OVERDUE FINES:
25¢ per W per item

RETUMIMB LIBRARY MTERIALS:

___________.__———
Place in book return to muove
dune frat circuhtion records

  

'o-n.
I ’ 3““ L-
x (sir-m“

V‘ ‘ ~ILQ‘uul V
x “ "” 4

 
    

 

 

 

 

PRIMARY RELATIONS AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION:
A THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION

BY

Subhash Durlabhji

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfilmment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Management

1981

mugs: tc

335.11.28.11}

Zaintenanc
View as
that 15' ?
SOCiety.
ac“mam
{Galatians
logical w!

Work
traditiOng
as a SOCiEI
allowing 1

Problems 3

!

 

CE-II5‘“7J“C:

ABSTRACT

PRIMARY RELATIONS AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION:
A THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION

BY
Subhash Durlabhji

Views of scholars from the fields of organization
behavior, psychology, and sociology on the question of the
determinants of individual and societal well-being are
brought together in this dissertation. The role of work
organizations in the enhancement of individual and societal
well-being is explored.

A set of propositions are developed from this inter-

disciplinary survey. Primary relations, that is, relations

 

constituted as ends in themselves rather than as means to an
end, are viewed as being necessary for the achievement and

maintenance of psychological equilibrium. They are also

 

 

viewed as being necessary for achievement of moral solidarity,

 

that is, a degree of homogeneity of values of members of

society. It is suggested that industrialization is

 

accompanied by the erosion of traditional sources of primary
relations, resulting in a loss of psychological and socio-
logical well-being.

Work organizations are proposed as an alternative to
traditional sources of primary relations. Japan is presented
as a society in which work organizations do play this role,
allowing Japan to avoid many of the social and psychological

problems that often accompany industrialization. Aspects of

cozpanie
project:
measures
well-bei
relation-
individu

at the 0;

 

 

Japanese work organization considered encouraging of
primariness of the individual's relationship with the
organization (PIRO) which may be applicable to the American

context are combined to yield the notion of TYPE of

 

organization.

An exploratory investigation with eight manufacturing
companies was conducted, using interviews, and semi-
projective (sentence-completion) and objective survey

measures. Relationships among PIRO, TYPE, and the emotional

 

well—being (Egg) of respondents were examined. A strong
relationship between £159 and EEE was obtained, at the
individual level of analysis (r = .36, s = .002, N = 64) and
at the organizational level of analysis (r = .72, s = .02,

N = 8). Relationships between TXPE and 3339 (r = .30,

n.s., N = 8) and between TXPE and EEE (r = .33, n.s., N = 8)

were not significant, but in the expected direction.

I .
iisserta

98:26:35:

access;t

 

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am extremely fortunate to have been guided in this
dissertation by a committee of professors whose patience and
generosity went well beyond the call of duty. Their ready
accessibility, their careful review of my efforts, and, most
especially, their abundance of ideas in response to my needs
made this dissertation an enriching experience for me. I
wish I had been able to incorporate all of their valuable
suggestions in the work reported here. Flaws in the
dissertation should be attributed to an inadequate graSp of
their suggestions by me, and not at all to any lack of
attention on their part.

It is impossible to separately specify the contributions
made by each member of the committee. Dr. Stan Stark
continued to guide, and not impose, as dissertation committee
chairman, as he has done since 1975 as my adviser. His
influence on the ideas contained in this dissertation are
fundamental. I am also grateful to him for rating inter-
view data. My association with Dr. Ken White has been
almost as long; his contributions to my development have not
been any less. Dr. Ben Schneider insisted on my learning a
few basic lessons; I am extremely grateful that he did. I
called upon Dr. Harold Teitlebaum, who was not formally on

ii

I' Q
n-vgnon

“O. b- v-
o

12 ZCST

Va 51. ~
in; hue .4

fcb wit":

0’ .
nah-Jon‘- -
‘.“V“Lh
-

as well.

 

the committee, almost as much as I called upon the committee
members; his help was invaluable.

Many other people at this university have contributed,
directly or indirectly, to the ideas presented here. Among
the most prominent of these are: Dr. Eugene Jennings,

Dr. Winston Oberg, Dr. Henry Tosi, and Dr. John Wanous

in Management; Dr. John McKinney and Dr. Ellen Strommen,

in Psychology; Dr. Chris Vanderpool and Dr. John Gullahorn,
in Sociology; and Dr. Warren Samuels, in Economics.

As raters for the sentence-completion instruments used
in the dissertation I needed sharp people who would do the
job with dedication. In Dave Bowen, Linda Kohl, and Dave
VanHouten I found the perfect raters--and perceptive critics
as well.

Ginger Noell typed two or three drafts and the final
dissertation with astonishing speed and accuracy.

As the fourth rater and as my wife, Neelam Kher has
been a constant source of support and encouragement. The
peace and stability that she brings to my life enhances
every facet of my existence and allows me to devote all my

energies to my work.

iii

?\'--y~ u...
i

-Joo-Vu»

”L.

“to:

r-c .U
n
(D
'1

T?
“.

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

0

PART I: LITERATURE SYNTHESIS

Chapter
I. PRIMARY RELATIONS AS A DETERMINANT
MENTAL HEALTH . . . . . . . . . .

Primary Relations . . . . . . .
Psychological Equilibrium . a .
Anomie . . . . . . . . . . .
Perceived Efficacy . . . . .

OF

Relationship between Primary Relations

and Psychological Equilibrium .

Role of Primary Group Membership

Achievement of Psychological
Equilibrium: Anomie . . . .

Role of Primary Group Membership

Achievement of Psychological
Equilibrium: Alienation . .
Maintenance of Psychological
Equilibrium . . . . . . . .
Durkheim . . . . . . . .

Marx . . . . . . . . . .
Homans . . . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . .

II. PRIMARY RELATIONS AS A DETERMINANT
SOCIETAL HEALTH 0 O O O I O C O O

Societal Health and "Moral Solidarity".

Societal Health . . . . . .
"Moral Solidarity . . . . .
"Moral Solidarity" and Primary
Relations . . . . . . . . . .
Durkheim . . . . . . . . . .
Cooley . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . .

III. THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION: THE ATTENUATING

EFFECT OF MODERNIZATION ON PRIMARY
RELATIONS . O O C C I O C O O O 0

iv

12

13
15

19

20

23

25
25
27
28
28

30

30
30
35

38
38
43
44

47

as

I)”

votub
.

(I

Wt

hu-

‘0

' \

 

 

 

Chapter - _
Tonnies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

Weber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Stinchcombe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Warren . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Cooley, Wirth,Ange11, Kasandra and

Janowitz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

IV. ORGANIZATIONAL PRIMARY RELATIONS AS A
DETERMINANT OF SOCIETAL, ORGANIZATIONAL,

AND EMPLOYEE HEALTH . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
The Potential of Work Groups . . . . . . . 67
China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
Drawbacks of the Chinese and Japanese ‘
Organizational Forms . . . . . . . . . . . 78
Type "A" and Type "Z" . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

PART II: EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION
V. HYPOTHESES AND OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS . . . . 88
Hypotheses of the Empirical 88
Investigation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
Definitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the Organization
(PIRO) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
TYPE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Emotional Well- -Being (EWB) . . . . . . . 103
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

VI. SAMPLE AND DATA COLLECTION . . . . . . . . . . 114

Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
Data Generation Procedures . . . . . . . . 118
Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the Organization . . . 119
TYPE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
Emotional Well-Being . . . . . . . . . . 122
Demographic Information . . . . . . . . 127
Data Collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

VII. DATA ANALYSIS RESULTS AND DISCUSSION . . . . . 129

Missing Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Internal Consistency . . . . . . . . . . . 130

V

1.--?
i.-. O

 

 

Chapter

Multi-Trait Multi-Method Matrix . .
Organizational Level Analysis .

Results . . .
Discussion .

Summary of Results

Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis
Hypothesis

thH-0

VIII. IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . .

Limitations on Interpretation . . .

Construct Validity . . . . . . . .

APPENDIX A .
APPENDIX B .
APPENDIX C .

APPENDIX D .

Generalizability . . . . . . . .
Interpretations of Correlations
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . .

Primariness of Individual's

Relationship with the Organization
(PIRO) . . . . . . . . . . . .
TYPE . . . . . . . . . . .
Emotional Well-Being .
Conclusions . . . . .

LIST OF REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . ._. .

vi

133
136
140
146
146
150
152
154
156

157
158
158
160

163
168

169
172
176
179
183
193
199
201

207

4-
O

C),
o

\I
o

10.

ll.

 

Table
1.

10.

11.

9A

LIST OF TABLES

Main Distinctions between Primary and
Secondary Realtions . . . . . . . . . . .

Two Ideal Types of Organizational Control

Descriptive Information about Sample
companies 0 O O O O O O O O O O O C I O O

Scales Used to Measure Variables . . . .

Internal Consistency Coefficients -
Standardized Item Alpha (N = 64) . . . .

Reliability Coefficients, Combined Ratings,

Sentence Completion Scales (N = 64) . . .

Multi-Trait Multi-Method Matrix (N = 64)

Correlation Matrix, "TYPE" Scales (N = 8)

Correlation Coefficients, PIRO, TYPE,
and EWB (N = 8) O O C O I O O O C O O O 0

Correlation Coefficients, PIRO, TES,
and EWB (N = 8) o I o o o o o o o o o o 0

Correlation Coefficients, Two Indices
of Employment Stability with PIRO and EWB

Correlation Coefficients Corrected for
Attenuation, PIRO, TYPE and EWB (N = 8) .

vii

Page
11
81

115
126

131

132
134
138

141

143

144

145

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. The Activation Continuum . . . . . . . . . . 108
2. Measurement Structure . . . . . . . . . . . 139

viii

INTRODUCTION

The nature of interpersonal relations predominant in
a society is viewed in this study as having a profound
influence on individual and societal well-being.
Consequences of changes in the nature of interpersonal
relations brought about by industrialization and
modernization are examined. The possible role of work
organizations in alleviating some of the more dysfunctional
of these consequences is suggested.

This dissertation is divided into two parts. Part I
consists of a theoretical investigation of primary relations
and social organization. A guiding conviction in this
discussion is that psychological, organizational, and
sociological phenomena cannot be studied in isolation from
each other. An interdisciplinary review and synthesis of
the literature results in the formulation of the following
propositions:

1. Individuals need primary relations to achieve

and maintain psychological equilibrium.

2. The stability and adaptability of a society
depend on its ability to develop "moral
solidarity" in its members.

3. In traditional societies, the system of

primary relations was the mechanism

1

2
through which such solidarity was
developed.
4. As societies modernize and industrialize,
the traditional sources of primary
relations weaken.
5. Work organizations, through their choice
of control mechanisms, are able to provide
the environment in which primary relations
can develop. The outcomes would relate not
only to the emotional equilibrium of
individuals and the moral solidarity or
integration of society as a whole, but
also to the efficiency and effectiveness
of the organization itself.
These propositions are the subject of discussion in Part
I (Chapters I through IV). The objectives of this discussion
are limited to elaboration of the concepts contained in the
propositions and of the meaning of the propositions.
Arguments made by various writers that serve to support the
propositions are presented. These arguments are rarely
supported by "data," in the current sense of the word.
While this does not mean they are not empirically derived,
their appeal is mostly to logic. No critique of the
methodology used by these writers is presented in this
dissertation, though inclusion here implies its evaluation

by the writer.

t0 c01*

 

|
The 8a.

in thit

3

The issues raised earlier about the sources of
individual and societal well-being have been addressed by
so many scholars in so many fields that it is beyond the
capacity of a single individual to review, let alone
synthesize, all that has been written on the subject. The
selectivity imposed upon the available material is
influenced, in the final analysis, by the writer's values
and biases.

These propositions then form the point of departure for
Part II of the dissertation, which is a report of empirical
testing of a small subset of the assertions contained in
the propositions. The work of Ouchi and his colleagues
(Johnson and Ouchi, 1974; Ouchi, 1981; Ouchi and Johnson,
1978; Ouchi and Price, 1978) provided the impetus for the
effort reported here, which may be viewed as a replication
and extension of their work. '

Chapter V translates prOposition 1 and part of
proposition 5 into testable hypotheses. The variables
that emerge from the effort in Part I are described here
in much more detail, especially with the objective of
constructing instruments capable of measuring them.

Chapter VI describes the instruments which were used
to collect data; some of these instruments were developed
for this study, while others are standardized measures.
The sample from which data were obtained is also described

in this chapter.

4

Chapter VII describes the analysis performed on the
data. The results‘of‘the analysis and hypotheses-testing
are discussed, and some tentative conclusions are reached.
The exploratory nature of the empirical investigation is
emphasized.

Chapter VIII contains a discussion of the lessons
learned from this research experience, pertaining to the
research process itself and to the conceptual or theoretical
aspects. Directions for future research are indicated. The
most important of these are summarized in the last section
of the chapter, along with the major conclusions of the

research.

PART I

LITERATURE SYNTHESIS

CHAPTER I

PRIMARY RELATIONS AS A DETERMINANT

OF INDIVIDUAL MENTAL HEALTH

This chapter elaborates upon PrOposition l, which
states that individual mental health cannot be achieved
without a history of primary group membership, nor can it

be maintained without continued membership in the same or

 

different primary groups. In the absence of a background
of being related to others in primary relationships,
individuals will grow up to be alienated and anomic, anxious
and hostile. And when an otherwise psychologically
balanced individual loses his/her primary relationships,‘
s/he will be unable to maintain his/her psychological balance
for long without finding other primary relationships.

The concept of "primary relations" is described first,
then some possible components of "psychological equilibrium."
Finally, the relationship between these two concepts, as

stated in Proposition 1, is discussed.

Primary Relations

 

Primary relations are those relations among individuals
typically found in primary groups. The term "primary group"

comes to us from Cooley (1962). "By primary groups I mean

7
those characterized by intimate face-to-face association
and cooperation" (page 23).

As examples of the most important primary groups,
Cooley lists the family, the play group of children, and
the neighborhood or community group of elders. Cooley
wrote in 1909, hence it is not certain that he would
characterize the modern-day counterparts of these groups
as primary. Even then Cooley noted that "the intimacy
of the neighborhood has been broken up by the growth of
an intricate mesh of wider contacts which leaves us
strangers to peOple who live in the same house" (page 26).

Ritchie and Koller (1964) have drawn up a more
extensive list of characteristics that distinguish primary
groups from what we may call secondary groups. Primary
groups tend to involve the whole personalities of their
members, rather than fragments or segments of personalities
as in secondary groups. They demand and achieve face-to-
face relationships over long periods of time, whereas
secondary groups rely more heavily upon intervening
media such as pictures, letters, advertisements, and
formal forms of discourse utilized more intermittently.
Primary groups are characterized by a Spontaneous,
unrehearsed, relaxed informality, in contrast with the
structured, formal procedures common in secondary groups.
Wirth (1938), in describing urban life as consisting of
mostly secondary rather than primary contacts among people,

suggests that, in secondary contacts, the persons tend to

8
stand in a relationship of utility to each other in the
sense that the role which they play in each other's
life is overwhelmingly regarded as a means for the
achievement of their own ends.
This distinction between relationships as a means
to an end and relationships as ends in themselves forms

the basis for Tonnies (1940) famous theory of Gemeinschaft

 

and Gesellschaft. Tonnies seeks to suggest in this

 

treatise that societies exhibit a decided historical
change from being predominantly Gemeinschaft to being

predominantly Gesellschaft. These are distinguished from

 

each other primarily by the form of relationships among
people predominant in each type. The fundamental
difference in the form of relationship relates to the
kind of human will that underlies the relationship.

When a group or a relationship is willed because those
involved wish to attain through it a definite end and
are willing to join hands for this purpose, even though
indifference or even antipathy may exist on other levels,
then the basis for the relationship is rational will,

in which means and ends have been sharply differentiated.
If people associate because they think the relationship
valuable as an end in and of itself, it is natural will
that predominates. Tonnies identifies five main

Gemeinschaft ties, characterized by being based

 

predominantly on natural will: between mother and

child, father and child, sisters and brothers, friend and

Spontan

is mad

Expres

9
friend, and rulers and subjects. By contrast, of course,
Gesellschaft ties are the kind that exist between business-
men and employees, professional and client, and so on.

Warren (1972), in his discussion of the "great change"
in American communities that we will refer to in Chapter
III, specifies the following distinction between primary
and secondary groups:

Where the primary group is intimate, involving

the participation of the 'whole' personality,

the secondary group is more casual, and

individuals participate with only that

segment of their personality which represents

the shared interest . . . a rigid dichotomy is

not indicated, but rather a continuum between

these two extremes (page 60).

The last sentence is significant; primary and secondary
are ideal types that, to a certain extent, coexist in the
same relationship. Thus, while groups in work organizations
are predominantly secondary, they are not devoid of primary
group characteristics. The reCOgnition of the distinction
between "task functions" and "maintenance functions" in
Organization Behavior attests to this. What Thibaut and
Kelly (1959) wish to point out in Specifying this distinction
is that, in addition to activities directly serving the
ends for which the group has been constituted, members
engage in activities and interactions which serve an
integrative function, and which are based more on
Spontaneous relationships based on sentiment than on
the formal structure of the group. A parallel distinction

is made by Parsons between Instrumental Activity and

Expressive Activity, and is mentioned in this context

10

by Warren (1972). It is this same distinction that forms

the basis for the distinction between "Initiating Structure"
and "Consideration" roles of the leader, or, as Kerr and
Jermier (1978) put it, for the recognition that people in
work groups seek "guidance" as well as "good feelings."

The description of primary relations may be rounded
out by reference to the ideas of philosopher-poet Buber
(1952), who suggests that people tend to look at other
people and objects either as a series of "Its" and relate
themselves to each It in an I-It relationship, or
alternatively, as "Thous" and relate themselves to each
Thou in an I-Thou relationship. For Buber, the I-Thou
relationship is distinguished from the I-It as mutual
sympathy and compassion are distinguished from manipulation
and exploitation. One might wish for more neutral
descriptors than "manipulation" and "exploitation" for
relationships in which rational will predominates; in
any case, it is clear that secondary relations may be
expected to have more of the I-It element than primary
relations. Table 1 summarizes the main distinctions
between primary and secondary relations.

This discussion of primary relations may be closed
with some remarks of Maslow's (1954) which are concerned
with his understanding of self-actualizing persons.

His description of the "love of a self-actualizing person"
is remarkably similar to what we have called a primary

relationship.

11

There is too much talk in the psychological
literature of rewards and purposes, of
reinforcements and gratifications, and

not nearly enough of what we may call the
end experience (as contrasted with the
means experience) . . . Horney in a

lecture has defined unneurotic love

in terms of regarding others as per se,

as ends in themselves, rather than as”
means 32 ends (pages 254-255; emphaSIs

added).

TABLE 1

MAIN DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN PRIMARY
AND SECONDARY RELATIONS

Primary Secondary
Based on Natural Will Based on Rational Will
Ends in themselves Means to an end
Whole persons involved Segments of persons involved

Face-to-face interaction Mediated interaction
Long-term Often brief

Frequent contact Intermittent contact
Spontaneous and informal Structured and formal
Warm, intimate, personal Indifferent and impersonal

I-Thou I-It

In this section, one of the key concepts of Proposition
1 has been described in some detail. In the next section,
the other key concept of PrOposition 1, psychological
equilibrium, is described. It may be noted at the outset
that, for the purposes of this project, the terms "mental
health," "emotional well-being," and "psychological

equilibrium" are considered to be equivalent.

0

seek s
as the

Oke'; ‘

cze 2'.
pee; e
ng‘ on

«o '1

(I: (D U)
'1 t.

I. (h

m n own 0
Oh“) () OI :

mwuzoo

   

W
add t‘-,

Confid.

12

Psychological Equilibrium

 

Individuals interact with their environments as they

seek satisfaction of their animal and human needs, and

as they seek to exercise their capabilities. In doing so,

they face many Situations containing potential problems

some minor, some major, many of them involving other

people. Bradburn (1969) arrives at a definition of "mental

health" in the following passage.

The fact that human beings are not self-
sufficient but must live in an interdependent
society where other human beings are also
engaged in the pursuit of their goals and
desires leads inevitably to a succession
of interpersonal conflicts. For the most
part, the rules of social life establish

a framework in which individuals are able
to interact with each other and to help
each other toward the mutual satisfaction
of their goals. But inevitably situations
occur in which the course of life does not
go smoothly, and problems arise. The
ability to c0pe with these difficult
situations without undue pain to

oneself or others is one of the common
criteria used for distinguishing 'mental
health' (page 2).

White (1959) develops the concept of "competence" as
"an organism's capacity to interact effectively with its
environment." While this is a more neutral concept than
Bradburn's definition of mental health in that it makes
no reference to avoiding "undue pain to others," one may
reasonably assume that "effective" interaction at least
subsumes "without undue pain to others."

Without disagreeing with Bradburn or White, one may
add that this ability to c0pe affords a measure of self-

confidence to the mentally healthy individual which

13

characterizes his or her dealings with the environment. It
is the facing of each day and each situation without anxiety
that defines for us an individual who has achieved
psycholOgical equilibrium; and if the individual is able

to emerge from each situation without any substantial loss

of equilibrium, then he has succeeded in maintaining his

 

psychological equilibrium. This definition applies equally
to the socially adapted individual and to the individual
engaged in socially maladapted behavior: a criminal is
'not automatically to be characterized as lacking in mental
health.

Ouchi and Johnson's (1978) pioneering work, which,
as stated before, this study will attempt to partially
replicate and extend, measures "emotional well-being" by
the following dimensions: happiness, doing well in life,
positive affect, perceived efficacy, anxiety, hostility,
negative affect, and anomie. In the following pages two of
Ouchi and Johnson's eight dimensions--Anomie and Perceived
Efficacy--are discussed in some detail, because of their

special relevance to the present theoretical framework.

Anomie
Anomie is most commonly conceptualized as "normlessness . "
The scale used by Ouchi and Johnson (1978) measures an
individuals "generalized pervasive sense of self-to-others
belongingness at one extreme compared with self-to-other
distance and self-to-others alienation at the other pole

of the continuum" (pages 305-306). With reference to the

C
3. C
I
210:3

 

 

 

14
passage from Bradburn (1969) quoted above, Anomie is the
subjective state of individuals who do not have in their
possession the "framework of rules of social life."
Durkheim (1951), who brought the concept into the mainstream
of sociological thought, thinks of Anomie as the lack of
"moral regulation" in the activities of individuals. Gould
and Kolb (1965) have abstracted from the work of MacIver
the following description of Anomie:

The fulfillment of the process of desocial-

ization, the retreat of the individual into

his own ego, the Skeptical rejection of all

social bonds . . . the state of mind of one

who has been pulled up from his moral roots,

who has no longer any standards but only

disconnected urges, who has no longer any

sense of continuity, of folk, of obligation

(page 9).

Blauner (1964) thinks of Anomie as "social alienation,"
and other writers have given slightly different
interpretations of the concept, as a perusal of the
collection of readings edited by Marcson (1970) makes
evident.

There is ample justification for viewing Anomie as a
component of poor mental health, since it is clear that
Anomie is likely to be an uncomfortable state in and of itself.
Thus, Durkheim (1951) traces the cause of a peculiarly
modern type of suicide to Anomie. It is also likely that
the anomic individual's dealings with the environment will
be wrought with anxiety as he attempts to produce behaviors

that would result in satisfying outcomes without the help

of "rules of social life." One way to conceptualize this

Y“ "
eure.
EXCEI
5.;- V

V Coo

‘ O
to! ..
"ufi‘

.
v -c-
.E.;-
ssvoc
h)

V-»

a-#
Haey

of wt

15
experience would be to suggest that the anomic individual
experiences each Situation as unique and unrelated to any
other situation. This is equivalent to being confronted
with more stimulation than the individual is able to
relate to. Such overstimulation would lead to anxiety,
stress, and immobility. Another image useful in this
context is to view social norms as the rudder with the help
of which individuals steer through the innumerable social
situations of daily living. The lack of direction, control,
and stability suggested by the image of a rudderless ship
in often turbulent waters is an apt representation of the
experience of the anomic individual.

Anomie is an important concept in this dissertation for
another reason, namely, as the psychological counterpart of
the idea of "moral solidarity," which is a key concept in
Propositions 2 and 3. While "moral solidarity" will be
discussed in detail in Chapter II, it might briefly be
suggested here that a society lacking "moral solidarity"

is a society composed of anomic individuals.

Perceived Efficacy
Inkeles and Smith (1974), the source from which Ouchi
and Johnson (1978) obtained their scale for Perceived
Efficacy, define the concept in terms of the belief that
man can learn how to exert considerable control over his
environment. The efficacious individual would tend to
advance his own goals, rather than being dominated by the

forces created by more powerful men or by nature itself.

'11 u-.‘ofl .

16

The sense of efficacy . . . includes, as well,

the sense that one can effectively do something

if officials are proposing what one considers

to be a bad law, and the belief that care will

help prevent accidents, that human nature can

be changed, that men can arrange their affairs

so that even nations can live in peace. [The

efficacious individul] would express his

confidence in his ability, alone and in

concert with other men, to organize his

life so as to master the challenges it

presents at the personal, the interpersonal,

the communal, the national, and even the

international levels (Inkeles and Smith, 1974,

page 22).

While Ouchi and Johnson view Perceived Efficacy as a
component of emotional well-being, it may be argued that
Perceived Efficacy is by itself simply an orientation or
generalized expectancy acquired by the individual from his
experiences in a particular cultural milieu. Lack of
Perceived Efficacy may or may not be associated with
poor mental health. For example, the perception of
Personal Efficacy in the face of uncontrollable negative
events may result in feelings of guilt and in disequilibrium.

The relationship of Perceived Efficacy to psychological
equilibrium is evident, however, in the contribution it
may make to the self-confidence of the individual, a
characteristic of mental health suggested earlier. White
(1959) also talks about a "feeling of efficacy" in the
context of his discussion on competence. One may also note
the striking similarity between the concept of Perceived
Efficacy and Internal Locus of Control, a concept developed
by Rotter (1966) that has subsequently become a central

construct of personality theory (see Lefcourt, 1972, 1976;

......

LJ

r3

to one
result

Stance:

 

Scale ¢
Percei‘

0f man

 

I'() (j :1.

p.
._

17
Phares, 1976). Lefcourt (1972), in a major review article,
'defines Locus of Control as:

The degree to which individuals perceive the

events in their lives as being a consequence

of their own actions, and thereby controllable

(internal control), or as being unrelated to

their own behaviors and, therefore, beyond

personal control (external control). It is a

generalized expectancy, an abstraction developed

from a host of experiences in which expectancies

have been met with varying degrees of validation

(page 2).

Throughout the book written four years later, Lefcourt
(1976) refers to this concept as "perceived control,"
bringing it even closer to the idea of Perceived Efficacy
being discussed here as a possible contributor to confidence
in one's ability to c0pe with contingencies presented by the
environment.

The perception that events in one's life are not related
to one's actions and are therefore uncontrollable may also
result in feelings of powerlessness under certain circum-
stances. Lefcourt and Ladwig (1965) used a Powerlessness
scale developed by Dean (1969) as a "second" test of
perceived control. Powerlessness is a fundamental
characteristic of Alienation. Marx, whose characterization
of man in capitalist society as alienated remains the
starting point for all discussions of the phenomenon, finds
the root of Alienation in the relationship of labor to its
product.

. . . the object produced by labor, its product,

now stands opposed to it as an alien being, as a

power independent of the producer. The alienation

o the worker in his product means not only that his
his labor becomes an object, assumes an external

 

 

 

N! Ln! (1 m

18

existence, but that it exists independently
outside himself, and alien to him, and that
it stands opposed to him as an autonomous
power (Marx, 1963; pages 122-123).

 

For Marx, the "product of labor" that now stands
opposed to the worker as an autonomous power is capital, the
means of production. Marx finds the first characteristic

1 finds itself in a

of alienation in.the fact that labor
relationship of relative powerlessness to its own product,
the means of production. Ollman (1971), in his analysis of
Alienation, also attaches primary importance to the relation-
ship between Alienation anui Powerlessness: ". . . Marx
claims that one of the manifestations of alienation is that
'all is under the sway of inhuman power'" (page 132).
Powerlessness as an aspect of Alienation is a fundamental
precept of more recent students of Alienation as well.

Faunce (1968) describes Alienation as Powerlessness,

Normlessness and Meaninglessness. Melvin Seeman (1959) adds

 

1It is important to remember that by "labor" Marx refers
not to workers but activity of workers; furthermore for
Marx "worker" is not the "blue-collar worker" on whom modern
studies of alienation have primarily focused (see Marcson,
1970), but all individuals who work--that is, mankind as a
whole. The fact that it is not merely the proletariat but
"man in capitalist society" who is alienated is brought
forth clearly in Ollman's (1971) analysis of Alienation:
"The connection Marx sees between proletarian alienation
and that of the rest of mankind is expressed in his claim
that 'the whole of human servitude is involved in the
relation of the worker to production, and every relation of
servitude is but a modification and consequence of this
relation.'" Not only "workers" but capitalists and consumers
as well suffer from Alienation. Alienated work has the
character that "it is not the satisfaction of a need, but
only a means for satisfying other needs" (Marx, 1964; page
125). Capitalists and managers are not excluded from this
phenomenon.

 

19
to this list two further meanings of Alienation-~Isolation

and Self-Estrangement. In his discussion of Alienation as

Powerlessness, he writes:

The idea of alienation as powerlessness is,
perhaps, the most frequent usage in current
literature. The contributors to Alvin
Gouldner's volume on leadership, for example,
make heavy use of this idea; as does the work

of C. Wright Mill--and, I suppose, any analysis
of the human condition that takes the Marxist
tradition with any seriousness. This variant

of alienation can be conceived as the expectancy
or probability held by the individuaI that his
own Behavior cannOt dEtermine the occurrence of
the outcomes, or reinforcement he seeks (page 784;
emphas1s in originEI).

 

 

In short, the concepts of Perceived Efficacy and Locus
of Control are Shown to result in feelings of powerlessness
and alienation, under certain circumstances. The problems of
Anomie and Alienation, examined a century ago by Durkheim
and Marx, seem not to have lost their relevancy for
discussions of the current human and social condition.

gglationship between Primary Relations
and Psychological Equilibrium

Participation in a primary group is at least a
necessary condition for the achievement and maintenance of

psychological equilibrium. The reference to the achievement

 

of psychological equilibrium implicates the complex dynamics

of the development of personality, while the maintenance of

 

psychological equilibrium refers to successful coping with
the problems of daily life. The two processes are not
independent of each other; maintenance assumes the prior

achievement of relative psychological equilibrium, while

.' ‘
rqe A,
one 3““

‘ .
RAQSA v
Vvoa V-‘

(as we:

cope}.

20
the achievement of equilibrium is strengthened and
consolidated with the successful c0ping with daily life
(as well as being subject to degradation with failure to
cope).
Role of Primary Group Membership in
Achievement of Psychological
Equilibrium: Anomie

Membership in primary groups is a necessary, though not
sufficient, condition for the achievement of psychological
equilibrium. Sociological and psychological evidence is
quite persuasive with regard to this hypothesis. Cooley
(1962), with whom the concept of primary groups originated,
states that primary groups are: ". . . primary in several
senses, but chiefly in that they are fundamental in forming
the social nature and ideals of the individual (page 23).

For the individual to internalize the "rules of social
life," or, more broadly, for him to internalize social norms
regarding the ends to be sought and the means by which he
may seek these ends, he must experience the moral force of
these norms. Secondary relations do not contain the
potential for this experience. In other words, if it is the
social existence of man that determines his consciousness,
as asserted by Marx (1971), then his "social existence"
must provide the experiences from which he abstracts social

norms of behavior, and makes them part of his consciousness.

 

2 . .
It 15 not be1ng suggested that this abstraction and

internalization is a conscious process, nor that these norms
ex1st 1n a form that can be Verbalized.

