‘IV1531_] RETURNING MATERIALS: P1ace in book drop to LIBRARIES , remove this checkout from _-—c:—- your record; FINES W111 be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. !___ /‘2//""‘ dye/76 THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN TUDOR ENGLAND: HISTORICAL INFLUENCES AND PERSPECTIVES By Kenneth Bryan Ebert A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education 1983 ©1983 KENNETH BRYAN EBERT All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN TUDOR ENGLAND: HISTORICAL INFLUENCES AND PERSPECTIVES By Kenneth Bryan Ebert Sixteenth century Tudor England was the setting for Humanist programs of educating women. Based on the radical idea that women were as capable as men of liberal learning, these programs offered substantially different approaches from medieval notions for educating women; the medieval view emphasized non-literary training, but the Humanist view, initiated and advocated by such men as Thomas More and Juan Vives, among others, advocated literary training in classi- cal languages and writings and other liberal subjects. The Humanist educational programs contributed to the appearance of a number of aristocratic women who were as well versed as men in classical and liberal subjects. These humanist trained women included, among others, three women who became queens of England, Mary Tudor, Catherine Parr, and Lady Jane Grey. The research in this study focused on humanist educational programs for women in Tudor England. One Kenneth Bryan Ebert intention of the research was to discern the historical background which influenced these humanist educational programs for women. A second intention was to examine these programs in relationship to humanist programs for men, specifically to see whether (1) the aims, curricular content and pedagogical method of the educational programs for women were similar to those in programs for men; and (2) the educa— tional opportunities advocated for women were similar to those available for men. The findings of the study indicate that the histori- cal influences for humanistic educational programs for women were many and varied. These included such influences as Renaissance humanistic activity in Italy, England's parti— cipation in the Hundred Years War and Wars of the Roses, the marriage of Catherine of Aragon to Henry VIII, and More's education of his daughters. In regard to the relationship between programs for women and those for men, the findings show that the aims and curricularcontentcd'educational programs for women were similar to those of the men's pro- grams. However, the educational opportunities for women were not the same as those advocated for men, as women were limited to specially designed schools in households and the royal court and not allowed to attend universities and grammar schools. DEDICATION I dedicate this dissertation to my wife, Peggy, through whom I learned about and have come to appreciate the spirit and meaning of feminism, and, ultimately, humanism, as approaches to life. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Chapter I. II. III. IV. INTRODUCTION RELIGIOUS, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CLIMATE SURROUNDING THE DEVELOPMENT OF HUMANISM IN THE MEDIEVAL WORLD . . . . The Status of Church in the 14th Century The Black Plague . . The Hundred Years War and the Wars of the Roses ENGLISH HUMANISM: ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT . . . . . Early Humanist Activity English Humanism ENGLISH HUMANISM AND THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN: ORIGINS AND IDEAS . Medieval English Ideas on Education of Women English Humanism and Ideas for the Education of Women ENGLISH HUMANISM AND EDUCATION OF WOMEN IN PRACTICE . . . The Household School of Sir Thomas More . . The Royal Court School for Princess Mary . . . . . . . Humanist Women iii Page 14 15 23 33 44 50 64 80 84 89 110 115 124 132 Chapter Page VI. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS . . . . . . . . . 139 Historical Influences and Perspectives . . . 140 Summary of the Research: English Humanism and Education for Women . . . . 146 Suggestions for Further Research . . . . . 150 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS DOONISIUIY 14“” moms A Alwyn” .rN Copyright ©, 1971 I would first like to acknowledge the inspiration of Thomas More, who affected me, much as he did the charac- ters of Doonesbury, with the classic work "Miami Beach" —- that is, Utopia. It was in that work that I first became acquainted with the sixteenth century English Humanist notion that women were as capable as men of learning. Of course, the idea itself was not shocking to me, but it was fascinating to me that such an idea was considered in the sixteenth century; thus, the ensuing study. Second, I wish to acknowledge the advice and counsel rendered to me by members of my committee in the course of researching and writing this dissertation. The time which Richard Featherstone, Marvin Grandstaff and Justin Kestenbaum shared with me is greatly appreciated. V Third, and of special note, is the contribution of my chairperson, Keith Anderson, who has been a source of support throughout my doctoral program. Keith has given freely of his time and advice, offered many timely and sage suggestions, and listened openly and empathetically to my concerns during the last four years. For these things I am especially grateful. Fourth, I want to acknowledge the assistance ren- dered to me by individuals in England during the course of my research. Specifically, these people include John Warner-Davies, the archivist of the Birmingham City Lib- rary; the research staff of the Bodleian Library, Oxford; and the Reading Room staff of the British Library, London. Also, in this regard, I am grateful to James K. McConica, All Souls College, Oxford, and Kenneth Charlton, Kings College, London, for taking time from their busy schedules to discuss my research and offer suggestions. Moreover, in regard to their general hospitality, I wish to express my gratitude to the English families, too numerous to list individually, who opened up their homes and shared their lives with me while I was conducting my research. Finally, I wish to acknowledge my friends and family members who have provided encouragement and support to me over the years. Notably, my friend, Jeff Frumkin, who has helped make my time at Michigan State enjoyable in a most spirited fashion; my brothers and sister, who have vi often wondered why I was studying humanism and the edu- cation of women in sixteenth century England but have, nonetheless, been sources of support and enjoyment; my parents, who helped me to develop a thirst for learning and provided me with my early educational foundations which encouraged me to seek an understanding of the development of education in our civilization; and Peggy, to whom this work has been dedicated, who provided me with her support and encouragement throughout the doctoral program, and pushed me to undertake a study, such as this, which was really important to me. vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Nor do I think that the harvest of learning is much affected whether it is a man or a woman who does the sowing. They both have the name human being whose nature reason differentiates from that of beasts; both, I say, are equally suited for the knowledge of learning by which reason is cultivated. During the reign of Henry VIII, many English aristocratic women participated in humanist initiated educational programs. These programs, based on the idea that women were as capable as men of learning, offered a radically different approach from medieval notions of educating women. The medieval view emphasized non—literary training, but the humanist view, initiated and advocated by such men as Thomas More—-author of the introductory quote--and Juan Luis Vives, advocated literary training in the classics and other liberal subjects. One result of these programs was, as Lawrence Stone has noted, the appearance in sixteenth century England of many aristocratic 1Thomas More, "Letter to William Gonell" (May, 1518), in Selected Correspondence of St. Thomas More edited by Elizabeth Rogers (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 105. 1 women who were as expert as men in classical grammar and language, among other subjects.2 The catalysts for these programs were seemingly many and varied, including previous humanist educational programs for women in Italy and Spain. Nonetheless, contemporary scholars have for the most part neglected consideration of causes of the English humanist educational programs for women, other than offering probable ideational and personal influences. Foster Watson and Mary Agnes Cannon, for example, have suggested that the support of Catherine of Aragon, Queen to Henry VIII, was a leading cause for the development of educational programs for women in Tudor England.3 Pearl Hogrefe offers the idea that Thomas More's ideas and training of his daughters were key factors in promoting humanist programs, and suggests that he and other English humanists were influenced by Renaissance humanist activity in Italy.4 Garrett Mattingly suggests the 2Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1977), p. 141. 3Foster Watson, Vives and the Renaissance Educa— tion of Women (New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1912); and Luis Vives,,El Gran Valenciano (London, England: Humphrey Milford, 1922); and Mary Agnes Cannon, Education of Women During the Renaissance (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Univ- ersity, 1916). English activity is discussed in Chapter III, pp. 97—123. 4Pearl Hogrefe, The Sir Thomas More Circle (Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1959), p. 216-17; and Tudor Women (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1975), p. 100. early education of Catherine of Aragon, during which her mother, Queen Isabella of Spain, emphasized humanist train- ing for women.5 Besides these ideational and personal factors, how- ever, virtually no other causes are considered in accounts of the humanist educational programs for women in Tudor England. In short, treatments of these schemes have not placed English humanist education for women into an histor- ical context. One purpose of this study is to provide this historical context with the aim of suggesting a broader framework than solely ideational and personal causes for the development and promotion of humanist pedagogical pro— grams for women in sixteenth century England. To fulfill this purpose, this study will include consideration of economic political, religious and social developments of the preceding two centuries. During this period, European and English society experienced a variety of afflictions, such as the Black Plague and the Hundred Years War, which paralleled a transition from a medieval perspective to the humanist perspective of education. As such, these and other developments provide the historical background which will be examined in this study to discern the causes for the development of humanist education for women in Tudor England. 5Garrett ‘Mattinglyg Catherine of Aragon (London, England: Butler and Tanner Ltdi, 1950), p; 17. 4 In addition to presenting the development of humanist education for women in Tudor England in its historical con- text, this study will also consider the relationship of the English humanist pedagogical programs for women to the total English humanist education scheme.6 To fulfill this purpose, the study will include consideration of the following questions: 1) Were the aims of English humanist educational programs for women similar to the aims of English humanist education for men? 2) Was the curricular content and pedagogical method advocated by English humanists for the education of women similar to the curricula and methods advocated for the education of men? 3) Did the designers of humanist educational programs advocate similar educational opportunities for women as were available for men? 6In referring to "English Humanism," it is necessary to denote the difference between this movement and Renais- sance Humanism. English Humanism, which is a by-product of Renaissance Humanism, refers to that program developed in England during the late fifteenth century and flourishing in the sixteenth century under the leadership of Thomas More, Desiderius Erasmus, Juan Vives, et al. As Fritz Caspari, Joan Simon, et al. have noted, English Humanism is a broad social philosophical movement, of which education was a major part, based on the idea that men could shape 'their own destiny and create a better world and concerned with promoting new outlooks towards the world. This educational 'facet' included but was not limited to involve- ment with works of classical antiquity. English Humanism differs from Renaissance Humanism in the sense that it brings together all of the diverse strains of the earlier movement, e.g., concern for the classical antiquity, and textual integrity, study of Greek and Latin, new educational methods and a regard for a new role in the world for man. In Chapter Three of this study, the evolution from Renais- sance to English humanism is considered. See Fritz Caspari, Humanism in the Social Order in Tudor England (Chicago, IlIinois: University of Chicago, 1954), p. 1; and Joan Simon, Education and Society in Tudor England (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1966), p. 61, et a1. The reasons for examining this relationship are related to the fact that English humanist education for women has been for the most part ignored or considered inconsequential in contemporary treatments of Tudor humanist educational prac- tices, or has been placed completely outside the realms of humanism. The major exceptions to this oversight have been works focusing on such leaders of English humanist education as More and Vives. M. L. Clarke and Joan Simon, for instance, exemplify the neglect of education for women as a part of the total English humanist pedagogical program. Clarke concentrates on a consideration of humanist classical education for men as the foundations for traditional liberal education in England.7 Simon, who provides a good definition of humanist education in England, gives consideration to humanist educa- tional programs in Tudor England without mention of education for women. This is especially amazing since she focuses on the ideas of Juan Vives, a leading advocate of humanist education for women.8 Treatment of education for women as an inconsequen- tial facet of the English humanist educational program is exemplified by Kenneth Charlton and James McConica. Charlton 7M. 2L. Clark, Classical Education in Britain 1500- 1900 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1959). 