it? ___Bent it? What size? ___Under 20 ___81-160 acres ___21-40 ___160 acres and up ___41-80 acres 8. What education have you had? ___Husband ___Wife Less than 8 grades Eight grades 9-11 grades High school gradua te some college College graduate 1157 Gr. LXIII Gr. LXIV Gr. LXV Gr. LXVI Gr. LXVII Gr. LXVIII Gr. LXVIV 1553 Page 9 SECTION IV 1. Which of the following do you read? Gr. LXX ___Daily'newspaper ___Weekly newspaper ___Weekly magazines Please list up to three; the weeklies that y0u read: Other: ___Monthly magazines: Gr. LXXI la. About the types of magazines read. Do you read: ___Western type ___Comics ___Romance What kind of reading do you avoid, if any? Gr. LXXII ___Religious ___Illicit love stories ___Murder stories ___Crime stories Love stories 2. What charities do you support? Gr. LXXIII ___T. B. Stamps ___Community Chest ___Salvation Army ___Polio Drive ___Adventist ___Other ___Red Cross On this card I am going to hand you, kindly Check:the approximate gross or total income that you had for 1948. Estimated gross income: Gr. LXXIV A. Under $I,OOO . 4,000- 5,000 1,000- 2,000 . 5,000- 7,500 EDWM B. C. 2,000- 3,000 . 7,500_10,000 D. 3,000- 4,000 . 10,000- UP -.rlJtl‘ I