I “a..-

50%! one

. “'~.
dzst...--

.

is being

 

b in
CC: baba‘

from the
environ:
50th c
but an c
general]
enticed
But the
nCtice E
the rela

Young c3

 

{Elatio;

 

 

21

Now one way to conceptualize social existence is to
distinguish in it primary from secondary relations. What
is being suggested here is that secondary relations do not
contain the potential for the necessary experiences because
they do not have a hold over the individual strong enough
for him to feel the weight of the sanctions that follow
deviance from the norms.

Implicit in the above statements is a model of human
behavior that assumes that individuals seek positive outcomes
from their interactions with objects and people in their
environment. Which positive outcomes are most intently
sought depends on a host of subjective and objective factors,
but an outcome that is desired in early childhood and
generally continues to be desired in adulthood is to be
noticed and accepted (Jersild, Telford, and Sawrey, 1975).
But the significant point for this diScussion is that such
notice and acceptance is differentially valued depending on
the relationship between the individuals concerned. Even the
young child discriminates between primary and secondary
relationships by showing considerably different levels of
need for notice and acceptance from mother as compared to,
say, the postman. Sullivan (1953) has developed quite fully
the point that a child is not affected equally by all the
people with whom he comes in contact. A child's self-
evaluations are influenced dominantly by the "significant
others" in his social world. The child is born into a given

culture with criteria and standards of worth already defined

F“
(I f)
.4

(D
L‘ n
. Hm
r4.

.‘2’

‘3;

22

and established. From the moment of birth, the child is
subject to a set of built-in rewards and punishments for
being or failing to be a certain type of person and for doing
or not doing certain things. He comes to evaluate himself
and his worth as an individual in terms of these social
reinforcements. The point to be emphasized is that these
social reinforcements are effective only if they come from
"significant othersf'that is, from people who have primary
relations with the child.

In the complex interaction between parents and

child, the person not only learns about the

conventions and standards that govern social

life, but he also internalizes them, that is,

incorporates them in his own personality. The

process by which values and specific rules are

internalized is complex, but it is usually tied

closely to the intimate relations between children

and parents (Sullivan, 1953, page 336; emphasis
added).

 

All development does not occur in the parent-child
relationship, of course. Later experiences with peer groups
and with other adults also have Profound implications for
the achievement of psychological equilibrium, but in all
of these cases as well, it is from primary relations that
the greatest influence flows. It is not being suggested
that having primary relations is sufficient in itself for
the achievement of psychological equilibrium, only that it
is necessary. Furthermore, primary relations do not

guarantee the development of socially adaptive personalities.

 

For example, Haimowitz (1966) has developed the hypothesis
that the only way a person can become a professional

criminal is by getting the idea that he is expected to be

‘-
CaKHC .
Y.” .
.5 kid:
‘
5r

 

 

 

23

an outlaw by thoseowhom he takes seriously: his parents,

friends, neighbors, or teachers (emphasis added). A great

 

 

number of forces influence the achievement of a stable and
well-adapted personality. There is no intention to discuss
all of these here, only to indicate that one necessary
condition for the achievement of psychological equilibrium
is the existence of primary relations. In the absence of
primary relations,experiences in which the worth of the
"rules of social life" are impressed upon the consciousness
cannot occur. The resulting paucity of internalized norms
is what we have identified as anomie.
Role of Primary Group Membership in
Achievement of Psychological
Equilibrium: Alienation

Bronfenbrenner (1972) expresses a sense of alarm about
the social and political apathy of the majority of students
surveyed by Yankelovich (1972). While perceiving gross
injustice in the major institutions of their society, most
students are apparently not motivated to do very much about
it. Bronfenbrenner suggests that this apathy is caused by
feelings of powerlessness and defeat which result from a
decrease, over a 25-year period, in all Spheres of
interaction between parents and children. Among the causes
of this decline are changes in the structure of the family--
working mothers, single-parent families--and the influence
of television. Bronfenbrenner quotes from the report
prepared for the White House Conference on Children (Report

to the President, 1970):

‘0!

:1 m If

{1'

t

.‘i‘..-

 

 

24

The primary danger of the television screen lies

not so much in the behavior it produces as the

behavior it prevents-~the talks, the games, the

family festivities and arguments through which

much of the child's learning takes place and

his character is formed. Turning on the

television set can turn off the process

that transforms children into peOple.

We may mention briefly here the observation in the introduc-
tion by Rieff to the 1962 reprint of Cooley's Social
Organization that the TV.penetrates even the bedroom:
"Television in the bedroom helps the members of even that
sticky primary group [to] ignore each other" (page xiv).

The clue to the process by which this decline in
interaction in a primary group results in the apathy and
feelings of powerlessness of youth is contained in
Bronfenbrenner's suggestion that it is primarily through
observing, playing, and working with others older and
younger than himself that a child discovers HEEE.EE gag £2
and 292.22 can become (emphasis added). This sense of
control over actions and over one's personality will not
develop in an environment that does not provide the
individual an opportunity to actively manipulate his
physical and social environment, and to learn from the
consequences of such activity. Clearly, secondary relation-
ships do not provide such an environment, both because of
the paucity of interactions in which the individual attempts
to influence the other person's behavior, as well as because
of the relatively lower value of social reinforcement

obtained from secondary sources. The lack of a sense of

personal efficacy that results from a childhood in which

 

But-1 1,.
k

910B;
relat

well-

n
xv 1.1....
Q—

I_L._n

c-L

 

25
secondary relationships predominate may result, as suggested
earlier (page 19), in feelings of powerlessness and apathy.
Ritchie and Koller (1964) emphasize the time element
as the reason for the importance of the primary group:

The longer the exposure to others, the greater
the impact . . . the less the exposure to
others, or if the relationship is fleeting,
passing, or momentary, as is true of many
secondary groups, then the more shallow are

the results in personality-building. . . . It
is true that secondary-group situations also build
personalities, but by comparison with [primary
group] experiences, they are less profound in
their impact and can be more easily nullified
by other secondary and especially primary group
circumstances (pages 77—78).

The emphasis on the time element is especially significant
to this discussion, because stability of employment is the
most important of the characteristics of work organizations
that will be hypothesized to be related to emotional well-
being (see page 80).
Role of Primary Group Membership in the
Maintenance<xfPsychological Equilibrium
Durkheim
In discussing the role of what he calls "occupational
groups" in social life, Durkheim reveals his views on the
relationship between primary group membership and emotional
well-being in the following words:
[The individual] . . . suffers from pain and
disorder produced whenever inter-individual
relations are not submitted to some regulatory
influence (of an occupational group). That is
why when individuals who are found to have
common interests associate, it is not only to
defend these interests, it is to associate, that

is, not to feel lost among adversaries, to have
the pleasure of communing, to make one out of

In a

the

DECe

ist

beCO

26

many, which is to say, finally, to lead the
same moral life together (page 15).

Durkheim's work is more concerned with the sources of "moral
solidarity" of the members of a society, and will be
discussed in detail in Chapter II below. One of his ideas
that is relevant here, however, is his prescription of
establishing occupational "corporate groups" to correct the
state of anomic deregulation in which society finds itself.
Durkheim found it necessary to add a lengthy preface to the
second edition of The Division of Labor in Society (Durkheim,
1933) to comment on this "urgent and significant" need.
Durkheim is alarmed at the lack of sources of occupational
ethics, especially since he finds that an increasing number
of individuals pass their lives almost entirely in the
industrial and commercial world, and are consequently
spending the greatest part of their existence outside the
moral sphere. Durkheim feels that:

An occupational activity can be efficaciously

regulated only by a group intimate enough with

it to know its functioning, feel all its needs,

able to follow all their variations. The only

one that could answer all these conditions is the

one formed by all the agents of the same industry,

united and organized into a single body. This is

what is called the corporation or occupational

group (page 5).
In addition to the primary group character alluded to in
the above passage, Durkheim mentions permanence as a
necessary characteristic of the occupational group if it

is to serve its function of moral regulation, a fact that

becomes significant in the light of discussion in Chapter IV.

I
‘od
.

o

Cthe:
whick
othEI
thei:
as we
diffe
ConCl

alien

27

Marx

 

Marx emphasizes man's productive activity as being his
most significant experience in the shaping of his
consciousness. Ollman (1971) quotes Marx:

The whole character of a species . . . is

contained in the character of its life

activity. At the core of life activity is

productive work. . . . Productive activity is

the life of the Species. What [individuals]

are '. . . coincides with their production,

both with what they produce and with how they

produce' (page 111).

In examining man's productive activity in the society
which he is investigating, Marx (1963) finds that man's work
is not the satisfaction of need, but only a means for
satisfying other needs. It is from this alienated nature
of man's relationship to his productive activity that Marx
draws his conclusions about man's alienation from his Species
as well as from himself. "A direct consequence of the
alienation of man . . . from his life activity . . . is that
man is alienated from other men" (page 129). Presumably,
this occurs because man relates to other men as means to an
end rather than as ends in themselves. "Every man regards
other men according to the standards and relationships in
which he finds himself placed as a worker" (page 129). In
other words, since workers find themselves alienated from
their productive activity, they regard other men accordingly
as well. This "alienation from other men" is, of course, no
different than what we have identified as anomie. We can

conclude, therefore, that Marx finds man in a state of

alienation and anomie because he relates to his life activity

n

A...
u- :-
o¢'_..u.

ELI-0.“ H

meHn

('30:

 

 

 

28
and to other men as means to an end, that is, because his
relations to other men are of the nature of secondary ,
relations. This does not directly suggest that primary
relations are essential for unalienated and socially
integrated individuals to emerge, but one can justifiably

make that inference.

Homans

While Homans (1950), in his classic study of human
groups, does not distinguish between primary and secondary
groups, he does make clear that he is dealing with "small
groups," which share many of the characteristics of primary
groups. Homans is quite direct and emphatic about the
role of (small) group membership in the maintenance of
psychological equilibrium:

Now all the evidence of psychiatry . . . shows
that membership in a group sustains a man,
enables him to maintain his equilibrium under
the ordinary shocks of life, and helps him to
bring up children who will in turn be happy and
resilient. If his group is shattered around him,
if he leaves a group in which he was a valued
member, and if, above all, he finds no new
group to which he can relate himself, he will,
under stress, develop disorders of thought,
feeling, and behavior. His thinking will be
obsessive, elaborated without sufficient
reference to reality; he will be anxious or
angry, destructive to himself or to others;

his behavior will be compulsive, not controlled;
and . . . he will, as a lonely man, bring up
children who have a lowered social capacity
(pages 456-457).

Summary

Views of many scholars have been gathered together in

this chapter to support PrOposition l, which states:

S
E

- A,.
.-
6"
a
‘ A
.I"
Ml‘oo
BA!!!
Vinny

v
0"

147a

“'1
“.4
o

a

29

Individuals need primary relations to achieve and

maintain psychological equilibrium.

Primary relations are defined in various overlapping
ways, but most fundamentally as ends in themselves rather
than as means to an end. Psychological equilibrium is
conceptualized as the ability of the individual to face each
day and each situation without anxiety, and to emerge from
each situation without loss of equilibrium. Membership in
a primary group is shown to be, in the view of many authors,
necessary for the achievement and maintenance of psychological
equilibrium. In the next chapter, the role of primary

relations in the achievement and maintenance of sociological

 

equilibrium is discussed.

adapt

clOse

CHAPTER II

PRIMARY RELATIONS AS A DETERMINANT

OF SOCIETAL HEALTH

This chapter elaborates upon Propositions 2 and 3, which
State that the stability and adaptability of a society depend-
on its ability to develop "moral solidarity" in its members,
and that such solidarity was developed, in traditional
societies, through the system or network of primary
relations. It is suggested that, in the absence of a certain
degree of homogeneity of norms and values in its members, a
society's stability and ability to respond effectively
to environmental contingencies are impaired. It is further
suggested that in pre-industrial, traditional societies,
such homogeneity of norms and values was a consequence of
the participation of individuals in group life. The process
by which this development of homogeneity occurs is described.
The chapter is divided into two sections, each dealing with

one of the propositions.

Societal Health and "Moral Solidarity"

 

Societal Health
It may be useful to think of the stability and
adaptability of society as "sociological equilibrium" in

close analogy with "psychological equilibrium" of

30

30c:

and

31

individuals. If psychological equilibrium may be understood
as persistence in the smooth and coordinated functioning of
the "vital functions" of the person, sociological stability
may be understood as persistence in the smooth and
coordinated functioning of the "vital functions" of society:
production, distribution, communication, government, justice,
etc. Just as individuals demonstrate psychological resiliency
when they emerge from potentially stressful situations
relatively unscathed (and maybe even stronger), societal
adaptability is the ability of the society to maintain its
essential stability while at the same time changing to
achieve a new equilibrium with a changed internal or
external environment. The relationship between the idea of
"adaptation to change" and "c0ping with contingencies
presented by the environment" may be noted in this context.
If the contingency presented by the environment becomes an
enduring part of the environment, continued successful
coping with it becomes equivalent to adaptation to change.
The reference in Chapter I to "coping ability" of the
individual as an ingredient of psychological equilibrium
has, as its sociological counterpart, the ability of a
society to respond effectively, i.e., successfully, to
contingencies presented by the internal or external
environment.

The problem of sources of stability and adaptability of
societies is basic to sociology and to political economy,

and analogous problems are basic to many other fields as

H-l‘. {:1 Oh-

(n

.'.: ‘ .
~~€H-l
Ettwee

”'1-
”"1““:
‘MVI..~ ‘
.

he 51
adapt.

the s

32
well. As suggested above, a central problem of psychology
might be Stated as "the achievement and maintenance of the
stability and adaptability of individuals." In economics
and political science, many scholars have dealt with the
problem of balancing the needs for continuity and change,
or freedom and control.

. . . the distinctive modern problem is to have

freedom (enough and of the right kind) for change

and progress, without having so much (and of the

wrong kind) as to bring chaos or to destroy

itself (Knight, 1948, page 493).

Similarly, organization theory is concerned with an
identical problem when it discusses the relationship
between the organization and the environment. For example,
Thompson (1967) develops a theory that seeks to explain
the structures and processes by which organizations, while
adapting to the changing environment, manage to protect

the stability of their "technical core."3

 

3Piaget's (1971) thought-provoking synthesis of his
life-work provides the even more startling suggestion that
the simultaneous achievement of stability and adaptability
is a central problem in Biology as well as in Epistemology;
it informs and channels the "construction" of the individual
organism, of the species (evolution), and of the intelligence.
The essential characteristic of life, for Piaget, is this
property of conservation in the face of transformation, the
property of biological structures of adapting to the environ-
ment while preserving the integrity of the already existent
structures as well as the preperty of the structures of
intelligence of changing to incorporate new information
while retaining the essential elements of the structures
already constructed. Building on these parallels between
Biology and Knowledge, Piaget amasses evidence for an
essential continuity between Biology and Knowledge, between
the organism, man, and the highest products of his mind, that
is profound in content and implications.

5 ITEC

' ;
'Ifiv;.
‘gahom

'|Inn“
-uaa‘
‘ d

’ a.
1“. I'
on--.“

33

One perspective on the question of stability and -
adaptability of society may be obtained by considering an
organization and extrapolating to society as a whole. If
an organization were infinitely adaptable, the people it
served could vary infinitely, inter-individually as well as
intra-individually over time, and the organization would
simply adapt to the specific client. If peOple were
infinitely adaptable, then the organizations they use could
vary infinitely, inter-organizationally and intra-
organizationally.ILforganizationS were absolutely invariant,
at least intra-organizationally over time, peOple could
"standardize" their dealings with these organizations, since
they could predict accurately the behavior of the
organizations. If, finally, peOple were absolutely
invariant, inter-individually or intra-individually over
time, organizations could standardize their every operation,
product, and service. Far from being infinitely adaptable,
of course, organizations (and institutions and society) have
a great deal of inertia, because it requires tremendous
energy to adapt, and because individuals, who form the core
of organizations, are not infinitely adaptable. This inertia
of social systems places a definite limit on the variability
of the clients they can serve. Similarly, the inertia of
human beings, their inability (or unwillingness) to adapt to
an infinite variety of organizations, places a limit on the
forms organizations can take. The existence of inter-

individual invariances in the goals people seek, and in the

SLCC
can:

unit

the

34

means they employ to achieve these goals, is what has been
called "moral solidarity."4 Without such inter-individual
invariances of values and norms, all predictability from
social life would disappear, and the organizations and
institutions of the society would, under the pressure of too
much variation in the demands placed on them, sink into
anarchy and impotence. This lack of stability would be
accompanied by a lack of adaptability to challenges placed
on the society, both from within and from external sources,
since a group of individuals pulling in different directions
cannot produce a unified response to threats, and without
unified reSponse no civilization has been able to survive
the forces of disintegration.

At the level of the tribe, the village, the small
group, at the level that is, of a social unit
each of whose members can have some firsthand
knowledge of each of the others, human society,
for many millenia . . . has been able to cohere.
And almost every . . . civilization has worked
out and adopted a single body of values and
beliefs, shared in some degree by all the
citizens. The appalling fact is that, after
flourishing for a span of time, every civiliza-
tion but one has collapsed. The ruling class . . .
has lost its capacity to lead; the formal
organizations that articulated the whole have
fallen to pieces; . . . A civilization, if it

is to maintain itself, must preserve at least

a few of the characteristics of the group,

though necessarily on a much expanded scale.
Civilizations have failed in failing to solve
this problem (Homans, 1950, pages 454-456).

 

4The existence of intra-individual invariances can
be viewed as a component of psychological equilibrium,
as brought out in the term, "stable personality."

35
"Moral Solidarity"

The notion of "moral solidarity" or inter-individual
invariances in goals and means emerges in the above
discussion as an essential ingredient of sociological
equilibrium. Just as psychological equilibrium demands an
integrated personality, in which the various segments of the
personality bear a consistent and synergetic relationship
with each other and with the whole, so also the stability
and adaptability of a society depends on the achievement
and maintenance of "moral solidarity" or integration, in
which the various segments of the sociological entity bear
a consistent and synergetic relationship with each other and
with the whole. Such "moral solidarity" exists in a society
when norms and beliefs about individual and social goals to
be pursued, and the means to be used, are widely shared by
the members of the society. Such solidarity has, as cause
and consequence, a self-imposed or internalized regulation
of individual behavior, resulting in the smooth and
coordinated functioning of the various segments of society.
Thus: Angell (1951, 1974) describes moral integration
as the degree to which the life of the group proceeds in
terms of shared ends and values, and as a sense of mutual
responsibility for each other and a loyalty to the
institutions of the group. Angell measures the moral
integration of American cities by "welfare" and "crime"
indices, the former assumed to be positively related to

moral integration, since it identifies the degree to which

tra:
in c

of;

(pa;
in);e
des:
Of a
basi
envi
Furt

and

36

-a community "pitches-in" to meet the needs of its members,
and the latter clearly negatively relatediximoral integration.
Durkheim (1933), from whom Angell obtains the theoretical
justification for his empirical study, thinks of "moral
solidarity" as the links that bind the people of a society
together, as the "glue" that enables societies to cohere and
to respond as an entity, that is, as a unified whole, to
contingencies presented by the environment.

It must be pointed out that Durkheim's concept of
"moral solidarity" is evaluatively neutral: "moral" is
a reference not to "good" or "desirable," only to the
operation of group consciousness in the feelings and behavior
of individuals. The term as used in this dissertation has
the same neutral meaning. Its continued use here is
justified since Durkheim's concept has consistently been
translated into "moral solidarity." The term is enclosed
in quotation marks whenever it occurs to remind the reader
of its Special meaning.

The dilemma is, as suggested by the quote from Knight
(page 32), that there are strong limits on the degree of
inter-individual invariance that is possible or even
desirable. Human variation is rightly considered the source
of all "progress," the source of new ideas that form the
basis of improving man's ability to cope with the complex
environment and provide for man's increasing needs.
Furthermore, history is replete with examples of the self-

and other-destructive potential of societies that have

37

managed to develop a high degree of "moral solidarity" in
their members. The potential created by cohesiveness can be
quite easily misused if the reins of power fall into the
hands of morally callous people. Finally, many of the means
for inculcating "moral solidarity"--for example, force or
coercion, like brainwashing--are firmly rejected by most
"free" societies.

It is not necessary to review here the historical
circumstances that released the individual from the "apron
strings" of the ruling or governing classes, especially in
the United States, but one wonders if the same motion did
not also sever the umbilical cord that provided sustenance
nOt only to the individual but to the firmament that held
societies together. While the ties of the vassal to the
feudal lord were based on exploitation, and are not being
defended here, the question nonetheleSs remains: what are
the consequences for society of the loss of the sources of
"moral solidarity" that the breaking of this tie represents?

This section suggests that a problem fundamental to the
achievement of sociological equilibrium is the achievement
and maintenance of "moral solidarity" among the members of
society. Earlier, it was suggested that only primary
relations contain enough "moral force" for the transmission
of values and norms from one person to another. These
ideas, then, lead logically to the suggestion contained in

the next section.

SEQ

38

"Moral Solidarity" and Primag Relations

Proposition 3 states that in traditional societies, the
system of primary relations was the mechanism through which
"moral solidarity" was developed. Much of the discussion in
"this section is based on the work of Durkheim, who held an
enduring interest in "moral solidarity" and its psychological
counterpart, "moral regulation" in the individual, the lack
of which is called anomie. Cooley's views are also of

interest in this section.

Durkheim

Durkheim's (1933) The Division of Labor in Society might
well have been subtitled "Sources of Moral Solidarity in
Traditional and Modern Societies," since this is his main
concern in the book. He notes that, while being a social
fact of the first order, "moral solidarity" depends on the
individual: in order to exist, it must be contained in the
physical and psychical constitution of individuals. This
fact is what makes the lack of moral solidarity a
sociological counterpart of anomie. In tracing the sources
of social solidarity, Durkheim finds it necessary to
distinguish between mechanical solidarity and organic
solidarity. The type of solidarity that exists in
"primitive" or traditional societies is mechanical. The
primary group was fundamental to the formation of mechanical
solidarity.

Mechanical solidarity emerges from the Shared

sentiments of the members of the group, from what Durkheim

 

 

()
in

m

L“

0)
fl:

SC.

lav

39
calls the collective or common conscience--the totality of
beliefs and sentiments common to average citizens of the
same society. There are, in each of us, according to
Durkheim, two consciences: one which is common to our group,
in its entirety, which is "society living and acting within
us"; the other represents that in us which is personal and
distinct.

Solidarity which comes from likenesses is at

its maximum when the collective conscience

completely envelops our whole conscience and

coincides in all points with it. But, at

that moment, our individuality is nil . . . we

are no longer ourselves but the collective will.

(Durkheim, 1973, page 73).

In the solidarity produced by the lack of differentia-
tion between the individual and the group, where individual
identity and will are nothing other than the group identity
and will, the social molecules cohere simply because they
have no actions of their own, as the molecules of inorganic

bodies. (This is the analogy from which Durkheim obtains

the term mechanical solidarity.)

 

In terms of the previous discussion, mechanical
solidarity is the relative lack of inter-individual variation
of values and norms. Durkheim finds the proof of the
suggestion that this type of solidarity predominates in
primitive Societies in the fact that penal or repressive
law is predominant, relative to restitutive law, in these
societies. Repressive laws are distinguished from
restitutive laws by the kinds of sanctions attached to

them. In repressive law, the essence of the sanction is the

44

q'

:1)

.0.

()

St

Qt

an

40
imposition of suffering on the criminal. It makes demands
on his fortune, of oh his honor, or on his life, or on his
liberty. Repressive law is aimed at the control of actions
that offend the collective conscience, control of crime that
shocks sentiments "found in all healthy consciences."
Repressive law does not set forth the obligations but
specifies only the sanctions, because the obligatory rule

associated with it is known and accepted py evegybody. "An

 

 

action does not shock the common conscience because it is
criminal; rather, it is criminal because it Shocks the
common conscience." Restitutive law, by contrast, is
concerned not with the imposition of suffering for the agent,
but in the return of things as they were, not in offenses
of a "moral" nature but in offenses involving breach of
contract. There is no loss of honor attached to defeat in
litigation involving restitutive law." We may Suggest with
justification that repressive law regulates relationships
based on natural will and restitutive law regulates
relationships based on rational will.

Durkheim's point is simply that the predominance of
repressive law in primitive societies is an indication of
the strength of the collective conscience relative to
Findividuality." But what is the source of this greater
strength? Durkheim does not directly deal with this
question, but the following passage contains a clue to the
answer he might have given:

We have only to notice what happens, particularly
in a small town, when some moral scandal has just

41

been committed. They step each other on the

street, they visit each other, they seek to come

together to talk of the event and wax indignant

in common. From all the Similar impressions

which are exchanged, from all the temper that

gets itself expressed, there emerges a unique

temper, which is everybody's without being

anybody's in particular. That is the public

temper (page 102).

We may presume that it is not only in response to the
commitment of moral scandal that interpersonal interaction,
the source of the "public temper," takes place. Scandal
assumes a prior standard, and a similar process must
underlie the establishment and continued acceptance of the
standard. In other words, the process of socialization
implicated in the internalization of the "rules of social
life" is identical to the process of the development of
"mechanical solidarity," with the same important role
played by primary relations in the latter as in the former.

T6nnies' (1940) distinction between natural and
rational will that was suggested as the basis for the
distinction between primary and secondary relations (see
page 8) is parallel to the distinction Durkheim (1915)

makes between the "sacred" and the "profane" in The

Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. In this work we

 

again find the importance of the gggup in the life of '
traditional societies. In seeking the SOurce of the sacred
character of objects used by Australian aborigines,
Durkheim suggests that it emanates from a force that is

felt by the members of the tribe when they assemble

for religious ceremonials. In these ceremonials,

42
which may last days or months and which are entirely

separated from the "profane" utilitarian life of the tribe,

 

men feel overpowered by a force greater than themselves,
which results from the collective effervescence of the
occasion. The totem, which symbolizes this sacred energy,
at the same time symbolizes the clan group as a whole.
"So if it is at once the Symbol of the god and of the
society, is that not because god and the society are one?"
(Quoted by Giddens, 1971, page 109). In other words, the
totemic principle is the clan group itself. Society
commands both obligation and respect, the dual characteristics
of the sacred, and the superiority of the sacred in fact
symbolizes the superiority of society over the individual.
The individual believes himself to be held to certain ways
of behavior which are imposed upon him by the nature of the
sacred principle with which he feels he is in communion..
The religious beliefs are the same as the moral ideals upon
which the unity of Society is founded. In the religious
ceremonial individuals, who are liable to become detached
from these ideals in their activities in the day-to-day
life in the profane world where they pursue their own
egoistic interests, renew and reaffirm their identity with
the collective conscience.

The only way of renewing the collective repre-

sentations which relate to sacred things is to

retemper them in the very source of religious

life, that is to say, in assembled groups. Men

are more confident because they feel themselves

stronger; and they really are stronger, because

forces which were languishing are now reawakened
in the consciousness (Durkheim, 1915).

 

:A

add

'9‘

at .

c
.F‘
bar

Pan

larc

43

The dual outcomes of psychic strength and moral
solidarity from membership in the group life is what is
being emphasized here. The phenomenon is not restricted to
the religious life of primitive peoples, of course. All
religions have performed Similar functions. Thus, Homans
(1950) suggests that, until recently, Christianity was the
"single body" of values and beliefs for Western societies
that allowed it to cohere. But the identification of the
"sacred” with what emanates from the group-and of the
"profane" with what emanates from the individual ego is
the peculiarly Durkheimian proposition that is of special

significance here.

Cooley

Cooley's (1962) ideas regarding the fundamental
importance of primary groups in forming the "social nature
and ideals" of the individual are relevant in the context of
the present discussion:

The result of intimate association, psychologically,

is a certain fusion of individualities in a common

whole, so that one's very self, for many purposes

at least, is the common life and purpose of the

group. One lives in the feeling of the whole

and finds the chief aims of his will in that

feeling (page 23).

Cooley goes even further, and suggests that whatever
is peculiarly human in our nature emanates from the group.
For Cooley, human nature means those sentiments and impulses
that are human in being superior to those of lower animals,

particularly sympathy, and those that belong to mankind at

large, and not to any particular race or time. Since

e
”F.
V‘M

44

human nature thus understood is universal and stable, and
since it is impossible for the sentiments of sympathy to
have existed at the time of birth, there must exist in the
life of all peOples experiences from whence these sentiments
arise. But what other experience is as universally to be
obtained as the experience of primary relations?

What else can human nature be than a trait of

primary groups? Surely not an attribute of the

separate individuals--since its typical character-

istics, such as affection, ambition, vanity, and

' resentment are inconceivable apart from society.

If it belongs, then, to man in association, what

kind or degree of association is needed to develop

it? Evidently nothing elaborate, because elaborate

phases of society are transient and diverse, while

human nature is comparatively stable and universal.

In short, the family and neighborhood life is

essential to its genesis and nothing more is

(Cooley, 1962, pages 30-31).

For Cooley, too, an important outcome of participation
in primary groups is that "they give the individual his

earliest and completest experience of social unity."

Summary

The notions of societal health and "moral solidarity"
have been introduced in this chapter. In analogy with
psychological equilibrium, societal health is described
in terms of the stability and adaptability of society,
where adaptability is viewed as continued coping with an
enduring internal or external situation. "Moral solidarity"
is described, similarly, as the sociological counterpart of
anomie. The relationship between the ideas of Chapter I
and Chapter II runs deeper than these parallels between

psychological and sociological concepts, however. What is

 

, .
581E

C)
I h
m

Afi-V
'5...»
O

COns
firs
the.
"col;
that
aPPea
the p
COnti
COnti:

Austra

45
being suggested in these two chapters is that the consequence
of a "system of primary relations," that is, a society
composed of individuals with one or more primary group
memberships, is not only a society of psychologically
balanced individuals, but also a society that is itself in
balance, that is, a "sociolOgically balanced" society.
Propositions 2 and 3 are restated below:

The stability and adaptability of a society

depend on its ability to develop "moral

solidarity" in its members.

In traditional societies, the system of

primary relations was the mechanism through

which such solidarity was developed.

One may conceptualize a continuum which has, at one
extreme, individual consciousness completely enveloped by
the collective conscience, and, at the other, individual
consciousness elaborated entirely free of any collective
conscience. If the individual ego is nonexistent at the
first extreme, the collective conscience is nonexistent at
the other. Durkheim (1933) calls these extremes the
"collective" type and the "individual" type, and asserts
that the effacement of one is the necessary condition for the
appearance of the other. The following chapter considers
the proposition that Western societies have moved
continuously over the past few centuries from one end of the
continuum to the other. There is a gap between the

Australian aborigines considered in this chapter and the

46
kinds of societies with which the study of "the great
transformation" begins; but this is only a gap in our -
knowledge about them, not a discontinuity in the phenomenon
itself. On the other hand, the transformation has certainly

not been orderly and without its ups and downs.

CHAPTER I I I

THE GREAT TRANSFORMATION: THE ATTENUATING

EFFECT OF MODERNIZATION ON PRIMARY RELATIONS

This chapter elaborates Proposition 4, which states
that, as societies modernize and industrialize, the
traditional sources of primary relations weaken. Warren.
(1972) has labeled the changes he notices in American
communities over the past few decades as the Great
Transformation. AS this chapter makes clear, however, the
phenomenon Warren refers to is centuries old, and has been a
theme in the work of many scholars over the centuries.