8Simon, op. cit. briefly mentions humanistic educational programs for women in his work on education in Renaissance England.9 McConica, in his work on English humanism and politics in Reformation England, comments on Thomas More's educational program for his daughters and the patronage by English women of humanist activity.10 However, neither Charlton nor McConica give consequential status to the role of education for women in the total English humanist pedagogical agenda. Finally, an example of education for women being placed outside the limits of humanism is seen in Pearl Hogrefe's treatment of the ideas of Thomas More and his associates. Hogrefe, who has offered perhaps the most com- plete renditions thus far available on educational practices for women in Tudor England, finds traditional interpretations of humanism too confining. This is a result of her consi- deration of Renaissance humanism as a concern for antiquity, or a concern for man developing new concepts about himself. Given these seemingly narrow views of humanism, Hogrefe opts to see the ideas and practice of such English humanists as More and Vives as "non-humanistic."11 9Kenneth Charlton, Education in Renaissance England (London, England: Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd., 1966). 10James McConica, English Humanists and Reformation Politics (Oxford, England: The Clarendon Press, 1964). llHogrefe, The Sir Thomas More Circle (op. cit.); Hogrefe alludes to Roberto Weiss' definition of "Renaissance Humanism" and Gerald Walsh's concept of ”Medieval Humanism" among others in making her determination (see Chapter One). This study is based partially on the contention that these treatments which have downplayed the relationship of education for women in Tudor England to the total English humanist educational program have neglected to consider educa- tional programs for women in their proper light. For this reason this study will undertake an examination of the afore- mentioned questions and present the argument that educational programs were a consequential and important part of the total English educational program. In order to make this argument and consider answers to the posed questions, the humanist ideas and programs for women in Tudor England as well as the development and establishment of humanism in England will be traced. In regard to the ideas and programs examined, this study will focus primarily upon those elucidated and ini- tiated by such leading English humanists as Desiderius Erasmus, Thomas More, and Juan Vives. Desiderius Erasmus, while not a native of England, is credited by many as being the catalyst for the blos- soming of the English humanist movement. After his initial arrival in 1499, he spent many years in England in the company of More and other English humanists.12 len Erasmus, see P. S. Allen, The Age of Erasmus (Oxford, England: The Clarendon Press, 1914); Caspari's Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England, op. cit.; Clarke‘s Classical Education in Britan, op. cit.; Johan Huizinga's Erasmus and the Age of theReformation (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1957); McConica's English Humanism and Reformation Politics, op. cit.; et a1. Erasmus's views on humanist learning were clearly expressed in several works including De Rationii Studii or "On the Method of Study," De Pueris Instituendis, or "On the Education of Children," and The Learned Lady and the Abbott, among others which we will consider in the course of this study. Many of the ideas expressed in his works became incorporated into the humanist educational approaches which were handed down from the Renaissance period.13 Thomas More, Weiss comments, "was the most strik- ing figure in the English humanism of his time."14 He was endowed with exceptional gifts and exemplified the real flavor of humanism. More's most notable mark in humanist history has been due to his authorship of Utopia, and his relationship to Erasmus. But, More was an important humanist educator in his own right. His views and practical applications of these views were 15 admired by his contemporaries. While not writing a 13Clarke, op. cit., p. 6. 14See Roberto Weiss, "Learning and Education in Western Europe, 1470-1520" in Cambridge Modern History (Volume 2), ed. A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero and Stanley Leathes (New York: MacMillan Company, 1902), pp. 110-111. 15John Colet, a fellow humanist and founder of St. Paul's School, noted that "in all Britain, there is only one genius - Thomas More." Erasmus also admired More's genius and became convinced of the educability of women through More's education of his daughters. Writing to William Budé in 1521, Erasmus said: "More . . . has brought up his whole family in excellent studies - a new example, but one which is likely to be much imitated, so successful has it been." 0n More, see R. W. major treatise on humanist education, More expressed his educational ideas in Utopia and in his correspondence. Most importantly, More developed a school, for his chil- dren and those of his associates, in his house which served as a model of English humanist pedagogical practices, for girls as well as boys. More's daughters, who received a humanist education at this school, later provided strong evidence of the educability of girls and women.16 Juan Luis Vives, another non—native of England, came to that country in 1523, at the invitation of King Henry VIII and Queen Catherine of Aragon, and with the encouragement of Erasmus, More, and Cardinal Thomas Wolsey. While in England, Vives was a doctor of classical letters at Oxford, lived for a time at More's house, and prepared the court studies of the Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VIII and Catherine. Vives had gained distinction as a humanist scholar prior to his arrival in England, and was well respected by Erasmus and More. His educational ideas were expressed in such treatises as De Tradendis Disciplinis or "The Transmission of Education," 23 Chambers' Thomas_More (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1958); Hogrefe's The Sir Thomas More Circle, op. cit.; Cresacre More's The Lifg_of Sir Thomas More, edited by Joseph Hunter (London, William Pickering, 1828); E. E. Reynolds' The Field Is Won (London, England: Burns and Oates, Ltd., 1968); E. M. G. Routh's Sir Thomas More and His Friends (London, England: Humphrey Milford, 1934); et a1. 16Hogrefe, Tudor Women, p. 100. [I h 10 Rationii Puerilis or "A Plan of Studies - for Boys and for Girls," and De Institutione Feminae Christianae or ”Instruction of a Christian Woman," which will be examined in Chapters Three and Four below to determine the rela- tionship of English humanist advocacy of education for women to the total humanist program.17 By suggesting a broader base of influences for humanist educational programs for women and showing the nature of the relationship between these programs and the total English humanist education program, I hope to overcome limitations of earlier scholarship. In doing so, I will also meet a need recognized by such scholars as Rosemary Masek, who, in an article titled "Age of Transition, 1485- 1714" (1979), cites the need for scholarship in the area of educational activity of women during the Tudor era.21 This study, however, in spite of meeting part of this need, is not without limitations. For example, this study is limited in its inability to discern from the research definitive statements regarding causes of particular activities. At best, I will suggest plausible rationales 170n Vives, see Simon's Education and Society in Tudor England (op. cit.); Watson's Vives and Renascence Education of Women; Luis Vives, El Gran Valenciano (op. cit.); and Vives: On Education (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1913). 18Rosemary Masek, "Age of Transition, 1485—1714" in The Women of England, edited by Barbara Kammer (Hamden, Connecticut: Anchor Books, 1979), p. 152-153. 11 for the development, existence and flourishing of educational programs for women based on an analysis of the available data. The main reason for this limitation is the inability to reconstruct the exact climate in which humanist programs developed and in which particular humanists presented their ideas and programs. Nonetheless, it is hoped that the suggestions offered in the ensuing discussion will provide the foundation for other considerations of influences of the studied programs. A second limitation relates to the accounts of practical training for women. For the most part, the evidence considered has been the correspondence of More and his associates about his school, and the plan of Vives for Princess Mary. There were other women beside the More daughters and the Tudor princess who were educated, and accounts of the education some of them received have been pieced together from biographies and available primary source materials. One area for further study would be to seek out other evidence of educational activity for women during this period through searches for undiscovered manuscripts and/or correspond- ence. Having noted the above limitations, the study will consider the pedagogical programs of Renaissance English humanism, the advocacy of such programs for women in Tudor England, and the social, political and religious climate surrounding same. In considering this latter topic, I 12 intend to depict a view of the medieval world in which humanism developed, as well as consider the possible influences on promotion of educational programs for women. This study will also consider the origins and evolution of Renaissance humanism, giving consideration to selected progenitors of early humanist activity in Italy. Among those considered will be Petrarch, one of the earliest humanists, who exemplified the humanist spirit in his quests for classical manuscripts, efforts to bring classical learning into the scholarly arenas and his critical evaluation of his contemporary world; Vittorino da Feltre, who exemplified humanist pedagogy with the methods he practiced at Mantua; and Giovanni Pico, who helped shape the humanist philosophical emphasis on man as the center of his universe and con- troller of his destiny with his work at the Florentine Platonist Academy. Additionally, we will examine some of the religious, social and political developments of the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries which helped shape the climate in which humanism developed and evolved. The study will begin in Chapter Two with an examination of the social, political and religious climate, considering some of the important developments in medieval Europe and England, such as the Black Plague, the changing status of the medieval Catholic Church, the 13 Hundred Years War and Wars of the Roses. Chapter Three will focus on the evolution and development of English humanism, examining the Tudor regency and English humanism, the ideas of such early Renaissance humanists as Petrarch, Vittorino and Pico, and the involvement of the English humanists. In Chapter Four, I will examine humanist ideas related to education for women, concentrating most exten- sively on the ideas of More, Vives, and Erasmus, but also considering traditional medieval views on women and educa- tion for women, and the role of Catherine of Aragon. Chapter Five will give its direct attention to the education of women as it was practiced in England, and some of the women who participated in the humanist educational programs. Finally, in Chapter Six, I will analyze the causes for development and promotion of educational programs for women, summarize the relationship between humanist programs for women and the total English humanist program, and, finally, make suggestions for further study. CHAPTER II RELIGIOUS, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CLIMATE SURROUNDING THE DEVELOPMENT OF HUMANISM IN THE MEDIEVAL WORLD In the latter part of the 15th century, England was plunged into that welter of bloodshed and shifting misgovernment which we know as the Wars of the Roses. Any atmosphere less healthy for letters it would be hard to imagine . . . The Wars of the Roses were indeed an unhealthy atmos- phere for the development of letters. Yet it was only the last of a series of maladies which afflicted English, as well as European, society over a span of nearly two cen- turies, and paralleled the development of Renaissance Humanism. These disruptive developments, which included a changing status of the Church's position in society, the Black Plague, the Hundred Years War, and the aforemen- tioned War of the Roses, affected the way humans looked at the world and their place in it. The first two develop- ments caused man to question many of the time-honored dogmas and practices of medieval society and were at least partially responsible for early humanist activity. As 13. IL Steinberg (ed.), Cassell's Encyclopedia of Literature (Volume I) (London, England: Cassell & Company, 1957), p. 182. 14 15 C. W. Previte-Orton has commented, the aftermath of the Black Plague saw man become "for awhile . . . more reck— less, less dutiful, more callous."2 This, in combination with the practices of the fourteenth century Church, brought about a new "humanist" attitude among scholars to re-examine dogma and to refashion man's way of looking at the world. The Hundred Years War and the Wars of the Roses directly paralleled and impacted the development of English humanism, setting the foundations for the fruition of the movement in the 16th century. In essence, these events provided the climate, unhealthy as it may have been, in which Renaissance and English humanism evolved. For this reason we will discuss these developments in this chapter, beginning with the changing status of the medieval Church. The Status of Church in the 14th Century During the middle ages the Catholic Church played a central and important role in society. Buoyed by the successful Gregorian reforms of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and the leadership of Pope Innocent III and his immediate successors in the thirteenth century, the Church had attained a position of unparalleled stature among the subjects of Christendom. In fact, the Church, through the 20- W. Previte-Orton, The Shorter Cambridge Medieval History (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 847. 16 Papacy, saw itself as the supreme authority over all of the Western world in temporal and spiritual matters alike. Proof of this combined authority was seen in the Pope's alliances with various monarchs which enabled the Church to acquire land and power during the thirteenth century. As the fourteenth century began, the Church was at its zenith. The Jubilee of the year 1300, called by Pope Boniface VIII, after being pressured from the ranks of the faithful, had been splendid and popular, implying as Beryl Smalley has remarked, "a moral triumph for Boniface."3 The Jubilee also formed the backdrop for the proclamation of the Papal Bull, Unam Sanctum, in 1302. This Bull4 was based on the theory that "Christ, as Son of God, possessed lordship, both spiritual and temporal, over the whole world" and the Pope, as Vicar of Christ and holder of the power passed to him through St. Peter, "wielded full 5 This idea was power over all men, whether clerk or lay." stated in the Bull's language that "it is necessary to salvation that every human creature be subject to the Roman 3Beryl Smalley, "Church and State, 1300—1377" in Europe in the Late Middle Ages (edited by J. R. Hale, J. R. L. Highfield and Beryl Smalley), (London, England: Faber and Faber, Ltd., 1965), p. 22. 4Papal Bulls were formal documents issued by Popes and had the official papal seal or "bulla" attached. 5Smalley, op. cit., p. 16. 17 pontiff."6 Soon, however, after issuance of Unam Sanctum, Boniface VIII's power was challenged by Philip IV (the Fair) of France and the ensuing Papal defeat served as catalyst for a series of events placing the Papacy in the so-called ”Babylonian Captivity" at Avignon.7 Three- quarters of a century later, in 1377, Gregory IX ended this captivity by moving the papal seat back to Rome, but, in the interim, the Church, although still given respect, had lost some of its stature and found many of its prac- tices receiving an increasing amount of criticism of ques— tioning. Some of the questioners, like John Wycliffe, anticipated the Reformation, others were the progenitors of humanism. As noted, the Jubilee of 1300 was a triumph for the Papacy and as such did not serve any real warning to the demise to follow. Considered as the only way to sal- vation, the Church formed the nucleus of an unsteady, yet cohesive Catholic society stretched across Europe. The Jubilee Year offered methods for the faithful to gain grace and forgiveness, and as such many made long pilgrimages to pay homage in Rome. But even while this celebration 6Barbara 'Puchman, .A.Dispant Mirror (New York: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1979), p. 25. 7The term, "Babylonian Captivity” referred to the licentious and luxurious environment of the Avignon where the Papacy was headquartered in the 14th century; as Petrarch commented, he was "living in the Babylon of the West." ' 18 occurred, the Church's foundations were already being shaken as a result of Philip IV's challenge to a Bull, Clericos Laicos, issued in 1296 which had forbidden the clergy to pay taxes to any ruler other than the Pope. A compromise between Boniface and Philip settled the issue temporarily, leaving an unsteady and potentially volatile situation. After publication of Unam Sanctam, Philip called for the convening of a council to judge Boniface on a variety of charges, including "heresy, blasphemy, murder, 8 To this attack Boniface sodomy, simony and sorcery." began to prepare a Bull to excommunicate Philip, but was attacked at his summer villa in Anagni before the Bull was issued. There, Boniface was held against his will until rescued by the citizens of Anagni. He, however, had suffered such a mortal blow to his personal esteem that within a month the 86-year-old Pontiff was dead.9 The importance of this challenge by Philip is seen in the facts that no one seemed surprised by the attack and Boniface's successors failed to rally immediate support for the Papacy. Many saw the claims of Boniface as ridi- culous, as evidenced in a defense of Philip, entitled, A Dispute Between Clerk and Knight. There a knight is por- trayed as saying, "I had a good laugh when I heard of 8Tuchman, op. cit., p. 25. 9Ibid., p. 25. 19 Lord Boniface VIII's new statute, where he claims that he is and ought to be set above all principalities and 10 kingdoms.” Although subsequent pontiffs echoed the claims made in Unam Sanctum, the Papacy soon became a virtual feifdom of the French monarch, moving to Avignon in Provence in 1309. During the period of stay in Avignon, Papal power increased at times due to its relationship with French kings and the role in European financial and cultural society which the Papal palace at Avignon played. Nonetheless, exercise of temporal authority was usually carried out with caution and tact. Additionally, in spite of some renewed respect, the Church's practices while at Avignon during the fourteenth century brought it under an increasing amount of criticism. At Avignon, Smalley tells us, the Popes developed "the hub of a great legal, judicial, financial, adminis— trative and diplomatic machine."11 Often, it seemed the emphasis was on finance, and papal activities along these lines enabled them to build a splendid papal palace, and help make Avignon a "setting of international splendour."12 Under the Church's financial scheme, "everything the Church had or was, from a cardinal's hat to a pilgrim's relic, 10Smalley, op. cit., p. 23. 111bid., p. 33. 12Ibid., p. 33. 20 was for sale."13 Among the many items to be sold were indulgences which Clement VI proclaimed in the Bull of 1343 were available for small contributions of money. Indulgences provided relief from sin through the confer— ment of grace, which was available, according to Clement, because of the inexhaustible supply compounded as a result of the many sacrifices of Christ, his mother and the saints. As indulgences and other "valuables" were sold, the Church got richer, leading many to begin criticizing the Church's practices. Among the critics of this fascina- tion with riches was Petrarch, an early humanist, who observed that the Popes, who alleged to be "successors of 'the poor fishermen of Galilee,'" werenow, 'loaded with gold and clad in purple.'"14 Others, however, were not as satisfied with verbal expression of their dissatisfaction and as the century progressed. attacks, physical and dogmatic, began to occur. In 1338, for instance, a bishop at Constance was attacked, seriously wounded, and imprisoned by a crowd of dissatis- fied "country folk." Another incident in Naples saw the Neapolitan King withdraw the vassals of the Bishop of Bisaccia "on the grounds that churches have no business to hold fiefs." Furthermore, the king ordered that anyone 13Tuchman, op. cit., p. 26. 14Ibid., p. 28. 21 caught giving the Bishop food was subject to severe punish— ment and then subjected the Bishop to two days of torment.15 Occurrences such as these became more common after the onset of the Black Plague, during which the selling of indulgences and relics only caused further antagonisms and outbreaks of violence. These practices also brought about more stringent verbal criticisms, some from early humanists and others from individuals like John Wycliffe of England. Wycliffe, an Oxford scholar, examining age—old questions in the manner of early Oxford scholars, Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon,16 began to question some of the claims and practices of the Church in the latter part of the fourteenth century. Anticipating the Protestant Reformation by nearly one-and-a—half centuries, Wycliffe challenged, among other things, the supremacy of the Pope, monasticism, and the financial richness of the clergy. Moreover, he believed that the Bible was the one sure method of salvation and "demanded that it should freely 15Smalley, op. cit., p. 21. 1650rd0n.3Leff, Paris and Oxford Universitigs in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New York: Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1968), p. 287; Robert Grosseteste and Roger Bacon had initiated at Oxford in the 13th century the study of the Bible, emphasizing spiritual exposition of the scriptures. This, they believed, was the only way to achieve moral reformation of society. 22 be placed in lay hands."17 Although eventually branded a heretic, Wycliffe and his ideas were well received by peasants and knights alike, with protection being given to him by John of Gaunt, King Edward III's third son. Such, in fact, was Wycliffe's influence that in the 1390s a group in the House of Commons brought forth reform demands based on Wycliffe's teachings. During the fifteenth cen- tury, the Lollards, which Wycliffe's followers came to be called, continued to pursue institution of Wycliffe's views, promoting a vernacular Bible and preaching against Church practices. Increasingly, the Lollards suffered persecution until little was heard from them during the middle of the fifteenth century. Nonetheless, the Lollard challenge did not die out, as evidenced by late fifteenth and early sixteenth century involvement. Criticism of the church only became more intense as ecclesiastical claims and practices con- tinued to offend the Church's faithful and others joined the Lollard criticisms. Not all critics took the same road as Wycliffe and his adherents, but such critics as the humanist scholars also questioned Church practices and teachings. The once-accepted high stature of the Church was changing and with it man's view of his 17A. (3. Dickens, The English Reformation (London, England:. Collins Press, 1964), p. 41. 23 relationship to the Church and the world. From Upgm Sanctum through the "Babylonian Captivity" to Wycliffe and beyond, the status of the Church in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries evolved from a position of generally accepted supremacy to questioned authority. The faithful who once looked to the Church for guidance had by the end of the fifteenth century observed questionable practices and serious criticisms, giving them reason to reconsider many of their traditional beliefs. The changing status of the Church, however, was not alone in causing this change in perspective of medieval man. It was aided by perhaps the most devastating development of the Middle Ages, the pandemic outbreak of the Black Plague. The Black Plague The Black Plague, or more simply, "the Plague," arrived in what seemed a sudden onslaught of disease and death, and effected all of Europe beginning in the middle 13405. Starting in the seaport cities like Kafka on the Crimean and soon spreading along trade routes, the plague advanced as Previte-Orton tells us, like "a prairie fire, destroyable and unescapable," carrying its aura of death to an unsuspecting and uncomprehending populace throughout Europe.18 But in spite of its seemingly sudden outbreak, 18Previte-Orton, op. cit., p. 847. 24 the conditions which allowed the disease to have the impact of eliminating nearly one-third of Europe's population had developed over time. The plague for this reason is probably best understood in the context of the period immediately preceding its initial outbreak in the 13405. The centuries leading up the fourteenth century were relatively prosperous ones. The twelfth and thir- teenth centuries have been described by Friedrich Heer as having "characteristics of an open society.”19 During this period, economic expansion had occured due to new trade routes being opened with Bysantium and the Eastern Empires, the population had increased and there was a relatively high level of social mobility. These factors played a role in the creation of new towns and expansion of old ones. In Southern Europe, Venice and Genoa became leading centers of trade, and in Northern Europe, East-West com- mercial routes spread from England to the Eastern European countries. The twelfth and thirteenth centuries occasioned a gain in benefits for all strata of society, even the peasants. Some members of this class moved to the towns which, in spite of increasingly unhealthy and often over- crowded conditions, promised economic opportunity to many. Additionally, towns became associated as oases of freedom-- "town air makes free" was a contemporary motto--and 19Friedrich Heer, The Medieval World (New York: The New American Library, Inc., 1961), p. 17. 25 serviced peasants went to the towns for relief.20 The semblance of relief, however, was not limited to those who left the lands. Many peasants were able to free themselves from manorial service and obtain title to the land they worked. The times were prosperous, and being relatively free of blight, the land produced good harvests. The methods of farming were becoming better and the working of fields involved the "two-field” or "three-field" method in which "roughly a half or a third of the arable land lay fallow each year" to allow for grazing by cattle and better growing utility the following year.21 Nonetheless, as the population increased, the demand for goods also increased. For commercial traders, this brought dividends, but for the farming peasants, it led to search for new lands and eventual overworking of the available lands. As this shortage in arable acreage was developing, it seems that climate changes were also occurring at the beginning of the fourteenth century, with winters becoming longer and growing seasons shorter.22 Farmers discovered that the combination of overworked fields and shorter growing seasons led to decreases in 20lbid., p. 75. 21Denys Hay, Europe in The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (London, England: Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd., 1966), p. 30. 22Ibid., p. 32. See, also, Philip Ziegler, The Black Death (New York: Penguin Books, 1970), Chapter Two. 26 production and the result was a series of general famines in the first half of the 14th century. Fatalities occurred everywhere, most often in the towns where the decrease in food supplies was especially felt. In Bruges, in Northern Flanders, for example, 5 percent of the population is estimated to have succumbed to famine and in Ypres, another 23 This Flemish town, the fatality rate was 10 percent. general situation of famine and death was made worse by other developments as the fourteenth century progressed. War began in France between that country and England, which brought new modes of suffering to each country. Famine continued as the war progressed and there appeared to be little hope of respite on the horizons. No one could have predicted, however, the devastating effects of the Black Plague which appeared in Western Europe for the first time in 1346. The Black Death decimated Europe as one-third of the population fell victim to it. France, in the midst of its war with England, first experienced the plague in Marseilles and then felt it in more remote areas and other cities during 1348 and 1349. One contemporary chronicler listed the death toll at 30,000 in paris,24 while in the 23Hay, op. cit., p. 32. 24Desmond Seward, The Hundred Years War, The English in_FranceL 1337-1453 (New York: Atheneum Press, 1982), p. 73. 27 Papal city of Avignon, it was reported that 400 died daily with graveyards filling so quickly that corpses were soon thrown into the passing River Rhone.25 France's adversary in war, England, suffered no less after the plague first appeared in Dorset during the summer of 1348. In Cambridgeshire it was reported that 47 percent of the people died in one village, 57 percent in another and 70 26 percent in yet another, while 100,000 peOple were said to have died in London.27 The plague became so devastating throughout England and France that neither country's king could raise the money or the men needed to wage war. The plague, in effect, placed a temporary halt on war. The reason for this sudden and pandemic impact upon all facets of activity was the dual potency of the disease. First, there was, as Fernand Braudel notes, a new form of pulmonary plague which was transmitted by fleas on the backs of the black rat, Mus Rattus;28 and, second, as Barbara Tuchman writes, there was "a more virulent pneumonic type that infected the lungs and was 25Tuchman, op. cit., p. 94. 26Ibid., p. 95. 27Ronald Webber, The Peasants' Revolt (Lavenham, England: Terrence Dalton Ltd., 1980), p. 10. 28Fernand. Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life 1400-1800 (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1967), p. 46. 