Possibly the most well-known elaboration of this

thesis is contained in Tdnnies' (1940) Gemeinschaft und

 

Gesellschaft. Sorokin, in the forewordtx>the translation

 

referenced here, suggests that, "like many an eminent thinker"
Tdnnies was a man of one central idea which he develOped

in its various ramifications in practically all his
theoretical works. This central idea is his theory of

Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft as two different modes of

 

 

mentality and behavior, and as two different types of
society. Sorokin goes on to point out that the idea is
much older than Tannies, and is contained in the work of
Confucius, Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, St. Augustine de

47

48
Flore, St. Aquinas, and many others:

. . . The Gemeinschaft type of mentality was
extolled by Confucius: Confucius' theory of

the five fundamental social relationships of
father and son, elder brother and younger,

husband and wife, ruler and subject, friend

and friend closely resembles Toennies' main
Gemeinschaft ties between mother and child,

father and children, sisters and brothers,

friends and friends, and rulers and subjects.
Confucius not only unfolded the Gemeinschaft

type of society but also set it off agaihst

the Gesellschaft type . . . Plato in his

Republic and Laws likewise gave a full portrait
of both types of society, as well as of human
personality. His ideal republic, especially the
personality and social regime of the Guardians,

is clearly and definitely of the Gemeinschaft
type, while his detailed picture of the
oligarchic or capitalistic society and man is

a conspicuous example of the Gesellschaft type.
Aristotle and, after him, Cicero, ih their
analyses of the true and false friendship, gave us
in clear-cut form the classical outlines of the
two types. The same types are found running
through the works of the Church fathers, especially
those of St. Augustine. Here the theory of the
Church and the 'City of God' as the corpus
mysticum of Gemeinschaft type is-contrasted to
the 'society of man' depicted along the lines of
the Gesellschaft type. Throughout the writings of
the great medieval thinkers like Joachim de Fiore,
Albertus Magnus, St. Thomas Aquinas, Nicolaus
Cusanus, and others the dichotomy persists . . .
it is also the central idea of Ibn Khaldun, in
History of Berbers and in his Prolegomenes to

the Universal History. . . . In Germany
partiCularly, as Gierke has clearly shown, the
Gemeinschaft type was deeply rooted in the very
soil of the Teutonic culture . . . immediately
preceding the appearance of Toennies' work both
types of society and personality were well depicted
by many a German thinker, beginning with the
leaders of the Historical School, Savigny and
Puchta, and ending with Hegel, whose 'Family-
Society' and 'Civic Society' are almost twins of
Toennies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft.

(T6nnies, 1940, pages vii-viii).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

St. Augustine's distinction between the "City of God" and

"the society of man" is especially relevant in the light of

49

Durkheim's distinction between the "sacred" and the "profane."
In varied forms, the categories continued to function in the
writings of the social thinkers of the later centuries.

Thus, Hegel's "Family-Society" and Civic Society" are almost

twins of Tdnnies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, according

 

to Sorokin. Weber's interest in the "rationalization" of
human life and society may be seen as a continuation of
this idea. More recently, Stark (1979) has documented
some current manifestations of the Great Transformation.
What is the theme that has fascinated so many thinkers?
In the following pages, a few of the more recent scholars
who have documented and commented upon the Great
Transformation will be discussed. Of the authors mentioned
by Sorokin, only Tonnies will be included in the present
discussion. Weber's interest in rationalization,
Stinchcombe's views on the type of people needed in the
task of administration of modern industrial organizations,
Warren's documentation of the changes in American
communities, and the ideas of Cooley, Wirth and other
sociologists are Shown to be pointing to the same phenomenon

that Tonnies wrote about.

T6nnies
Tdnnies documents a historical shift, over centuries,

of societies from being of the Gemeinschaft type to being

 

of the Gesellschaft type. The essence of the distinction

 

between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft is contained in the

 

 

basis for the relationships that predominate in these two

50

types. All social.relationships are created by human will,
but this will may vary from one Situation to another.‘iThe
distinction between rational will and natural will was
mentioned earlier (page 8). When a relationship is
constituted in order to achieve a specific purpose, regard-
less of the sentiments of the parties to the relationship,
it is said to be based on rational will. If people
associate with each other "merely" for the pleasure of
association, the relationship is said to be based on natural
will: the relationship is not a means to an end, but an
end in itself.

In the Gemeipschaft, natural will forms the basis for the
relationship between men as well as between man and his
"life activity," his work. Thus, the calling of the peasant,
the hunter, craftsman, or the artist is a way of life, not

merely a means to an end. In Gesellschaft, rational will

 

is the predominant basis for social relationships and for
man's relationship to work. Marx's (1963) observation,
that alienated work is work which is not the satisfaction
of a need but only a means for satisfying other needs,

may be recalled here. Tdnnies suggests that when peOple
are used as mere means to ends, even as "inanimate things,"
such usage is governed by rational will. There can be
little doubt that this is Buber's (1952) I-It relationship.
T6nnies is careful to point out that the contrast is not

between rational will and non-rational will, because:

. . . intellect and reason belong to natural will
as well as to rational will. Indeed, intellect

t:

51

in natural will attains its fruition in the
creative, formative and artistic ability and
works (page 17).

The importance of the collective conscience in
Gemeinschaft is indicated in the following passage:

. . . in Gemeinschaft, [individuals] remain
essentially uniEediin spite of all separating
factors, whereas in the Gesellschaft they are
essentially separated in spite of ail uniting
factors. In the Gesellschaft, as contrasted
with the Geminschaft, we find no actions that
can be derived from an a priori and necessarily
existing unity; no actions,_t erefore, which
manifest the will and the spirit of the unity
even if performed by the individual; no actions
which, insofar as they are performed by the
individual, take place on behalf of those united
with him (page 74).

 

 

 

 

T310211

The "engine" of this Great Transformation, according
to Tonnies, is the development of trade. Introduction of
large-scale trade into the integrated.communities of
agrarian and town societies, with the attendant desire
for profitable use of money, liquidated the old
ideologies and brought about the capitalistic age with its
rationalistic intellectual attitude. The relationship
between the growth of "rationalism" and the growth of
capitalism is most thoroughly maintained by Weber.
Giddens (1971) finds the concept of rationalization
entering into so many of Weber's historical writings
that elucidation of the main Spheres of its application
is difficult. For Weber, the Great Transformation manifests
itself in the growth of rationalization--or in Tdnnies'

terms, the increasing use of rational will in all social

52

affairs. Contrary to Tonnies, however, Weber is unwilling
to attribute this growth to any single cauSe like trade,
for he sees rationalization as both cause and consequence
not only of trade but of a host of other factors as well.
Nonetheless, Weber is convinced that, (1) the possibility
of rational calculation of profits and losses in terms of
money: (2) the use of a technology constructed and organized
on the basis of rational principles, and (3) the separation
of home and work place are all among the conditions
essential to modern capitalistic enterprise. Weber is
also convinced that rational legal administration, that is,
bureaucracy, as well as democracy, are also intimately
linked both to rationalization and capitalism.

Weber was of the opinion that increasing
bureaucratization of the modern world was inevitable.
The increased role of rational will in all social affairs
implicated by this cannot fail to undermine the role of
natural will:

The specific character (of bureaucracy),

which is welcomed by capitalism, develops

the more completely the more the bureaucracy

is 'dehumanized,‘ the more completely it

succeeds in eliminating from official

business, love, hatred, and all purely

personal, irrational and emotional elements

which escape calcualation (Weber quoted by

Giddens, 1971, page 216).

In other words, the more societies modernize and
industrialize, the more society is dominated by rational

will and the more social relations take on the character

of secondary relations. Nor is this true only of capitalist

53
societies; Weber is convinced that such bureaucratization
and rationalization is unavoidable in socialist societies
as well. The functional specialization demanded by
bureaucratization heralds for Weber the demise of the
"universal" man, the "thorough and complete human being"
whom Durkheim speaks of. It is the conception men have
of themselves as means to an and rather than as ends in
themselves in the modern society that is at the root of
weber's concern. In Weber's eyes, according to Giddens
(1971, page 235):

The progression of bureaucratization increasingly

reveals a tension between the demand for technical

efficiency of administration on the one hand, and
the human values of spontaneity and autonomy

[values based on natural will] on the other. The

main normative issue, in Weber's view, is not how

the process of bureaucratization can become
reversed, because that is impossible in a society
which requires calculative precision in the admin-
istration of its various institutions; 'the great
question thus is . . . what can we set against this
mechanization to preserve a certain section of
humanity from this fragmentation of the soul,

this complete ascendancy of the bureaucratic ideal

of life?'

What one finds in Weber, in other words, is the
proposition that bureaucratization of society leads to a
fundamental change in man, a change in which man moves
from being a "whole" to a fragment, a change from universal
man to functional specialist. Such a fundamental change
occurs, of course, because interpersonal relationships

have changed from a predominance of primary to secondary

characteristics. Jacoby (1973), in discussing the

F .-
3 : .
Ca .3
.5 2.

hi.
de
de
ac”
tr
ne

54

"social effect" of bureaucracy, quotes Ruhle-Gerstel

as follows:

Neurosis is not a sickness, but a way of life. In
neurosis the separation of the individual from his
sense of association (Gemeinscnaft) with other
individuals becomes a distinguiShing category of
the mind.

 

Neumann (1944) relates bureaucracy directly to the form
that human relations take:

Bureaucratization, correctly understood, is a

process operating in both public and private spheres,
in the state as well as in society. It means that
human relations lose their directness and become
mediated relations in whiEh third parties, publ1c

or private functionaries seated more or less securely
in power, authoritatively prescribe the behavior of
man (emphasis added).

Stinchcombe

 

Stinchcombe (1974) makes essentially the same point in
his discussion of the social sources of individual
rationality. Stinchcombe notes Weber's emphasis on the
degree to which rational administration or bureaucracy
depends on the differentiation of role behavior in
administration from familial, local, and friendship ties;
that is, the predominance of rational will rather than
natural will. Stinchcombe argues that, to the degree that
people are appropriately socialized for work in modern
administrative structures, they Should be personally
inclined to differentiate their administrative activity
from "primordial" ties. Furthermore, an important component
of individual rationality--the inclination to abstract--is

tied to the decline of primordial motivations. The essence

istrat;
expense
family,

ascends

decline

decline

 

55
of Stinchcombe's argument is this: if life's
experiences are to be interpreted in terms of abstractions
like the past and the future as is required in the admin-
istration of bureaucracy, then this can only occur at the
expense of interpretation in terms of primordial ties of
family, neighborhood, and age groups. Once again then, the
ascendancy of rational will in society is related to the
decline of the sources of primary relations, to the

decline of the importance of natural will.

Warren

One may mention briefly Maine's famous observation,
referred to by Warren (1972), that there is a historical
change of social relations from those based on family
relations--a situation in which status in the family was
of central concern--to those based on.the individual's
relationships to others outside the family which are
formalized in the nature of a contract. Warren (1972)
himself has documented the "great change in American
communities" in "recent decades" in terms that leave little
doubt as to its identity with the Great Transformation
being discussed here. More relevant to the proposition
that this change is associated with a weakening of the
traditional sources of primary relations is Warren's
observation that the change toward interdependence and the
proliferation of individualized functions that accompanies
the division of labor has resulted in fewer of these

functions being performed within the individual family.

CCIT'RLIEL
s'v-ar 4'
a. ‘ 8‘

COMET.

’4

m
lhi

-
H‘

 

56
The family becomes less significant as a locus for
recreational and service functions, as well as thoSe of
economic production. The division of labor is also at the
root of the structural differentiation of American
communities, whiCh has weakened the contribution that
shared occupation and occupational interests make toward
community cohesion. The shift from reliance on primary
relations to reliance on secondary relations that is
implied by this differentiation has "profound" implications
for the individual and the community. Warren (1972) quotes

Linton as follows:

The modern city, with its multiplicity of organiza-
tions of every conceivable sort, presents the
picture of a mass of individuals who have lost their
bands and who are trying, in uncertain and fumbling
fashion, to find some substitute. New types of
grouping based on congeniality, business association,
or community of interests are springing up on all
Sides, but nothing has so far appeared which seems
capable of taking over the primary functions of

the local group as these relate to individuals.
Membership in the Rotary Club is not an adequate
substitute for friendly neighbors (page 61).

For the community, the "great change" results in the
decline of the neighborhood as a Significant social unit
in both rural and urban areas. Since the neighborhood's
significance as a social unit is precisely in its potential
as a locus for primary-group relationships, the outcome of
division of labor and differentiation of interests is a
weakening of the sources of primary relations.

The decline of the family and neighborhood as a locus
for recreational, service, and economic functions leaves

all these functions to be performed by specialized agencies,

(An-4‘.

r]

entity
for ex
ment's
impers.
GIOWth
the $01
increag
relatic
0n
SOurceS
fOr the
MARY of
neighbo
with pr
USually
Placed

t° Perf

57
private as well as public. Richmond (1979) sees in this
the essential engine for the phenomenal growth in local
and federal government. Jacoby (1973) makes essentially
the same point:

Once capitalism transformed the traditional way of

life, factors such as the effectiveness of competi-

tion, freedom of movement, and the absence of any
system of social security compelled the state to
assume responsibility for the protection and

welfare of the individual (page 147).

The state is, of course, a more distant and abstract
entity than the community. 'For many reasonS--including,
for example, its intention to be equitable-~the govern-
ment's dealings with its citizens can be expected to be
impersonal, universal, and formal. In other words, in the
growth of government can be seen, as cause, a decline in
the sources of primary relations and, as a consequence, an
increase in the sources of, and necessity for, secondary
relations.

One may also speculate that this loss of traditional
sources of socialization is at least partly reSponsible
for the decline in the performance of the school system.
Many of the functions once performed by the family and
neighborhood now fall upon the school system. Combined
with prohibitions against "moral education" that are
usually imposed on school systems, the increased demands

placed on the system may partly account for its inability

to perform its most basic functions.

econom:
Cooley
causes
same 50
urban 3.
Of pepuL
group 1;
the Way
listed h
shift fr
Paradox
PSYCholo.
thSiCal
Th1
Of
emc
399
COu
dis
to
The
fom‘aliz

mode rm 1

58

Egoleyy Wirth, Angell,
Kasarda and JanOWitz

 

 

Cooley's (1962) observation, as early as 1909, that the
intimacy of the neighborhood has been broken up by the
growth of an intricate mesh of wider contacts which "leaves
us strangers to pe0p1e who live in the same house" has been
mentioned before (see page 17). The result is a diminished
economic and spiritual community with one's neighbors.
Cooley points to commerce and industry as the leading
causes of this phenomenon. Wirth (1938) begins with the
same forces and suggests that the essential character of
urban society results from an increased level and density
of population, and the heterogeneity of individual and
group life. These, in turn, lead to a fundamental change in
the way people relate to each other. The characteristics
listed by Wirth leave no doubt that he is talking about a
Shift from primary relations to secondary relations. The
paradox of people further apart from each other
psychologically and emotionally, living closer together
physically, has perverse consequences:

This close living together and working together

of individuals who have no sentimental and

emotional ties fosters a spirit of competition,

aggrandizement, and mutual exploitation. To

counteract irresponsibility and potential

disorder, formal controls tend to be resorted

to (page 21).

The last sentence is significant in its suggestion that

formalized mechanisms of control become imperative in

modern, industrial-urban societies. Essentially the same

59

suggestion was made by Jacoby (1973), Quoted earlier (see

page 56). Warren (1972) too, has suggested that there is an
increase in the formalized and impersonal mechanisms of
control to compensate for the loss of influence of the
community over individual behavior brought about by the

decline of the community, in T6nnies'GemeinSchaft sense of

 

the word.

Angell (1951, 1974) is one of the few scholars who has
attempted to "measure" the moral integration of American
cities. His use of welfare and crime indices in this
connection has been mentioned before (see page 35). In a
study of 43 cities conducted in 1940, Angell found that
heterogeneity and mobility accounted for 62 percent of the
variance among the cities in moral integration. Angell
suggested that metropolitan growth is accompanied by the
following developments: (1) increase in size and complexity
of all kinds of bureaucracies, thereby adding to alienation
and apathy; (2) the tendency for life to become more
impersonal and unrewarding; (3) reduced thoroughness in the
internalization of norms, as the interests of family members
become more distant in space and more divergent in character;
and (4) the reduced ability of both formal and informal
social controls to maintain public order. After a follow-
up measurement in 1970, Angell (1974) concludes that the
moral integration of large American urban communities was

"seriously impaired" during the period 1940 to 1970.

 

5-“

E!

‘f 'I‘

U:

60

Finally, Kasarda and Janowitz (1974) suggest that
length of residence is a central and crucial factor in the
development of the social bonds of kinship. The suggestion
that mobility is inversely related to the development and
maintenance of primary relations is contained in many of
the writings discussed above. An examination of Table 1
(page 11) makes evident that length of residence should be
expected to be a crucial factor in the development of
primary relations, not only because of the time involved in
the development of such associations, but also because
participants in a relationship WOUId be less likely to
fear loss of psychological investment when they expect
each other to "stay;put." Cooley's (1962) observation
that primary relations form a comparatively permanent
"anchor" to which the more transient secondary relations
are attached brings to mind the image of the child who,
having recently learned to walk, ventures a few feet away
from his mother, never letting her be lost from his line
of vision, yet, even with that, returning joyfully every
few minutes to briefly touch and be "in the presence,"
before toddling off again.

It remains to be suggested that industrialization and
modernization are accompanied by increased mobility. The
idea that mobility is a pre-condition for rapid
industrialization is so well-established, at least in
the Western developed countries, that mobility is often

used as an index of industrialization. In a more

61
theoretical vein, Stinchcombe (1974) suggests that effective
industrial administrators are "cosmopolitans" who are
characterized by a detachment from the local system. One
factor in the development of such detachment is the
mobility of cosmopolitans, the fact that they travel more.
Jennings (1967) has developed extensive theoretical notions
of the role of an individual's career mobility in his success
in modern American business. Jennings became interested in
mobility when he discovered that the career history of the
most successful executives in the country's largest
corporations invariably consisted of a great deal of
mobility. These men rarely spent more than two or three
years in the same position. Originally, this mobility
was merely a result of the fact that corporations grew faster
than they could develop the talent necessary to fill the
staffing needs to sustain this growth. This incidental
mobility was converted to a required mobility, however,
when it was discovered that it led to the development of
extremely competent managers. Jennings believes that
mobility results in competence because of the larger
variety of experiences and problems encountered by the
mobile manager.

In addition to the role mobility plays in the
development of talent, one may expect that the ability of
organizations to rapidly adjust the size of the labor
force in response to changes in the environment would

enhance their efficiency. In the absence of legal

62

prohibitions against the use of this strategy of adjusting
the labor force, we may expect industrial organizations to
use it, thereby contributing to the mobility in society.
For whatever causes, the census statistics of
mobility leave no doubt that America is a country "on the
move." Lansing and Mueller (1967) call geographic
mobility a "basic characteristic" of the population of the
U.S. At the time of their report as much as 20 percent
of the civilian population one year old and over were
reported to have moved in the last year. Of these, close to
7 percent moved across county lines. Data collected in
1960 revealed that almost half the population of the
country moved to a new address within a five-year period.
More significantly, the reasons for moving are largely
economic: in 1963, 72 percent of the movers reported that
they moved for purely economic or partly economic reasons,
such as taking up a job, looking for work, or job transfer.
Especially Significant for this study is the statistic
that the "Average Duration of Employment" for the whole

U.S. industrial economy is about two years (Statistical

 

Abstract of the U.S., 1970, page 218). In other words,
the average annual labor force turnover for the whole
industrial-commercial economy is 50 percent. As much as
half of the labor force presently employed will not be
working at the same location next year, for voluntary or
involuntary reasons. While information about the median

duration of employment, if it were available, might temper

63
the conclusion being made here, there can nonetheless be
little doubt that mobilityis indeed a basic characteristic

of American society.

Summary

In conclusion, there is an impressive array of
evidence and thought that suggests that it is the very
processes that are essential to industrialization and
modernization that result in the erosion of sources of
primary relations in societies. While the discussion here
has focused on recent history, and therefore on industriali-
zation, the Great Transformation is presented as a
continuous movement of Western societies, over many
centuries, from being of the "collective type" towards
being of the "individual type." The discussion here is not
meant to belittle the benefits to humanity of industrializa-
tion, nor is there any suggestion that the writer wishes
for a return to a previous form of social organization. On
the contrary, the thrust of the next chapter is to locate a
mechanism whereby the benefits of industrialization may be
enjoyed by humanity without concurrent declines in
individual and societal health.

Proposition 4 may be viewed as a version of the Great
Transformation:

As societies modernize and industrialize, the

traditional sources of primary relations weaken.

mainten
validit'
'n‘: re d

in the

 

64
Primary relations had earlier been shown to be
essential to the achievement and maintenance of psychological
equilibrium by individuals, and to the achievement and
maintenance of sociological equilibrium. If there is any
validity to these suggestions, then the urgent question is:
Where do we go from here? This is the question addressed

in the following chapter.

CHAPTER IV

ORGANIZATIONAL PRIMARY RELATIONS AS A
DETERMINANT OF SOCIETAL, ORGANIZATIONAL ,
AND EMPLOYEE HEALTH
Without work all
Life goes rotten
But when work is

Soulless, life
Stifles and dies.

Albert Camus

PrOposition 5 contains an answer to the question posed
at the end of the last chapter. This chapter elaborates on
Proposition 5, which states that work organizations may be
able to provide an environment in which primary relations
can develop. Implicit in the discussion above is the
proposition that modern, industrial societies must locate
and develop substitutes for the traditional sources of
primary relationships. Homans (1950) is emphatic in
asserting that democratic civilizations cannot survive
without the values of the small group.

At the level of the small group, society has

always been able to cohere . . . if civiliza-

tion is to stand, it must maintain, in the

relation between the groups that make up

society and the central direction of society,

some of the features of the small group

itself. If we do not solve this problem,
the effort to achieve our most high-minded

65

66

purposes may lead us not to UtOpia but to
Byzantium (page 468). ‘

Fromm's (1941) conclusion is that civilization may
fall Simply because men will not tolerate loss of primary
group association for long. Fromm says that in the last 400
years men have been gradually set free from the restraints
of traditional society. But in losing these restraints,
they have also lost the sense of belongingness to a group
whose members cooperate in securing the deepest interests
of each. If freedom is to mean no more than emotional
isolation, it will not survive. Men will do "any mad thing,
even merge in a mass under the sword of a tyrant," to escape
from freedom of this kind. Certainly, recent history
contains numerous events that fit this description.

This chapter begins to provide a partial response to
this problem. The impetus for the suggestions contained
here, and indeed for the dissertation as a whole, comes
from the work of Ouchi and his colleagues (Ouchi, 1981;
Ouchi and Johnson, 1978; Ouchi and Price, 1978). Presently
constituted groups in society that may contain the potential
for becoming a source of primary relations are first located.
The work organization is shown to be ideal in this regard.
The question of how the potential may be actualized then
leads to an examination of alternate forms of organization
of these groups in non-western cultures, specifically China
and Japan. The Japanese form of work organization is found
to be of special interest. Characteristics of Japanese

work organizations that appear to be related to their

67
ability to be a source of primary relations are examined,
with a view to locating those characteristics that are not
culture-bound, and hence may be applicable to the

American Situation.

The Potential of Work Groups

What alternatives exist for the replacement of
traditional sources of primary relations? What kinds of
groups exist in modern, industrial societies which have
the potential for the develOpment of primary relationships,
that is, which involve people in continuous, face-to-face
interaction over many years? Clearly, one such group is
the work group. Durkheim's (1933) own prescription was
what he called the occupational group, in which members
of a particular occupation would unite and organize into
a single body. This group would function as a locus for
the formation of close relationships among members,
resulting in the effective regulation of industry or
profession, and contributing to the moral solidarity of
the society. The similarity of Durkheim's occupational‘
group to today's trade or professional organization is
striking, and the investigation of whether or not
professional organizations perform the functions Durkheim
expected occupational groups to perform would be worthwhile.

One suspects, however, that the occupational groups
Durkheim had in mind would be considerably smaller and
much more localized geographically than the modern-day

professional associations. Contact among members of

68

professional associations seems too intermittent and too
purposive (i.e., rationally motivated) to result in the
kinds of relationships that would contain the potential
for moral regulation. Nonetheless, the contribution of
professional associations to the "moral regulation" of
member behavior is evidenced by the "codes of ethics"
that exist in the older and well-established associations.

Work organizations often result in close, face-to-
face interactions of the same peOple over long periods of
time. But work organizations, too, bring people together
around a purpose, and may be expected to be dominated by
relationships based on rational will; Such was the
conviction of students of organizations in the decades
before Roethlisberger and Dickson, and Mayo. Now it is
known, of course, that no work organization exists without
an extensive informal organization that influences
profoundly the behavior of the members of the organization.

But more significant for our present discussion
is the prOposition that the formal organization may be
structured in ways which promote the likelihood of the
organization becoming a locus for primary relations.
In his introduction to Mayo's (1975) "The Social Problems
of an Industrial Civilization," Donham notes:

Mayo shows us for the first time in the form

of specific instances that it is within the

power of industrial administrators to create

within industry itself a partially effective

substitute for the old stabilizing effect of

the neighborhood. Given stable employment,
it might make of industry a socially satisfying

69

way of life as well as a way of making a _
living (page xiv). _ - '

Mayo finds the social mechanism that would achieve
the necessary social integration in the "working group."
Mayo found the roots of this solution to the problem in
traditional societies, where the social order is maintained
not by a direct tie between each individual and the state,
but rather by the relationship of each individual to a
clan, a smaller, primary group. All clans were then related
to the larger government of the state. Mayo further
observed that in modern industry management is not related
to Single workers but always to working groups. Here, Mayo
is referring not only to formal work groups, but also to the
informal groups that inevitably form in departments that do
not call for formal work groups as such. Thus, Mayo
concludes that the fundamental objective of management must
be to aid the creation and maintenance of stable, effective
working groups within the enterprise. In the Opinion of
Ouchi and Price (1978), "all contemporary efforts at
organizational development can be said to conform to this
basic principle" (page 29). Thus, one finds in the works
of McGregor (1960, 1966) and Likert (1961, 1967) the
consistent assertion that the development of cohesive small
groups that are linked to each other leads to organizational
success, and that the focus of organizational development
efforts should be the development of interpersonal Skill.
This latter prescription is also found in Argyris (1964,

1974).

7O

Ouchi and Price (1978) review the work of the Human
Relations school, represented by the authors mentioned above,
and conclude that the fundamental propositions that seem to
underlie this school of thought may be stated as follows:

(a) The hierarchical Structure (a system of

superior-subordinate relationships based
on legitimate authority, close monitoring
of activity, job specialization, and
individual responsibility) is the
predominant form of organization in
modern, industrial societies.

(b) Hierarchical organizations are naturally

. and inevitably hostile to the growth needs
of individuals, because of the high degree
of specialization, the narrow economic
measures of performance, and the fostering
of a state of dependence of subordinates
on superiors.

(c) Consequently, steps must be taken to

mitigate these negative effects of
hierarchy.

What Ouchi and Price fail to find in the Human
Relations school is an explanation for prOposition (a)
above. Why does hierarchy seem to be the inevitable
response to industrialization? What essential functions
of managerial control are served by hierarchy? Is hierarchy

the only structure that serve these functions?

w

(9'

9“

IE:

71
92.122.

A logical place to look for the beginningscxfthe
answer to the last question is the typical forms of
industrial organization in non-Western cultures. Whyte's
(1973) study of modernization in China provides a suggestion
to the effect that the hierarchical structure may not be the
only way to organize collective effort.

The Maoist ideology is, in fact, opposed to bureaucracy
on the grounds that it allows the educated to set themselves
apart from the rest of the p0pu1ation and to advance
themselves and their relatives at the expense of the
common man. For the same reason, a high degree of
specialization and the development of professionalism is
to be discouraged. If allowed, these would lead to "the
masses [feeling] incapable of affecting the decisions
affecting their lives," leading to diScouragement and
lack of dedication. This would undermine whatever decisions
their superiors would make. Superiors should, therefore, be
less concerned about establishing their professional
prerogatives and more concerned about forging close ties
with their subordinates. Individuals are supposed to obey,
not because they are subordinate in a legitimate
organization or because they have less technical knowledge
than their Superiors, but because of their commitment to the
goals of the group. This commitment is to be the outcome of
group solidarity. Considerable emphasis is placed upon

minimizing differences between superiors and subordinates,

o

72
through similarity of dress, through the location in the
same building of the more spacious apartment of the
administrator and the smaller residence of his unit's
janitor, and through "mass line" procedures, in which
managerial cadres regularly Spent part of their time out
of their offices and working with their hands alongside
subordinates.

The basic vehicle for the participation of the masses
in decision-making are the discussion groups--the factory
work group, the school row, the office section, the military
squad--all of which are to maintain their form outside the
activities and hours of the formal organizational life.
PeOple are expected to treat each other not just as holders
of narrow roles, but as whole individuals with problems and
private lives which may affect organizational performance.
Individual performance gains that result from wider
differentials and status distinctions--basic tools of the
motivational trade in Western organizations-~are held by
the Maoists to be more than offset by lowered organizational
cohesion and morale.

Thus, after extensive interviews with captured Chinese
soldiers during the Korean War, George (1967) finds that
much of the impressive performance of the Chinese Army
against the more heavily armed U.N. forces could be
attributed to the encapsulation of soldiers in small groups

with regular political rituals and group criticisms, and the

73
maintenance of comradely relations and mutual consultation
between officers and men.

The Maoist alternative to hierarchy may thus be seen to be
the small group or the "clan." There is, however, an essential
difference between the "cohesive work group" sought by the
Human Relations school and the "discussion group" of China.
The Human Relations school does not see the cohesive group
as serving the control functions that the discussion group
is to serve; that is, it does not see the cohesive group as

an alternative to hierarchy. The Maoist system seeks to

 

obtain organizationally required behaviors through ensuring
that individuals, because they value their membership in the

group, will be committed to the goals of the group.

Japan

A significant segment of Japanese industry shares some
of the characteristics of the Maoist system, yet is radically
different in other characteristics. For the Western observer,
the most striking characteristic of Japanese industrial
organization is the Nenko, or lifetime employment system,
prevalent in large businesses. Abegglen (1958), who first
introduced Western readers to the Japanese factory, calls
this the "critical" difference between Japanese and U.S.
work organization:

When comparing the social organization of the

factory in Japan and the United States one

difference is immediately noted and continues to

dominate and represent much of the total

difference between the two systems. At

whatever level of organization in the
Japanese factory, the worker commits

74

himself on entrance to the company for the

remainder of his working career. The company

will not discharge him even temporarily

except in the most extreme circumstances.

He will not quit the company for industial

employment elsewhere. He is a member of the

company in a way resembling that in which

persons are members of families, . . . and

other intimate and personal groups in the

U.S. (page 11).

The yearly turnover quoted by Abegglen for individual
firms in the 1949-1953 period ranges from a tenth of a
percent to 2 and 3 percent for men, and 10 percent for
women. The contrast with an average national turnover
rate of up to 50 percent in the U.S.A. (see page
above) is striking. The Western relationship is more
nearly "contractual," that is, dominated by economic
factors or "rational will," whereas the Japanese policy
tacitly recognizes that the relationship between the
company and the worker is not simply a function of the
economic convenience of the two parties.

Loyalty to the group and an interchange of

responsibilities--a system of shared

obligation--takes the place of the economic

basis of employment of worker by the firm

(Abegglen, 1958, page 17).

The policy of lifetime employment may be expected
to significantly influence the kind and intensity of
relationships that will form among members of the
organization. One can imagine the experience of a new
employee in a large organization in Japan who is introduced
to his fellow employees and who realizes that these are the

people who will be his colleagues for the rest of his

working life. In contrast, the entrant in a Western

75
counterpart would be aware that the peOple he associates with
today may be gone tomorrow, or that he himself may leave.
Not only do peOple have insufficient time to develop broad
ties in this setting, they would also be motivated to
protect themselves against the costs of losing friends by

not forming friendships. We may expect, then, the stability

 

2; employment to be an important determinant of whether or.
not the work organization is experienced by employees as a
locus for primary relations.

In this context, the conclusions of Hall et al. (1970)
and Hall and Schneider (1972) from their research in various
U.S. organizations are of interest. They were interested in
the correlates of "identification" which they view as the
"process by which the goals of the organization and those
of the individual become increasingly integrated or
congruent." They found that tenure (length of service) and
organizational identification were significantly (p < .01)
related in the forest service and with priests that they
studied. They explain this relationship by suggesting the
operation within individuals of such factors as (l) increas-
ing investment the person makes in the organization, and
(2) the effect of foregoing outside Opportunities. Note,
however, that Katz (1978) finds that "overall satisfaction<xf
workers with considerable job longevity is not related to
the task characteristics of their present jobs," thus
suggesting that employment Stability may be related to

satisfaction through the increased Opportunity for primary

76
relations rather than other factors. This is, of course,
congruent with the‘ideas discussed above.