28 29 The unsanitary condi- spread by respiratory infection." tions of the towns proved to be a thriving environment for the disease to spread and the prevailing conditions created by war and famine only served to further exacerbate the situation. Moreover, as people began to panic, they often went to cities for help, only helping to spread the disease more. As noted, the plague brought a temporary cessation to almost everything. Wars were halted, the economy suffered, and, perhaps the greatest impact was delivered upon the common man, who thought he was witnessing "the 30 For one Welsh poet, most terrible of all the terrors." disease was like "a death coming to our midst . . . a plague which cuts off the young, a rootless phantom which 31 The common man was has no mercy for fair countenance." concerned, and confused, not knowing the source of his victimizer. It was generally assumed that the plague was a scourge of the Divine, being leveled upon man as a punishment for sins. In fact, it was believed that the plague might be God's terminal expression of his disappoint- ment, causing one comtemporary chronicler to write that 29Tuchman, op. cit., p. 92. 30Ibid., p. 102. 31Ibid., p. 93. 29 "this is the end of the world."32 While in countrysides peasants fell in their fields and on the roads, the town poor died in alleyways and streets. No one was spared and as suffering continued, solutions were sought in many places, chiefly the Catholic Church, which in spite of the rise in its disrepute still offered hope of salvation to many of Christendom's subjects. The initial response of the Church was on a localized basis and it encouraged efforts to satisfy the Divine. At Rouen, these efforts took the form of ordering a halt to everything that might be construed as displeasing to God. On a more general level, the Pope ordered proces- sions for penance which, in drawing a large group of people together, only served as a catalyst for further spread of the plague rather than an effect for relief. Moreover, as a result of the Bull of 1343, indulgences were now openly sold as a remedy for cleansing Christian souls and providing spiritual if not temporal salvation. The effect of the sale of indulgences was a richer Church, and hostile subjects who, as noted above, attacked the Church's clergy and also sought other remedies outside the Church. Among the solutions considered as the disease continued was placing blame on a scapegoat, and often encouraged by Church and State leaders, who themselves sought relief 321bid., p. 95. 30 from attacks, the Christian p0pulace began to attack Jewish members of the population. Blaming Jews for problems, of course, was not a new development of fourteenth century Europe. Anti-Semitic tendencies had been expressed before and continued to remain high among many segments of the population. Indeed, the Jews had been expelled from England in 1296 and were not well favored elsewhere. As the plague's cataclysmic conditions worsened, the Jewish population became subjected to a maniacal and homicidal reign of terror. The fact that Jews also were victims of the plague was overlooked and angry mobs charged Jewish members of the population with poisoning wells and spreading the plague with the aim of destroying Christendom.33 Scattered incidents of lynchings and burnings began soon after the plague had started, but as mass hysteria raised itself to new heights, these practices became widespread. Barbara Tuchman tells us, for instance, that in 1349, in Basle, a "whole community of several hundred Jews was burned in a wooden house especially constructed for the purpose." In Strasbourg, she adds 2,000 Jews "were taken to the burial ground, where all except those who accepted conversion were burned at rows 34 of stakes erected to receive them." Soon, general chaos 33Ziegler, op. cit., p. 98-104. 34Tuchman, op. cit., p. 113-114. 31 reigned with the mobs being led by self-appointed flagellants who at first inflicted torture upon themselves but later directed the physical harrassment toward Jews.35 As the second half of the fourteenth century got underway, social turmoil was rampant, but fortunately the plague abated. While it would return again, eleven times in England for instance before the beginning of the sixteenth century,36 its major impact had been felt. Man came away from the plague more reckless and less dutiful, attitudes which were exhibited in many ways. In England, for example, there were severe shortages of labor. In 1351, this situation caused the English Parliament to pass a Statute of Laborers which was designed to prevent wages from rising.38 In spite of this, laborers, especially peasants, found themselves with new economic power and were able to strike bargains for their services. As the manorial system was already breaking down, this new situation only intensified its erosion and enabled many peasants to own their own land and to become 35Ziegler, pp. 85-98; Flagellants were individuals who saw themselves as redeemers, and re-enacted the scourging of Chirst upon their own bodies. By making blood flow, they hoped to atone for man's wickedness and gain mankind another chance. 36Hay, op. cit., p. 33. 37Previte-Orton, op. cit., p. 847. 38Hay, op. cit., p. 131. 32 prosperous. But while prospects for advancement were buoyed by the post-plague conditions, not all peasants reaped the benefits of the new prosperity. As a result, the dissatisfaction of some members of the lower classes was expressed violently, during the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In 1381, peasant dissatisfaction with economic, as well as political and religious condi- tions helped create the "peasant revolt." For a brief period, members of the lower classes armed themselves and succeeded in taking control of many English cities includ— ing Canterbury and London.39 King Richard II eventually restored order but the episode showed that the post-plague reckless attitude could be expressed in a violent way. Violence, however, was not the only manner in which men expressed their new attitudes. The human condition after the plague was in such a dismal state that scholars began to examine man's plight. The universities, and new academies which began to appear in Italy, assumed the tasks of many new scholarly enquiries to reassess man's condition and role in the world. But as these humanist enquiries began, fourteenth century Europe suffered the further scourge of war. Namely, this was the Hundred Years War between England and France, which had begun before the plague and had been briefly interrupted due to the disease's impact. 39Webber, op. cit. 33 However, it began again after a brief respite and continued, on and off, for more than a century. It paralleled the rise of humanism in Europe and England, and set the tone for the Wars of the Roses, which also deserves some mention here. The Hundred Years War and the Wars of the Roses The Hundred Years War and the Wars of the Roses spanned a period of nearly 150 years, from 1337 to 1485. While not incessant struggles, these wars, the first an international struggle and the second a series of civil disputes, placed an immense strain upon England. The nation succumbed to a variety of financial, political and social upheavals during this period leaving England weary and ready for some stability at the end of the fifteenth century. Included among these upheavals were losses of valuable lands; a depletion of the nation's treasury, social unrest and a civil war. By the end of this period, "most men . . . preferred almost anything to another war,"40 and were willing to give the Tudor kings unpre— cedented loyalty. This situation allowed Henry VII and Henry VIII to bring stability and relative peace to England, and to institute a strong central government. This devel- opment had a major impact upon the new humanist movement and the advocacy of educational opportunities for women. 40K. B. MacFarlane, "The Wars of the Roses" in Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 50 (Oxford, England; Oxford University Press,71964), p. 117. 34 The Hundred Years War was a series of wars between France and England during the period 1337-1453. The origins of war are traced to the intertwining of Anglo-French rela- tions dating back to William's conquest of England in 1066. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, William's successors, most notably Henry II, established strong ties in France, creating an empire which included the provinces of Normandy, Anjou, Maine, Touraine, Poitou, Aquitaine and Gascony. These lands served as valuable sources of trade and revenues for the English, who had no desire to give them up. However, in the fourteenth century, the power of the French Crown was increasing, causing one con- temporary observer to remark that "the King of France was the king of all earthly kings."41 As this power grew, it became increasingly more difficult for the French monarchs to give way to English authority in lands which the French crown considered as part of their kingdom. This tension between France and England became exacerbated by the claim of Edward III of England to the throne of France and the inability of the nations to successfully negotiate peaceful settlements. Edward's claim, based on the fact that his mother Isabella was the daughter and only surviving child of Philip IV of France, constituted a threat to Philip VI of France. 41Seward, op. cit., p. 25. 35 Having been unable to reach an agreement with Edward over land holdings, Philip used the claim of the English king as one excuse to charge him with "rebellious and disobe- dient acts," and claimed that all English-held territories in France were forfeited.42 In doing so, Philip began a conflict which would give to history such personalities as the Black Prince and Joan d'Arc, among others, and such important events as the Battles of Crecy, Poitiers, Orleans, and Formigny. More importantly, for our purposes, the war had serious political and social consequences. From a political standpoint, England, in losing the war, suffered more immediate consequences due to its loss of control over valuable lands and due to the initia— tion of the Wars of the Roses. However, in addition to the civil war, there were other consequences of note for the English, such as the rising stature of Parliament. This development evolved initially from the need of the crown to continually seek financial assistance to wage war. The kings, who were unable to raise revenues through the general polity, relied on a tax of wool, England's most valued commercial commodity, to raise money. In order to get a high levy on wool, the crown had to exact a compro- mise with Parliament, the result of which empowered 42Ibid., p. 33. 36 Parliament with the control over establishing rates on wool.43 In addition to this power, Parliament gained an immense amount of influence over other matters due to the tenuous status of the English crown during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Parliament became a forum for civil debate, a mechanism by which the English populace could express displeasure against the Papacy, and, perhaps most importantly, the device for seating claimants to the throne. However, in spite of the fact that Parliament became more powerful during this period, even the law- making body was unable to maintain domestic peace during various factional battles for the throne. Its policies, moreover, were often reflections of the wishes of the triumphant claimant to the throne.44 Consequently, while Parliament made final confirmation of Henry Tudor as king in 1485 to bring an end to the Wars of the Roses, the crown in fact had already been won on the battlefield at Bosworth Field, where Henry's armies defeated those of Richard III. In terms of social consequences of the Hundred Years War, effects began to accrue almost immediately after initiation of hostilities. In 1338 England endured 43Hay, op. cit., p. 130. 44Ibid., p. 134. 37 a full scale invasion by France, starting with the burning of Portsmouth in March. Soon after, Southhampton was also burned and, in 1339, Dover and Folkestone suffered attacks. To these actions, Edward III responded with an invasion of his own in 1339, landing with 15,000 men and advancing through the countryside. As Edward's army made progress, they burned and plundered to such an extent that, as Desmond Seward informs us, "neither abbeys nor churches, nor hospitals were spared," and, ”hundreds of civilians-- men, women and children, priests, bourgeois and peasants-- were killed, while thousands fled starving to the forti- fied towns."45 Attacks such as these continued throughout the war, with the goals being to gain riches through plundering and ransoming hostages, and to strike terror throughout the populace. Such routs were known as "chevauchee" and terror was indispensable to them, with the intent to "reak the maximum 'dampnum'--the medieval term for that total war which struck at an enemy king 46 The results of these attacks through his subjects." were numerous civilians slaughtered, cities ravaged and many soldiers collecting riches and returning home pros- perous. 45Seward, op. cit., p. 38. 46Ibid., p. 53. 38 In addition, before the onset of the Black Plague, the occurrences of pillaging and slaughtering helped create an unhealthy environment conducive to spreading the disease. Afterwards, the continuance of dismal conditions promoted developments in England like the "Peasants Revolt" in 1381 and Cade's Rebellion in 1450, and in France they helped promote a civil war and such hopeless conditions that the country accepted a peasant named Jean d'Arc as leader of its army. Perhaps most of all, the ravaging of country— sides, attacking of forts, and continuous need to be on alert left the respective populaces tired and demoralized at the end of the period. For the English, the fatigue and demoralization only became intensified due to the civil war known as Wars of the Roses, which immediately followed the Hundred Years War. The Wars of the Roses were the most significant political and social consequence to succeed the Hundred Years War. Pitting the Houses of Lancaster and York against each other, the Wars of the Roses were historically rooted in the instability of the crown, and had their immediate causes in the failures of the English at the close of the Hundred Years War. The disputes over the legitimate claim to the throne can be traced to the accession of Henry IV, the first king of the House of Lancaster, who had forced Richard II to abdicate in 1399 and whose hold in the crown, in spite of a faulty claim, 39 was legalized by Parliament. Henry IV was followed by Henry V, who was a formidable and strong king and under whom the English had experienced the zenith of their triumphs against France. However, Henry V was followed by his son, Henry VI, who was not able to maintain his father's stature. As K. B. MacFarlane has noted, "only an under mighty ruler had anything to fear from over mighty subjects; and if he were under mighty his personal lack of fitness was the cause.”47 Such was the situation with Henry VI, whose temperament was not nearly as aggressive as his father and whose weak constitution lead eventually to a nervous breakdown. Henry was not a decisive leader and preferred to leave policy making in regard to France and other matters with advisors. Unfortunately, for Henry and England, this policy resulted in final defeat to France in 1453 to end the Hundred Years War. This result plus the large debts incurred in financing the war caused Henry VI's regime to become discredited. In addition, the ending of the war brought home many soldiers who had become prosperous through their adventures in France. The war for these individuals had brought opportunities for spoils and land. While the English controlled French lands in the 15th century, many Englishmen lived well in 47MacFarlane, op. cit., p. 95. 40 France. As these men returned to their homeland, there was a bitter taste in the mouths of many who left behind land and titles.48 Not wanting to forego their standard of living, those men were ready to pursue opportunities to regain their prosperous positions. The Wars of the Roses provided such opportunities. The Wars of the Roses were basically composed of three major developments-~the challenge to and eventual usurpation of the throne by Richard, Duke of York; Edward IV's accession to the throne and victories at Barnet and Tewkesbury; and, the events following Edward IV's death and Henry VII's victory at Bosworth Field. In total, hostilities lasted for nearly thirty years, with the first battle being fought in 1455 at St. Albans. However, nothing of consequence regarding the throne was decided until 1460, when Richard, Duke of York, made full claim to the throne. Defeated and killed in battle, Richard could not act upon his claim, but his son, Edward, took the throne as Edward IV in March, 1461, thereby unseating Henry VI. For the remainder of the decade, Yorkist and Lancastrian nobles fought each other, with Edward IV main- taining a tenuous hold on the throne. In 1471, Edward defeated a challenge by the Earl of Warwick at Barnet on Easter Sunday, April 14. A month later at Tewkesbury, 48Hay, op. cit., p. 159. 41 Edward defeated Henry's EM”), Prince Edward, who was slain during the battle. When Henry VI's death in the Tower of London was announced soon after Tewkesbury, Edward IV's reign was secured.49 With Edward's victory, a period of strength and stability began for the monarchy. Part of this was due to lack of immediate rival claimants for the throne. However, it was also because the Wars of the Roses had, as A. R. Myers notes, "thinned by battle and executions the ranks of the nobility whose power had become a menace to the Crown."50 War had a vast impact upon lines of noble descent, leaving few heirs to carry on the plots of their ancestors. For sure, the nobility did not disappear as evidenced by their presence in the last battles of the Wars of the Roses after Edward's death in 1483. But the fact that their numbers were dwindling is evidenced in part by comparing relative army strengths at different points in the war. For instance, in 1461 at Towton, it is estimated that 50-75,000 men were present, with approximately two-thirds of this number representing the Lancastrians. In 1471, at Barnet, the numbers for Edward IV were close to 9,000 and for Warwick, 15,000 - making a total of 24,000. Finally, at Bosworth Field, in 1485, 49A. R. Myers, England in the Late Middle Ages (New York: Penguin Books, Inc., 1978), p. 128-130. 5Olhid., p. 131. 42 when Henry VII defeated Richard III, the forces under Henry were numbered at 7-8,000 and those under Richard approximated 10-12,000 - a total of about 20,000.51 Thus we see a diminishing number of nobles being present as the hostilities wore on. Part of this was due to the aforementioned deaths by battle and execution, and part of this was a result of an unwillingness on the part of nobles to continue to risk life, property and reputation. By 1485, the country as a whole was demoralized and, as Professor MacFarlane speculates, it is very possible that members of the nobility had become "more self-effacing."52 This self—effacement and the thinning of the ranks had important consequences for the Tudor kings, who acceeded to the throne after the Wars of the Roses. As Stone has commented, "the state is a natural enemy to the values of the clan, of kinship, and of good lordship and clientage links among upper classes, for at this social and political level they are a direct threat to the state's own claim to prior loyalty." Moreover, noble clientage and kinship often result in factions and disputes such as the Wars of the Roses, and kinship loyalties help develop SICharles ROSS. The Wars of the Roses (London, England: Thames and Hudson, 1976), p. 138-139. 52MacFarlane, 0p. cit., p. 117. 43 53 With the nobility being "independent centers of power." eliminated by death in battle or execution, or deciding to place their loyalty with the crown, the foundations were set for the Tudor kings to assert control over England. In combination with a demoralized populace seeking peace and stability after generations of war, the demise of the nobility allowed the Tudors to develop the machinery by which the state became the central and most potent factor in English society during the sixteenth century. After nearly two centuries of disease, war, and social disruption, the English received the stability they sought as the crown and its offices "increasingly assumed monopoly powers of justice and punishment, military pro- 54 The tection, welfare, and the regulation of property." significance of this development was that few were willing to challenge the crown. When something became identified with the crown, it received favored status. Consequently, when the crown embraced humanism and endorsed the humanist education of women, the strong Tudor government served as a powerful influence and example for others to follow. In essence, the aftermath of the Hundred Years War and the Wars of the Roses provided the atmosphere in which English humanism and humanist education for women could flourish. 53Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage (in England 1500-1800) (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1979), p. 99. 54Ibid., p. 100. CHAPTER III ENGLISH HUMANISM: ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT I have found the climate both pleasant and healthy. And I have met with so much kindness and learning, not hackneyed and trivial, but deep, ancient, Latin and Greek, that I am not hankering so much after Italy . . . It is marvellous how widespread and how abundant is the harvest of ancient leafning which is flourishing in this country . . . During the reign of Henry VII, Erasmus offered the above description of England. It was in this setting that English humanism began to flourish. Bouyed by a relatively peaceful atmosphere, as compared to the climate of years preceding the Tudor accession, England became a healthy setting for intellectual and educational activity. For the first time in over a century and one half, the crown could concern itself with matters other than war and this helped usher in a new era of learning in England. The agreeable climate for learning which Erasmus described above in 1499 continued to improve even further with the accession of Henry VIII to the throne in 1509, for in Henry humanists found a friend of learning. Erasmus 1Desiderius Ekasmus, "Letter to Robert Fisher” (December 5, 1499), in Thomas More by R. W. Chambers (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1979), p. 75. 44 45 noted in 1519 that "good letters are triumphing in England; the King himself [and] the Queen, . . . are protecting and fostering them with all their heart,"2 and he saw a golden age on the horizon. Henry VIII's attachment to the cause of humanism was partially a result of his love of learning, which was instilled in him at an early age by his grandmother, Margaret of Beaufort-—herself a patroness of humanist activities. It was probably also encouraged by his associa— tion with Thomas More, whose household Henry VIII visited frequently as a child and as king.3 More was a leading advocate and participant of the humanist movement in England and his home was a humanist academy of sorts. There, Henry VIII had occasion to meet with such leaders of the English humanist movement as More and Erasmus, and found scholarly activities which made More's house a most influential arena for promoting humanist programs in Tudor England. Henry VIII also had practical reasons for involving himself with humanist activity. He was in need of compe- tent advisors to help him rule the realm and found many of the most qualified to be humanist trained. In choosing 2R. W. Chambers, Thomas More, p. 169. 3See Chambers, op. cit.; and Reynolds, E. E., The Field is Won, on More's relationship with Henry VIII. 46 advisors from among the ranks of humanists, Henry, who had been raised outside the central operations of government and was inexperienced when he acceded to the throne, was following the path of his father, Henry VII. Prior to the first Tudor's reign, the king's advisors had been chosen from the ranks of nobility, but Henry VII veered from this practice due to his distrust of possible contenders and because the Wars of the Roses decimated the ranks of the nobility——by Henry VIII's accession, only one duke and one marquis survived from traditional noble families.4 Increasingly Henry VII chose men from the ecclesiastical and legal circles to assist him in dealing with the prob- lems of the realm. Such advisors as John Morton and William Warham, both of whom served as Royal Chancellors under Henry VII, were active promoters of humanist activity and patrons of scholars. Additionally, these men posed no threat to Henry VII and assisted him in stabilizing England by developing a central network of authority. Henry VIII's inexperience, combined with his desires to maintain the Tudor hold on the throne, undoubt— edly affected his decision to continue the practice of choosing advisors who were clerics and lawyers. As in the case of Henry VII's chief advisors, many of Henry VIII's closest assistants were men who were involved in 4Joan Simon, Education and Society. in Tudor England, p. 64. 47 humanism, including Thomas Wolsey and Thomas More, among others. In entering the service of the king these men-— especially More--hoped to give humanism official sanction and to apply humanist solutions to domestic problems. These problems, which persisted in spite of the efforts of the first Tudor king, included religious dissatisfaction prompted by abuses of clerical privilege and the affects of the enclosure movement. The religious dissatisfaction which Henry VIII faced was not a new development in England. As noted in Chapter Two, the Lollard movement had raised objections to certain religious practices and Parliament had passed laws to limit clerical privileges.5 Nonetheless, abuses continued and in Tudor England an increasing number of people were voicing concerns about clerical vices. Chief among the complaints was the amount of wealth owned by the Catholic Church and abuses of clerical privilege. This latter problem stemmed from the accepted practice of allowing church officials to be tried for crimes in ecclesiastical courts by their peers. The ecclesiastical court system had developed into an extensive network and traditionally gave less harsh penalties to those found guilty of offenses than the penalties given in civil courts. Moreover, due to the court's reputation of 5See Chapter Two, supra. 48 leniency, many individuals who were charged with crimes and not members of the clergy would attempt to have their case heard in ecclesiastical court, by proving they were members of the clergy. To do this, two established practices were accepted: showing one's tonsure or proving literacy. The first of these was easily done by purchasing a tonsure from a barber. The second, however, was even easier as proof of literacy became conventionalized in the recitation of the first verse of Psalm 51—-"have mercy on me, O God." Individuals who memorized this verse could prove clerical status and consequently be tried in the ecclesiastical courts. In the early sixteenth century, these practices, especially leniency toward clerics who committed major offenses, raised the ire of many English citizens. Such was the level of the outcry that Parliament's House of Commons demanded reforms and Henry VIII was faced with increasing levels of dissatisfaction.6 The second major domestic problem which Henry VIII faced was another age-old dilemma-—the enclosure movement. G. R. Elton notes that enclosure meant several practices, some good and some disastrous. On a positive level, enclosure caused "the amalgamation of dispersed strips in the open field into efficient arable farms," but it also signified "the enclosing of wastes and commons for grazing 6E. E. Reynolds, op. cit., p. 8. 49 of an entrepreneur's sheep or cattle," a practice with dire results for the country.7 Begun in the fifteenth century, this latter practice continued, in spite of laws to con- trol it, to create problems. As the English population increased in the early sixteenth century, enclosure forced depopulation of villages which could not survive once their commons were enclosed, and vagrants began to appear throughout England. In the cities and on roadways, many of these vagrants turned to crime in order to survive, assaulting and robbing passersby in increasing numbers. Henry VII's response to this was stricter law enforcement against the vagrants than against the enclosers; a response which caused additional dissatisfaction among his English subjects and further problems for his son at the time of his accession.8 The humanist-oriented advisers who Henry VIII chose, saw a variety of solutions to England's problems. On a practical level, Wolsey, More and others put their service to the king in attempts to institute new statutes and reform the legal system. On a theoretical level, More fashioned a "best commonwealth" in his book, Utopia, in which he decried the aforementioned abuses and offered 7G. R. Elton, Reform and Reformation: England, '1509-1558 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1977), p. 3. 8Elton, op. cit., pp. 3-10. For more on Henry VIII's reign, see also Henry VIII by J. J. Scarisbrick (Berkeley,Cblifornia: University of California Press, 1968). 50 a "utopian society" as one solution. More was joined by Erasmus and other humanists in calling for reforms in books and treatises, all of which held the same goals-- directing the commonwealth toward serving the public good.9 Among the reforms offered was a refashioning of the educational system to train individuals to serve and rule the state for the public good. The programs which constituted this refashioning will be discussed below, after considering earlier Renaissance humanist activity which established the foundations for the English humanist program. Early Humanist Activity Renaissance humanism emerged in late 14th century Italy, in the aftermath of the Black Plague. During this period, the effects of the plague were still very vivid in men's memories, and being felt through social disruption discussed in Chapter Two. Additionally, the abusive practices of the Church were continuing to make the ecclesiastical hierarchy rich at the expense of general society. This situation caused men like Petrarch and Giovanni Boccaccio to seek a reassessment of man's rela- tion to his world. For these men and their humanist successors, the answers were sought in the pre-Christian, 9Fritz Caspari, Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England, p. 1-27. 