Another striking difference between Japanese and
American work organization relates to the system of rewards
and incentives used. Under norms of rationality in the
American system, reward is generally given in relation to the
capacity of the individual to contribute to efficient and
maximal production. Payment would be based on factors
relating to the position an individual occupies and the
extent to which he effectively fulfills the demands of his
job. Rewards, in other words, are a motivational device and
should be closely related, as one is urged by Lawler (1973),
to performance. In Japan, on the other hand, payment is
based mostly upon these three non-performance factors: age,
education, and seniority.

. . . recompense in the Japanese factory is in

large part a function of matters that have no

direct connection with the factory's productivity

goals. They can be termed relevant to factory

pay only when the relationship between worker and

firm,and the assumptions on which that relationship

rests, are defined outside the more limited range

of productivity, output, profit, and efficiency.

. . . individual effort is not a component of

wage calculation--it is group work, and group

output that measure success (Abegglen, 1958,

pages 67-69).

In other words, the structure of the reward mechanism,
which includes the monitoring of performance, will also
significantly influence the kind and intensity of
relationships that form in the work organization. In

the Japanese example, many factors combine to make the

work organization, for most employees, the focal point,

77

not only of their economic life, but also of their social,
recreational, and emotional life. The company is held to
be, and considers itself, responsible for the Eggal_person,
including his food, clothing, shelter, education, and
medical needs.

The Japanese worker's group membership transcends
his individual privileges and re3ponsibilities--or, to use
Durkheim's terminology, his conscience coincides with the
collective conscience at many, many points. Abegglen (1958)
finds himself using the metaphor of "family" repeatedly in
his book.

[The Japanese factory] is family-like. When

a man enters the large Japanese company, it is
for his entire life. Entrance is a function of
personal qualities, background, and character.
Membership is revocable only in extraordinary
circumstances and with extraordinary difficulty.
As in a family, the incompetent or inefficient
member of the group is cared for, and a place
is found for him. Again, family-life, the most
intimate kinds of behaviors are the proper
province of concern and attention from the
other members of the group. Fidelity and
tenure bring the highest rewards, and, should
the group encounter financial difficulty, it

is expected that all members will suffer these
difficulties together (page 99).

Ozawa (1980) suggests that, for the Japanese, one's
company (or kaisha) is not merely a place of work, but
a "sharing group." He quotes Nakane as follows:

The term kaisha symbolizes the expression of
group consciousness. Kaisha does not mean
that individuals are bound By contractual
relationships into a corporate enterprise,
while still thinking of themselves as separate
entities; rather, kaisha is 'my' or 'our'
company, the community to which one belongs
primarily, and which is all important in

one's life (page 46).

78
One may view the employee-organization relationship

in Japan as exhibiting many of the characteristics of the
relationship between a person with his primary group.
Using Marx's (1963) formula, that "every man regards other
men according to the standards and relationships in which he
finds himself placed as a worker" (page 129), we may expect
that Japanese workers find in their work organization a rich
source of primary relationships.

Drawbacks of the Chinese and Japanese
OrganizatiOnaIiForms

 

 

The point of the above discussion is not to endorse the
Maoist ideology or the Japanese system as superior or
preferable to what exists in the West. The point is simply
to answer in the affirmative the question, "Can organizations,
through their choice of control mechanisms, create the
environment in which primary relations may develOp?"

It might be worthwhile mentioning some of the drawbacks
of the type of organizational structure being discussed here.
Abegglen (1958) himself mentions a number of disadvantages,
from the lack of flexibility of adjusting the size of the
labor force to possible losses of productivity and efficiency.
Oh (1976) points out that the costs of the Nggkg, or
permanent employment system, are borne by the large pool of
temporary workers from which the smaller companies satisfy
their highly fluctuating demand for labor, and who receive
considerably lower wages than permanent workers. When one

notes, in addition, that these smaller companies are most

79

often subcontractors to the larger firms, it becomes evident
that the larger firms probably use the subcontracting .
relationship to pass on the costs of reduced inflexibility.
Oh (1976) also notes that within the context of the
hierarchical structure based on seniority, the intense
emotional involvement in the life of the group, and the early
indoctrination into the group ethos, there are areas in

which competition is intense and motivating. Ozawa (1980)
makes the same point: "Individual aggressiveness is directed
outward--intragroup harmony_develops--but a keen, sometimes

bitter, intergrouptrivalgy occurs" (page 46). Cole (1973)

 

mentions also the reduced flexibility for quick readjustment
of the labor force as a significant disadvantage. One may
also expect that there will be at least a few individuals for
whom opportunity for personal achievement may be more
valuable than membership in a cohesive and warm group.

The Japanese system, by discouraging and frustrating such
individuals, may suffer losses of innovativeness and
productivity. Ozawa (1980) suggests that such individuals
become entrepreneurs in Japanese society, but one wonders
about the number of people who would like to advance rapidly

who are suppressed by the system.

Type "A" and Type "Z"

 

It is now necessary to be more specific about the
dimensions along which the control structures of
organizations may be observed to differ. Proceeding from

their interest in the differences between Japanese and

80
American companies, Johnson and Ouchi (1974) formulated two
ideal types which described alternative mechanisms of
organizational control used in American and Japanese
companies. Subsequently, a further ideal type which
described American companies that have some characteristics
similar to the pure Japanese ideal type was constructed. The
pure American prototype is called "Type A" by Ouchi and
Johnson (1978), and the set of characteristics that made the
American companies "Japanese" in style is called "Type Z."
The essential difference between "Type A" and "Type Z" is
that the former maintains control through a tightly
monitored system, while the latter maintains control through
a process of acculturation or socialization of employees.
Ouchi and Price (1978) distinguish between the market-
bureaucratic form of social control and the clan form of
social control: the former is characterized by a combination
of reward-for-performance incentive system requiring close
and frequent monitoring of behavior, and an authority system
based on contract (that is, rational will); the clan form
of social control is based on a more or less complete
socialization of the individual into the organizational
group, so that individual goals become closely identified
with organizational goals. Control in the clan mechanisms
is a function of the desire of the individual to become and
remain a valued member of the group. Ouchi and Price (1978)
mention specifically that such complete integration can only

occur when membership turnover is low, giving members a

81
greater vested interest in integrating themselves. This is
similar to the argument made earlier, namely, that high
mobility discourages the formation of primary relationships.
Ouchi and Johnson (1978) contrasted "Type A" and "Type
2" organizations on seven dimensions, on Six of which they
differ, as indicated in Table 2. Note again that both "Type

A" and "Type Z" describe American organizations.

TABLE 2

TWO IDEAL TYPES OF ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL

TYPE A TYPE Z
Short-term emplOyment Long-term employment
Individual decision-making Collective decision-making
Individual responsibility Individual responsibility
Frequent evaluation and Infrequent evaluation and
promot1on promotion
Explicit, formalized Implicit, informal
evaluation evaluation
Specialized career paths Nonspecialized career paths

Segmented concern for peOple Wholistic concern for
peOple

The first dimension of length of employment is the crucial
dimension in the sense that all the rest of the character-
istics can be understood as adaptations to it. In other words,
the Type A organization incorporates those elements of a control
mechanism which are adapted to high rates of employee
turnover. Since rfi4fi1 turnover makes interdependence costly,

decision-making and responsibility are highly individualized.

82

Since only relatively new employees.are available for

o
a

promotion, evaluation and promotion take place frequently.
These evaluations cannot rely on subtle or personal knowledge
of ability or performance, because there has not been
sufficient time for supervisors and subordinates to know
one another; so the evaluation system tends to be formalized
and to rely upon "hard" measures which have high apparent
legitimacy and impersonality. in: the extent that employees
are specialized, they can transfer between organizations and
quickly become productive in the new setting. Finally, the
segmented concern for people results from the kind of
dynamics discussed earlier, in which insufficient time and
high risk of loss of friends discourage the development of
primary relationships.

Ouchi and Johnson (1978) emphasize that:

These two 'ideal types’ come from real experience,

via a long although clinical period of inter-

viewing managers from many different kinds Of

companies and government agencies. They do not

match exactly . . . any real organization, but

they are at once sufficiently concrete and

Specific to guide a systematic collection of

data and sufficiently abstract and general to

provide theoretical meaning. As we think

through the control process implied by each type,

we see that stability of employment is almost

certainly more important than the other

variables (page 295).
It is also noted later in the same article that Type A is
very similar to the common description of the Gesellschaft,

or contractual society, while Type 2 is similar to the

Gemeinschaft, village, or non-contractual society:

 

In the descriptions of the Type A and the Type
2 organization we find forms of social

83

organization which bear a striking similarity

to earlier and, by now, classic descriptions

of whole societies. Our description of Type

A is very similar to the common description

of the Gesellschaft (Toennies, 1940) or

contractual (Sumner, 1907; Maine, 1930) society.

Similarly, the Type Z description sounds much

like the Gemeinschaft, village, or non-

contractuhi, society (page 310).

Outcomes

The proposition that work organizations, through their
choice of control mechanisms, can create an environment
benign to the formation of primary relations has now been
outlined. The last prOposition, that the outcomes will
relate to individual emotional well-being, societal
solidarity, and organizational effectiveness, is based on
the ideas discussed earlier. Some additional support for
this proposition follows.

Research by Burke, Weir, and Duncan (1976) suggests
that work relationships may have an important role to play
in helping individuals mitigate or resolve their stress
experiences. Burke (1971) asked a group of managers to
describe how they coped with stress. One pOpular answer
was: talking through problems with others was
instrumental in stress reduction. We may add that who
one talks to--Specifically, how long one has known the
listener, and how close and supportive he has been in the
past--will certainly have an influence on the relationship
between "talking through" and stress reduction. That work

organizations may provide fertile ground for primary

relationships is suggested by data collected by Burke and

84
Weir (1975). Husbands and wives were asked to indicate
two people they would go to for help with stress-producing
problems. Ninety percent of the males' first two choices
and 32 percent of the females' first two choices were
identified as people from the husband ' 3 work environment .

Ouchi and Johnson (1978) identified a Type A and a
Type 2 company in the electronics industry by asking
"industry experts" to nominate, from a list, companies
which they felt most resembled a one-paragraph description
of each ideal type. Categorization as Type A or Type 2 was
further validated by interview and questionnaire data from
company officials, and by observation of the "climate" in
each company. 'Employee emotional well-being and attachment
to the company were measured by surveys. The results
indicate that the employees in the Type Z company scored
significantly higher on emotional well-being and attachment
to the company.

With respect to outcomes related to organizational
effectiveness, the point may be made that an employee's
emotional well-being may be expected to influence his
performance on the job. Sales (1970) suggests that a
person's ability to cope with stressful events can have a
significant effect on the state of his psychological
and physical health, which, in turn, will affect his overall
functioning and productivity. Oh (1976), in his review of
Japanese management, concludes that the employment security

resulting from the Nenko system intensifies cohesiveness and

85
group consciousness, and is an important factor in the
stabilization which large enterprises need for rational
economic planning in the face of rapid technological change.
Ozawa (1980) concludes that "one clear economic benefit" of
industrial paternalism is enhanced effectiveness of on-the-
job training, Since the employer's investment in on-the-job
training is sure to be recouped over the long run. Cole
(1973) finds that long-term employment contributes to the
development of loyalty to the organization, resulting in
high motivation to achieve organizational goals. In addition
to avoiding instabilities of high turnover, poor returns on
training costs, high cost of recruiting and terminating, and
high levels of alienation, the permanent employment system
also results in reduced union and worker resistance to
technological innovation, since much of this resistance

derives from threats to employment security.

Summary

This chapter has identified some characteristics of work
organizations that may be related to the creation and
maintenance of an organizational environment that encourages
the development of primary relations, not only among
employees, but also between employees and the organization.
The thrust of this entire theoretical framework is to suggest
that the consequences of membership in such organizations
are likely to include enhanced employee well-being, as

well as enhanced social and organizational well-being.

86
PrOposition 5 states:
WOrk organizations, through their choice of
control mechanisms, are able to provide the
environment in which primary relations can
develop. The outcomes would relate not only
to the emotional equilibrium of individuals
and the moral solidarity or integration of
society as a whole, but also to the effective-
ness of the organization itself.
The empirical part of this dissertation, aimed at
obtaining evidence for PrOposition l and part of Proposition

5, is reported in Part II.

PART II

EMPIRICAL INVESTIGATION

CHAPTER V

HYPOTHESES AND OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS
Hypotheses of the Empirical InveStigation
This chapter introduces the empirical part of the
dissertation, which is a test of a revised Proposition 1 and
a part of Proposition 5, both of which are repeated here in
their entirety:
1. Individuals need primary relations to achieve
and maintain psychological equilibrium.

5. Work organizations, through their choice of
control mechanisms, may be able to provide
the environment in which primary relations
can develop. The outcomes would relate not
only to the emotional equilibrium of
individuals and the moral solidarity or
integration of society as a whole, but
also to the efficiency and effectiveness
of the organization itself.

Both prOpositions, and the dissertation's literature
synthesis (theoretical investigation) in general, deal with
Primariness in the context of interpersonal relationships.
For the empirical investigation, however, a different context

is proposed: Primariness of the Individual's Relationship

 

 

88

89

with the Organization. In all that follows in Part II of

the dissertation, therefore, Primariness is a concept of

 

Individual-Organizational relationship.

Another difference between the theoretical and empirical
parts of the dissertation is that the term, "psychological
equilibrium" is herein replaced by the concept, Emotional
well-Being. The change is made for two reasons: (1) opera-
tionalization of "psychological equilibrium" turns out to
be a matter mostly of emotions and feelings; and (2) Emotional
Well-Being is the term employed by Ouchi and Johnson (1978),
whose study provided the main impetus for the present
empirical investigation. It should be noted, however, that
Emotional Well-Being as presently used differs somewhat from
Ouchi and Johnson's concept. Concern for precision and
parsimony yielded a concept containing fewer dimensions
defined in considerably more detail than their concept.

Precision and parsimony considerations also motivated a
similar treatment of their concept of Organizational Type,
yielding similar results. They use seven dimensions of
organizational control mechanisms to distinguish organiza-
tional "ideal type" A from "ideal type" Z. The present
approach retains the labels "Type Z" and Type 2," but
fully employs only two of their seven dimensions. Along
with a part of a third dimension, these make up the third
variable of this empirical investigation, which is called

TYPE.

90
Proposition 1 and the part of Proposition 5 being tested
may now be restated, in terms of these variables, as follows:
1. Individuals need a primary relationship with
their work organization to achieve and
maintain Emotional Well-Being.

2. Work organizations, through structuring
their control mechanisms in the pattern
of ideal Type 2, are able to provide an
environment in which individuals develop
a primary relationship with their work
organization.

This empirical investigation is viewed fundamentally as
an exploratory effort. Alternatively, or concurrently, it
can be viewed as a construct validation exercise. In either
case, the implications of causality in the prOpositionS are
considered inappropriate at this point. Removing these
implications, and rephrasing in the language of statistics,
results in the following hypotheses for this study.

HI: The correlation between the average level of

Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the

Organization (PIRO) of individuals within an

organization and the TYPE of organization will be

positive and significantly different from zero.

(High positive value of TYPE signifies Type Z;

see below.)

53: The correlation between the average level

of Primariness of Individual's Relationship with

91

the Organization (PIRO) of individuals within an

organization and the average level of Emotional

Well-Being (EWB) of individuals within the

organization will be positive and significantly

different from zero.

Finally, the third remaining pairwise correlation,
between TYPE and Emotional Well-Being enters into a third
hypothesis. Note that Ouchi and Johnson (1978) do nOt
measure Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the
Organization (PIRO)cn:any variable similar to it, and their
major finding is that of a relationship between TYPE and
Emotional Well-Being. Support for H3 would constitute.
confirmation of the Ouchi and Johnson finding.

H3: The correlation between TYPE of organization

and the average level of Emotional Well-Being (EWB)

of individuals within the organization will be

positive and significantly different from zero.

These three hypotheses are stated at the organizational
level of analysis, since the average level of PIRO and the
average level of EWB are organizational values, and TYPE is
also an organizational characteristic. Variations of
individuals around these averages are, at this level of
analysis, "error variance." Thus the N for statistical
analysis to be performed to obtain evidence about these
hypotheses will equal the number of organizations in the sample .

Proposition 1 above can also be taken to suggest that,

regardless of the type of organization individuals belong to,

92

Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the Organization
(PIRO) will be correlated with Emotional Well-Being. This
suggests a fourth hypothesis, at the individual level of
analysis:

H4: The correlation between Primariness of

Individual's Relationship with the Organization

and Emotional Well-Being for all individuals will

be positive and significantly different from zero.
The N for statistical analysis here will be the total number
of individuals in the study.

The next section of this chapter contains "operational"
definitions and a brief discussion of each variable. This
is followed by sections in which data generation and collec-

tion procedures are described.

Definitions

 

The definitions contained in this section, while
containing many elements from the work of researchers
mentioned in Chapter II, are Specified in this final form
by the writer.

Primariness of Individual's Relationship
with the Organization (PIRO)

PIRO is defined as the extent to which the organization,
like the family, is a source of meaning and belongingness
for the individual, regardless of its significance as a
means of existence. It is, in other words, the extent to

which the organization is central to the individual's

93

self-concept, or to which the individual finds beliefs and
values that are essential to his own personality expressed in
the objectives and methods of the organization, or to which
the organizational interests are not differentiated from
self-interests, just as family interests are not differenti-
ated from self-interests. Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the Organization is, in summary, the extent
to which the organization is of Significance to its
utilitarian signifiance, or,the extent to which
organizational membership is the satisfaction of a need,
rather than only a means to the satisfaction of needs.

A number of points must be noted about this definition.

The organization is to be distinguished from the profession

 

 

and also from any sub-groups that may exist within the
organization. PIRO has reference only to the individual's
relationship with the organization as a whole. The
distinction is important, since people are often found to be
in primary relationship with their profession or with a
small group of colleagues within the work organization.
Organization is conceptualized here as a more or less organic
entity with a character, personality, or identity distinct
from that of any individual or group of individuals within
the organization. Primariness of Individual's Relationship
with the Organization has reference to the individual's
relationship with the Gestalt evoked by the name of the

organization.

94

The reference to the centrality of the organization to
the individual's self-concept may remind the reader of Dubin
and Goldman's (1972) Central Life Interest concept. The
analogy is only partially useful, since Dubin and Goldman's
reference is to the job as being more or less central to
the individual's life, while PIRO refers 1x) the organization
as being more or less central to the individual's life or
self-concept. The distinction is important, since, in the
former case, the organization itself may be subordinate to
the individual's career goals, which would lead to a
.classification of his relationship with the organization as
lag in Primariness.

The suggestion that Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the Organization is the extent to which
organizational interests are not differentiated from self-
interests is not meant to imply that conflicts between
organizational interests and self-interests are less frequent
for the high PIRO individual. On the contrary, they may be
more frequent, and more keenly felt, by such an individual,
since in the absence of a primary relationship there is no
potential for conflict: organizational interests are
generally subordinate to self-interests. The idea may be
stated alternatively by suggesting that high PIRO will be
accompanied by a higher tolerance for conflict. It would
take a great deal of conflict before the individual would
consider severing his ties with the organization. The

analogy of the family is again useful: consider the amount

95
and intensity of cOnflict that must occur before a person
will sever his ties with his family.

The definition has been carefully worded to avoid the
implication that a relationship that has utilitarian
significance disqualifies it from being primary. Primary
is defined not negatively in terms of absence of utilitarian
Significance, but positively in terms of presence of
significance beyond the "merely" utilitarian. Primary
relationship is distinguished from secondary relationship
in which the purpose or utility is the center or focus of
the relationship; it is its most important referent.

The fate of a secondary relationship is tied up intimately
with the fate of the purpose--when the purpose is
diminished or eliminated, so is the relationship.

Finally, there is a need to distinguish what may be
called "Primariness Orientation" from primariness of
individual's relationship with the organization. The
latter refers to the primariness of the individual's
existing relationship with the organization, while
primariness orientation refers to an enduring characteristic
of the individual which predisposes him to view
relationships with people and with social systems in a
primary light. Primariness orientation is the
characteristic of the individual who seeks meaning and
belongingness in relationships in which others may be
content with finding only utilitarian significance. It

is a characteristic of the individual, whereas primariness

 

96
of existing relationships is a characteristic of
relationships. Primariness orientation, along with other
individual characteristics, will interact with organizational
and contextual variables to determine PIRO, as well as
other characteristics of the individual's relationship with

the organization.

TYPE

TYPE is defined by (l) the extent to which an
organization includes the yhglg of the individual under the
umbrella of the relationship it seeks to establish and
maintain with the employee, (2) the extent of longevity
of tenure of employees, and (3) the extent of availability
of "global" criteria for decision-making, that is, criteria
derived from the purpose or mission of the organization.
These three dimensions of TYPE are called Wholistic Concern,
Employment Stability, and Global Philosophy of Management,
respectively. TYPE may thus be defined by the extent of
Wholistic Concern, Employment Stability, and Global
Philosophy of Management that exists with the organization.
These three interdependent dimensions are described below.

TYPE is conceptualized as a continuum ranging from
TYPE A (Low Wholistic Concern, Low Employment Stability,
and absence of Global PhilOSOphy of Management) to TYPE 2
(High Wholistic Concern, High Employment Stability, and
availability of Global PhilOSOphy of Mangement). These

dimensions are adapted from the work of Ouchi and

97
his colleagues (Ouchi and Johnson, 1978; Ouchi and
Price, 1978).

Wholistic Concern is the extent to which the

 

organization includes the totality of the individual's
needs, concerns, and interests in the organization-
individual relationship. It is contrasted with
"segmented concern," in which the relationship is
presumed to cover only those segments of the individual
that are narrowly and directly relevant to his or her
duties in the organization--for example, specific manual
or mental capabilities. In the image of a "psychological
contract" between the organization and the individual,
Wholistic Concern is the inclusion of a broad and
comprehensive range of behavior, needs, and interests.
Wholistic Concern is indicated by the existence of
programs and policies that address needs, concerns, and
interests of employees that go well beyond physical
working conditions and compensation. More fundamentally,
Wholistic Concern is the inclusion of these "wholistic"
considerations in the policy-making process of the
organization; that is, the extent of sensitivity to,

and incorporation of, the impact of policy decisions not
only on work, production, and profit, but also on the
employee as'a whole. Wholistic Concern is the extent

to which decisions in the organization reflect a
sensitivity to the multiplicity of roles that an employee

assumes in the course of daily living--Spouse, parent,

98
citizen, friend, etc.--rather than a consideration only
of his or her work role and its significance to the
organization.

The TYPE Z organization may be viewed as responding
differently than a TYPE A organization to the possibility
that employee non-work concerns will have a powerful
impact on his work performance. The TYPE Z organization
seeks to understand this impact in order to incorporate
it in the organization-individual relation--and, ultimately,
to influence the impact. The TYPE A organization, in
contrast, seeks to ignore, deny, or de-emphasize this
impact. (The TYPE Z organization views non-work concerns
as a source of "systematic variance," the TYPE A views
it as a source of "error variance.") The TYPE A
organization insists that non-work concerns do not, or
should not, have anything to do with the employee's
behavior while at work. Consequently, the organization-
individual relationship can legitimately concern itself
only with the exchange of specific employee behaviors
for compensation; the individual, in turn, is expected
to leave his non-wOrk concerns and needs outside the
door of the organization.

It may be noted that Wholistic Concern is defined
here as a characteristic of the organization. Similar
concern in interpersonal relationships within an
organization may occur independent of, or in spite of

the absence of, Wholistic Concern, though one would

99
expect the two to be related. In the superior-subordinate
relationship, the superior's similar concern for the
subordinate would be an indication of Wholistic Concern

if the superior is representing organizational policy.

Wholistic Concern is also distinct from the individual

 

including the whole of the organization in the organization-
individual relationship. This distinction is especially
important, Since an individual who seeks to include the
whole of the organization in the Organization-individual
relationship may be seen as an individual with a Primariness
Orientation (see above). Conceptual similarity between
Wholistic Concern and Primariness Orientation calls for
special care in operational segregation of TYPE and PIRO,

a problem which is addressed in the Data Generation
Procedures section below.

Employment Stability was defined as the longevity of

 

tenure of employees, that is, as long average duration of
stay of employees in the organization. A corollary of

long average duration of stay is the relative absence

of work force size variations in response to short-term
variations in demand. In other words, Employment Stability
reflects organizational policies seeking a long-term, even
permanent relationship with employees, and organizational
avoidance of work force size variations in response to
short-term variations in demand for the product of the
organization. It may be useful to view Employment

Stability as the temporal aspect of Wholistic Concern,

100

in the sense that it indicates a policy to seek a
relationship with the whole of the individual in terms.
of all the years of (at least) his working life.
Similarly, avoidance of variations in work force size
may be viewed as resulting from an organizational
sensitivity to emotional and psychological costs
associated with such ups and downs, costs to the laid-
off employee as well as those left behind, rather than
organizational sensitivity only to its financial costs.
In analogy with the previous discussion, Employment
Stability may be viewed as the response of the TYPE Z
organization to the possibility that concerns about the
future may have a powerful impact on the present work
performance of the employee. Policies to assure the
employee that he will not be discarded when the
organization no longer'needs him may be expected to
reduce significantly the emotional or psychological cost
of uncertainty for the employee, and he may reasonably be
expected to pass along much of this saving to the
organization.

Note that avoidance of lay-offs may be motivated by
a purely "dollars and cents" calculation, that is, in the
absence of any sensitivity to employee concerns about job
security. Variations in work force size are, after all,
quite costly to the organization, in the traditional sense
of the concept of "cost." Such calculation has nothing

as such to do with TYPE Z. It is not only the existence

101

of Employment Stability, but also of non-economic
motivations underlying Employment Stability that is
indicative of a TYPE Z organization. For example, if Job
Security has been extracted from the organization by union
action, or if it is simply an artifact of legislation,
then it would not be an indicator of TYPE Z. It is for
this reason that the dimensions of Wholistic Concern and
Global Philosophy of Management are necessary supplements
to Employment Stability in the definition of TYPE.

Global Philosophy gf Management is the availability

 

 

in the work environment of "global" criteria for decision-
making, that is, criteria Specified in terms of the
purpose, mission, or objectives of the organization.

In the words of Ouchi and Price (1978), an organizational
philOSOphy of management is recognition of the "plain
fact that measurable, quantifiable techniques of

control are helpful but incomplete, and that, if the
equally important but more subtle goals of the
organization are not expressed openly through a
philosophy, then numbers will rule to the detriment of
the organization" (page 44).

In other words, it is not the absence of quantifiable
cost/benefit calculations, but the inclusion in the
decision-making metric of more intangible and less
easily quantifiable factors that characterizes TYPE Z.
Global PhilOSOphy of Management is the extent to which

long-range and broad criteria, specified in terms of

102

the overall mission and basic strategy of the organization,
are explicitly reOOgnized as being the general framework
within which the criteria of production and profit are
to operate. Global Philosophy, if widely known in
the organization, makes available to individual decision-
makers a motivational scheme that enables them to understand
their own role in the organization and bring better
judgment to bear on the decisions they make, since they
have a larger and more comprehensive set of criteria than
the goals of production or profit can provide.

It is clear that the dimensions of Wholistic Concern
and Employment Stability are consistent with this view
of Global PhilOSOphy of Management, and could even be
thought of as aspects of it. Thus, in Wholistic Concern,
recognition is given to employee concerns that go beyond
the narrowly Specific factors of production and profit.
Similarly, lay-off decisions are to be made not simply
on the basis of the quantity of manpower required
currently, but also on the basis of psychological and
emotional consequences to the employees. Note that profit
and production are not being ignored or even subordinated;
theoretically at least, a consequence of viewing profit
and production in a broader, global, long-range framework
is expected to be enhanced profit and production.

While the availability of an explicit and written
statement of Global PhilOSOphy of Management would

indicate TYPE Z, the more relevant criterion is the

103
extent of awareness of the philosophy in the employees
of the organization, and the extent of use made of it by

policy makers.

Emotional Well-Being (EWB)

Emotional Well-Being is conceptualized as the state
of that individual who is relatively free from feelings
and emotions that serve to impair successful coping with
situations encountered in the course of daily living.
These feelings and emotions may be viewed as being
supported by certain perceptions. Thus, hostility may
be viewed as being supported by the perception that
other people threaten one's interests or self-concept.
The perceptions underlying the feelings are not usually
salient in the consciousness; the feelings themselves
are often keenly salient in the consciousness. Emotional
IllfBeing is the existence of feelings, emotions, and
perceptions that prevent an individual from seeking and
producing coping responses in two ways: by creating a
prediSposition in the individual such that a coping
response is less likely to be elicited, and by creating
a drain on the emotional energy of the individual, so
that less energy is available to seek and produce a
OOping response. A "spiral" process is implicated,
where the perceptions support feelings which impair
COping, which in turn contributes to an intensification
of the perceptions and feelings. Emotional Ill-Being

is conceptualized as the state of that individual who

104
is more likely to get started in this spiral; therefore

it makes reference to generalized perceptions, feelings,

 

and emotions. A higher level of Emotional Ill-Being leads
not only to a greater propensity to get launched along
the spiral, but also to a reduced ability to arrest the
spiral. Emotional Well-Being, in contrast, leads not

only to a lower likelihood of getting started on the
spiral, but also to an increased ability to arrest the
spiral if it has begun.

The concept of a "coping response" is central to
the identification of those generalized perceptions,
feelings, and emotions that contribute to Emotional
Ill-Being. Whether a response is coping or non-coping
cannot usually be determined without reference to the
specific person-situation matrix: what may be a COping
response in one Situation for one individual may be
dysfunctional in the same Situation for another
individual, or in a different Situation for the same
individual. For this reason, it is necessary to identify
those feelings, and the perceptions that underlie them,
that are likely to result in non-COping responses in
"most" situations encountered in daily living in this
culture.

It is proposed that generalized anxiety is the most
basic of such emotions. Generalized feelings of
depression, hostility, and helplessness or powerlessness

may also be included. All these may be expected to be

105
interrelated. Nonetheless, each can be considered as a
distinct feeling or emotion. Generalized fear is considered
to be almost identical to generalized anxiety, and is not
separately included. Each of these is discussed below in
terms of its relationship to Emotional Well-Being, and
in terms of the perceptions that may be expected to underlie
them.

Generalized Anxiety is a diffuse or objectless

 

feeling of apprehension, fear, or uneasiness, which
exists as a relatively enduring or stable characteristic
of the individual's personality, and which is intense
enough to impair his or her ability to cope with
situations encountered in the course of daily living.
This feeling is produced in response to the perception
that she may encounter, "anytime" in the course of daily
living or "sometime" in the future, threatening Situations
which will demand skills or resources that are beyond
her reach. These threatening Situations, and the
consequences of failure to cope with them, may or may
not be clearly visualized.

This definition is a synthesis of definitions and
discussions of anxiety from a number of sources. Some
of these definitions are repeated here because of the
fundamental importance of Anxiety to the present concept
of Emotional Well-Being.

May (1977) defines anxiety as a diffuse,

unspecific, vague, and objectless apprehension "cued off

106
by a threat to some value that the individual holds
essential to his existence as a personality." The
special characteristics of anxiety are the feelings of
uncertainty and helplessness in the face of the danger.
May quotes Tillich's definition of anxiety as man's
reaction to the threat of non-being: man's self-conscious
awareness of his being is accompanied by the awareness
that at any moment he might cease to exist, not only
physically but, maybe more importantly, psychologically
and spiritually. In this latter sense, anxiety is
man's response to the threat of the loss of sources of

relatedness and meaning in his life. Hamacheck (1971)

 

defines anxiety as a chronic, complex emotional state -
with apprehension or fear as its most prominent component.
He suggests that anxiety is aroused whenever a person's
assessment of the Situational demands leads him to
conclude that they are greater than his own resources.
Finally, Weinberg defines anxiety in Gould and Kolb's

(1964) Dictionary of the Social Sciences as a "reaction

 

of apprehension ranging from uneasiness to complete
panic, preceded by a real or a symbolic condition of
threat which the subject perceives diffusely and to
which he reacts with an intensity that tends to be
disprOportionate."

The two components of feeling and perception mentioned
in the recent definition of Emotional Well-Being may be

noted in each of these definitions. The last definition

107
quoted suggests that anxiety is a continuum that may
range from "uneasiness to complete panic." It is
important to note that the boundary between "uneasiness"
and being in a state of alertness is by no means sharp.
An inverted U relationship between Performance and
Activation may illustrate this state of affairs (see
Figure 1). Very low levels of Activation or Arousal
may be viewed as a state of Apathy or Boredom. Very
high levels are what is being called Anxiety, that is,
"intense enough to impair" coping performance. Emotional
Well-Being is that state between Boredom and Anxiety
where coping or Performance is at or close to the maximum
that the individual is capable of. (An example that
has invariably led to a rapid understanding of these
ideas by students is that of sexual performance.)

Point X may be associated with feelings of
"uneasiness," point Y with feelings of "complete panic."
It should be clear that these points are selected
arbitrarily, and furthermore, that the point at which
"alertness" slips into "uneasiness," or the latter
into "panic" is entirely subjective—-witness the often-
heard statement, "I work well under pressure." Note
that this continuous gradation is recognized in most
discussions of Anxiety--for example, May's (1977)
distinction between Normal Anxiety and Abnormal Anxiety:
or the suggestion by Kirson (quoted above) that Anxiety

represents a "disprOportionate" response. "Activation"

108
or "arousal" may be less confusing, however, since
"Normal Anxiety" seems to be a contradiction in terms.
In any case, in the present study, Anxiety is defined
as a high level of Activation that results in an impairment

of coping with situations encountered in daily living.

FIGURE 1

THE ACTIVATION CONTINUUM

 

 

 

Performance Emotional Well-Being (optimum)
X
Y
Apathy or Boredom Anxiety
Activation
or
Arousal

This extended discussion of Anxiety is justified
on the grounds that Anxiety is the most basic of the
emotions that defines, by its absence, Emotional Well-
Being. Thus, May suggests that Anxiety is the psychic
common denominator of all disease as well as of all
behavior disturbances.

. . . the central problem in psychotherapy

is the nature of anxiety. To the extent

that we have been able to solve that problem,
we have made a beginning in understanding

109

the causes of integration and disintegration
of personality (page XV).

Generalized Depression and Helplessness may be defined

 

 

as a level of Activation so lgy_that it results in an
impairment of coping with situations encountered in daily
living. Depression is a feeling of reduced drive,
enthusiasm, or zest characterized by apathy and
cheerlessnesS. Helplessness may be viewed as the feeling
of despair about one's ability to exercise influence in
Situations one may face in the course of daily living.
Miller and Seligman (1975) suggest that "learned
helplessness" is a laboratory analogue or model of
naturally occurring depression. In other words, Depression
and Helplessness are closely allied feelings in which

the individual suffers a reduced drive for action. It
may be noted that "learned helplessness" is induced in
animals by administering inescapable shock. This might
suggest that continued experience of Anxiety may result
in the individual "jumping" from the high Activation
extreme of Figure l to the low Activation extreme. While
the perception in Anxiety was that the situation may
demand more resources than what the individual can
command, the perception in Helplessness may be the
conviction that there is no use in seeking COping
responses because the situation does indeed demand

more than what is available. The typical responses

in Anxiety might be "fight" or "flight"; the

110
typical response in Depression or Helplessness is
probably "freeze."

The concept of Locus of Control is of interest in
this connection, Since the generalized expectancy that
responses and reinforcements are independent of each other
might lead to the perception that there is no use in
seeking coping responses. In the presence of the need
to influence the reinforcement, i.e., in the presence of
the need to have an impact upon the events that one experi-
ences, External Locus of Control may result in feelings of
frustration, Helplessness, and Depression.

Generalized Hostility. Whether the individual feels

 

Anxious or Depressed and Helpless, one may expect him to
seek for causes of the pain or unpleasantness he is experi-
encing. Since Anxiety is an exceedingly painful experience,
one tends to be angry and resentful towards those thought
to be responsible for placing one in such a situation of
pain. The need to preserve one's self-concept will typically
prevent the individual from locating the source of Anxiety
or Depression within oneself. When the scapegoat is found
in the physical environment, say the weather, the result

is usually a futile expression of anger or rage, or, more
mildly, "bitching," at the forces of nature. When the
scapegoat is found in the social environment, however,
different consequences are likely to ensue. There are
constraints on the expression of hostility against people;

furthermore, the social environment is a reactive

111

environment, so the expresSion of hostility does not
necessarily lead to a dissipation of hostility--it may
lead to an intensification of hostility. (In another
sense, too, interpersonal expressions of hostility may
lead to the Opposite of dissipation of hostility. One
person's expression of hostility may result in the
receiver of the hostility feeling hostile, maybe not
towards the initiator, but towards other people, a sort
of "circle of badness." The boss heats up the subordinate,
the subordinate beats up his wife, the wife beats up the
kids, the kids beat up each other and the dog.) When
these repressed and intensified hostilities cease to be
directed towards Specific people, they become generalized.
Generalized Hostility is thus defined as an enduring
feeling of resentment, anger, or rage directed towards
non-specific others--individuals, groups, or institutions--
which are perceived to be Opposed to one's own interests
or goals, that is, which are perceived to be directly or
indirectly responsible for the occurrence of undesired
outcomes or events, or for the non-occurrence of desired
outcomes or events. Hostility is expected to accompany

Anxiety or Depression in many instances.

Summary
This chapter has specified the following hypotheses

to be subjected to empirical testing:

112

El: The correlation between the average level

of Primariness of Individual's Relationship

with the Organization (PIRO) of individuals

within an organization and the TYPE of

organization will be positive and significantly

different from zero.

H2: The correlation between the average level

of Primariness of Individual's Relationship

with the Organization (PIRO) of individuals

within an organization and the average level

of Emotional Well-Being (EWB) of individuals

within the organization will be positive

and significantly different from zero.

H2: The correlation between TYPE of

organization and the average level of

Emotional Well-Being (EWB) of individuals

within the organization will be positive

and significantly different from zero.

E1: The correlation between Primariness

of Individual's Relationship with the

Organization (PIRO) and Emotional Well-

Being (EWB) for all individuals will be

positive and significantly different from

zero.

Primariness of the Individual's Relationship with the
Organization is defined in various, overlapping ways, as

the extent to which the organization is of significance

113

to the individual in and of itself, regardless of its
utilitarian significance. TYPE is defined as the extent
of Wholistic Concern, Employment Stability, and Global
Philosophy of Management that exists within the
organization. Emotional Well-Being is defined in terms
of freedom from feelings of Generalized Anxiety,
Generalized Depression and Helplessness, and Generalized
Hostility.

The next chapter describes the sample from which data
were obtained and the instruments by which data were

obtained.

CHAPTER VI

SAMPLE AND DATA COLLECTION

Sample

Eight companies in the automobile parts manufacturing
industry participated in this study. The companies are all
located in the lower peninsula of Michigan, within a 100-
mile radius of Lansing. Products manufactured by the
companies include brakes, jacks, ball-bearing parts and
subassemblies, and many different metal stamping parts.

All the companies depended heavily, though usually not
exclusively, on the "Big Three" (General Motors, Ford,
Chrysler) for the market for their products. Companies

in the sample would all fit into the small-batch, job-shop
category, producing automobile parts to customer specifica-
tions. Meeting promised delivery dates was an overriding
concern for all of them; price and quality were other
important considerations. I

Table 3 contains descriptive information about each
company in the sample, and the average characteristics of
respondents within each company. While most companies
were founded in the early part of this century, company
number eight has been in existence since 1809. This was

also the company with the highest percentage (67) of

114

115

 

 

 

 

so me om om em as oo ‘ mm ooosoeaso Hosea oomonoa
so an o om. a mm o ea sonata moossoo seas scooped
am on as op ma ooh om ooH oneness manganese osmonod
om ooh ooH ooa so ooh oos as was: osoonoa

m.~ a.~ m.~ H.e a.e a.~ o.e a.m smnosaeo no .oz omnno>a
me mm be as am we so am one omnno><

o.- s.o me m.m~ m.~m H.oa mm a.e Amos. ooa>som no sesame .o>a
a s o as as a m a nosooooanom no .02

cos owe can ooea mom ems ooom «an noosoedem no .02

some mead mama .aoaH mass mmaa some mass as oosnaaonunm

ma.oo A..oo ma.oo ma.oo ee.oo ma.oo ma.oo He.oo

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

mmHZ€mSOU Hamidm

930m¢ ZOHBdZmOmZH M>HBmHmUmmo

m mnmfla

116

respondents with a college degree. While most of these
companies began as small, privately owned establishments,
all except two are presently Subsidiaries of larger
corporations. There seemed to be considerable variation
in the extent of autonomy from the parent corporation
with which the companies Operated. There was, as well,
considerable variation in the extent of identification
with the parent corporation expressed by the top officers
of the companies. Officers of one company expressed, with
some sadness, the conviction that it is difficult in
today's environment to survive without corporate affiliation.
This conviction was not Shared by officers of another
company, which remains not only privately held, but also
non-unionized. All other companies were unionized. Two
had recently had considerable difficulties with contract
negotations, including strike action. '

The size of the companies, in terms of number of
employees, ranged from 180 to 2,000, with a median size
of 350. The overall average length of service of
respondents was 18.7 years, but there was considerable
variation among companies with respect to average length
of service of respondents, ranging from a low of 6.7 years
to a high of 32.5 years. The respondent with the shortest
length of service had been with the company only three
months; the respondent with the longest length of service

had just finished 58 years with the same company.

117

While there seems to be somewhat of a pattern in the
company values for average length of service and average
age of respondents, the relatively low variance in average
age and the paradoxical values for the two variables in
company 1 prevent us from making any inferences. The
management of the companies in the sample would seem to
fit the male-dominated stereotype of American industry:
none of the t0p officers of the companies in the sample
were female, and very few of the middle managerial
positions were filled by females. The relatively low
percentage of respondents with college degrees may also
be noted.

Some observations about the sample can also be made
from interview data. Two or three officers of the top
management team were interviewed by the writer to obtain
information about TYPE. All the companies were affected
more or less seriously by the depressed conditions in the
automobile industry at the time. For example, almost all
the companies had cut back on their blue-collar workforce
and "even" some white-collar employees were on lay off.
Questions in the interview that dealt with Wholistic
Concern and Global Philosophy of Management often drew a
blank, suggesting that these are concepts alien to the
companies in the sample. Finally, it may be mentioned that
the writer was received cordially and fairly punctually
by officers of the companies in the sample. The interviewees

seemed comfortable and unconstrained during the interviews.

 

118

Data Generation Procedures

The principles that guided the selection and conStruc-
tion of data generation procedures may be briefly stated
as follows: the "state of the art" of measurement in
the social sciences being what it is, the only prudent
procedure for data collection is to use multiple tests and
multiple methods. Wherever possible, already-developed
tests, with known characteristics and relationships to
measures of other variables, are desirable. If relatively
"objective" measures are available for any of the variables,
these should be used. A significant problem in measurement
is that of relevance or "non-attitudes" (Sellitz, et a1.,
1979), that is, eliciting responses from subjects which do
not reflect their views and feelings. Limited response
items such as the ones typically used in survey research
may tap such "non-attitudes." Semi-projective techniques
may reduce this source of "error variance" and should be
employed when non-attitudes are likely to be a problem.
Finally, independent sources for the different variables
are to be preferred if this is at all possible in conceptual
and operational terms.

From each company in the sample, data were obtained
from two groups of respondents. The "top management"
group consisted of two or three of the highest ranking
officers of the company. Members of this group were
interviewed with the purpose of obtaining information on

TYPE only. The "middle management" group consisted of

119

managerial employees other than those included in the top
management group. Members of the middle management group
responded to a survey questionnaire containing a number of
scales as described below. Additionally, some members of
the tOp management group also consented to respond to the
survey. A copy of the survey questionnaire is contained in
Appendix A. .
Primariness of Individuals' Relationship
with the Organization

Data on PIRO was obtained from responses of the middle
management group to two scales in the survey. These scales
are described below.

Egg (Primariness-Organization-Sentence Completion) is
a lS-item sentence completion scale designed to direct the
reSpondent's attention to his/her relationship with the
organization. This particular "projective" technique was
selected because it has the potential of avoiding the
problem of "non-attitudes" while at the same time allowing
enough structure to obtain reSponses from the domain of
interest. The instructions also attempt to enhance the
likelihood of obtaining the desired response set. An
initial, longer version was modified and shortened after
pilot testing. Coding or rating of the completed sentences
was done by two raters working independently of each other.
Instructions to the raters of POS are reproduced in

Appendix B.

120

P00 (Primariness-Organization Questionnaire) is a 17-
item scale that appears directly after POS on the survey.
These Likert-type items are based directly upon the Opera-
tional definition of primariness of individual's
relationship with the organization (PIRO). Some of the
items were modeled after items contained in Hemphill's
(1956) Group Dimensions Description Questionnaire. One of
the dimensions Hemphill uses is called Potency, and is
defined as follows:

Potency is the degree to which a group has

primary significance for its members. It is

reflected by the kind of needs which a group

is satisfying or has the potentiality of

satisfying, by the extent of readjustment

which would be required of members should the

group fail, and by the degree to which a

group has meaning to the members with

reference to their central values (page 4).

The similarity of this concept to PIRO is obvious. It
was found, however, that many of Hemphill's items were
inappropriate for PIRO; consequently, only part of the

wording of a few of the items were incorporated into POQ.

The rest of the items in POQ were developed by the writer.

TYPE
T£§T_(TYPE-Interview) is a rating of TYPE for each
company based on interviews with two or three members of
the t0p management group. The tOp management group was
employed for this purpose, since organizational character
is likely to be more accurately reflected in the
perceptions of this group because of its vantage point.

In addition, organizational character is more likely to

121
be influenced by the perceptions of this group, for
obvious reasons.

The average interview lasted about 45 minutes. A
schedule of questions was used to provide general direction.
The questions were all derived directly from the definition
of TYPE. Interviews were taped, and ratings were made
directly from the tapes by the writer. A small random
sample of the tapes were also rated by an independent rater
to provide reliability check. Materials associated with the
interview are reproduced in Appendix C.

TYPEQ (TYPE-Questionnaire) is a Likert-type scale
included in the survey that was filled out by the middle
management group. These 14 items were constructed by the
writer, based upon the definition of TYPE.

TPD (TYPE-Published Data) is a rating for TYPE
obtained by calculating an "employment stability" index for
each company from information contained in the Directory
of Michigan Manufacturers from 1957 to 1978. The directory
is published every three or four years, and contains brief
descriptions of manufacturing companies in Michigan. The
employment stability index was computed by counting the
number of officers listed in edition n + 1, who were also
listed in edition n, and dividing this number by the total
number of officers listed in edition n. A similar measure
was employed by Ouchi and Johnson (1978) using information
from Dun and Bradstreet publications. TPD is thus an

independent measure of TYPE.

122
T§§_(TYPE-Employment Stability) is another measure of
"employment stability," this one obtained from information
supplied by reSpondents on a "demographic information"
questionnaire. One of the items in this questionnaire asked
the respondents to indicate the year he/she joined the
company. Average length of service of reSpondents from each

company were computed from this information.

Emotional Well-Being

Of the three variables of this study, EWB is closest
to being a widely used construct. Consequently, two of
the four measures used in this study are standardized
measures.

§§§_(Emotional Well-Being-Sentence Completion) is a
sentence-completion scale constructed by the writer. An
initial list of 39 items was modified and reduced to the
present version of 15 items after pilot testing. The items
are designed to orient the respondent toward his/her general
feelings. The semi-projective technique was considered well-
suited to the nature of the concept being evaluated. ESC
was placed before the other EWB measures to prevent
contamination by any defensiveness or discomfort that may
be elicited by them. Coding or rating of the completed
sentences was done by raters working independently of each
other, and independently of the raters for POS. Instructions
to the raters of ESC are reproduced in Appendix D.

TBAIT is the part of the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory

(STAI) that measures Trait Anxiety or Generalized Anxiety

123

(Spielberger, et al, 1970). Trait Anxiety refers to
relatively stable individual differences in anxiety
proneness, that is, to differences between peOple in the
tendency to respond to situations perceived as threatening
with elevations in State Anxiety intensity. State Anxiety
is conceptualized as a transitory emotional state or
condition of the human organism that is characterized by
subjective, consciously perceived feelings of tension and
apprehension, and heightened autonomic nervous system
activity. Similarity of these ideas to the definition of
anxiety given earlier may be noted.

One-hour, 20-day, and 104-day test-retest reliabilities
for the Trait Anxiety measure range from .73 to .86. This
finding on stability is confirmed in a lO-month test by
Newmark (1972). Alpha coefficients of internal consistency
range from .83 to .92. Correlations of TA with various
standard measures of generalized anxiety are high.
Significant correlations at the .01 level are reported for
Aggression (.44) and Impulsivity (.39); and at the .05 level
for Achievement (.2), Endurance (.21), and Affiliation
(-.38). A review by Dreger in Euros (1978) states that, in
his judgment, the authors of the test provide enough data to
show that the trait scores are related to real-life
criteria. The review concludes that "The . . . STAI is one
of the best of standardized anxiety measures, if not the
best." High praise is also to be found in Katkin's review

(Buros, 1978), who reveals that there is probably more

124
published research on the STAI than any other anxiety

inventory.- This statement is supported by the existence
of translations in many languages, and by the large number
of references (333) listed by Buros.

§g§_(Emotional Well-Being-Physical Symptoms) is a list
of physical symptoms that is part of a very comprehensive
interview protocol used in the Quality of Employment Survey
of the Institute for Social Research (Quinn, et al., 1977).
It is included here for its relevance to the EWB variable.

No data on reliability or validity are available.

Egg (Emotional Well-Being-Check List) is the brief
version of the Multiple Affect Adjective Check List (MAACL)
developed by Zuckerman and Lubin (1965) to obtain a measure
of Generalized Anxiety, Depression, and Hostility. The
test manual does not actually contain definitions for these
terms. Affect is conceptualized as "the psychological aspects
of emotion," presumably to distinguish them from physiological
aspects. Test characteristics are satisfactory, though not
superior. Median odd-even reliability is reported as .72.
Seven-day test-retest reliability ranges from .54 to .7. The
three scales of Anxiety, Depression and Hostility are highly
intercorrelated. For the present study, this fact is not a
problem, since the three are not conceptualized as being
independent. The Anxiety and Depression subscales seem to
exhibit greater reliability and higher correlations with
ratings of these emotions by independent experts. The

authors hypothesize that, while the entire test is subject

125

to ”denial defenses," Hostility may be considered especially
socially undesirable. Correlations between the Anxiety scale
and social desirability response set measures were
significant but "not remarkably high," according to the
authors. They range mostly from .26 to .48. Similar results
and a similar argument led the authors to claim that little
of the variance of the MAACL can be explained by an
acquiescence response set. They conclude that "response
sets do not appear to be an important influence."

Despite this barely satisfactory report, review of
the test in Euros (1972) is quite favorable. Kelly
states that the scales appear to have sufficient
differential validity to reflect meaningful differences
in affect for groups of subjects. Note that this is
exactly the use to which the test is being put in this
study. Megargee concludes that the data suggest that MAACL
Anxiety scale provides a brief, reasonably valid self-
report trait measure of a negative affect condition. Buros
(1978) lists 246 references, indicating extensive use.
Among these references is the Miller and Seligman (1975)
study referred to earlier, and Houston (1972), who
suggests that Anxiety was greater when the subjects thought
they were helpless to avoid shock. Finally, the ease and
rapidity of administration and scoring may be mentioned in
favor of MAACL. The scales for the various variables are

listed together in Table 4.

126

 

Aumflq

xomno “mcfimm

(Hams HmsofluoEmv
40m .v

AmEoumexm
anaemia " 95mm
(Ham: HMdOwHOEmv

 

mam .m , muwmccoflumwsa

IdOflbMNflsmmuo

Axumwxcm venue. Aauwawnmum usoaonQEmummwev mme .v Immosflumafiumv
BHGmB .N 00m .N

Amumn omnmflansmnmmwee 0&9 .m

“coaumameou Acoflumameou mosmucmm

mosmusmm “05.6mm AshamGCOwumwsOImmwg GEES. . m Isoflumecmmuo

(Hamz HMGOAUOEHV Immmsflumaeumv
0mm .H Asmfl>umusHamm>Bv BZHB .H mom .H

Acofiumuflsmmuo
may spas awanOwumamm
Amsflwmuaamz HMCOMHoEmv m . HmsofifiocH mo mmmswumeflumv
mzm mews omHm

 

 

mmqmfiHm4> mmbmflmz OB QmmD mflddvm

o mqmée

127
Demographic Information

Because of the nature of the information solicited in
the survey, it was considered inadvisable to request any
information that could be viewed as personal identification.
The hypotheses do not require such information, but some
information about the group as a whole was needed to
describe the characteristics of the sample. A demOgraphic
information form was consequently included with the survey,
but was not stapled to it. This form requested general
information about the age, sex, and other such

characteristics of the respondents.

Data Collection

 

Data were collected from each company in a single
visit to the plant. Contact was established in each of
the companies, either with the president, plant manager,
or personnel manager. Most contacts requested a copy of
the questionnaire prior to consenting to participate in
the study. This was provided with a request that it not
be shown to potential respondents.

In most companies, the following procedure was followed:
the surveys were given to one of the top officers for
distribution to the middle management group, which had been
previously identified by the contact person. These surveys
were completed during the time members of the top manage-
ment group were being interviewed by the writer. They were

usually collected by the same person who distributed them.

128
The writer was unable to administer the survey to the
respondents in a group setting, which would have been the

preferred procedure.

CHAPTER VII

DATA ANALYSIS RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

This chapter describes the procedures that were employed.
to prepare the data for hypothesis testing, including missing
data manipulations, internal consistency or reliability
analysis for the scales in the questionnaire, and
discriminant-convergent validity analyses. The results
of the analyses that provide information about the

hypotheses are then reported and discussed.

Missing Data

 

Sixty-nine completed questionnaires were obtained
from members of middle management groups of the eight
companies in the sample. These contained an average of
4.5 percent missing data. Missing data were concentrated
in the sentence-completion portions of the survey. TheY
were further concentrated by case; that is, respondents
who omitted any sentence completion item tended to omit
all. The worst of these cases were removed from the
data set. Removing five such cases (7 percent of 69)
resulted in a 65 percent reduction in missing data. Of
the remaining missing data, 97 percent were located in

the sentence completion items. For all the remaining

129

130

missing data, the following procedure was followed: each
occurrence of a missing value was substituted by the mean
score obtained by the whole group (n = 64) for that

particular item.

Internal Consistency

Coefficient alpha (Cronbach, 1951) was computed from
standardized item scores for each of the scales contained
in the survey. Note that the sentence completion scales
for Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the
Organization (PIRO) and Emotional Well-Being (EWB) were
coded by two raters each. The ratings are treated as
independent scales in this analysis, and the standardized
item alpha (Cronbach's alpha using standardized items) is
reported for each under the headings P081, P082, ESCl, and
ESC2.

Table 5 contains internal consistency coefficients for
all the scales. The coefficients range from .64 to .85.
Examination of item-total correlations for the items in
the PIRO scales, P051 and P08 2, revealed that, for 2232
raters, the second item in the scale had a negative
correlation with the rest of the scale. This suggested
that there might be some problem with the item itself, and
it was thus decided to remove the item from subsequent
analysis. The standardized item alpha for P051 and P082
with the remaining 14 items in each scale was .71 and .67,

respectively.

131

TABLE 5

INTERNAL CONSISTENCY COEFFICIENTS -
STANDARDIZED ITEM ALPHA (N = 64)

 

 

Number of Standardized
Scale Items Item Alpha

 

PRIMARINESS OF INDIVIDUAL'S RELATIONf
SHIP WITH THE ORGANIZATION

POSl: Primariness-Sentence

Completion, Rater 1 15 .69
P082: Primariness-Sentence

Completion, Rater 2 15 .64
P00: Primariness-Organization

Questionnaire 17 .85
TYPE
TYPEQ: TYPE-Questionnaire 14 .77

EMOTIONAL WELL-BEING

ESCl: Emotional Well-Being,

Sentence Completion,

Rater l 15 .77
ESCZ: Emotional Well-Being, '

Sentence Completion

Rater 2 15 .69
TRAIT: Trait Anxiety 20 .84
EPS: Emotional Well-Being,

Physical Symptoms 13 .72

 

Inter-rater reliabilities were obtained for POS and ESC
by computing correlations between the two sets of ratings of
each scale produced by the two raters. Inter-rater
reliability for POS stood at .86 and for ESC at .84. These
reliabilities were considered adequate to justify combining
the scores produced by the two raters into one score for

each case.

132
Table 6 reports reliability coefficients for POS and

ESC after this is done. In addition to coefficient alpha,
equal-length Spearman-Brown and Guttman split-half
coefficients are also reported.4 The coefficient alpha
values for the combined, 28-item POS scale is .84, and for

the 30-item ESC scale it is .86. All subsequent analyses

involving POS and ESC were performed using this combined

 

 

 

scale.
TABLE 6
RELIABILITY COEFFICIENTS, COMBINED RATINGS,
SENTENCE COMPLETION SCALES (N = 64)
Number Guttman
of Coeff. Spearman Split—
Scale Items Alpha Brown Half
POS: Primariness:
Sentence .
Completion 28 .84 .92 .92
ESC: Emotional Well-
Being: Sentence
Completion 30 .86 .91 .89

 

The magnitudes of the internal consistency coefficients
were considered sufficiently large to justify combining

scores on each item with a scale into one scale score per

 

4Matzek (1978) states that the Spearman-Brown coeffici-
ent was designed to answer the questions: given two equally
reliable parts, how reliable would the whole be if they were
combined into one? The Guttman split-half coefficient is
similar to the Spearman-Brown but does not presume equal
reliabilities or equal variances for the two parts.

133

respondent, for each scale in the survey. Subsequent
analysis was performed on scale scores, not on item

scores .

Multi-Trait Multi-Method Matrix

 

The procedures up to this point may be viewed as having
the objective of obtaining evidence for the claim that each
of the scales employed is sampling from a specific, bounded
domain. Evidence for the further claim that some of these.
scales are sampling from the game Specific, bounded domain,
while others are sampling from different domains,is
contained in the multi-trait multivmethod matrix (Campbell
and Fiske, 1959): the procedure is more simply called
triangulation by Jick (1979). If the scales are grouped
by the variables they purport to measure, correlations
between scales within a domain should be substantial and
larger than correlations between scales across domains.

The extent of contribution of method, as compared with the
trait, to the correlations obtained can also be examined.

Table 7 contains the multi-trait multi-method matrix
for data generated by the present survey. Correlations are
Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients. Note that
the survey contained only one scale for the TYPE variable.
Other independent measures for this variable were obtained,

but they are all company-level measures and will appear in

 

later discussion.
Two scales, POS and POQ, attempt to measure the

variable PIRO (primariness of individual's relationship with

134

 

 

 

we. we. ev. Hm. mv. mm. umflq x0030
. .mcfimmlaamz HmcofluOEm "now
we. Hm. so.x ma. mH.- maouQESm Hmonmsnm
.mcfimmlaamz Hmsofiuoem "mam
cm. «H. mm. mo. mumflxae pawns ueHame
om. hm. pH. :ofiumamfiou mucousmm
a mcwmmlaamz Hmcoauosm "0mm
wszmqumz Hmonaozm
mm. mm. muflmssowummSOImmwa “0mmwe
mews
mm. mHHMGsOAummso
:oHuMNwsmmuolmmmcflumeum “00m
:oflumameoo
mocmucmmlmmmsfiumeum “mom
onsdezmwmo was mBHz mHmmonemqmm
m.qmaoH>HozH mo mmmszmszm "omHm
40m mam BHame 0mm 0mm»? com mom
mzm meme omHm

 

 

Aqm u 21 meeez
oomemzuHeqoz eHmmEIHeqaz

h mamde

135

the organization). The correlation between these two scales,
.66, is the largest correlation in the matrix, suggesting
that indeed the two scales do sample from the same domain.
Recall that the internal consistency coefficients for POS and
POQ were .84 and .85. The two scales employ widely different
methods (sentence-completion and Likert-type responses on a
five-point scale); thus, a large part of the common variance
in these two scales can be attributed to the trait itself.
These observations suggested that it would be reasonable to
combine POS and POQ into a single scale. This was done and
the combined scale is called PIRO (primariness of individual's
relationship with the organization). The alpha coefficient
for PIRO is .90.

The inter-correlations between scales measuring
Emotional well-Being are all "substantial" and "larger" than
correlations between these scales and scales measuring PIRO
and TYPE, with one exception. While the .31 correlation
between EPS (EWB-Physical Symptoms) and ESC (EWB-Sentence
Completion) is larger than correlations between EPS and all
non-Emotional Well-Being scales, it is considerably lower
than inter-correlations between other Emotional Well-Being
scales. EPS is a list of physical symptoms requiring
responses along a four-point Likert-type scale (see page

124). Instructions request the respondent to indicate how

 

often each has happened in the last year. Since the other
Emotional Well—Being scales are specifically directed toward

the measurement of generalized emotional ill—being, the focus

 

136
of EPS on recent experience of the respondent might explain
its low correlations with the other Emotional Well-Being
scales. Since dropping EPS would not cripple the ability
of the present study to make reasonably valid tests of the
hypotheses, it is not used in subsequent analysis.“ The
other three scales for Emotional Well-Being are combined
into one score for each respondent, called EWB. The alpha
coefficient for EWB is .91.

Of especial interest in this analysis is the magnitude
of the correlation between POS (Primariness, Sentence
Completion) and ESC (Emotional Well-Being, Sentence
Completion). A large correlation between these two scales,
which have the sentence-completion methodology in common,
would have thrown considerable doubt on the ability of the
scales to measure the variables in question. The relatively
low correlation (.16) suggests that the method itself is not
contributing substantially to the variance in the scores

on these scales.

Organizational Level Analysis

 

The manipulations up to this point have resulted in
reducing the data to three scores for each of the 64
respondents to the survey. All except one of the hypotheses
of this study are stated at the organizational level. The
next step was to aggregate the scores of respondents within
each company into one company score for each variable.

The three scales that measured TYPE at the organizational

level from the outset (TYPE-Interview: TINT; TYPE-Published

137

Data: TPD; TYPE-Employment Stability: _TES) are introduced
at this point in the analysis. The final step in preparing
the data for hypothesis testing consisted of examining the
inter-correlations between the various measures of TYPE,
and reducing them to one index, if possible.

Interviews from which TINT (TYPE-Interview) scores were
obtained were all rated by the writer. Of the total of 19
interviews conducted, a random sample of three interviews
was also rated by an independent rater, using the same set
of instructions and definitions used by the writer. Each
rater produced four judgments for each company, one for each
dimension of TYPE, and a global rating of TYPE. Thus, 12
judgments were available from both raters. The Spearman
rank order correlation coefficient between these two sets
of ratings is .65. This level of correlation has less
than .01 probability of chance occurrence (S < .01),
suggesting that the ratings are based on information
about the focal concept as revealed in the interviews,
and are not random. The high correlations between this
and other measures of TYPE presented in Table 8 provide
further justification for the retention of TINT.