51 classical literature of Greece and Rome. There, Petrarch, Boccaccio and other humanists found "a form of intercourse with great men," such as Virgil, Horace, Cicero, and Seneca, which showed the way to develop new "human aims 10 Moreover, in classical and . . . human aspirations." literature, the early humanists discovered the concept of humanatis, which in pre-Christian Rome represented "cul- tivated intelligence." In the Renaissance humanist sense, this concept of humanatis came to represent the high level which man held in this world. Humanatis also held the implication that from this high level, man had the freedom and responsibility for venturing into new areas of scholarly inquiry to help evaluate and improve his world.11 Such an approach, as Petrarch and Boccaccio advocated, represented a radical change from traditional scholarly methods handed down from the 13th century. During that earlier period, a format for intellectual and scholarly inquiry had been developed and sanctioned in the universities. The central activity in this format was the disputation, a method of scholarly inquiry and debate. The disputation was aimed at discovering truths, and in the medieval university of the fourteenth century, it was 10Arthur Tilley, "The Early Renaissance" in The Cambridge Medieval Histogy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University’Press, 19 ), 7:751. 11Giorgio de Santillana, The Age of Adventure (New York: The New American Library, 1956), p. 11. 52 patterned after the systematic approach developed by Thomas Aquinas. This approach included eight stages: statement of the question, answer, thesis, agreement, refutation, argument, suggested proof, and final resolution. This method of scholarly debate, which emphasized clear think- ing and concise expression, was limited, however, in terms of the subjects that could be considered.12 Aquinas, in addition to prescribing a format for the disputation, had also developed the notion that knowl- edge consisted of two tiers. The first, or natural tier, included subjects related to the natural world and man, subjects that were disputable. The second, or theological tier, consisted of indisputable facts, those related to the supernatural or to the dogmas of the Church. For Aquinas and his contemporaries, the theological tier's superiority over the natural tier was analogous to God's superiority over man. Man's nature, indeed, was defined in terms of subservience to God, an idea that was irrefutable. Together with the Aquinas method of disputation and two— tiered perspective of knowledge, this view of man became institutionalized in the universities. There it came to represent the idea that man was limited in his attempts 12Friedrich Heer, The Medieval World, p. 269. 53 to create new systems since the systems in existence were created by God and could not be challenged.13 In the latter half of the fourteenth century, the challenge to this view, advocated by Petrarch, Boccaccio, and other humanist progenitors, took on many forms. These included an interest in exploring the history of classical antiquity as a means to understand man and his world, the establishment of humanist academies, the development of new philosophical ideas about man, and the design of new approaches to education. The interest in exploring class- ical history served as a catalyst for Petrarch and others to search for copies of original works by classical writers. Travelling throughout Italy, France, and Greece, their efforts met with success and libraries of classical works were established in many university towns. Petrarch, especially, was successful in finding copies of manuscripts, and by the end of his life, in 1374, he had collected among other works, nearly all of the works of Cicero with which 14 Additionally, in their travels, we are familiar today. Petrarch and Boccaccio issued calls for the study of Latin and Greek classics and for new ways of scholastic contem- plation. In such Italian cities as Padua, Florence, Naples and Venice, these calls were well received and these cities 13Ibid., p. 272. 14Tilley, op. cit., p. 755. 54 served as the quarters for new academies which were emphasizing humanist activity. At these academies, students of the humanist perspective were given opportunities to engage "in quarrying the artistic, literary, and learned heritage of the ancient world to new ends."15 At Naples, the responsibility for establishing and leading one of the earliest humanist academies belongs to Antonio Panormita. Here, IPanormita. conducted studies on a variety of subjects related to classical antiquity.16 In Padua, where Petrarch spent a large portion of his time just prior to his death, the university took a direct involvement in the study of Latin literature. Under the directorship of Gasparino Barzizza, the university at Padua held court to a critical consideration of Cicero's 17 De Oratore. At Florence, Manuel Chrysolaras had accepted an invitation in 1396 to begin the formal teaching of Greek thought and learning at the university. Chrysolaras had accumulated a variety of Greek manuscripts from travels to Constantinople, and this collection along with Chrysolaras' teaching served as the foundations for involved Hellenic 15Ibid., p. 758. 16Weiss, "Learning and Education in Western Europe, 1470-1520 in Cambridge Modern History, 2:96. 17William HarriSon Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1921), p. 12. 55 learning activities at Florence during the 15th century.18 In total these activities provided the foundation for the humanist movement, which in Italy included the examination of Greek and Latin classical works and a concern for textual authenticity and integrity. This concern for the secrets of classical antiquity was designed to help man understand his relationship to the world and assist him in making a better world in which to live. In the 15th cen- tury, the academies continued to formulate humanist philosophical ideas, and the Platonist Academy at Florence was among the leaders in this effort. Giorgio de Santillana refers to the Florentine Platonic Academy as "the most renowned of Renaissance 19 Led by Marsilio Ficino and philosophical movements." Giovanni Pico, Count of Mirandola, this academy became a major center of intellectual inquiry and review of the past during the 15th century. For Ficino, Pico and their fellow Florentine Platonists, man was the key to controlling events in the universe. Ficino wrote that "it is a man's spirit which re-establishes the shaken universe."20 This spirit is the binding force for all elements, nature righting itself only through the actions of man. Pico, adding to 18Ibid., p. 16 19Santillana, op. cit., p. 12. 20Ibid., p. 14. 56 Ficino's views, brought forth a reconsideration of man's intellectual freedom and the relevance of man's position 21 in the universe. In the Dignity of Man, Pico claims man's distinction above all other beings is based on the fact that he has no fixed properties and the ability to share in the properties of other beings as he freely chooses. Man has the power to transform himself and his world into a place which is really open and full of infin— ite possibilities. He only has to be able to use his intellectual and spiritual capabilities to their fullest extent.22 With these ideas Ficino and Pico advanced beyond their medieval contemporaries who maintained the view that man had limited potential. Beginning with the ancient philosophies of Plato, the humanists at the Florentine Academy moved forth to a new consideration of man's posi- tion in the world and the prospects to be garnered from benevolent use of his powers. In professing their new ideas about man's place and nature in the world, Ficino and Pico challenged time—honored theological views and issued 23 a call for tolerance toward new philosophical ideas. In 21Weiss, "Learning and Education in Western Europe, 1470—1520," p. 97. ZZSantillana, op. cit., p. 15. 23paul Edwards (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Philos- ophy (New York: MacMillan Publishing Company, Inc., 1967), 3:72. 57 making their challenge Ficino and P100 anticipated the Enlightenment and Reformation movements of later centuries. Moreover, they helped bring to humanism a new intellectual spirit, one ingrained with belief in man's powers and his status as a central figure in the movements of the universe. Having begun in the aftermath of the Black Plague, when man believed himself powerless to control his destiny but reckless enough to seek new answers, humanism had now progressed to a new plane. Man was the key, and the educated man could control his destiny. For this reason a new form of education was needed. At the same time that Ficino and Pico were establishing their humanist philosophical creeds at Florence, this pedogogical program was being shaped by men such as Vittorino da Feltre at Mantua. Vittorino, who William Harrison Woodward referred to as "the first modern schoolmaster,"24 became involved in educational activities partially because of the lack of discipline he had witnessed in university settings. It is certain that in the universities, such as those in the Italian cities or at Paris and Oxford, the atmosphere was not always conducive to study. Often students lived in unhealthy housing, and ate meager meals. Moreover, at Bologna, Paris, Oxford and elsewhere, the presence of 24Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, p. 92. ‘ 58 25 brought outright disruption to the university. "nations" Ironically, these nations had been formed "primarily for mutual benefits, fraternal association and amity," but more often than not their relationship with the university was not of a fraternal nature.26 Demonstrations were a favorite pastime among the nations, especially around time of "national" holidays and feast days of patron saints, and these demonstrations occasionally turned into war-like episodes. The response to these disruptive episodes was 27 at Oxford, while at Padua and formation of colleges other Italian universities, where humanism was taking root, the evolution was found in scholarly houses called "con- tuberniums." These houses were presided over by a teacher, such as Vittorino, and sheltered students who became 25 . Nations were an important part of early medieval universities. They were composed of students and masters, divided along geographical lines. The nations elected representatives to serve on various faculties, e.g., Faculty of Arts, at the universities to help in governance of university affairs. In this way, plus the fraternal asso- ciation that they provided, nations played an important role in the universities. See Pearl Kibre's The Nations in the Medieval Universities (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Medieval Academy of America, 1948). 26 See Kibre, op. cit. 27Early colleges were founded as an answer to dis- sension and instability which characterized early universi— ties. They were usually small communities of scholars living in a communal arrangement. Many of the early colleges were founded by philanthropic individuals, e.g., Merton College at Oxford University. Although small in the beginning, the colleges soon exercised an important influence at medieval universities. See Hastings Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (three volumes) (Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, 1895). 59 followers of the presiding master. Consequently, in 1416, Vittorino is found in Venice offering the sanctuary of his home to young students, rich and poor, who were interested in the new humanist learning and whom Vittorino sought to shelter from the unhealthy environment of the university setting.28 Although Vittorino's involvement in the humanist movement began earlier, his school at Venice begins his recognized career as a humanist educator. Prior to his move to Venice, Vittorino had spent 20 years at the University of Padua, where he became a master after com- pleting his studies. At Padua, he came under the influence of Barzizza, who introduced Vittorino to the Roman classi- cists, Cicero and Quintillian. This initiated an involve- ment for Vittorino with the Roman scholars that reached fruition in his later years as a schoolmaster. In Quintillian, Vittorino found the persona of the highly educated person in the classical model of the good speaker, and from Cicero, Vittorino derived the idea that preparation of the educated man included the study of grammar, rhetoric and logic.29 These disciplines helped one to develop, respectively, articulation, public speaking 28Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, p. 18. 29Woodward, Studies in Education During the Age of the Renaissance, 1400-1600, pp. 14-23. 60 skills, and ability to think in a critical fashion. Through Barzizza, Vittorino became familiar with Quintillian's Institutio Oratore, and Cicero's Letters, De Senectute and De Oratore. By involving himself thoroughly in scholarly study, Vittorino, with Barzizza's encouragement, became a recognized authority on the works of Cicero and Quintillian.30 At Venice, Vittorino had opportunity to practice and share the teachings of the classicists with the stu- dents living in his home. Soon he had developed a reputa- tion as one of the most capable and trustworthy school- masters in Italy, and this repute brought him an invitation to start an academy in Mantua. The position which Vittorino accepted was initially directed at starting a school for the children of Gianfresco Gonzago, of Mantua, but it soon became a humanist academy for aristocratic as well as poor youth of the region. His school was not the first humanist school of its sort, one being initiated earlier by Vittorino's humanist associate Guarino da Verona. But, unlike Guarino's school, which endeavored to simply make eloquent speakers, Vittorino's academy had the aim of preparing students to "serve God in Church and state" in any way that seemed suitable and honorable.31 30Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, p. 13. 31Ibid., p. 37. 61 Vittorino expressed the View that "not everyone is called to be a lawyer, a physician, a philosopher, to live in the public eye, nor has everyone outstanding gifts of natural capacity," however, everyone is "created for the life of social duty," and is "responsible for the personal 32 For this reason, influence which goes out from us." Vittorino followed Quintillian's method of teaching other courses beside the languages and grammar of Latin and Greek. From Institutio Oratore, Vittorino had learned that education of the perfect orator must include teachings to prepare the good man. As Quintillian had written, the good citizen was the man "fitted to take his share in the management of public and private affairs, able to govern cities by his wise counsels, to establish them upon a sure foundation of good laws and to improve them by the admin- istration of impartial justice." This man was "none other than the orator."33 The "orator" was defined by Quintillian as the ”man who can truly be called wise, perfect not only in character, but also in knowledge and every sort of elo- quence." To achieve the goal of a wise and useful man, Quintillian had prescribed special studies such as language 32Denys Hay, Europe in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, p. 351. 