An observation made by the independent rater of the
interviews deserves special mention. There seemed to be a
considerable we-they mentality in the thinking of the top
officers of many of the companies, such that there are, in
reality, two "TYPES" of organizations co-existing side-by-

side, one for management and one for workers. For example,

138 '
there was typically two sets of employment policies in each
company, such that the ratings of the company on the dimension
of, say, employment stability would be different depending
on whether reference was being made to managers or to
workers. A company rated as TYPE 2 on the basis of employ-
ment stability in the managerial ranks might well turn out
to be much closer to TYPE A if employment stability in the

worker ranks is computed.

TABLE 8

CORRELATION MATRIX,
"TYPE" SCALES (N = 8)

 

 

TYPEQ T INT TPD TES

 

TYPEQ: TYPE-Questionnaire

TINT: TYPE-Interview .62
TPD: TYPE-Published Data .32 .63
TES: TYPE-Employment Stability .82 .70 .28

 

Table 8 lists the inter-correlations between the four
scales measuring TYPE: TYPEQ, TINT, TPD, and TES. Note
especially that N for this and all subsequent analyses is
the number of companies in the sample, eight. Note also that
no value of TINT (TYPE-Interview) for company number two was
available since it was not possible to conduct interviews

with officers from this company. The company was assigned a

139
value of 2.5 for TINT, which was the mean value obtained by
the other seven companies on this scale. .
Figure 2 summarizes information about the "structure"

of the various scales retained for hypothesis testing, and
their relationships to each other.

FIGURE 2

MEASUREMENT STRUCTURE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

P051 P082
a=.69 a=.64
(.86) L (.82)
l I 1
PCS POQ TYPEQ TINT TES
a=.84 a=.85 a=.77
(.66) (.62) (.70)!
l f T '
PIRO TYPE
a=.90 SB=.90
ESCl ESCZ
a=.77 a=.69
(.34)
(.44) y
F —l
ESC TRAIT ECL
a=.86 a=.84
I l
r
EWB
a=.91

‘Numbers in parentheses are correlation coefficients; a is
standardized item alpha (Cronbach's alpha with standardized

items); SB is an estimate of reliability produced by the
Spearman-Brown prophecy formula.

140

Results

The results of hypothesis-testing are presented below.

First, however, the hypotheses are reproduced here:
g1: The correlation between the average level of
Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the
organization (PIRO) of individuals within an
organization and the TYPE of organization will
be positive and significantly different from zero.
H2: The correlation between the average level of
Primariness of Individual's Relationship withthe
Organization (PIRO) of individuals within an
organization and the average level of Emotional
Well-Being (EWB) of individuals within the
organization will be positive and significantly
different from zero.
H3: The correlation between TYPE of organiza-
tion and the average level of Emotional Well-
Being (EWB) of individuals within the
organization will be positive and significantly
different from zero.
H4: The correlation between Primariness of
Individual's Relationship with the Organization
(PIRO) and Emotional Well-Being (EWB) for all
individuals will be positive and significantly
different from zero.

UDhe null hypothesis in all cases is that of a correlation

riot different from zero.

141
Table 9 presents evidence relevant to Hl-3. Pearson

product-moment”cOrrelation coefficients and associated.
levels of significance are reproduced. One-tailed tests of
significance are applied, since the hypotheses are stated

in directional terms.

TABLE 9

CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS, PIRO
TYPE, AND EWB (N = 8)

 

 

 

PIRO TYPE EWB
PIRO: Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the
Organization
TYPE .30
(.20)
EWB: Emotional Well-Being .72 .33
(.02) (.20)

 

Numbers in parentheses are one-tailed significance levels.

H1: While the correlation between Primariness of
Individual's Relationship with the Organization (PIRO)
and TYPE of .30 is in the expected direction and not
insubstantial, there is nonetheless a 20 percent probability
of rejecting a true null hypothesis; that is, a 20 percent
probability that the true correlation between PIRO and TYPE
is zero, and the observed correlation is merely obtained by
chance.

H2: The hypothesis pertaining to the relationship

between Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the

142

Organization (PIRO) and Emotional Well-Being (EWB) fares much
better with a correlation of .72, that is, with 52 percent of
the variance in EWB "accounted for" by variance in PIRO.

This level of correlation has only a 2 percent probability

of chance occurrence when the null hypothesis is actually
true; in other words, one may be quite confident in rejecting
the null hypothesis of zero correlation.

H3: The hypothesis pertaining to the relationship
between TYPE and Emotional Well-Being (EWB) fares the same as
H1, with an almost identical correlation of .33. This level
of correlation has a 20 percent probability of chance
occurrence.

Table 10 presents the results of an identical analysis
in which TYPE (the sum of TYPE-questionnaire, TYPE-Interview,
and TYPE-Employment Stability) is replaced by TYPE-
Employment Stability (TES). Recall that TES is simply the
average length of service of the reSpondents for each
company (see page 122). As can be seen from Table 10, if
TES had been used as the only indicator of TYPE, both H1
and H3 would have been supported at substantially higher
levels of significance. However, TES may not be a very
satisfactory measure of TYPE, since it does not incorporate

the influence of potential length of service. Information

 

about two factors that affect potential length of service,
the age of respondents and the number of years the company
has been in existence, is available in this study. Each of

these is separately combined with average length of service

143
of respondents (TES) to yield two indices of employment

stability.

TABLE 10

CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS, PIRO
TES, AND EWB (N = 8)

 

 

 

PIRO TES EWB
PIRO: Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the
Organization
TES: TYPE-Employment Stability .54
(.08)
EWB: Emotional Well-Being .72 .57

(.02) (.07)

 

Numbers in parentheses are one-tailed significance levels.

Table 11 presents the Spearman correlation coefficients
of these indices with Primariness of Individual's Relation-
ship with the organization (PIRO) and with Emotional Well-
Being (EWB). When modified by the average age of respondents,
TES fails to correlate significantly with PIRO or with EWB.
When modified by the number of years the company has been in
existence, TES correlates .48 (not significant) with PIRO
and .77 (S < .01) with EWB. These results are further
discussed in the following section.

H4: Evidence relevant to H4 is available from an
analysis performed at the individual level of analysis.

The correlation between Primariness of Individual's’

Relationship with the Organization (PIRO) and Emotional

144
Well-Being (EWB) is .36 (N = 64), which is found to be
significant at the .002 level. One may be quite confident
in rejecting the null hypothesis of zero correlation between
PIRO and EWB at this individual level of analysis (which

disregards Specific organizational membership).

TABLE 11

CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS, TWO INDICES
OF EMPLOYMENT STABILITY
WITH PIRO AND EWB

 

 

 

ESl* ESZ**
PIRO: Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the .36 .48
Organization (.19) (.11)
EWB: Emotional Well-Being .29 .77
(.25) (.01)

 

*ESl = TBS/Average Age of ReSpondent
**ESZ = TBS/(Age of Company/Age of Youngest Company)

Numbers in parentheses are one-tailed significance levels.

Table 9-A presents the results of applying an
attenuation correction formula to the correlations reported
in Table 9. The objective of this analysis is to examine
what the magnitude of the correlations would be if the scales
measuring the variables were perfectly reliable. Cronbach's
alpha coefficients of internal consistency for the composite
measures of PIRO and EWB stood at .90 and .91, respectively.

Reliability of the TYPE composite measure was estimated as

145

.90 by the Spearman-Brown Prophecy formula. TES was assumed
to have a reliability of 1.00; while self-reports of date

of joining an organization might be expected to suffer from

some unreliability, the procedure used here would lead to a

more conservative estimate of corrected correlation.

TABLE 9-A

.CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS CORRECTED FOR
ATTENUATION, PIRO, TYPE AND EWB (N = 8)

 

 

 

PIRO TYPE EWB
PIRO: Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the
Organization
TYPE . 3 3
(.20)
EWB: Emotional Well-Being .80 .37
(.01) (.18)

 

Numbers in parentheses are one-tailed significance levels.

The correlations in Table 9—A may be viewed as estimates
of the "true" correlation between the variables. Because of
the fairly high estimates of internal consistency, the
corrected correlations are not much higher than the
uncorrected ones. The shifts in the level of significance
are not substantial either. The discussion of the results
below, which uses uncorrected correlations,wou1d not be

substantially different if corrected correlations were used.

146

Discussion

 

Hypothesis 1

Nine percent of the variation in each variable in the
Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the Organization
(PIRO)-TYPE pair of variables is associated with variation
in the other variable in the pair. In the murky world of
the social sciences, even the faint glimmer ofaarelationship
is not to be discarded lightly, especially in view of the
small size of the sample. The main shortcoming of the study
might then simply be the small sample size.

Another possible explanation of the absence of a
stronger obtained relationship between Primariness of
Individual's Relationship with the Organization (PIRO) and
TYPE is that either or both of the variables might suffer
from inadequate measurement. Inadequate measurement might
result from lack of conceptual clarity in the descriptions
of the variables, or from failure to construct precise
measurement instruments.

With respect to the latter possibility, the convergent
and discriminant validity information presented in Tables
7 and 8 suggest that the main problem is not one of the
precision of the measurement instruments. Furthermore,
the independence of much of the information used for TYPE
from that used for PIRO gives further confidence in the
validity of the measures.

Of the two variables, Primariness of Individual's

Relationship with the Organization can probably be rated

147

higher on the "conceptual clarity" dimension than TYPE, not
only because TYPE is "borrowed" from external sources (Ouchi
and Johnson, 1978), but also because TYPE is a compound of
three concepts (Wholistic Concern, Employment Stability,
and Global PhilOSOphy of Management). Recall also that the
original seven dimensions of TYPE were reduced to three in
this study; it is possible that three are too few or that
they are not the "correct" ones to adequately represent
the original concept.

Alternatively, three may be two too many. Recall that
a single index of Employment Stability, TES, is able to
"account for" 29 percent of the variance in PIRO. While
the significance of this remark may be tempered somewhat
by the results presented in Table 11, one may recall also
that TYPE has its origins in Japanese management methods,
in which Employment Stability is a strong and central
feature. It has earlier been suggested (page 80) that
TYPE Z characteristics represent an organizational
environment in which employees are able to form a primary
relationship with the organization. It is not unreasonable
to suppose that it is simply the assurance of (relatively)
permanent employment that enables the employee to make the
emotional investment characteristic of a primary relationship.

Still another possible explanation for the absence
of a stronger obtained relationship between TYPE and PIRO
is that none of the three dimensions (Employment Stability,

Wholistic Concern, Global PhilOSOphy of Management) is a

148

characteristic that encourages Primariness of the Individual's
Relationship with the Organization.

Four other possibilities may be raised in this context:

1. Since the scales TYPE-Questionnaire (TYPEQ) and
TYPE-Interview (TINT) both measure at no better than the
interval level of measurement, it is possible that the
companies in the sample are concentrated at one end of the
TYPE A-TYPE z continuum. In other words, employees rating
their company on this variable would use as end points of
the dimension extremes that they can conceptualize based
on their own experience. If they know of no company with
better employment stability than their own company, they
would tend to rate their own company ”very high” on this
dimension, even if actual employment stability may be
low in absolute terms. This restriction in range would
naturally result in low correlations between TYPE and other
variables. Furthermore, the relative positions of the
companies in the sample on TYPE would also be subject to
greater error, since the difference between "high" and
"very high" would be less distinct for a respondent who
has experienced a smaller range of values on the dimension
in question than one who has experienced a larger range.
Some evidence that this phenomenon may be operating here
can be found upon re-examination of the interview data;
for example, none of the companies in the sample demonstrated

any substantial degree of "global philOSOphy of management,"

149

and all of them reported more or less substantial lay-offs
at the time of interview.

2. The depressed conditions in the industry may have
influenced respondent scores on TYPE, especially on TYPE-
Questionnaire (TYPEQ). The direction of this influence is
unpredictable since some of the respondents might feel
gratitude and relief that their company has not yet released
them,and others might feel insecure and distrustful of the
company.

3. There is evidence in the interview data, as
mentioned earlier (page 137), that it may be inappropriate
to think of companies as having a single value on TYPE. One
gets the rather strong impression that the companies in the
sample view rank-and-file employees considerably differently
than they view white-collar employees. Especially, it seems
clear that many of the companies in the sample view rank-and-
file as "they," to be dealt with strictly according to
provisions of the "contract." In other words, companies
seek to be one "type" of organization to white-collar
employees, and another "type" to rank-and-file. All the
respondents to the survey were from the white-collar
category, but the questions in the survey do not discriminate
between the two "types" of policies. For example, the
response to the item, "the company avoids laying off
employees" can range from "very true" to "not at all true,"

depending upon which group of employees the respondent is

150

thinking of in his/her response. This would tend to
seriously undermine the TYPE measures.

4. Finally, shortcomings in the measurement of one of
the indices of TYPE, TES, were mentioned before (page 138).
Is the average length of service of respondents in company
A comparable to the average length of service of respondents
in company B if the average ages of respondents in company
A and company Bare 50 years and 25 years, respectively?
Similar doubts may be raised about the comparability of
average length of service of respondents across Campanies
with varying dates of establishment. Table 11 (page144)
presents correlations of length of service (TES) modified
by age of respondents and age of company with rimariness
of Individual's Relationship with the Organization and with
Emotional Well-Being. The mixed results again suggest
that re-examination of the TYPE variable is required. For
example, recent growth in a company which resulted in a
large addition to the work force would reduce the average
length of service of the employees. The employment stability
indices used here would all be lowered. But clearly,
recent growth is not to be taken as any evidence of a

movement of the company towards TYPE A.

Hypothesis 2
If faint glimmers of relationship in the murky waters
of the social sciences are not to be discarded lightly,
neither should findings of extremely strong relationship

be spared careful scrutiny. While it is hoped that the .72

151
correlation between Primariness of Individual's Relationship R

with the organization (PIRO) and Emotional Well-Being (EWB)
is valid, and hence indicative of a carefully worked out and
valid theory, some sources of possible spuriousness may be
mentioned.

All the information used in producing this correlation
coefficient came from the same source--the respondents to
the survey. Thus, the most likely source of common
variance, other than the relationship hypothesized, is
simply the lack of independence of sources of information
for PIRO and EWB. To the extent that there is evidence of
responses having been obtained from different domains of
experience within the individual (discriminant validity), the
suspicion that high correlation is an artifact of the lack
of independence of variable values can be discounted.
Examination of the multi-trait, multiemethod matrix (Table
7) suggests that lack of independence might be a more
significant problem for the POQ (Primariness-Questionnaire)
measure of PIRO than for the POS (Primariness-Sentence
Completion) measure, since POQ has moderately substantial
correlations with all three of the scales used in emotional
well-being (.37, .32, and .42) even before the data is
aggregated by company-membership. Before examining the
correlation between primariness-sentence completion (POS)
and EWB, common-method between POS and ESC (emotional well-
being: sentence completion, one of the components of EWB)

may also be suggested as another source of spuriousness in

152
the PIRO-EWB relationship. These observations led to the

computation of the correlation coefficient, at the organiza-
tional level of analysis, between POS alone and EWB with ESC
removed from it. Surprisingly, the correlation between these
two stood at .73, identical to the correlation between PIRO
and EWB.

Possible conceptual proximity of the variables PIRO and
EWB might also be considered in this context, even though
examination of the definitions and descriptions of the two
variables (see page 96): does not provide much support for
this suggestion. Empirically as well, Table 7 (page 134)
contains evidence for the claim of success in discriminating

between the two variables.

Hypothesis 3

Comments made under Hl above apply equally to results
of the hypothesis test for H3. The correlation between TYPE
and Emotional Well-Being is .33, accounting for about 11
percent of the variance in the variables. While this is
not insubstantial, it has a 20 percent probability of chance
occurrence when the null hypothesis of zero correlation is
true .

Note than, when TYPE-Employment Stability (TES) alone
is used as a measure of TYPE, the correlation between it and
Emotional Well-Being stands at .57, which is significant
at the .07 level. If substituting TES for TYPE results in
substantial increases in its correlations with both EWB

and PIRO, this further suggests that the "problem" is to be

153

located in TYPE and not in EWB and/or PIRO. The use of two
standard scales in Emotional Well-Being also suggests the
same thing. Possible shortcomings with the concept and
measurement of TYPE have been discussed earlier (page 148).

Note that H3 is similar conceptually to Ouchi and
Johnson's (1978) main result, though considerably different
operationally. Only three of their seven dimensions of
TYPE were used in this study, and few of the measures of
TYPE or Emotional Well-Being that Ouchi and Johnson used
were employed here. Furthermore, the analysis employed
here is considerably different. Consequently, results
obtained here can be no more than suggestive in terms of
their implications for Ouchi and Johnson's work. One may
say that the results obtained here provide "limited support"
for Ouchi and Johnson's results. TYPE, as interpreted in
this study, failed to discriminate very sharply between
companies that had different scores on Emotional Well-Being
but the direction of the relationship obtained is the same
as predicted by Ouchi and Johnson, and the magnitude of the
relationship is not insubstantial. In reviewing Ouchi and
Johnson's (1978) paper, one notices with interest that, of
the seven dimensions they used, employment stability was
the dimension containing the greatest difference between
the TYPE A and TYPE Z organizations. To the extent that
the present study contains some evidence of a similar nature,
it tends to confirm at least a small part of Ouchi and

Johnson's results.

154
Hypothesis 4

With N = 64, there is only one-fifth of 1 percent
probability that a correlation of .36 between Primariness of
Individual's Relationship with the Organization (PIRO) and
Emotional Well-Being (EWB) could have been obtained by
chance when the true correlation is zero. Nonetheless, it
is important to remember that the variance accounted for
in this relationship is only 13 percent. PIRO is the one
variable which is somewhat unique'to this study, constructed
to explore the process by which TYPE of organization might
be related to Emotional Well-Being. The results obtained
suggest that PIRO is significantly associated with EWB, but
that it is not the only "explanation" for high Emotional
Well-Being. There is, of course, no suggestion in the ideas
discussed in Part I that PIRO was expected to be the only
or even major explanation for EWB. There are many
sources of primary-relatedness in an individual's life.

This study has only sought to suggest that work organization
is one source, destined, as discussed in Part I, to

become a major source if industrialization is not to be
accompanied by alienation and anomie.

Possible sources of spuriousness are mentioned above.
"Relationship" involves the individual's thoughts and
emotions, and a source of common variance between PIRO and
EWB might be a "halo" phenomenon, where how one feels in
general may influence how one "feels" about or towards the

organization, even though the former may be attributed

155

to entirely non-PIRO influences on EWB. Alternatively, how
one feels about the organization may influence how one-rates
oneself on EWB when there is no "real" relationship. This
second possibility is of special concern in this study,
since the scales assessing PIRO all preceded physically the
scales assessing EWB. If the reSpondent found himself
"feeling pleased" about the organization while he was
responding to the PIRO items, this might result in his
feeling reluctant to "complain" about how he generally
feels, in the EWB section of the survey. This would inflate
the present result, leading to an erroneous conclusion that
a relationship exists between PIRO and EWB.

Possible explanations for the lack of a larger
correlation need also to be mentioned. The most serious
source of contamination is probably social desirability
or defensive reSponse sets stimulated by both PIRO and
EWB items. The items are fairly transparent with reSpect
to their intent. Furthermore, the surveys were not
administered by, or in the presence of, the writer, so it
is not known what might have been said to the respondents
before they filled out the survey. The placement of the
EWB scales at the end of the survey was designed to control
for defensive response set, as was the request that the
questionnaire be administered by the writer to the
respondents as a group. This request was denied by every
company in the sample on the grounds that it would be too

disruptive.

156

In conclusion, the least that can be said about the

PIRO-EWB results at individual level of analysis is that

they provide enough reason to pursue exploration and refine-

ment of these ideas.

Summary of Results

 

All the correlations are in the expected direction,
and none is less than .30. Correlations between
Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the
Organization (PIRO) and Emotional Well-Being (EWB)
are significant, both at the individual level of
analysis and at the organizational level of
analysis. Correlations of TYPE with PIRO and
with EWB are not significant.

The "weakest" variable in the study seems to

be TYPE. A large part of this weakness probably
has conceptual sources, both in terms of the
elaboration of the concept itself and in terms

of the specification of its relationship with

the other variables.

There is some evidence to suggest that employment
stability may be a central dimension in the

TYPE construct.

There is considerable room for improvement in
conceptual as well as methodological areas.

There is considerable justification for pursuing

this line of inquiry further.

CHAPTER VIII
IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

In this chapter, the implications of the research
reported in the last three chapters are discussed. The
particulars of the research effbrt impose certain limitations
on the kinds of conclusions that may be made. Thus, the
first task of this chapter is to discuss briefly these
limitations. The research reported here was viewed as a
lesson in ”disciplined inquiry" (Cronbach and Suppes, 1969)
and as a construct validation exercise. The results reported
in Chapter VII may thus be viewed from each of these
perspectives, as a measure of the success of the learning
experience and as a measure of the validity of the conceptual-
izations on which the research was based. Both of these
perspectives are employed below. Within each perspective,
the discussion deals with internal consistency/reliability
analyses and with the correlational analyses. Implications
for future research are suggested throughout the following
discussion. The most significant of these are collected
together in the final section of the chapter, along with

other major conclusions of the research.

157

158

Limitations on Interpretation
Generalizability
Limited genralizability may be the most important
restriction to be placed on the conclusions to be drawn from
this research. There is no reason to believe that the sample
from which the data were obtained is representative of the
pOpulation of "U.S. work organizations" implied in the
theoretical position developed in Chapter IV. The procedures
by which participation of the organizations in the sample
were obtained are replete with selectivity of various kinds.
Use only of companies engaged in the manufacture of automobile
parts, for example, might impose a severe restriction of
range on the TYPE of organization included in the sample.
More than 30 companies in the industry were contacted with
requests for cooperation in the study,of whom only eight
consented. Again, this self-selection imposes serious
limitations on generalizability. Similarly, the sample
cannot be assumed to be representative of the population
to which the theoretical propositions make reference along
a wide variety of dimensions, including size, age, profit-
ability, nature and location of business, nature of ownership,
and so on.
This restriction of generalizability was expected
right from the design stage of the project. That is, it
was at least partially deliberately imposed to accommodate
limitations of time and resources, as well as limitations

of the sc0pe of the study, in that a more comprehensive

159

project would have been inappropriate at this stage even
if it had been possible. Along with this restriction on
"spatial" generalizability may be mentioned a restriction
on "temporal" generalizability, which may be specially
relevant for the present research. The economically
depressed conditions in the industry from which the sample
was drawn may be expected to influence the variables of
the study in various, unpredictable ways, such that the
results obtained here may not be replicable, even with
the same sample and the same respondents, a few months
from now. This restriction of generalizability along the
temporal dimensions is, of course, an unplanned and
unfortunate consequence of the present atypical situation
in the industry.

In a more technical vein, limitations on the
interpretation of correlational analysis have the same
consequence of restricting generalizability. While the use

of correlations and regressions as descriptive statistics

 

does not require any assumptions about "the form of the
distribution, the variability of y scores within x columns,
or the true level of measurement represented by the scores"
(Hays, 1973, page 636), assumptions do become necessary
in the use of correlations to make inferences about true
linear relationships in populations. The same point is made
by Carroll, quoted by Glass and Stanley (1970):

No assumptions are necessary for the computation

of a Pearsonian coefficient, but the interpretation

of its meaning certainly depends upon the extent to
which the data conform to an appropriate statistical

160

model for making this interpretation. As actual data

depart from a fit to such a model, the limits of the

correlation coefficient may contract, and the adjec-

tival interpretations are less meaningful (page 126) .

In summary, the results of the research reported here can-
not be used to make any strong conclusions about the theoretical
propositions described in the first part of this dissertation,
since the theoretical statements are naturally meant to have
general and broad applicability. This was not unexpected: it
is for this reason that the research was described in Chapter
IV as "exploratory" and as a "construct validation exercise"
(see page 90). Evidence from a large number of studies in

various settings with random selection of organizations for

inclusion in the sample, is required to achieve generalizability.

Interpretations of Correlations

Other limitations on the interpretation of correlational
analysis may also be mentioned. The most well-known of these
is that correlations calculated on the basis of non-
experimentally obtained data provide information only about
association or co-variation, not about causality. The
tendency to view the .72 correlation between Primariness
of Individual's Relationship with the Organization (PIRO)
and Emotional Well-Being (EWB) as evidence that Primariness
of Individual's Relationship with the Organization causes
Emotional Well-Being must be carefully avoided. This
tendency exists partly because such a causal relationship

is implied and even stated in the theoretical position

161

developed in the first part of the dissertation.5 Simple
correlational analysis based on one-time survey data contains no
evidence relevant to the possibilities that it might be Emotional
Well-Being that "causes" Primariness of the Individual's
Relationship with the Organization, or that a third variable
(for example, primariness orientation) may be the cause for both.

Closely related to this are limitations imposed by what
Cronbach and Suppes (1969) called the indivisibility of
social systems: "The essential difficulty in research on
social processes is the interaction of variables" (page 141).
Thus, while employment stability seems the most promising
of the organizational dimensions as an explanation of
a primary relation between the employee and the organization,
one suspects that employment stability is one of several
factors--organizational, environmental, and individual--
that come together to result in primariness of the individual-
organization relationship. One notes, for example, the wide
cultural context within which the ngnkg, or permanent
employment system, of Japanese industry exists. As Hodgson
(1978) former U.S. Secretary of Labor and former ambassador
to Japan, observed:

American society is first and foremost underpinned

by the venerable Judeo-Christian objective of

individual justice. The Japanese, however, spurn

individual justice as a priority goal. Instead,

they seek something in many ways the opposite;
they seek group harmony. We American

 

 

5An examination of Chapter VII reveals that discussion
of this pair of variables always lists PIRO first and EWB
second, evidence that the tendency does exist.

162

justice-seekers speak proudly of our rights. The

harmony-minded Japanese stress not rights but

relations. . . . In American life the individual-

strives to stand out. The Japanese citizen, however,

seeks to fit in, and fit in he does-~into his family,
gis schooIT—hIE company, his union, his nation (page

That environmental, individual and organizational
variables other than TYPE are not considered in this study
is, of course, a limitation of the theoretical framework,
but the point being made here is that simple correlational
analysis does not reveal information about interactions.
Tasks for the future suggested by these considerations are
incorporation of anthropological, sociological, psychological,
and organizational variables other than TYPE in the explana-
tion for primariness of the individual-organization relation-
ship, and the use of more SOphisticated statistical
techniques to test relationships among these variables.

Two other limitations on the interpretation of
correlations may be mentioned. (1) The possibility exists
that a substantial correlation may be due to the presence
of "identifiable groups of subjects with different means"
(Glass and Stanley, 1970, page 123). If organizations
located in rural areas tend to have higher scores on
Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the Organization
and Emotional Well Being than organizations located in urban
areas, pooling these groups together may produce a high

correlation between the two, even though within each group

the variables correlate essentially zero. (2) The existence

of non-linear relationships would not be revealed at all by

163

a.

linear correlational anaylsis. While the possibility of non-
linear relationships can be checked by the use of scatterplots,
the small number of companies in the present sample limits the
use of scatterplots for this purpose. Alow correlation between
TYPE and Emotional Well-Being (EWB) may be due to the reasons
suggested in Chapter VII, or it may mask a high non-linear
relationship: it may be that "pure" TYPE A and TYPE Z
companies, by being obviously one or the other, attract
employees temperamentally suited to working in them; while an
organization intermediate between TYPE A and TYPE Z may not be
able to attract the right type of employees because of the
mixed signals it provides. Linear correlational analysis
would not reveal the non-linear relationship between TYPE and

Emotional Well-Being that might result from this situation.

Conclusion

All these limitations are discussed here to justify not
drawing any strong conclusions about the theoretical
prOpositions, either confirmatory or dis-confirmatory, from
the results of this exploratory study. The low correlations
of TYPE with Primariness of the Individual's Relationship
with the Organization (PIRO) and with Emotional Well-Being
(EWB) does not invalidate the suggestion thataawork organiza-
tion can create an environment which encourages formation of
a primary relationship between it and its employees. Nor
does the high correlation between Primariness of the
Individual's Relationship with the Organization and Emotional

Well-Being justify the conclusion that individuals need

164

primary relations to achieve and maintain psychological
equilibrium. This does not mean, of course, that nothing
useful came out of the experiences reported in this study,

as the following discussion should make abundantly clear.

Lessons inDisciplined Inquiry

Scientific research may be viewed as the process by
which figments <16 one's imagination are transformed into
conceptual tools for communication and for the achievement
of human purposes. The process consists of subjecting the
products of one's imagination to the dual disciplines of
logic and data: not only must one's ideas and conceptualiza-
tions be internally consistent and loqically sound, they

must also be demonstrably grounded in reality. While

 

intuition and bias must necessarily inform imagination
throughout the researcher's career, ideas and images remain
in the realm of poetry until they have been subjected to
logical and empirical scrutiny.

Beginning with vaguely formulated ideas, the researcher
confronted with the task of obtaining empirical confirmation
for the "real world" existence of the phenomenon of interest
must first and foremost bridge the gap between his ideas
and the experiences of people in the real world. To the
extent that the experiences of reSpondents conform to the
researcher's conceptualizations of these experiences, as
contained in his hypotheses, to that extent responses to a
series of stimuli designed by the researcher will conform

to statistical patterns suggested in the hypotheses. This

165
requires the stimuli, or questionnaire items, to be grounded

in the experiences of prospective reSpondents--in other
words, be in fact "stimulating." They must be couched in
language the respondent is likely to understand, and must
refer to concerns and interests the respondent is likely
to have. At the same time, they must emerge entirely from
the conceptualizations that are being subjected to empirical
test. They must derive directly from the definitions of
the variables, and refer to no more and no less than the
implications of the definitions. The researcher's success
depends on the degree of clarity of conceptualization and
specially on his ability to imagine the world from the
perspective of the prospective reSpondents.

Information about the degree of success actually
achieved is contained in the analyses of the data finally
collected.) The internal consistency coefficient measures
the extent to which responses to items in a scale correlate
with each other. For example, the .85 coefficient of
internal consistency for the l7-item primariness-organization
questionnaire (POQ) scale of Primariness of the Individual's

Relationship with the Organization indicates a high degree

of success in translation of the concept from its vague,
original formulation to 17 specific items that tap the
same domain of experience in the respondent. The values
for this coefficient range from .67 to .85 for the scales
for which this coefficient could be computed, indicating

reasonable to high degrees of success of operationalization.

166

Of special interest in this context are the internal-
consistency coefficients for the sentence-completion
scales, in which sources of "noise" include not only
inadequate translation of concepts to questionnaire items,
but also inadequate communication of concepts to raters.
Fair success, represented by the .67 to .77 range of values
for internal consistency suggests not only that the
items elicited reSponses from a specific, reasonably bounded
domain, but also that the domain of interest was adequately
communicated to raters. Items had to achieve a balance
between being structured and specific enough to tap the
domain of interest, yet being unstructured enough to retain
the projective nature of the sentence-completion methodology.

Two comments may be made in the context of this
discussion about the sentence-completion methodlogy.
(1) As stated earlier (page 118),this methodology was
selected to avoid the problem of "non-attitudes" (Sellitz,
et al., 1979). Likert-type questionnaire items may elicit
responses from respondents even though they may not agree
with any of the alternatives provided, or even though they
may not ever haVe thought about the subject of the item.
By not limiting the respondent to a specific set of
alternatives, sentence-completions, and other projective-
type methodologies, avoid or reduce this potential threat
to validity. The reduction in reliability that may be the
price for this increase in validity was discussed above.

(2) A couple of limitations of the methodology may be

167

mentioned. The influence of expressive ability of
respondents on the responses they make is a cause for concern,
specially if this expressive ability varies systematically
with other variables of interest. Future use of this
methodology might be designed to control for this influence.
Secondly, the "cost" associated with the coding of the
responses, in terms of rater time, may limit use of the
methodology considerably. Reduction of the number of

items seems inadvisable in the face of the range of internal
consistency coefficients obtained in this study (.67 to
.77).

Internal consistency analysis only provides information
relevant to the claim that bounded domains of experience of
respondents have been tapped. Evidence relevant to the
claim that these domains are the ones described by the
researcher is mostly contained in discriminant and
convergent validity analyses, and is discussed in the next
section. Combined with "face validity," internal consistency
does provide some information relevant to construct validity,
since, if the scale items are all transparently related to
the construct as defined, high inter-correlation among
responses to items contains evidence not only that a bounded
domain has been tapped, but that the specific bounded domain
referenced by the concept has been located.

In conclusion, the most important lesson to emerge
from this experience might be that the gap between "the

ideas of the researcher and the experience of people in

168
the real world" (see page 164) can be minimized from the out-

set by conceptualizing Operationally, that is, by viewing

 

"conceptualization" and "operationalization" as a unitary
task. If concepts were developed right from the beginning
with the awareness that they will have to be subjected to
the discipline of data, by oneself or by others, the result
would be sharper conceptualization and easier construction

of reliable measuring instruments.

Construct Validity

 

If respondent scores on different scales designed to
measure the same variable correlate substantially with each
other, one's confidence is strengthened that the phenomenon
described by the variable does exist in the real world. This
is even more true if the scales employ different methodologies.
If reSpondent scores on a scale designed to measure variable
A correlates substantially lg§§_with scores on a scale
designed to measure variable B, this lends weight to the
claim that variable A is distinct from variable B. This
is even more true if the scales employ the same methodology.
Information on convergent and discriminant validity of this
type is contained in the multi-trait multi-method matrix
(Table 7, page 134) and in Table 8 (page 138). Finally,
the strongest evidence of construct validity is the
demonstration that the variable "behaves" in relation to
other variables as predicted by theory, that it "fits in"

as expected in a nomolOgical network. This study contains

169
all these types of evidence. Each of the three constructs

of the study is discussed below.
Primariness of Individual's
Relationship with the
Organization (PIRO)

Respondent scores on the two scales employed in this
study to measure PIRO (primariness-organization-sentence
completion: POS; and primariness-organization-questionnaire:
POQ) correlate .66 with each other. Note that both scales
had internal consistency coefficients higher than their
correlation with each other, a prerequisite for the
conclusions being made here. The two scales employ widely
different methodologies: sentence-completions and Likert-
type questionnaire. These facts contain strong evidence
that the scales measure the same thing, hence that the
concept as described exists in the experience of the 64
respondents to the survey.

The average correlation between POS and five other
scales designed to measure other variables in the study has
a magnitude of .19, and the correlation between POS and the
only other scale employing the same methodology (Emotional
Well-Being: sentence completion: ESC) is .16, indicating
that Primariness of the Individual's Relationship with the
Organization as measured by P05 is quite distinct from the
other two variables of the study, TYPE and Emotional Well-
Being (EWB). In contrast, the average correlation between
POQ, the questionnaire measure of PIRO, and five other scales

designed to measure other variables is .32, and the average

170

correlation between POQ and three scales employing the same
methodology but measuring different variables is .29.
Thus, evidence that POQ measures a phenomenon distinct
from TYPE and Emotional Well-Being rests on less firm
empirical ground than evidence that POS, the sentence-
completion measure of PIRO, measures a phenomenon distinct
from TYPE and EWB. If:U:were not for the high correlation
between POS (the sentence-completion measure of PIRO) and
POQ (the Likert-type measure of PIRO), use of POQ in
subsequent analyses would have had weak justification. It
is possible that some response sets commonly associated
with Likert-type scales may be operating in the data
generated by POQ. It is also possible that POQ, as well as
the other Likert-type scales, may be eliciting "non-attitudes."

Referring now to the correlations of the composite
measure of Primariness of Individualls Relationship with
the Organization with the composite measures of TYPE and
of Emotional Well-Being reported in Table 9, significant
positive correlations were predicted by theory. Primariness
of Individual's Relationship with the Organization and
Emotional Well-Being correlate .72 in the data obtained
in this study, which is significant at the .02 level. This
result lends considerable support to the construct validity
of PIRO, especially since there is strong evidence for the
validity of the Emotional Well-Being construct (see below).
The high internal consistency estimates of the composite

measures of both variables (see page 139) may also be cited

171
in favor of this conclusion. Note that limitations on

generalizability discussed earlier suggest that this
confidence in the primariness-of-individual's-relationship-
with-the-organization concept be somewhat tempered by
consideration of the possibility that it .existence and
operation according to theory may be some artifact of the
particular sample employed.

In contrast, the .30 correlation between Primariness
of Individual's Relationship with the Organization and TYPE
is not significant. This suggests that (l) the present
operationalization of PIRO is inadequate, (2) the present
operationalization of TYPE is inadequate, and/or (3) PIRO and
TYPE do not relate with each other as suggested by theory
in this sample. Of these possibilities, (l) is the least
plausible, in view of the discussions above. Elaboration
of the second suggestion is contained in the discussion of
TYPE in the next section, which raises some doubts about
the concept and its measurement in this study. The third
possibility cannot be ruled out, however, even if TYPE does
prove.tx> be less than satisfactorily Operationalized in
this study. Limited generalizability may again be kept in
mind, but the negative result should lead to a close
examination of the ideas that resulted in the formulation
of the hypothesis of a significant positive relationship
between PIRO and TYPE. Some of this examination was begun
in Chapter VII. The possibility that Primariness of

Individual's Relationship with the Organization may be

172
associated with cultural and social variables was raised
earlier (page 161). PIRO may also be associated with.
individual variables other than emotional well-being, such as
educational achievement, salary, age, and so on. It may also
be associated with organizational variables other than TYPE,
either with some other organizational Structural variables,
or even with variables such as industry or product. Finally,
for those would would see PIRO in these terms, the adequacy
of applying concepts originating from the Japanese culturetx>
organizations in the U.S.A. may also be questioned.

In conclusion, while the data justify strong confidence
in the concept of Primariness of Individual's Relationship
with the Organization, they also suggest close examination
of the propositions regarding the determinants of PIRO.
Further examination of anthropological, sociological,
organizational, and psychological literature is indicated.
Future research should include assessment of possible
determinants of PIRO in addition to the ones used here,
as well as incorporate improvements in the concept and

measurement of the TYPE construct, as suggested below.

TYPE
Only one scale for measuring TYPE was included in the
multi-method multi-trait matrix (Table 7, page 134), since
only one scale for TYPE was included in the questionnaire
administered to respondents. Other measures of TYPE were
also obtained, from independent sources, and inter-

correlations among the various measures of TYPE are reported

173
in Table 8 (page 138). Convergent validity information
available in Table 8 (page 138) strongly suggests that the
various measures of TYPE succeed in measuring the same thing.
The average inter-correlation among four measures of TYPE,
TYPEQ (questionnaire), TINT (interview), TPD (published data)
and TES (employment stability) is .56. In contrast, the
average correlation of the questionnaire measure of TYPE,
TYPEQ, with six scales measuring different variables had a
magnitude of .21, while the average correlation of TYPEQ
with three scales employing the same methodology was .18.
These numbers contain moderate evidence that TYPEQ succeeded
in tapping a domain of experience in respondents distinct
from Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the
Organization and Emotional Well-Being. Note, also, that
estimates of reliability are not consistently available
for these scales, reducing their interpretability
considerably.

The correlation of TYPE with Emotional Well-Being (.33)
and with Primariness of the Individual's Relationship with
the Organization (.30) both fail to achieve the stipulated
level of significance. In other words, evidence that the
concept measured by the TYPE scales is the same concept as
suggested by theory is weak, suggesting limited success of
Operationalization. To the extent that the high inter-
correlations among various measures of TYPE suggest con-
struct validity, the low correlations of TYPE with PIRO

and EWB suggest re-examination of the theory as well.

174

At the Operational level, the experiences represented
by the numbers above suggest the following: (1) The
writer's inexperience with interviewing probably accounted
for a paucity of information on some of the dimensions of
the TYPE variable. (2) The influence of prior familiarity
of some interviewees with the questionnaire, which could
not be avoided, serves to shed further doubt on interview
data. (3) The reliability of ratings of interview data
was not adequately assessed.r Interview data might better
have been coded by a rater other than the interviewer,
and more than three interviews might have been independently
rated. (4) While independent measures of variables are
recommended, they must generate data whose reliability can
be estimated. For example, while the internal consistency
of TYPEQ, the questionnaire measure of TYPE, could be
computed, no estimate for the reliability of TYPE-employment
stability (TES) was available. Adequate thought to the
assessment of reliability was not given prior to data
collection.

Future research involving use of interviews, and
involving assessment of the TYPE variable, should incorporate
the improvements suggested above. The experience with the
TYPE variable reported here also suggests some conceptual
problems. Some possibilities were identified in Chapter
VII. With reference to the discussion about conceptualization
above, TYPE may be singled out as the variable in which the

gap between the researcher's ideas and the experience of

175

"real world" peOple remained the widest. Partly, this might
be because the opErationalization of this variable did not
involve writing as many structured and semi-structured D
items as it did, for example, in the operationalization of
primariness of individual's relationship with the organization.
Wholistic Concern and Global Philosophy of Management, two
dimensions of TYPE about which the interviews revealed
little, seem not to have been defined in terms of the
experiences of prospective respondents. As conceptualized
at present, they remain "slippery." An urgent task for the
future is clarification and elaboration of these dimensions.
There is confusion, as well, in the idea of employment
stability, which is the third dimension cxf TYPE used in
this study. As used in the scales of TYPE employed here,
employment stability is simply the length of tenure of
respondents or employees. But length of tenure must be

evaluated in terms of potential length of tenure of

 

respondents in a particular company, which will be influenced
by such factors as age of employees and date of establishment
of company. Furthermore, how adequate a measure of an

organizational policy to encourage employment stability

 

might length of tenure be? TYPE makes reference to the
existence of such an organizational policy. Employment
stability as measured also<does not incorporate the
possibility that employment stability of one group of
employees may be maintained at the expense of the job

security of another group. Possibly more useful than

176

employment stability might be a concept describing how
the costs of instability or uncertainty in the environment
are distributed among various groups in the organization.
In conclusion, operational and conceptual weaknesses
in the TYPE variable have been suggested. The possibility
that the low obtained correlations are due to the fact
that TYPE is simply not related to Primariness of Individual's P
Relationship with the Organization or to Emotional Well-Being
may also be mentioned, and was discussed in a previous
section. Much work for the future is identified by these

considerations.

Emotional Well-Being

Of the three variables of this study, the construct
validity of Emotional Well-Being may be viewed as being
least in doubt. The concept has been measured and examined
by social scientists for many decades. Evidence from the
present study serves to further strengthen the claim for
the existence of the phenomenon. The average inter-
correlation among four scales designed to measure Emotional
Well-Being is .47, suggesting that the scales measure the
same thing. Two of these scales employ Likert-type items,
one is an adjective check list, and the fourth is a
sentence-completion scale. The use of different methodologies
reduces the possibility that the high inter-correlations may
be due to the contribution of common method to the co-variance
of scale scores. Finally, the inclusion of two standardized

scales in the group of four scales measuring Emotional

177
Well-Being further strengthens the claim of construct
validity being made here.

The average inter-correlation between the four scales
measuring Emotional Well-Being and three scales measuring
other variables has a magnitude of .21. The inter-
correlation between the sentence-completion scale of
Emotional Well-Being (ESC) and the other sentence completion
scale of the study (POS) measuring a different variable is
.16 (see Table 7, page 134). The average inter-correlation
between Emotional Well-Being scales that employ Likert-
type items and other scales of the study that employ the
same methodology for the assessment of different variables
is also .16. All of this is evidence that the scales
designed to measure Emotional Well-Being succeed in tapping
a domain distinct from domains tapped by scales designed to
measure the other variables of the study.

This evidence for construct validity is further
bolstered by the .72 correlation between the composite
measure of Emotional Well-Being and the composite measure
of Primariness of Individual's Relationship with the
Organization. Not only is there evidence that the study
succeeds in locating and measuring a specific construct, but
its behavior with another construct as expected by theory
also suggests that it is the specific construct described
by the theory. This is further strengthened if the other
construct has superior reliability/validity characteristics,

as is the case in this study.

178

In contrast, the correlation of .33 between Emotional
Well-Being and TYPE fails to reach the stipulated level of
significance. The three types of possibilities raised in
the context of the discussion of Primariness of the
Individual‘s Relationship with the Organization may be
raised here as well. The first possibility of inadequate
operationalization of the Emotional Well-Being construct
may be discounted in light of the above discussion.
Possible weaknesses in the TYPE variable were discussed
in the previous section. Finally, the low correlation
between Emotional Well-Being and TYPE may also be due to a
lack of a real-world relationship between the two variables,
either in this sample or in the population as a whole. It
may be that Emotional Well-Being has no organizational
correlates, or none that are contained within the TYPE
construct. The theoretical position outlined before assumes
a centrality of work and work organization in the lives of
respondents that may not be valid, so that TYPE of organiza-
tion may in fact be unrelated to Emotional Well-Being.
Alternatively, in the absence of availability of need satis-
factions in the work organization, individuals, rather than
becoming "unhappy," might simply turn to other sources of
need satisfaction. This would again result in a lack of
correlation between TYPE and Emotional Well-Being. Of
interest in the context of this discussion is the fact that
Ouchi's (1981) most recent work makes no direct reference to

Emotional Well-Being at all, preferring instead to emphasize

179
the link between TYPE and organizational effectiveness. It
is not clear whether this is the result of‘a changeimaOuchi's
thinking or simply a difference of emphasis arising out of a
difference in the audience he has chosen to address.

The possibility that Emotional Well-Being and TYPE may
be unrelated in this particular sample may be raised again.
This may be for many reasons, as suggested in the discussion
of limitations on generalizability. For example, the
"restriction of range" suggestion made in Chapter VII (page
148) as a possible explanation for the lack of a stronger
obtained relationship between TYPE and the other two variables
of the study may be a consequence of the characteristics of
the particular sample employed here. It is for these
reasons of limitations on generalizability that the
hypothesis of a relationship between Emotional Well-Being
and TYPE cannot completely be ruled out by the results of
this study.

In summary, the validity of the Emotional Well-Being
construct is generally upheld by the results of this study. The
proposed relationship between Emotional Well-Being and TYPE
requires a re-examination. Future research must incorporate
other possible co-variates of Emotional Well-Being, as well

as improve upon the ones included in this study.

Conclusions

 

The following conclusions may be drawn from the results
of the "construct validation exercise" reported in this

dissertation.

180
Data from the sample used in this study confirm

the existence, in the experience of the
respondents of this study, of the notion of
primariness of individual's relationship with
the organization. Respondents reported having
relationships with their employing organization
that vary along the dimension of primariness.
Data from the sample used in this study do not
provide strong confirmation for the existence,
in this sample, of the notion of TYPE of
organization as described in this dissertation.
Data from the sample used in this study confirm
the existence of the notion of emotional well-
being. Respondents tended to vary along this
variable in expected ways.

As hypothesized, respondents who reported having
relationships with the organization high in
primariness also tended to report higher levels
of emotional well—being than respondents who
reported having relationships lower in primari-
ness. This result cannot be assumed to apply
to other employees of the companies in the
sample, nor to employees of companies not
included in the sample.

As hypothesized, the average level of primari-
ness of respondents' relationships with the

organization was associated with the average

181
level of emotional well-being of respondents
from a company. This result cannot be assumed
to apply to companies other than the ones I
included in the sample.

6. Contrary to expectation, the average level of
primariness of reSpondents' relationships with
the organization and the average level of
emotional well-being of reSpondents were both
not associated with the TYPE of organization.
This negative result may be attributed to
conceptual and operational weaknesses in the
TYPE construct and/or to the lack of a relation-
ship between TYPE and the other variables in
the sample used in this study. This result
also cannot be assumed to apply to companies
other than the ones in the sample.

7. There is no evidence in this study regarding
the causal nature of the relationships
investigated and reported.

8. The most important recommendations for future
research are stated below.

A careful re-examination of the TYPE construct is a
prerequisite 11) any future research using this or a similar
variable. This re-examination needs to cover the entire
range from conceptualization and Operationalization to
specification of the form and nature of its relationships

with other variables of interest.

182

While continuing to accumulate evidence for the validity
of the idea of primariness of the individual‘s relationship
with the organization, future research must incorporate
anthropological, sociological, organizational, and
individual variables that may have an influence on it.

Similarly, possible co-variates of emotional well-being
other than primariness of the individual's relationship with
the organization and TYPE need to be included in future
research of this nature, in order to better understand
the relative role of work organization in employee emotional
well-being.

The results reported in this study should encourage
the use of sentence-completion scales in future organizational
and social science research. They represent a reasonable
compromise between structure and specificity required for
reliability and precision, and openness required for validity.

All instrumentation in future research must have as a
prerequisite the availability of usable reliability estimates.
Without this, data and results remain uninterpretable.

The use of multiple scales and multiple methodologies
must be continued. The inter-disciplinary approach must

not only be retained but extended as well.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

WORK AND QUALITY OF LIFE

RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE

183

WORK AND

QUALITY 9: LIFE

RESEARCH OUESTIONNAIRE

 

 

 

 

YOUR PARTICIPATION IN THIS RESEARCH PROGRAM IS HIGHLY
APPRECIATED. YOUR RESPONSES TO THE QUESTIONS ARE
COMPLETELY ANONYMOUS -- I REQUEST YOU NOT TO PUT YOUR
NAME OR ANY OTHER IDENTIFYING INFORMATION ON THIS
QUESTIONNAIRE. I HOPE TO USE THE INFORMATION PROVIDED
BY YOU TO UNDERSTAND WHAT THINGS ABOUT WORK ARE
RELATED TO THE QUALITY OF LIFE OF WORKING PEOPLE.
THERE ARE NO RIGHT 0R WRONG ANSWERS. I URGE YOU TO
READ THE INSTRUCTIONS IN EACH SECTION CAREFULLY. AND
TO ANSWER TO THE BEST OF YOUR ABILITY. PLEASE DO NOT
SPEND TOO HUCH TIME ON ANY ONE ITEM.

THANK YOU.

3. durlabhji

 

 

184

 

INSTRUCTIONS : COMPLETE THE FOLLOUING SENTENCES WITH THE FIRST
THING THAT COMES TO YOUR MIND. YOU DO NOT HAVE TO USE ALL THE
SPACE THAT IS PROVIDED.

 

I am in this company because

 

My future in this company

 

1 will leave this company

 

 

For this company I

 

I hope to be working in this company

 

If this company had to close down

 

 

 

My relationship with this company

 

 

 

 

i

185

 

 

M ‘
COMPLETE THE SENTENCES WITH THE FIRST THING THAT COMES TO MIND.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

8. Being a member of this company
9. When this company is praised
10. If I had to leave this company
ll. I am in this company to
12. Being a member of this company means
13. About this company, I feel
3 14. When this company is criticized
15. In this company, most of my needs

 

 

 

186

 

PLEASE THIXK ABOUT YOUR RELATIONSHIP WITH THIS COXPANY.

INSTRUCTIONS

IS ABOUT YOUR RELATIONSHIP WITH THE COMPANY BY CIRCLING THE APPROPRIATE LETTER TO
THE RIGHT OF THE STATEHEHT.

INDICATE HOW TRUE EACH STATEMENT

 

- Completely true

- Mostly tru

- Partly true and partly Ealse
- Mostly false

- Completely false

     
 

QQOO‘N

Q.
’4’ch

’-

c7.
,.-.fi/_,.

4‘ ‘\
5'6 4
b\\\<$£

\\ ' 29‘
- I J Q»
i??? eh);25?\\\\\
Qkkrr .k
6

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

16. I get a feeling of being honored by being recognized a I b c d ’
as a member of this companv. 1
l7 Failure of this company would mean little to me beyond a 1 b c d
the loss of my source of income.
I 13 My social status is increased by being a member of this company. b c :d
E 19 Membership in this company gives me a feeling of superiority. a b It A
l 20. Failure of this company would lead to embarrassment for me. a b c d j
f 21 I gain in prestige among outsiders by working in this company. a b c d E
l 22 I would lose self~respect if this company should fail. a b c d l
23 If another company in this area offered me a similar job, with 10 Z a b c d 3
higher pay and no loss of benefits. I would accept it
14 I would feel ashamed if this company was found to be a b c 0
involved in illegal activities.
25. If I were stranded on a desert island. one of the things I would miss . b c d
most is the opportunity to practice my profession.
l
:6. This company as a whole feels like a large family to me. a b c d t
1 27 If it were not for my friends in this company, I would look b c d E
for another job. - i I
28 I feel I owe this company whgs they pay me for, and nothing more. a b c d i
2?. If I were asked to describe myself. and I could tell only one thing a b c d i
about myself. I would say: "I work for (the name of this company).”
30. Membership in this company is a source of pride for me. a b c d
Bl The most important thing for me about working in this company is a b c d
the opportunity to engage in my profession.
32. I don't think any other company would mean as much to me as this one. a b c d
33.IE I were stranded on a desert island. one of the things I would miss ‘ b c d
mos: is my friends in this company.
34. I would feel personally honored if this company were to receive a b c d
some award from the community.
35 It is the opportunity to employ my skills and training that keeps a b c d
me in this company.
36. If I hear anyone criticizing this company, I would get very upset. a b c d
37 When I think about my future, this company is always part of it. a b c d
38. The most important thing about working in this company a b c d
is the opportunity to be with my friends.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

187

 

IKSTRUCTIONS

PLEASE THINK ABOUT THE GOALS. METHODS. AND POLICIES OF THIS COMPANY.

STATEMEXTS ARE HAYS OF DESCRIBING A COflPANY.
EACH DESCRIPTIOH IS TO THIS COMPANY.

THE FOLLOUIHC

PLEASE INDICATE HOH SIMILAR

 

. Very similar to this company

Somewhat similar to this company

Slightly similar to and slightly different from
this company.

- Somewhat different from this company.

- Very different from this company.

.0. 00"
I

 

39.

When business declines. the company begin: to lay people
off immediately.

 

 

40.

The company cares a great deal about its employees

 

 

 

Al.

What matters most in the company is the numbers: production
and protit.

II
0’
0

 

42.

When faced with lean times. everybody in the company works
a reduced workweek. .

 

 

when there is no policy about something. it is usually easy for
employees to figure out what management would like them to do.

_-- .._. .- ___.t__

 

45.

Company policies make it clear that personal problems. concerns.
and interests of employees have no place in the company.

 

45.

The company has one policy : profit.

 

46.

If employees do noc perform as well as the company expects
them to. the company will try to help them improve.

 

47.

when business declines. the company would do anything.
even lose money. to avoid layoffs.

 

.._ .__..

48.

The company tries to be a friend to employees rather than
only an employer.

 

49.

Company policies are designed to encourage employees to
remain with the company for their whole life.

 

-..- -.__. 1 .__.....__

50.

Management makes it clear that employees are expected to
leave personal problems outside the doors of the company.

 

If employees do not perform as well as the company expects
them to. they are likely to find themselves without a job
quite quickly.

 

 

 

._._.__..._~. _._._._._ ..

when business declines. the company is very reluctant to
lay people off.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

188

 

H- _——-—-——-
s

IESTRUCTIONS : COMPLETE THE FOLLOWIRG SENTENCES T0

DESCRIBE HOW YOU GENERALLY FEEL. WRITE DOWN THE FIRST THIUG THAT
COMES TO YOUR MIND. YOU DO NOT HAVE TO USE ALL TfiE SPACE ThAT IS
PROVIDED.

 

53.

Often. a feeling of

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_._._ “ ——.
.— - _.—..—-- —.__._.— .—-.—_ _-——»‘ ‘. _..- .—._. _..

54. When I wake up. I feel
r
i
55. There are so many thing that make me feel '
56. It is rare for me to be
57. In the evening, I often feel
38. When I think about the world, I feel a
I
59. There are so many things to

 

 

   

189

 

COMPLETE THE FOLLONIKG EXTENCES TO DESCRIBE HOW YOU GENERALLY FEEL

60. When I think about the future, I feel

 

 

 

 

 

 

._.__. __.-—..._—__..-._—...

 

 

 

 

61. My life is full of

g 62. I never thought I'd be so
63. In the afternoon, I often feel
64. I keep trying to find
66. It's not easy for me to feel
67. There are so many people I
68, At work, I often feel

 

 

 

 

1590

 

INSTRUCTIOES

A NUMBER OF STATEMENTS WHICH PEOPLE HAVE USED TO DESCRIBE THEMSELVES ARE GIVES BELOW.
CIRCLE A LETTER TO THE RIGHT OF THE STATEHEET TO INDICATE HOW YOU GENERALLY FEEL. THERE
ARE NO RIGHT OR WRONG ANSWERS. GIVE THE ANSWER UHICH SEEMS TO DESCRIBE hOH 'OU
GEXERALLY FEEL.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

a - Almost never “~\ 1
b - Somet imes £3“. E
g : gfggct always H. 12%%\\\?
I 7 1
69. I feel pleasant a b c‘ d i
70. I tire quickly I a b c d i
71. I feel like crying i a b c d j
72. I wish 1 could be as happy as others seem to be a b c d i
73. I am losing out on things because I can't make up my mind soon enough a b c d i
74. I feel rested a b c d E
75. I am "calm. cool. and collected.” a b c d Q
76. I feel that difficulties are piling up so that I cannot overcome them a b c d f
77. l worry too much over something that doesn't really matter a b c d 5
78. I am happy 1 a b c d !
79. I am inclined to take things hard ' 3 a b c d i
80. I lack self-confidence a b c d L
Bl. I feel secure a b c d i
82. I try to avoid facing a crisis or difficulty a b c d G
83. I feel blue a b c d
64. I am content a b c d i
35. Some unimportant thought runs through my mind and bochers me a b c d h
86. I take disappointments so keenly that I can't put them out of my mind ai b c d u
87. I am a steady person a b c d a
38. I get in a state of tension or turmoil as I think of my recent ‘ b c d H
concerns and interests. H

 

 

 

 

 

191

 

INSTRUCTIONS

FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF PHYSICAL SYMPTOMS. PLEASE INDICATE HOW OFTEN EACH HAS HAPPENED

TO YOU IN THE LAST YEAR.

 

Often
Sometimes
Rarely
Never

“00'“
IIII

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

89. Trouble breathing or shortness of breath a b c d
i 90. Pains in my back or spine a b c d
91. Becoming very tired in a very short time a b c d
92. Having trouble getting to sleep a b c d
' 93. Having trouble staying asleep a b c d
1 94. Finding it difficult to get up in the morning a b c d
é 95. Feeling my heart racing or pounding a b c d H
F 96. hands sweating so that they feel damp and clammy a b c? d A
Q 97. Feeling nervous or fidgety and tense a o c d H
j 93. Poor appetite a b c d I
j 99. Spells of dizziness a b c d
:100. Smoking more than I used to a b c; d i
'101. Drinking more than I used to a b c1 d u
i . :xsrnucrroxs j
g PLACE A CHECK MARK 0N WORDS THAT DESCRIBE now YOU GENERALLY FEEL. H
102. camera. 103. WILTED 104. ammo 105. morasusmxc i
; 106. GLOOMY 107. ANGRY 108. KINDLY 109. LOST :
' 113. I-IERRY 111. Low 112. max 113. MAD j
114. UPSET 115. POLITE l16. BLUE 117. CALM __J
118. carer. 119. reuse 120. suxx 121. mums: U
122. TORMENTED 123. NERVOUS 124. ALIVE 125. HISERABLE __J
126. DISCOURACED 127. FRIGHTENED 128. TENDER 129. FORLORN {
130. FEARPUL 131. DEVOTED 132. WORRYING 133. FINE 5
134. HOPELESS 135. SYMPATHETIC 136. AWFUL 137. SHAKEY
138. DISACREEABLE 139. HEALTHY 1&0. PAHICKY 141. ALON , l
142. AGREEABLE 1&3. REJECTED 144. COOPERATIVE 145. SUFFERING g
146. UNHAPPY 167. ACTIVE 148. TERRIBLE h

 

 

 

 

-—_ .—— ..___.__

.1592

 

 

INSTRU TIONS
THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION IS BEING REQUESTED SEPARATELY FROM THE QUESTIONNAIRE TO DESCRIBE
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE GROUP AS A WHOLE. PLEASE CHECK THE ITEMS THAT APPLY. OR
FILL-IN.

 

 

 

~.—...—.._ -.—~-...._.___

 

_---_—_—.. “-

 

 

 

PRESENT STATUS BACKGROUND
1. sex _q_ "F' 2. AGE _____ 12. FATHER'S OCCUPATION
3. PRESENT MARITAL STATUS
' (a) MARRIED ,,,,,,,, NOTNCR'S OCCUPATION (if any)

(b) DIVORCED ........
(c) SINGLE (Never married)

4. NUMBER OF CHILDREN .......

 

13. LOCALITY WHERE YOU SPENT MOST OF
THE YEARS OF YOUR CHILDHOOD

 

 

 

 

s. RESIDENCE LOCALITY (t) RURAL ____
(a) RURAL _____ (b) URBAN ____
(b) URBAN (c) SUBURBAN
(c) SUBURBAN (d)
(d) (Other)
(othef) 14. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION OURINO_CNILD-
6. PRESENT POSITION IN COMPANY Sgfigéxgis°§§§§§§§¥15§9“ PREb°NT
(Specify)
7. ?RESENT RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION (if any) 15. COLLEGE DEGREE/S
(Specify)

 

 

 

degree year field college
3. (a) DO YOU GET ANY REGULAR PHYSICAL
EXERCISE?

 

 

 

'YE? no 1
(b) I? v53. HOW? degree year field col age

(a) JOGGING
(b) SWIMMING

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

._____ l6 ETHNIC BACKGROUND
(c) GYM WORKOUT (a) ANGLO
(d) (b) BLACK
(Other) (C) ITALIAN ______
9. DO YOU USUALLY VOTE IN: (d)
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS (Oth.r)
’°’ "° 17. POSITION UHEN YOU FIRST STARTED
ELECTIONS OP STATE FULL-TIME NORA
REPRESENTATIVES T0
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT '73?" no
_ 18. NUMBER OF PREVIOUS EMPLOYERS
SLATE ELECTIONS yes no
LOCAL (City) 19. DATE WHEN YOU JOINED THIS COMPANY
ELECTIONS -———-
yes no
10. DO YOU PARTICIPATE IN THE POLITICAL m°“¢“ year
PROCESS IN ANY OTHER WAY? 20. POSITION AT TIME OF JOINING
-;;;- -3;-' THIS COMPANY

11. IF YES. HOW?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_..—~_..._—___.- <m -. m—_ -a—. a..-.... .

 

APPENDIX B

INSTRUCTIONS FOR RATERS OF SENTENCE

COMPLETION TEST - PIRO

193

Instructions for Raters of Sentence Completion Test - PIRO-S

Each participant to be rated on the variable Primaryness Of Individual's
Relationshipgwith the Organization (PIRO). This Ts defined and described
separately to enabTe you to refer to it as you make your ratings. Please
read this carefully before you rate the first participant. If there is
anything that requires Clarification or elaboration. please discuss with
me before proceeding.

Put the Participant Number from the sentence completion test on to the
rating fonn. Put your initials in the space provided.

Read the entire sentence completion test for the participant. Then re-
read the responses. examining each carefully for evidence of High or
Low Primaryness Of the participant's relationship with the organization.
Rate each item according to the following scale:

5 - Highly Primary; the participant' s response contains
evidence that his relationship with the organization
is highly primary.

Quite Primary

Somewhat Primary

Only Slightly Primary

Not At All Primary

dNUO

O
I

No information. The participant's response
contains no information relevant to the focal
concept.

9 - NO response. The participant left the item blank,
or made a response too incomplete to rate.

Refer to the definition and the illustrative ratings whenever you have
any doubts. Beyond this. however. your ratings have to be independent
of any other influences. DO not discuss any items with other raters.
for example.

Use the remaining space on the rating fonn for any comments about the
participant's relationship with the organization. or anything else that
strikes you as particularly interesting.

Repeat steps 2-5 for each participant.

DEFINITION AND DESCRIPTION OF PIRO

Primarxness of Individual'g Relationship to she Organization (PIRO) is
described in the following passages in various. partially overlapping ways.