33Marcus Quintillian, Institutio Oratore trans— lated by William Smail (Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, 1938), p. 5. - 62 and grammar, which Vittorino held as foremost among curri- cular offerings. However, in addition, Quintillian also noted that: "Puzzles about horns or crocodiles are taught because a perfectly wise man ought not to be at fault even in the most trifling question . . ." and, "geometry or . . . music, or any other subjects which I add to these, will not make an orator . . . but 34 To this end, will help him towards perfection." Vittorino introduced the study of arithmetic, geometry, history, natural philosophy and astronomy at Mantua. However, Vittorino encouraged fun, games and outdoor activity, giving the school at Mantua a reputation as the house of pleasantness, or the "Pleasant House," which it 35 Adding to this reputation of was eventually called. Vittorino's school was his practice of disdaining from corporal punishment. Again, this was taking from Quintillian's educational method, which included the View that: "corporal punishment, though it is a recog- nized practice . . . is disgusting, . . . and undoubtedly an insult," a chastisement which "will be quite unneces- sary if there is someone ever present to supervise the boy's studies with diligence."36 Quintillian adds that 34Ibid., p. 48. 35Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, p. 31. 36Quintillian, op. cit., p. 32-33.‘ 63 it is better to compel one to do what is right rather than punishing the student for doing wrong, warning as a final note to: Remember, too, that when children are beaten, many unseemly cries, of which they will after- wards be ashamed, often escape them in their grief or fear and the shame of this breaks and humiliates the spirit and makes them, sick at heart, shun the very light of day. Vittorino's academy thus became a humanist varia- tion of Quintillian's classical school and provided a model for humanist pedogogical method. At the "Pleasant House," students - boys and girls, poor and rich - received a truly humanist education, at once "intellectual, moral and physical."38 There, his students received the individual guidance and discipline of Vittorino or his hand picked masters, and excelled in their studies. For example, Cecilia Gonzaga, a daughter of Vittorino's patron, began learning Greek and Latin at the age of seven. Under the tutelage of masters like Theodore Gaza, an excellent Greek scholar, and Vittorino, she was at the age of ten surpassing older students who Vittorino had seen earlier at Venice.39 37Ibid., p. 33. 38Richard C. Jebb, "The Classical Renaissance" in The Cambridge Modern History, edited by A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, S. Leatheo (New York: MacMillan Company, 1902), 1:558. 39Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators, p. 55. ~ 64 The methods used and the level of excellence garnered at Vittorino's school helped in the development of a new educational ethic emphasizing service for the public good. For sons of the nobility, the aims, the methods and the subjects emphasized differed from tradi- tional training which emphasized preparation for military service. For the scholar, the aims and methods were also different, as knowledge and truth alone were no longer acceptable goals in the humanist scheme and rigid disci- pline was not exercised. Additionally, in educating girls on an equal plane with boys, the new humanist pedagogy made a radical break from the past, when girls received different educations, if any at all, from boys. News of Vittorino's school, and the new aims and methods, as well as the education of girls, was publicized throughout Italy and Northern Europe. Among other countries receiving information was England, where iniflmasixteenth century, humanists such as Erasmus, Thomas More, and Juan Vives would elaborate upon the Italian humanist pedagogical method established at Vittorino's school. However, before these individuals had the opportunity to build their program, English humanism experienced a slow beginning. English Humanism English Humanism began in an auspicious manner, focusing primarily on patronage of Italian scholars to 65 come to England or English scholars to study in Italy. By this method, the patrons hoped to bring some measure of the new learning to England, which one contemporary observed as being at an intellectually low level and culturally 4O Weiss comments that humanist activity underdeveloped. in fifteenth century England was primarily a means "for the furtherance of scholastic ends," as contrasted to Italy, where "humanism had been considered as a new intellectual system displacing or revising all the conceptions of the Middle Ages."41 In the fifteenth century, consequently, scholastic attitudes in England remained in the medieval world and humanism only was an aid to furthering them. Nonetheless, during the fifteenth century, Caspari notes the patronage of humanist scholars, plus the collection of classical works and improvement in Latin style among other developments helped set the foundations for English humanism to become a vital force in the 42 During this period, there was a sixteenth century. "slow but steady process of evolution . . . which was eventually to grow powerful enough to affect the 4OSimon, op. cit., p. 58. 41Roberto Weiss, Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell, 1941), p. 179. 42 Caspari, op. cit., p. 19—22. 66 whole intellectual structure of England" in the sixteenth century.43 The early pioneers of this evolution were, as noted, patrons of learning and among the foremost was Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. The Duke, brother of King Henry V, came from a family which fostered a love of learn- ing and books. Moreover, in his position as a member of the royal family, and a protector of the throne during the minority of his nephew, Henry VI, Humphrey had many contacts with diplomatic and Papal envoys. Many of these individuals such as Piero del Monte brought news of the new learning activity in Italy to England. Piero, educated by Guarino da Verona in Italy, was a Papal 44 and brought humanist writings with him to collector England, where he had been commissioned to serve by the Pope. Humphrey and Piero developed a good relationship, which continued after the latter's return to Italy, from where Piero kept Humphrey informed of humanist develop— ments. With this love of learning and contacts such as the one with Piero, Humphrey was able to provide "a focus and stimulus for an active interest in humanistic studies 43Weiss, Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century, p. 1. 44Ibid., p. 24. 67 in England" during the second quarter of the fifteenth century.45 Humphrey's main contributions to the humanist cause were his patronage of humanist scholars to come to England and his collection of manuscripts and copied humanist books. In 1438, for instance, Humphrey secured the services of Anthony Beccari, :1 student of Vittorino da Feltre, who transcribed several books for the Duke and maintained contacts for the Duke with other Italian 46 Additionally, he commissioned other humanists. Italians to do special works. These included Leonardo Bruni, whose translations of Aristotle's Ethics in 1416 first attracted Humphrey's attention. In 1434, Bruni and Humphrey began a correspondence, and although Humphrey did not succeed in securing Bruni's services as a secre- tary, Bruni accepted a commission to write a version of Aristotle's Politics, which was delivered in 1438. This connection with Bruni was paralleled by Humphrey in his commission of Pier Candido Decembrio in 1438, after 47 Humphrey became disenchanted with Bruni. From his 45Richard Hunt (ed.), Duke Humphrey and English Humanism in the Fifteenth Centugy (Oxford, England: Bodleian Library, n.d.), p. 1. 46Charlton, Education in Renaissance England, p. 45. 47Weiss, Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century, p. 47-51. - 68 relationship with Decembrio, Humphrey obtained copies of Cicero's Epistolae Familares, Quintillian's Institutio Oratore, and Decembrio's translation of Plato's Republic.48 Through these relationships with Becarri, Bruni, Decembrio and others, Humphrey's reputation as a patron of learning grew and became known throughout Italy and England. This reputation enabled him to acquire the aforementioned texts and others, which served as the foundation for a formidable humanist library. Humphrey, eventually, donated this library to Oxford where it became in the late fifteenth century a foundation for English humanist inquiries. Humphrey's contributions to English humanism are notable, but limited to his patronage and collection of texts. Humphrey was not a reputed scholar, nor was he accomplished in the study of Greek. While he knew Latin and was seemingly an avid reader, Humphrey's involvement in humanism was mostly a side interest of a noble, rather than the full-time interest of an enthusiastic scholar.49 In the second half of the fifteenth century, humanist activity took on the latter complexion as a result of Englishmen beginning to study in Italy. Individuals like John Free, John Tiptoft, and others who were familiar with the schools of Vittorino and Guarino, nobility, and the 48Charlton, op. cit., p. 44. 49Weiss, Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century, p. 106. ' 69 general climate of learning, traveled to Italy to engage fully in humanist activity. Free, who studied and learned Greek under Guarino, is referred to by Weiss as "the first Englishman to become a professional humanist and 50 In Italy, Free reach the standards of the Italians." developed a strong reputation with Italian humanists due to his abilities as a lecturer at the University of Padua between 1458 and 1461, and his translations of classical works. In this latter venture, Free attempted to fully capture the essence of original writings and his reputa- tion among Italian humanists is perhaps best manifested by John Leland's avowal that Free was asked to compose a Latin epitaph for the tomb of Petrarch.51 Free's reputation was also noticed by other English- men, who also went to Italy to study. John Tiptoft, who came under Free's influence at Padua, returned to England with new-found learning and large collections of texts, many of which were given to libraries at Oxford and Cambridge. More importantly, Tiptoft did his own trans- lations into English, including, in 1460, a version of Buonaccorso da Montagno's Controversia de Nobilitate, which Tiptoft called the Declamation of Noblesse. Charlton notes the significance of this work is two-fold: 50Ibid., p. 111-112. 51Ibid., p. 109. 70 one, it was a truly humanist work, elegantly written and reflecting the spirit of the original; and, two, the subject of the work was the nature of the true nobility, a subject which later played an important role in the 52 Tiptoft also humanist movement to Tudor England. approaches, in his writings, the view of state supremacy which became prevalent during the Tudor era, a period in which humanist activity flourished as well. The foundations for this blossoming of humanism in Tudor England were established by Free, Tiptoft and others who were involved in the Anglo-Italian intellec— tual exchange. As the fifteenth century was ending, the effects of this exchange began to show themselves in educational developments. At Magdalen College, Oxford University, for instance, a grammar school was instituted for the purpose of teaching boys the classical humanities. Hastings Rashdall calls Magdalen "the home of the classical Renaissance in Oxford" and the school seems to have a rightful claim since many of its students, includ- ing William Grocyn, John Colet and Thomas More, were leaders of English humanist activity in the sixteenth century.53 At Magdalen, the students were schooled in 52Charlton, p. 52. 53Hastings Rashdall, pnivggsities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Volume II-Part II: English Universities), p. 228- 235; see also, R. S. Stanier, A Higtopy of Mggdalen College School (Oxford, England: Oxford Historical Society, Clarendon Press, 1940) for humanists who were students at Magdalen. 71 Latin grammar with the goal of becoming oriented to classical works and by 1499, when Erasmus arrived in England, Magdalen held a pre-eminent place in English educational circles. Moreover, Magdalen helped foster zul array of humanist activity at the universities and in small scholarly circles. At Oxford, Grocyn, who had studied Greek in Italy in addition to his work at Magdalen, was teaching Greek language and Colet was delivering lectures on 54 More was studying Greek early epistles of St. Paul. with William Linacre, becoming familiar with the works of Pico, and forming a scholarly circle of which Erasmus became a part. These developments caused Erasmus to remark on the benefits of study in England and to comment that: When I hear Colet, I seem to be listening to Plato himself. In Grocyn, who does not wonder at the perfect compass of all knowledge? What is more acute, more profound, more keen than the judgment of Linacre? What did nature ever create milder, sweeter, or happier than the genius of Thomas More? . 55 This circle of scholars became the center of humanist activity of England in the early sixteenth century. Of all of the members, only More never studied in Italy, a distinction which has caused Weiss to comment that More 54Charlton, p. 58. 55Erasmus, "Letter to Robert Fisher" (December 1499), op. cit. ' 72 exemplified time real flavor of English humanism showing "that it was no longer essential for an Englishman to study in Italy in order to become an accomplished scholar."56 In the early sixteenth century, More and his humanist circle built upon the pedagogical foundations of classical Greek and Rome and humanist precepts of fifteenth century Italy and Magdalen School to deve10p educational programs on a practical theory that gave new meaning to intellectual activity in England. The practical fruits of the humanist activity of More and members of his circle were seen in new founda- tions at Oxford and Cambridge and the establishment of a humanist grammar school--St. Paul's. The foundations included St. John's College at Cambridge which emphasized Greek studies and Corpus Christi and Cardinal Colleges at Oxford, both established along humanist lines. St. Paul's School of London also stressed humanist education for boys although, very specifically, a Christian humanist education after the dictates of its founder John Colet. In addition to these foundations, the English humanist education program was elucidated in the perspec- tives of More, Erasmus, and Juan Vives. More, in spite of his not writing any specific treatise on humanist education, offers theoretical views in Utopia, and his 56Weiss, "Education and Learning in Western Europe, 1470-1520," p. 110. ‘ 73 extant correspondence, as well as practical approaches in discussions about his school. This school, developed in his home, served as a humanist laboratory school, provid- ing a humanist education for girls as well as boys. Erasmus offers us a variety of works related to education, including De Rationii Studii, De pueris instituendis and the Instruction of a Christian Prince. These works pro- vide the aims, methods, and substance of education as designed by Erasmus. Finally, in Vives, we again have a combination of theory and practice. Vives' De Tradendis disciplinis provides his overall view on education, while his "Instruction of a Christian Woman" and his teaching at the royal court give Vives' program for humanist education of women. As can be seen here, More and Vives were actively engaged in promoting educational opportunities of a humanist nature for women. Erasmus, for his part, only occasionally makes mention of education for girls in his early writings, but he later became convinced of the wisdom of the venture through the example of More's daughters, whom be praised for their learned abilities. In the education of women, which we will discuss in the next chapter more fully, as well as in other areas, these three leading humanist educators were not always in agree- ment. However, collectively, their ideas portray a clear idea of the English humanist educational program. 74 This educational program, as noted, was based on ideas from classical Greece and Rome, and from the Italian humanist concept of the role of the noble, partially formed in Vittorino's fifteenth century humanist school. In the classical Greek and Roman examples of government, the humanists noted some similarities with the government of Tudor England. Caspari notes that these similarities included the functions of the aristocracy, who held impor- tant positions in both the classical and Tudor social and political systems. Consequently, the educational ideals intended for the classical aristocracy provided a useful 57 From Plato's example for the English humanists. Republic of classical Greece, the English humanists derived the notion of virtue as the key to being a good leader. From classical Rome, Quintillian's educational program for the orator, as elaborated upon by humanists in Italy, appealed to the English humanists.58 Additionally, the refined goals of the noble as pronounced in fifteenth century Italian humanist circles became the essence of training for a nobility dedicated to "service for the public good." From these components, the English humanists shaped their educational agenda, emphasizing, also, in spite of the use of pre-Christian works such as 57Caspari, op. cit., pp. 6-7. 58Ibid., pp. 13-15. 75 The Republic and Institutio Oratore as their guidebooks, the importance of the teachings of Christ. In this vein, the writings of Augustine and other Church fathers played a role in forming the English humanist pedagogical view- point. The goal of English humanist education thus became the development of virtuous, ethical and Christian individuals who serve as citizens and rulers to ensure the best interests of a Christian commonwealth.59 Aware that achievement of this goal meant develop- ment of new forms of education, the English humanists pro- ceeded to design one. On the methods used, the pedagogi- cal program was in agreement with Quintillian and Vittorino in prescribing humane treatment in disciplinary matters.60 More, writing in 1517 to his children, recalled hOW he gave them much love and kisses, as well as gifts to encourage their studies. More further noted that he infrequently hit his children, and when it was necessary, More used a loosely bounded peacock tail "so that welts 61 might not disfigure [their] tender seats." Erasmus offered the view that "teaching by beating . . . is not 59Pearl Hogrefe, The Sir Thomas More Circle, p. 200 60Vives did not subscribe to the view that cor- poral punishment was had; rather punishment should be given to youths according to age and circumstances (see Pearl Hogrefe, The Sir Thomas More Circle, p. 177). 61Hogrefe, op. cit., p. 146. 76 62, In addition to substituting a liberal education." praise and reinforcement for corporal punishment, the humanist pedogogical program stressed a concern for students' native talents and the cultivation of pious and courteous manners from an early age. Substantially, the educational program of the English humanists placed an importance on the learning of language. Vives believed that "the educative value of a language is in porportion to its apt suitability for supplying names of things . . . it should have the capacity 63 Erasmus to explain most aptly what they think." expressed the View that knowledge and language were inextricably intertwined; there was no need to know truths without having an ability to express one's knowl- 64 The languages to be learned were Latin and edge. Greek, preferably at the same time, because these lan- guages held the keys to learning the truths. Additionally, a wide range of subjects were important, including astron- omy, arithmetic, geography, history and nature study, as well as logic and rhetoric. Along with medicine and v—v—v—v 62Erasmus, De pueris instituendis, translated in Desiderius Erasmus concernipgthe Aim and Method of Education by William Harrison Woodward (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1904), p. 208. 63 Simon, op. cit., p. 106. 64Ibid., p. 107. 77 philosophy, these were the subjects included by More in his Utopia.65 Finally, in promoting their educational program, the English humanists sought to further the Italian humanists' reform of nobility, equating it with, among other things, allegiance to Christ and learning. In his Enchiridion Militis Christiani (Manual of the Christian Knight), Erasmus wrote "that the only and most perfect nobleness is to be regenerate in Christ." And, in his Little Book of Good Manners for Children, Erasmus wrote Let others paint on their escutcheons lions, eagles, bulls, leopards. Those are the posses- sors of true nobility who can use on their coat of arms ideas which they have thoroughly learned from the liberal arts.6 Nobility, thus, was no longer the sole property of the long established feudal aristocracy. Rather, in the humanist view, it belonged to those who acquire Christian humanist learning. Such a learning, moreover, should be provided by the virtuous leader, upon whom it was incum- bent to see that all boys and girls are educated in public or private schools. Furthermore, statesmen must be sure "to provide that there be a due supply of men qualified to educate the youth of the country. It is a public 65Thomas More, Utopia, edited by Edward Surtz (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1964). 66Simon, op. cit., p. 69. 78 obligation in no way inferior . . .11) the ordering of the army."67 In Henry VIII, Erasmus, Thomas More and Juan Vives, among other humanists, saw the potential for this humanist leader, and as such they praised him and entered into his service. More and Vives became part of the new "humanist" nobility, men of Christian liberal learning who gave serv- ice to the Christian state. Erasmus foresaw ”. . . an Age truly Golden arising "encompassing advancements in law, order, peace and learning under Henry. Erasmus praised the king, and noted that the royal court was itself a 68 To be sure, the royal court of Henry VIII, university. membered by such humanists as Thomas Wolsey, More and later, Vives, and frequented by scholars such as Erasmus, was a center of humanist activity and encouragement for humanist learning throughout England. The members of the court echoed and followed this encouragement. The result was, for a time, a period of intense humanist activity which produced new writings on education and helped establish colleges and schools where humanist learning presided. Additionally, a number of treatises appeared which advocated education for women. One of these treatises, the "Instruction of a Christian Woman," was written by Juan 67Erasmus, De pueris instituendis in Woodward, Desiderius Erasmus Concerning the Aim and Method of Education, pp. 209-210. 68Chambers, op. cit., p. 168. 79 Vives, who along with Thomas More pioneered the advocacy of education for women and were instrumental in the prac— tical application of educational programs designed for women. The ideas and practices of these men and their humanist associates constitute the subjects of the next two chapters. CHAPTER IV ENGLISH HUMANISM AND THE EDUCATION OF WOMEN: ORIGINS AND IDEAS I have been moved partly by the holiness and good- ness of your living, partly by your favour, love and zeal that your Grace beareth toward holy study and learning, to write some thing unto your good grace, of the information and bringing up of a Christian woman. With the above words, Juan Vives introduced his "Instruction of A Christian Woman" and dedicated the work to "the most Gracious Princess, Catherine, Queen of 2 This dedication was appropriate for at least England." two reasons. One of these reasons was Catherine's com- missioning of Vives to write the book as part of a plan of 3 The second was education for her daughter, Princess Mary. due to Catherine's reputation as a learned woman, who encouraged as much as her husband, Henry VIII, humanist activity in England. 1Juan Luis Vives, (A Very Fruitful and Pleasant Book Called) The Instruction of a Christian Woman, trans— lated into English by Richard Hyrde. 2 Ibid., p. 6. 3Foster Watson (ed.), "Introduction," Vives and the Renaissance Education of Women (New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1912), p. 1. 8O 81 Catherine was the daughter of Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain. Isabella herself was self-taught to the extent that she had a critical knowledge of Latin which enabled her "to scan the texts of treaties and charters, and read with pleasure the Latin Vulgate and Caesar's Commentaries."4 Isabella was aware of the humanist activity in Italy and sponsored scholarly work in her own country by bringing humanists from Italy to teach. Believing that her children needed the best pre- paration for their futures as rulers and wives of rulers, Isabella made sure that they were all educated in the new learning. For Catherine and her three sisters,5 humanis- tic principles were combined with a traditional regimen for princely women. Their education thus included dancing, drawing, music, sewing and embroidery as well as readings of Christian poets, the Church fathers Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory and Jerome, and classical authors such as Seneca, plus history, and civil and canon law. The humanist regimen was so thorough and the daughters of Isabella were so well educated in the classics that "all of them were able to reply to the speeches of ambassadors in extempore 4Garrett jMattingly, Catherine of Arggon (London, England: Butler & Tanner, Ltd., 1950), p. 17. 5Isabella had four daughters and one son. Besides Catherine, the girls were Isabella, Joanna and Maria. The son was Juan. See Mattingly, op. cit., p. 16. 82 Latin, fluent, classical, and correct, and Catherine appeared to Erasmus and to Luis Vives a miracle of feminine learning."6 From the court of Isabella, Catherine originally went to England in 1501 as the promised bride to Arthur, the eldest son of Henry VII. The marriage, however, was ill-fated as Arthur died within its first year. The relationship, as were most marriages between children of royal families, was matched for diplomatic reasons, to secure an important alliance between Spain and England. For Spain, the alliance provided a strong ally in England against France, the chief rival of Spain on the continent. For England, the partnership gave recognition to the stability and legitimacy of the Tudor dynasty, the security of which an alliance with Spain helped secure. The alliance also gave Henry VII a strong friend among other 7 As Arthur's death threatened this European countries. alliance, arrangements were soon made after his death for Catherine to marry Arthur's younger brother, Henry, the Inew heir to the English throne. These arrangements were (soncluded in 1503, and six years later, in 1509, two ——¥ 6Mattingly, op. cit., p. 17. 7John E. Paul, Catherine of Aragon and Her Friends (London, England: Burns & Oates Ltd., 1966), P. 3-4. 83 months after Henry VIII was crowned, Catherine became his bride and Queen of England.8 As Queen, Catherine joined with Henry VIII in encouraging humanist activity. As her mother, Isabella, had done in Spain, Catherine sponsored humanist scholars, and built upon Isabella’s example at her own court in England. This caused Erasmus to ask, "who would not wish to live in such a court as hers?"9 Erasmus and Vives were among those who received her graces. Additionally, Catherine sought the best teachers for her daughter, Princess Mary, and for this reason commissioned Vives to undertake the above-noted work. The ideas set forth by Vives in the "Instruction of a Christian Woman" became part of the English humanist program for the education of women, which at least had the support of Catherine, if not directly influenced by her example. At about the same time that Catherine was becoming Queen of England, Thomas More was beginning a school in his home for his children, who included three daughters. Aflare set out his ideas on education for women in a number 02f letters, becoming the first Englishman to openly 8See Mattingly, op. cit., p. 93; and Paul, op. cit. I). 31. 9'F05ter Watson, Luis VivesL El Gran Valenciano (Ckxford, England: Oxford University Press, 1922), p. 68. 84 advocate erudition in women.10 Additionally, Richard Hyrde, who lived and studied in More's house, and to a certain extent, Erasmus, among others, expounded upon the subject of humanist learning for women. As a group, the English humanists were influential not only in pioneering new ideas, but also in making practical applications in regard to education for women. An examination of these practical programs will follow in the next chapter, after an examination of pedogogical ideas of the English humanists as related to women. However, before undertaking this examination, we will consider some of the medieval per- spectives on education for women. Medieval English_ldeas on Education of Women Ideas about education for women were necessarily related to views on the role of women in society. The medieval English View held that women were chattel—— property of fathers and husbands.11 As such, women had few rights, and were subject to arrangements made for them. {Phese arrangements, as made by fathers, included marriage ‘ 10Pearl Hogrefe, The Sir Thomas More Circle (Ierana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1959), p. 217; also, Tudor Women; Commoners gpd Queens (Ames, Ihawa: Iowa State University Press, 1975), p. 100. 11Lee Cullen Khanna, "No Less Than Ideal: Images