Please try to get an overall understanding of the concept from this and
the illustrative ratings.

PIRO is the extent to which the organization. like the faaily. is a source
of meaning and belongingness for the individual. regardless of its signifi-
cance as a means of existence. Note that PIRO has reference to the
organization. distinct from the profession or any sub-groups within the
organization. Evidence that the individual derives meaning and a feeling of
relatedness from the profession or from the job is nor evidence of PIRO;

it may even be evidence of lgg PIRO. as suggested below.

PIRO is the extent to which the organisation is central to the individual's
self-concept. the extent to which the individual finds beliefs and values

that are essential to his own personality expressed in the objectives and
methods of the organization. PIRO is the extent to which the individual's
answers to the question "Who or what an I?" would contain references to the
organization. Again. this is distinct from the extent to which the individual
defines himself in terms of the job or the profession. An individual whose
"Central Life Interest” (Dubin) is the job at the profession may view the
organization itself as only a ggggghto the chance to engage in his profession.
He might "ditch" the organization without much remorse if a better professional
opportunity came along. In that case. we would classify his relationship
with the organisation as $23 in Prinaryness.

PIRO is the extent to which organizational-interests and self-interests

are no: diffrentiated from each other. just as family interests are typically
not diffrentiated from self-interests. For a person with low PIRO. there are
no conflicts possible between self-interest and organisation-interest -
the organisation-interest is always subordinate. for the high PIRO individual.
possibilities for conflict may be greater; he may often feel torn between
self-interest and organisation-interest. At the same time. however. his
tolerance for conflict may be expected to be higher; it would take a great
deal of conflict before the individual would consider severing his ties

with the organisation. just as people endure considerable conflict before
they think about severing their ties with their families.

PIRO is. finally. the extent to which the organisation is of significance
to the individual in and of itself. regardless of its utilitarian
significance. It is the extent to which organizational membership 3; the
satisfaction of a need. rather than a means to the satisfaCEion of needs.
This does not mean that utilitarian value has no place in a primary
relationship; it means that if the relationship is important 23;: for
its utilitarian value. it is not a primary relationship. For example.
quite often the individual's relationship with the organization is based
on his need for income; if this is the only. or major. reason for his
membership in the organization. we would classify the relationship as
"Net At All Primary". If. on the Other hand. the individual's need for
meaning and belongingness are the major reasons for his membership in
the organization. we would classify the relationship as "Highly Primary".

Illustrative ratings

PIRO-S:

196

they are neither exhaustive nor binding.
after you have understood the definition thoroughly.

l0.

For this company.
I...

I am in this
company because...

If this company
had to Close
down...

As far as I'm con-

cerned. this co....

My future in
this company...

I hope to be
working in this
co....

when I think of
this to.

I will leave
this to. if...

This to. belongs...

My relationship
with this to....

The following ratings of sentence completions are only illustrations -
Please use your own best‘judgment

 

Highly Somewhat Not at all
Primary_ Primary Primary
would die; wish for have no
have very high the best; feelings
respect have respect. don‘t give
a damn.
I love it; its its pleasent I need a
like my home; source of
I love the income
company
it would be it would be I wouldn't
the end of too bad care
my world
is like home; will do; has no impact
is my life plays fair on me. is
with me. just a place
to earn my
living
is forever looks OR is nil; will

forever; the
rest of my
life

I feel proud;
I feel good

I'm forced to;

to all of us
who work here;
to the workers

is the most
important
think in my
life; is
precious

hopefully for
sometime

I feel thank-
ful

the need
arises

to everybody

is important;
needs improve-
ment

be brief

for another
few months;
until I can
move up and
out

I don't
feel anything

I am able to
financially

to the boss;
to Others

is limited to
the paycheck

ll.

12.

l3.

I4.

15.

16.

l7.

IS.

19.

20.

Being a member
of this co....

when this to. is
praised...

If I had to

leave this CO....

I am in this
co...‘

Being a member
of this to.
means...

About this CD.
I feel...

I will leave
this co....

When I talk

about this CO....

This co.'s goals
and my goals...

In this co. my
needs...

197

 

Highly Somewhat Not at all
Primary Primary Primary
makes me feel is safe; is is not a
important and OK relevant
proud part of my
life
I feel proud; it is no
it feels reflection
good on me

I would feel
lost. destroyed.
I would cry

because I am
happy here;
because I
love it

everything to
me

proud. wonder-
ful.

never; only

if I absolutely
have to; reluc-
tantly

it is with a
great deal of
pride

are exaCIly
the same

are all met;
are highly
respected.

it would
make me sad

to make a
contribution

quite a bit
to me

quite good;
its got its
good points.

maybe some-
day

itissmm-
times with
pride. some-
times with
anger

are more or
less compat-
ible

are reasonably
satisfied

I would lose
my source of
income; it
would be no
big deal

to make a
buck

nothing to
me

nothing;

when it is
advantageous
for me to do
so

I have very
little to
say

don't have
anything to
do with each
Other

are met finan-
cially; are
unimportant

198

RATING FORM FOR SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST - PIRO-S

Participant Number Rater's Initials

J LJ

Rate each item according to the following scale:
- Highly Primary

Quite Primary

Somewhat Primary

Only Slightly Primary

Net At All Primary

 

 

t-Nu‘m
I

No Information About Primaryness Card No._
No Response Rat- """".

‘00
I

 

 

l

I am in this company because

 

 

2. My future in this company ------------------- Do not write

 

a. I will leave this company ----------- -------- in second col.

 

 

4. For this company I --------------------------

 

S. I hope to be working in this company --------

 

6. If this company had to close down -----------

 

 

7. My relationship with this company -----------

 

8. Being a member of this company ------- -------

 

9. When this company is praised ........... . .....

 

10. If I had to leave this company ..............

 

11. I am in this company to .....................

 

12. Being a member of this company means -- ------

 

13. About this company. I feel ..................

 

14. When this company is criticized .............

 

15. In this company. most of my needs ..... - .....

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

m=

APPENDIX C

INSTRUCTIONS FOR RATERS OF

INTERVIEW DATA

1939

InstrUCtions for Raters of Type - I

l. The material given to you consists of a number of tapes. Each tape
has a unique tape number assigned to it. These tapes contain interviews
with officers of companies.

Each interview is to be rated on each of the three dimensions of
wholistic Concern. Employment Stability. and Global PhilOSOphy of
Management. These are defined separately. and should be understood
thoroughly before any ratings are done.

2. Note down the tape number on the rating form.

3. Position the tape. through rewinding as necessary, to the beginning of
the interview being rated. Set the tape counter to 000.

4. Listen to the tape carefully for evidence of high or low Hholistic
Concern, Employment Stability, or Global Philosophy of Management.
When you come across any information that seems. in your judgment.
to be relevant to any of the three dimensions. note down the tape
counter number then showing. The tape counter numbers should be
noted down on the rating form at the appropriate location on the
appropriate dimension. Please see the example below.

5. Use the Space available on the rating form for any comments you wish
to make. Your overall impression or anything that strikes you as
particularly interesting may be noted here.

6. Indicate with an arrow your overall rating of the similarity of the
company to TYPE Z.

7. Please make sure the tape numbers on the tape and the rating form
match. .

8. Repeat Steps 2-7 for each interview.

EXAMPLE

In tape 9999. if:
At 97 you found evidence of 1 great deal of Employment stability;
At l23 you found evidence of some Hholistic Concern;
At l38 you found evidence of a_little bit of Employment stability;
At 253 you found evidence of a great dEET Of Global Philosophy;
At 372 you found evidence of none g£_gli Employment Stability;
And at 4l7 you found evidence of some Wholistic Concern;
Your rating form would look like the one attached.

2(30

RATING FORM FOR TYPE (Interviews)

Tape 9

 

99‘?

 

 

 

figggg' initials

 

-23.!

(km;

I i

 

"HOLISTIC
CONCERN

EMPLOYMENT
STABILITY

GLOBAL
PRILOSOPRT

 

COMPLETE

 

A GREAT
DEAL

97

 

SOME

4H 7
{-2.3

 

ONLY A
LITTLE
BIT

 

gNONE AT
ALL

.g...-—

 

 

 

 

 

 

Comments:

ll

SINILARITY
TO TYPE 2

 

 

APPENDIX D

INSTRUCTIONS FOR RATERS OF SENTENCE

COMPLETION TEST - EWB

201

Instructions for Raters of Sentence Completion Test - EWB-SC

Each participant is to be rated on "Emotional Nell-Deing'. This concept
is defined and described on a separate sheet of paper to allow you to
refer to it as you make the ratings. Please read this carefully before
you rate the first participant. If there is anything that requires
clarification or elaboration. please discuss with me before proceeding
with the ratings.

Put the Participant Number from the sentence completion test on to the
rating form. Put your initials in the space provided.

Read the entire sentence completion test for the participant. Then
re-read the responses. examining each carefully for evidence of the
presence or absence Of Emotional Hell-Being. Rate each item according
to the following scale:

5 - Very High EH8; participant feels Not At All
Anxious. Depressed. Helpless or Hostile.

4 - High EH8; participant feels Onl Sli htl
Anxious. Depressed. Helpless. or Hostile.

3 - Moderate EH8; participant feels Somewhat
Anxious, Depressed. Helpless. or Hostile.

2 - Poor EH8; participant feels uite Anxious.
Depressed. Helpless. or Hosti e.

l - Very Poor EWB; participant feels Hi hl ,
Anxious. Depressed. Helpless. or Hostile.

0 - NO information. Participants response is
emotionally neutral and contains no information
about the focal concept.

9 - No response; the item was left blank or the
response is too incomplete to be revealing.

Refer to the Definition. and the illustrative ratings. whenever you have
doubts. Beyond this, however, your ratings must be independent of any
other influences. Do not discuss any items with other raters. for
example.

Use the remaining Space on the rating form for any comments about the
participant's overall EH8. or anything else that strikes you as
particularly interesting.

Repeat steps 2-6 for each subject.

202

DEFINITION AND DESCRIPTION OF EWB

Emotional Well-Being (SUB) is described in the following passages in various.
partially overlapping statements. Please try to get an overall understand-
ing of the concept from this and the illustrative ratings.

EHB is conceptualized as the state of that individual who is relativly free
from feelings and emotions that result in the impairment of successful coping
with situations encountered in the course of daily living. An individual's
ability to cope depends on his level of Activation (See Figure l). A person
who is net aroused into action easily may be gripped by feelings of depression.
helplessness. boredom. or apathy. A person who is overly activated or
aroused by the situations that confront him in the course of daily living

may be described as being anxious. Emotional Hell-Being is defined as that
happy medium between these two extremes where the individual is alert and
alive but not anxious. In this state. the individual‘s performance in the
situations he finds himself in is at an optimum. By contrast. at the either
extreme of depression and anxiety. the individual's ability to cope with
situations of daily living is impaired. (These ideas may be illustrated by
reference to the effect of too low or too high activation or arousal on
sexual performance).

Performance

Emotional Hell-Being

    

aoredom

EififiiéRSu

Anxiety

 

 

Very Low Very High Activation
or Arousal

Figure l : The Activation Continuum

203

Emotional Well-Being can thus be thought of as relaxed alertness or
relaxed awareness. and is most often associated with a self-confidence
about one's ability to cope with situations one is likely to face in day

to day living. Since EU! is defined in terms of the absence of anxiety and
depression. these terms are described below in some detail.

anxiety is a diffuse or objectless feelingof apprehension. fear. or
uneasiness intense enough to impair one's coping abilities. Anxiety is
man's reaction to the threat of nonbeing. not only in the sense of loss of
physical being. but also in the sense of loss of sources of gagging and
belongingness in one's life. Anxiety is supported by the individual's
assessment that situational demands are greater than his resources. These
threatening situation. and the conseqences of failure to cope with them.
may or may not be clearly visualized. Anxiety can range from a vague

uneasiness to complete panic.

Depression is a feeling of reduced drive. enthusiasm. or rest characterized

by apathy and cheerlessness. Helplessness is the feeling of despair about
one's ability to exercise influence in situations and event in one's life.
Depression and helplessness may be the result of continued high levels of
anxiety : while the perception in anxiety was that the situation may demand
more resources than the individual can command. the perception in helplessness
may be the conviction that the situation does indeed demand more than what

is available. The typical response in anxiety might be "fight" or "flight";

the typical response in depression or helplessness is probably "freeze”.

Both anxiety and depression require the individual to seek for the sources

of the pain or discomfort he experiences. Feelings of anger and resentment
towards these supposed sources are a frequent accompaniment of anxiety and
depression. when other people are blamed for these unpleasant experiences.
feelings of hostility may be expected to emerge. hostility in turn further
impairs the ability of the individual to cope with life's situations. since

a great many of these situations involve other people. Hostility may be
defined as an enduring feeling of resentment. anger. or rage directed to-
wards people or institutions perceived to be responsible for the occurance

of undesired outcomes. or for the non-occurance of desired outcomes. Presence
of hostility in an individual constitutes another indication of poor Emotional
Well-Being.

EWB-SC

illustrations - they are not exhaustive or binding.

2()4

Illustrative Ratings

The following ratings of sentence completions are only

Please use

your own best judgement after you have understood the definitions
thoroughly.

10.

. Often. a feeling

of . . .

. When I wake up.

I feel.

. There are so

many things that
make me feel...

In the evening.
I often feel...

. It is rare for

me to be...

In the after-
noon I often
feel.

. When I think

about the
world. I feel...

In the silence
of the night...

. There are so

many things
to.

When I think
about the
future. I
feel. .

Very High EWB

elation comes
to me; peace
comes over me.

full of energy;
good about the
day.

glad to be
alive

relaxed or
very active.
it just depends.

depressed;
anxious

energetic;
happy

confused. but
always hopeful;
excited

there is peace;
there is time
to reflect.

know. learn.
and experience

excited;
wonder

Moderate EWB

confusion comes
over me

awake

a little
uneasy

weary; tired

unhappy for
long

slow; antici-
pation for the
evening; busy

sad; a little
anxious

I often feel

melancholy:
I wonder if
it will ever
at better
or me.

occupy my
time

uncertain;
small

Very Poor EWB

desperation.
apathy comes
over me.

depressed;
crabby

dissatisfied.
depressed

negative about
the next day

satisfied with

my job;
cheerful.

like going
home; like
crying

angry; horrified;
depressed; very
anxious

I feel afraid;
I lie awake
sweating.

worry about;
be afraid
about.

terror;
pessimistic

ll.

12.

13.

14.

15}

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

At work. I often
feel. .

There are so
many people I...

My life is full
of. .

I never thought
I'd be so.

I keep trying
to find...

When I think
about tomorrow.
I feel. .

If only I had
a dollar for
every time I've
felt.

Its not easy
for me to
feel.

Just around the
corner lies...

It is difficult
for me to be...

Veg, _High EWB

 

busy and con-
tent:
interested

love; hope
to meet

JOY: MPPinOu;
peace

Content; happy

new things to
learn and
experience

hopeful. excited

wonder

happy

depressed;
hate

more beauty;
more growth;
success

critical of
others

Moderate EWB Very Poor EWB
distracted angry and
dissatisfied
could do dislike; hate
without
interesting disorders;
people; work. grief; pain
stupid; silly pessimistic;
depressed;
bored.

a place in
the sun

a bit
worried

confused.
uncertain

verv

g optimistic

another
corner

open

meaning; a
way out

alone; scared

dissatisfied;

angry:
anxious

positive;
happy

disaster;

danger

positive
about myself

 

206

RATING FORM FOR SENTENCE COMPLETION TEST -- EWB-SC

Participant v Rater's Initials

 

 

 

 

Rate each item according to the following scale:

 

5 - Very High EWB ; Not at all anxious. depressed. helpless. or hostile

4 - High EWB ; Only slightly anxious. depressed. helpless. or hostile

3 - Moderate EWB ; Somewhat anxicus.deptessed. helpless. or hostile £253_f__
2 - Poor EWB ; Quite anxious, depressed. helpless. or hostile ; j
I - Very Poor EWB ; highly anxious. depressed. helpless. or hostile i i

éag- lcsl

 

 

 

 

53. Often. a feeling of 4 Do not
a write

Sé. When I wake up. I feel g inlsecone
‘ co .

 

55. There are so many things that make me feel ----~

 

 

56. It is rare for me to be

 

 

57. In the evening. I often feel

 

58. When I think about the world. I feel ------+ !

 

 

59. There are so many things to

 

60. When I think about the future. I feel -—-----v

 

61. My life is full of

 

 

._-_- - --—--~-

 

 

I!

 

62. I never thought I'd be so ,

 

63. In the afternoon. I often feel

 

 

w‘ L...“ 3

64. I keep trying to find

 

 

66. It's not easy for me to feel .

 

 

67. There are so many people I

 

 

68. At work. I often feel

 

 

 

 

--‘---‘-O -—J:-

 

 

Comments:

LIST OF REFERENCES

LIST OF REFERENCES

Abegglen, James G. The Japanese Factory: Aspects of Its
Social Organization. The Free Press, Glencoe,
Illinois: 1958.

 

 

Alderfer, Clayton. "Change Processes in Organizations."
In Dunnette, Marvin (editor), Handbook of Individual
and Organizational Psychology.-—Rand McNaIIy Publishing
Company, Chicago: 1976:

 

Angell, Robert. "The Moral Integration of American Cities."
American Journal of Sociology, vol. 57, no. 1, pt. 2,

 

Angell, Robert. "The Moral Integration of American Cities
II." American Journal of Sociology, vol. 80, no. 3,
November,—1974, pp. 607-629.

 

Argyris, Chris. Integrating the Individual and the
Organization. John Wiley and Sons, New York, NY: 1964.

 

 

Argyris, Chris. "Personality vs. Organization." Organiza—
tional Dynamics, Autumn, 1974.

 

 

Blauner, Robert. Alienation and Freedom: The Facto
Worker and His Industry. The University of Chicago
Press, Chicago, Illinois: 1964.

 

 

Bradburn, Norman M. The Structure of Psychological Well-
Being. Aldine Publishing—Company, Chicago, Illinois:

 

Bronfenbrenner, Urie. "The Roots of Alienation." In
Hamachek, Don (editor), Human Dynamics in Psychology
and Education, third edition, Allyn and Bacon, Inc.,
Boston, Mass: 1977, pp. 230-234.

 

Buber, Martin. I and Thou. Charles Scribner's Sons,
New York, NY: 1952.

 

Burke, R. J. "Are You Fed up with Work?" Personnel
Administration, vol. 34, 1971, pp. 27-32.

 

 

207

208

Burke, R. J. and Weir, T. "Giving and Receiving Help with
Work and Non-Work Related Problems." Journal of
Business Administration, vol. 6, 1975, pp. 29-78n

 

 

Burke, Ronald; Weir, Tamara; and Duncan, Gordon. "Informal
Helping Relations in Work Organizations." Academ of
Management Journal, vol. 19, no. 3, 1976, pp. 375-377.

Buros, Oscar K. The Seventh Mental Measurements Yearbook.
The Grypon Press, Highland Park, NJ: i197???

Buros, Oscar K. The Eighth Mental Measurements Yearbook.
The Grypon Press, Highland"Park, NJ: 1979.

 

Campbell, D. and Fiske, D. "Convergent and Discriminant
Validation by the Multitrait-Multimethod Matrix."
Psychological Bulletin, LVI (1959): PP. 81-105.

 

Chinoy, Eli. Society: An Introduction to Sociology.
Random House, Inc., New York, NY: I9GIT’

Cole, R. E. "Functional Alternatives and Economic
Development: An Empirical Example of Permanent
Employment in Japan." American Sociological Review,
vol. 38, 1973, pp. 424—438.

Cooley, Charles H. Social Organization: A Study of the
Larger Mind, Schocken Books, New York, NY: 19621

 

 

Cronbach, L., "Coefficient u and the Internal Structure of'
Tests.f Psychometrika, XVI, 1951, pp. 297-334.

Cronbach, L. and Suppes, P. (editors). Research for
Tomorrow's Schools: Disciplined Inquiry for Education.
MacMillan Cb., London: 1969.

 

 

Dean, D. G. Dynamic Social Psychology: Toward Appreciation
and Replication. Random;fiouse, New York, NY: 1969.

 

 

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit, MI: 1978.

 

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit, MI: 1976.

 

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit, MI: 1971..

 

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer

PubIi§HIfig'CBEpEHYT‘DEEYOIET_MI?—‘l969.

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit, MI: 1967.

 

 

209

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit, MI: gl965.

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit] MI: 1961.

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
Publishing Company, Detroit, MI: 1959.

The Directory of Michigan Manufacturers. Manufacturer
PubliShing Company, Detroit,‘MI: 1957.

Dubin, R. and Goldman, H. "Central Life Interests of
American Middle Management and Specialists." Journal
of Vocational Behavior, 1972, 2, pp. 133-141.

Durkheim, Emile. The Division of Labor in Society.
Translated by Simpson, George. ‘The‘Free Press,
New York, NY: 1933.

 

Durkheim, Emile. Suicide. The Free Press, New York, NY:
1951.

Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of the Religious
Life. Translated by’Swain,"J. W. George Allen
Unwin, London: 1915.

 

Faunce, William A. Problems of an Industrial Society.
McGraw—Hill, Inc., New York, NY: 1968.

Fromm, Erich. Escape from Freedom. 'Farrar and Rinehart,
Inc., New York, NY: '194I.

 

George, Alexander. The Chinese Communist Army in Action.
Columbia University Press, New York, NY: 1967.

Giddens, Anthony. Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An
Analysis of the writings of—Marx,‘Durkheim and Max
Weber. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK?

 

 

Glass, G. V. and Stanley, J. C. Statistical Methods in
Egucationand Ps cholo . PrentiCe4Ha11 Inc.,
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: i970.

 

 

Gould, Julius and Kolb, William. A Dictionary of the Social
Sciences. The Free Press, New York, NYE 1964.

 

Haimowitz, Morris L. "Criminals Are Made not Born." In
Hamachek, Don (editor), Human Dynamics in Psychology
and Education, third edition, Allyn and bacon, Inc.,
Eoston, MA?’ 1977, pp. 234-245.

 

 

210

Hall, D. T. and Schneider, B. "Correlates of Organizational
Identification as a Function of Career Pattern and
Organizational Type." Administrative Sciences Quarterly,
vol. 17, 1972. ’i

 

Hall, D. T., Schneider, 3., and Nygren, H. "Personal Factors
in Organizational Identification." Administrative
Sciences Quarterly, vol. 15, 1970.

 

 

Hamachek, Don E. Encounters with the Self. Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, Inc., New York, NY: 1971.

Hays, W. Statisticsfor the Social Sciences. Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, Inc., second edition, New York, NY: 1973.

 

Hemphill, John K. Group Dimensions: A Manual for Their
Measurement.’ Bureau ofrbuSiness Research, Ohio State
University, Columbus, Ohio: 1956.

 

 

Hodgson, J. D. The Wondrous Working World of Japan.
American Enterprise Institute, Washington, DC: 1978.

Homans, George C. The Human Group. Harcourt, Brace and
World, Inc., New York, NY: 1950.

 

Housten, B. Kent. "Control over Stress, Locus of Control
and Response to Stress." Journal of Personnel and
Social Psychology, vol. 21, fébruary I972, pp. 249-255.

 

 

Inkeles, Alex and Smith, David H. Becoming Modern. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge, MA: Cl974.

 

Jacoby, Henry. The Bureaucratization of the World. Trans-
lated from the German by Kanes, Eveline. University
of California Press, Berkeley, CA: 1973.

Jennings, Eugene. The Mobile Manager. McGraw-Hill Book
Company, New York, NY: 1967.

 

Jersild, Arthur T., Telford, Charles W., and Sawrey,James M.
Child Psychology, Prentice-Hall Inc., seventh edition,
Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, NJ: 1975.

 

Jick, T. D. "Mixing Qualitative and Quantitative Methods:
Triangulation in Action." Administrative Sciences
Quarterly, vol. 24, no. 4, December, 1979, pp. 602-611.

 

 

Johnson, R. T. and Ouchi, W. G. "Made in America (under
Japanese Management)." Harvard Business Review, vol.
52' 1974' ppe 61-69e

 

211

Kasarda, J. D. and Janowitz, M. "Community Attachment in
Mass Society." American Sociological Review, vol. 39,
June, 1974, pp. 328-339.

 

Katz, Ralph. "Job Longevity as a Situational Factor in Job
Satisfaction." Administrative Science Quarterly,
vol. 23, 1978.

 

Kerr, Steven and Jermier, J. M. "Substitutes for Leadership:
Their Meaning and Measurement." Organizational Behavior
end Human Performance, vol. 22, l , pp. -403.

 

 

Knight, Frank. "Professor Heinmann on Religion and
Economics." Journal of Political Economy, vol. 56,
1948.

 

Lansing, John B. and Mueller, Eva. The Geographic Mobiligy
of Labor. Survey Research Center Institute for Social
Research, Ann Arbor, MI: 1967.

 

Lawler, E. E. Motivation in Work Organizations. Brooks/
Cole Publishinngompany, Monterey, CA: I973.

 

Lefcourt, Herbert M. "Recent Developments in the Study of
Locus of Control." In Maher, Brendan (editor),
Progress in Experiemental Personality Research, vol. 6
Academic Erase, New York, NY: 1972.

 

Lefcourt, Herbert M. Locus of Control: Current Trends in
Theory and Research. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,
Hillsdale, NJ: 1976.

 

Lefcourt, H. M. and Ladwig, G. W. "The American Negro: A
Problem in Expectancies." Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology; vol. 1, 1965, pp. 377-380}

 

Likert, Rensis. New Patterns of Management. McGraw-Hill,
Inc., New York, NY: 1961}

 

Likert, Rensis. The Human Organization: Its Management and
Value. McGraw-Hill, New York, NY: C1967.

Marcson, Simon (editor). Automation, Alienation and Anomie.
Harper and Row Publishers, New York, NY: 1970.

Marx, Karl. Early Writings. Translated and edited by
Bottomore, T. B. Forward by Erich Fromm. McGraw-
Hill Book Company, New York, NY: 1963.

Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick. The German Ideology.
Edited by Arthur, C. J. International Publishers,
New York, NY: 1970.

 

212

Marx, Karl. A Contribution to the Critigue of Political
Econom . Edited—by Doble, Maufice. Lawrence and
Wishart, London: 1971.

 

Maslow, Abraham. Motivation and Personality. Harper and
Brothers, New York, NY: 1954.

Matzek, Michael. Statigtical Package for the Social
Sciences (SPSSTi Release 7.02. The University of
PittSburgh, PA: 1978.

 

 

May, Rollo. The Meaning of Anxiety. Pocket Books, New

 

Mayo, Elton. The Social Problems of an Industrial
Civilization. Routeledge add Kegan Paul,’London,
UK: 1949.

 

McGregor, Douglas. The Human Side of Entetprise. McGraw-
Holl, New York, NY: ’1960.

 

McGregor, Douglas. Leadership and Motivation. MIT Press,
Cambridge, MA: '1966.

Miller, W. and Seligman, Marvin. "Depression and Learned
Helplessness in Man." Journal of Abnormal PsycholOgy,
vol. 84, no. 3, July, 1975, pp. 228-238.

Neumann, Franz. Behemoth: Structure and Practice of
National Socialism--1933-l914. ,Octagon Books, New
Yofk} NY: 1944.

 

 

Newmark, Charles. "Stability of State and Trait Anxiety."
Psychological Reports, vol. 30, no. 1, February 1972,
pp. 196-1980.

 

Oh, Tai K. "Japanese Management--A Critical Review."
Academy of Management Review, vol. 1, no. 1, January
1976, pp. 14-25.

 

Ollman, Bertell. Alienation: Marx's Conception of Man in
Capitalist Society. Cambridge university Press,
Cambridge, UK: 1971.

 

 

Ouchi, W. G. Theory 2: How American Business Can Meet
the Japanese Challenge. Addison-Wesley Publishing
Company , Reading , MA: 1981 .

 

 

Ouchi, William G. and Johnson, Jerry B. "Types of
Organizational Control and Their Relationship to
Emotional Well-Being." Administrative Science
Quarterly, vol. 23, no. 2] June 1978, pp. 293-317.

 

213

Ouchi, William G. and Price, Raymond. "Hierarchies, Clans,
and Theory 2: A New Perspective on Organization
Development." Organizational Dynamics, autumn, 1978.

Ozawa, Terutomo. "Japanese World of Work: An Interpretive
Survey." MSU Business Topics, Spring 1980.

 

Phares, E. Jerry. Locus of Control in Personality. General
Learning Press, Morristown, NJ: 1976.

Piaget, Jean. Biology and Knowledgy. The University of
Chicago Press, C iCago,—IL: 1971.

 

Quinn, Robert and Graham, Stanies. Qualityyof Employment
Survey, 1977 Cross Sectiog. Inter-University Consortium
for Pblitical andSociEl Research (ICPSR 7689), 1979.

 

 

Report to the President: White House Conference on Children.
U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC: 1970.

 

Richmond, Barry. The Government Sector: National Model.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology, Cambridge, MA: 1979.

 

Ritchie, Oscar W. and Koller, Marvin R. Sociology of Child-
hood. Appleton-Century-Crofts, New York, NY: 1964.

Rotter, J. B. "Generalized Expectancies for Internal versus
External Control of Reinforcement." Psychological
Monographs, vol. 80, no. 609, 1966 (whole no.7.

 

 

Sales, S. E. "Some Effects of Role Overload and Role
Underload." Organizational Behavior and Human
Performance, vol. 5., 1978, pp. 592-608.

 

 

Seeman, Melvin. "On the Meaning of Alienation." American
Sgciological Review, vol. 24, 1959, pp. 783-791.

 

Seeman, M. "Alienation and Social Learning in a Reformatory."
American Journal of Sociology, vol. 69, 1963, pp. 270-284.

Seeman, M. and Evans, J. W. "Alienation and Learning in a
Hospital Setting." American Sociological Review, vol.
27, 1962, pp. 772-783.

 

Sellitz, C., Wrightsman, L., and Cook S. Research Methods
in Social Relations, Holt Rinehart and Winston, third
edition, New York, NY: 1979.

 

Spielberger, Charles; Gorsuch, Richard; Lushene, Robert.
Menual for State-Trait Anxiety Index, Consulting
Psychblogists Press, Inc., 1970.

 

214

Stark, Stanley. Relating to People of Yesterday, Today and
Tomorrow. Ginn Custom Publishing, Lexington, MA: 1979.

 

Statistical Abstragt of the U.S. Government Printing Press,
Washington, DC: 1970.

 

Stinchcombe, Arthur L. Creating Efficient Industrial
Administrations. Academic Press,‘NewlYork, NY: 1974.

 

 

Sullivan, H. S. The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry.
Norton Publishers, New York, NY: “1953.

 

Thibaut, John W. and Kelley, Harold H. The Social Psychology
of Groups. John Wiley and Sons, New YOrk, NY: ’1959.

 

Thompson, J. D. Organizations in Action. McGraw-Hill, Inc.,
New York, NY: 91967.

 

Tannies, Ferdinand. Fundamental Coneepts of Sociology
£§emeinschaft und Gesellschaft). Translated by Charles
P. Loomis. American Book Company, New York, NY: 1940.

 

Warren, Ronald. The Community in America. Rand McNally and
Company, secondiedition, Chicago, IL: 1972.

 

White, Robert. "Motivation Reconsidered: The Concept of
Competence." Psychological Review, vol. 66, 1959.

Wirth, Louis. "Urbanism as a Way of Life." American Journal
of Sociology, vol. 44, July 1938, pp. 3-24.

 

Whyte, M. K. "Bureaucracy and Modernization in China: The
Maoist Critique." American Sociological Review, vol.
38, no. 12, 1973, pp. 149-163.

Yankelovich, D. The Changing Values on Campus: Political
and Personal Attitudes of Today's College Students.
Washington square Press, New Yor , NY: 1972?

Zuckerman, Marvin and Lubin, Bernard. Manual for Multiple
Affect Adjective Check List. EdITS, San Diego, CA:
1965.